The New Yorker: Politics and More

The New Yorker staff writer Andrew Marantz joins Tyler Foggatt for the latest installment of “How Bad Is It?,” a monthly series on the health of American democracy. Their guest is Roy Wood, Jr., the host of the satirical program “Have I Got News for You,” on CNN. The group discusses the significance of CBS's cancellation of “The Late Show with Stephen Colbert,” a recent episode of “South Park” that is searingly critical of Donald Trump, and the President's deployment of lawsuits and the administrative state to try to intimidate his critics in the media and entertainment industries. “There's always going to be these petty, ticky-tack battles that the Administration fights,” says Wood. “But I don't think that's gonna stop the comedians from doing what Trump hopes this would do, which is silence them.”This week's reading: “‘South Park” Skewers a Satire-Proof President,' by Tyler Foggatt “What the Cancellation of Stephen Colbert's ‘Late Show' Means,” by Vinson Cunningham “How the Israeli Right Explains the Aid Disaster It Created,” by Isaac Chotiner “Should Police Officers Be More Like U.F.C. Fighters?,” by Sam Eagan “Is Brazil's Underdog Era Coming to an End?,” by Shannon Sims Tune in to The Political Scene wherever you get your podcasts.To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The city of Los Angeles has declared itself a sanctuary city, where local authorities do not share information with federal immigration enforcement. But L.A.—where nearly forty per cent of residents are foreign-born—became ground zero for controversial arrests and deportations by ICE. The Trump Administration deployed marines and the National Guard to the city, purportedly to quell protests against the operation, and the Secretary of Homeland Security, Kristi Noem, spoke of the government's intention to “liberate” Los Angeles from its elected officials. This week, David Remnick talks with the city's mayor, Karen Bass, a former congressional representative, about the recent withdrawal of some troops, and a lawsuit the city has joined arguing that the Trump Administration's immigration raids and detentions are unconstitutional. (A federal judge has issued a temporary restraining order against the government.)  “I've described L.A. as a petri dish,” Bass says. The Administration “wanted to . . . show that they could come in and do whatever they wanted, whenever they wanted, and however they wanted. They were putting every other city in America on notice: ‘mess with us will come for you.' ” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable's Evan Osnos interviews Katie Drummond, the global editorial director of Wired, about the publication's scoop-filled coverage of DOGE, and what Elon Musk's experience in Washington taught Silicon Valley leaders. “They know that they can operate with relative impunity, and they are now lining themselves up next to a President who will allow that to continue to happen,” Drummond says. Plus, a discussion of how artificial intelligence will shape our society and democracy, and transform the workforce in the years to come.This week's reading: “Trump Redefines the Washington Scandal,” by Susan B. Glasser “Donald Trump's Tariff DealmMaker-In-Chief” by Antonia Hitchens “Are the Democrats Getting Better at the Internet?,” by Jon Allsop To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker contributor Jon Allsop joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss how President Trump's refusal to release the Epstein files has fractured his base, and how the Democratic Party has increasingly weaponized the Epstein conspiracy theory in its attempt to combat the MAGA movement. How do we proceed given that our country's politics are increasingly defined by conspiratorial thinking?This week's reading: “Donald Trump, Jeffrey Epstein, and Three Conspiracy-Theory Theories,” by Jon Allsop “Behind Trump's Jeffrey Epstein Problem,” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells “What the Cancellation of Stephen Colbert's ‘Late Show' Means,” by Vinson Cunningham “Coldplaygate Is a Reminder That There's No Escaping Going Viral,” by Kyle Chayka “In an Age of Climate Change, How Do We Cope with Floods?,” by John Seabrook To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The sense that the White House is covering something up about Jeffrey Epstein has led to backlash from some of Trump's most ardent supporters. Even after the financier was convicted for hiring an underage prostitute, for which he served a brief and extraordinarily lenient sentence, Epstein remained a playboy, a top political donor, and a very good friend of the very powerful—“a sybarite,” in the words of the journalist Michael Wolff, “in that old -fashioned sense [that] ‘my identity comes from breaking all norms.' ”  Wolff got to know Epstein and recorded, he estimates, a hundred hours of interviews with him. After Epstein was arrested again, in 2019, and was later found dead in his jail cell in what was ruled a suicide, it has been an article of faith within MAGA that his death was a conspiracy or a coverup, and the Trump campaign promised a reveal. Attorney General Pam Bondi initially asserted that she had Epstein's so-called “client list” on her desk and was reviewing it, but now claims that there is nothing to share. Do the Epstein files have something incriminating about the President?  “The central point from which this grew is the [Bill] Clinton relationship with Epstein,” Wolff tells David Remnick. But the MAGA believers “seem to have overlooked the Trump relationship [with Epstein], which was deeper and longer.”  The men were “probably the closest friend either of them ever had,” until they reportedly fell out over real estate in 2004. Now Trump is frantically trying to control the narrative, pretending that he barely knew Epstein. This, Wolff thinks, “may be the beginning of Donald Trump's lame-duck years.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable's Jane Mayer interviews Leah Litman, a law professor at the University of Michigan, a co-host of the “Strict Scrutiny” podcast, and the author of “Lawless: How the Supreme Court Runs on Conservative Grievance, Fringe Theories, and Bad Vibes.” Litman analyzes the wave of victories that the Court has given President Trump's second Administration—on both its regular docket and its so-called shadow docket—and how outside influence seeps into the Court's decision-making. Plus, how to parse the dissenting Justices' language to understand what is happening behind closed doors at the Court.This week's reading: “Trump Has a Bad Case of Biden on the Brain,” by Susan B. Glasser “Can Trump Deport People to Any Country That Will Take Them?,” by Isaac Chotiner “Sick Children Will Be Among the Victims of Trump's Big Bill,” by Rachel Pearson “Donald Trump, Jeffrey Epstein, and Three Conspiracy-Theory Theories,” by Jon Allsop  To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

In conservative economics, cuts to social services are often seen as necessary to shrink the expanding deficit. Donald Trump's budget bill is something altogether different: it cuts Medicaid while slashing tax rates for the wealthiest Americans, adding $6 trillion to the national debt, according to the Cato Institute. Janet Yellen, a former Treasury Secretary and former chair of the Federal Reserve, sees severe impacts in store for average Americans: “What this is going to do is to raise interest rates even more. And so housing will become less affordable, car loans less affordable,” she tells David Remnick. “This bill also contains changes that raise the burdens of anyone who has already taken on student debt. And with higher interest rates, further education—college [and] professional school—becomes less affordable. It may also curtail investment spending, which has a negative impact on growth.” This, she believes, is why the President is desperate to lower interest rates; he has spoken of firing his appointed chair of the Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, whom he has called a “numbskull” and a “stupid person,” and installing a more compliant chair. But lowering interest rates to further political goals, Yellen says, “are the words one expects from the head of a banana republic that is about to start printing money to fund fiscal deficits. … And then you get very high inflation or hyperinflation.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable's Susan B. Glasser interviews the Russia expert Fiona Hill about Vladimir Putin's long reign and Trump's dismantling of American institutions. Hill, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, previously served in the National Security Council and National Intelligence Council. She gained national attention as a star witness during the first impeachment inquiry against Donald Trump, in 2019. Additionally, Hill, who is also a member of Harvard's Board of Overseers, talks with Glasser about the Trump Administration's war on academic institutions.This week's reading: “Did Trump Really Just Break Up with Putin?” by Susan B. Glasser “Why a Devoted Justice Department Lawyer Became a Whistle-Blower,” by Ruth Marcus “Sheldon Whitehouse's Three-Hundredth Climate Warning,” by Elizabeth Kolbert “The Supreme Court Sides with Trump Against the Judiciary,” by Ruth Marcus Tune in wherever you get your podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Andy Beshear, the governor of Kentucky, joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the damage that President Trump's “Big Beautiful Bill” will cause in rural America. Beshear paints a picture of how Democrats can win back voters without compromising on issues such as abortion or trans rights, what the party can learn from Mamdani's victory in the New York City mayoral primary, and the importance of communicating with the public using everyday language. This week's reading: “Donald Trump, Zohran Mamdani, and Posting as Politics” by Kyle Chayka “The Texas Floods and the Lives Lost at Camp Mystic,” by Jessica Winter “Is There Still Time to Be Hopeful About the Climate?,” by Daniel A. Gross “The War on Gaza's Children,” by Isaac Chotiner “4.6 Billion Years On, the Sun Is Having a Moment,” by Bill McKibben To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Rivka Galchen joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss a class at the University of Chicago with a tantalizingly dark title: Are We Doomed? It's in the interdisciplinary field of existential risk, which studies the threats posed by climate change, nuclear warfare, and artificial intelligence. Galchen, who spent a semester observing the course and its students, considers how to contend with this bleak future, and how to understand the young people who may inherit it.This episode originally aired June 5, 2024This week's reading: “Donald Trump, Zohran Mamdani, and Posting as Politics” by Kyle Chayka “Do We Need Another Green Revolution?,” by Elizabeth Kolbert “What Therapists Treating Immigrants Hear,” by Geraldo Cadava Tune in to The Political Scene wherever you get your podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The relationship between Fox News and Donald Trump is not just close; it can be profoundly influential. Trump frequently responds to segments in real time online—even to complain about a poll he doesn't like. He has tapped the network for nearly two dozen roles within his Administration—including the current Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, a former Fox News host. The network is also seen as having an outsized impact on his relationship with his base, and even on his agenda. Most recently, it's been reported that Fox News' coverage of the Iran-Israel conflict played a role in Trump's decision to enter that fight. And while the network's right-wing commentators—from Sean Hannity to Laura Ingraham to Mark Levin—tend to grab the most headlines and stand as the ideological coloring of the network, “Special Report,” Fox's 6 P.M. broadcast, anchored by Bret Baier, is essential to the conservative-media complex. Baier draws more than three million viewers a night, at times surpassing legacy brands like “CBS Evening News,” despite being available in half as many homes. Baier insists on his impartiality, but his network's reputation as an outlet for the right and its connection to President Trump himself can make his job representing the news arm of the network more challenging. And, when it comes to Trump and his relationship to the media, Baier tells David Remnick, “I think it is this cat-and-mouse game. You know, for all of the things he says about the media . . . he's reaching out and doing interviews with the same people he says are nasty.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Andrew Marantz joins Tyler Foggatt for another episode of “How Bad Is It?,” a monthly series that examines the health of American democracy. They discuss whether the President's recent strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities may threaten his “America first” coalition, how the threat of war may enable him to consolidate more power domestically, and whether Trump's use of the National Guard to quell protest in Los Angeles is truly undemocratic.This week's reading: “Zohran Mamdani's New York City Miracle,” by Eric Lach “Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson's Declaration of Independence,” by Ruth Marcus “A.I. Is Homogenizing Our Thoughts,” by  Kyle Chayka “Heir Ball: How the Cost of Youth Sports Is Changing the N.B.A.,” by Robin Wright “Can Ayatollah Khamenei, and Iran's Theocracy, Survive This War?,” by Antonia Hitchens  To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The ayatollahs who have ruled Iran since 1979 have long promised to destroy the Jewish state, and had even set a deadline for it. While arming proxies to fight Israel—Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Gaza, the Houthis in Yemen, and more—Iran is believed to have sought to develop nuclear weapons for itself. “The big question about Iran was always: how significant is its apocalyptic theology?” Yossi Klein Halevi explains to David Remnick. “How central is that end-times vision to the Iranian regime? And is there a possibility that the regime would see a nuclear weapon as the way of furthering their messianic vision?” Halevi is a journalist and senior fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute, and he co-hosts the podcast “For Heaven's Sake.” He is a fierce critic of Benjamin Netanyahu, saying, “I have no doubt that he is capable of starting a war for his own political needs.” And yet Netanyahu was right to strike Iran, no matter the consequences, Halevi asserts. “The Israeli perspective is not . . . the American war in Iraq and Afghanistan. It's our own experience.”New episodes of The New Yorker Radio Hour drop every Tuesday and Friday. Follow the show wherever you get your podcasts.The New Yorker Radio Hour is a co-production of WNYC Studios and The New Yorker. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran, and the possibility that the United States will join the fray by bombing Iranian nuclear facilities. They are joined by Karim Sadjadpour, a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and a longtime Iran expert. “What is going to drive events is not the national interest of the United States or the national interests of Iran, but this duel between these two men, Donald Trump and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei,” Sadjapour says. “What I really fear is that both of these men feel like their honor is on the line.” This week's reading:“Donald Trump's No-Strategy Strategy on Iran,” by Isaac Chotiner“The Trump Crackdown on Elected Officials,” by Jonathan Blitzer“What Is Israel's Endgame with Iran?” by Robin Wright“The Military's Birthday Parade Rolls Quietly Through Trump's Washington,” by Antonia Hitchens“After Attacking Iran, Israel Girds for What's Next,” by Ruth Margalit“Why Netanyahu Decided to Strike Iran Now,” by Isaac Chotiner“President Trump's Military Games,” by Ruth Marcus“Is the Anti-Trump Opposition Getting Its #Resistance Back?” by Jon AllsopTune in wherever you get your podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Benjamin Wallace-Wells joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the decline of DOGE, what Elon Musk's exit from the White House means for its work, and the initiative's legacy in the long run. Plus, the assassination of the Minnesota state representative Melissa Hortman and her husband, Mark Hortman, and the growing trend of impersonating law enforcement.This week's reading: “What Did Elon Musk Accomplish at DOGE?,” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells “The Minnesota Shootings and the Dangerous Trend of Impersonating Law Enforcement,” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells “The Trump Crackdown on Elected Officials,” by  Jonathan Blitzer “What Is Israel's Endgame with Iran?,” by Robin Wright “The Military's Birthday Parade Rolls Quietly Through Trump's Washington,” by Antonia Hitchens  To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker recently published a report from Sudan, headlined “Escape from Khartoum.” The contributor Nicolas Niarchos journeyed for days through a conflict to reach a refugee camp in the Nuba Mountains, where members of the country's minority Black ethnic groups are seeking safety, but remain imperilled by hunger. The territory is “very significant to the Nuba people,” Niarchos explains to David Remnick. “They feel safe being there because they have managed to resist genocide before by hiding in these mountains. And then you start seeing the children with their distended bellies, and you start hearing the stories of the people who fled.” The civil war pits the Sudanese Army against a militia group called the Rapid Support Forces. Once allies in ousting Sudan's former President, the Army and the R.S.F. now occupy different parts of the country, destroying infrastructure in the opposing group's territory, and committing atrocities against civilians: killing, starvation, and widespread, systematic sexual violence. The warring parties are dominated by Sudan's Arabic-speaking majority, and “there's this very, very toxic combination of both supremacist ideology,” Niarchos says, and “giving ‘spoils' to troops instead of paying them.” One of Niarchos's sources, a man named Wanis, recalls an R.S.F. soldier telling him, “If you go to the Nuba Mountains, we'll reach you there. You Nuba, we're supposed to kill you like dogs.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses President Trump's deployment of uniformed troops in Los Angeles, the Administration's attempt to blur the distinction between the military and law enforcement, and this weekend's parade in D.C. to celebrate the Army's two-hundred-and-fiftieth anniversary, which also happens to be the President's seventy-ninth birthday. Plus, the handcuffing of California Senator Alex Padilla at a press conference given by Kristi Noem, the Secretary of Homeland Security. “To suddenly see this guy being thrown around on the ground—it really brought back all of the feelings I've had about living in places like Egypt and in China,” says the staff writer Evan Osnos. “When the highest office-holders in the land start to get brutalized, that just tells you that really anybody out there is being treated in much harsher ways.” This week's reading: “Donald Trump's Dictator Cosplay,” by Susan B. Glasser “Donald Trump Enters His World Cup Era,” by Jon Allsop “Looking for the National Guard in Los Angeles,” by Emily Witt “Immigration Protests Threaten to Boil Over in Los Angeles,” by E. Tammy Kim “The Farmers Harmed by the Trump Administration,” by Peter Slevin “The Victims of the Trump Administration's China-Bashing,” by Michael Luo “The Department of Veterans Affairs Is Not O.K.,” by David W. Brown To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Michael Luo, an executive editor of The New Yorker, joins the show as guest host. He sits down with Peter Hessler, a staff writer who spent more than a decade living in and writing about China. They discuss the Sinophobic history behind the Trump Administration's threats to revoke Chinese students' visas, how the COVID pandemic reshaped the U.S.-China relationship, and how escalating tensions between the United States and China stand to change the global order. This week's reading: “The Victims of the Trump Administration's China-Bashing,” by Michael Luo “The Uncertain Future of a Chinese Student at Harvard,” by Peter Hessler “Looking for the National Guard in Los Angeles,” by  Emily Witt “The Farmers Harmed by the Trump Administration,” by Peter Slevin “The Private Citizens Who Want to Help Trump Deport Migrants,” by Jessica Pishko “An Inside Look at Gaza's Chaotic New Aid System,” by Isaac Chotine To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

When Donald Trump made an alliance with Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., he brought vaccine skepticism and the debunked link between vaccines and autism into the center of the MAGA agenda. Though the scientific establishment has long disproven that link, as many as one in four Americans today believe that vaccines may cause autism. In April, Kennedy, now the Secretary of Health and Human Services, shocked the medical community and families across the country when he said that his agency would uncover the cause of autism—the subject of decades of research—once and for all. That news came even as Kennedy oversees drastic cuts to critical medical research of all kinds. Dr. Alycia Halladay, the chief science officer of the Autism Science Foundation, talks with David Remnick about the initiative, and the problems with focussing on environmental factors such as vaccines or mold. She also discusses why debunked claims and misinformation have such a powerful hold on parents. “You will do anything to help your child, so if it means a bleach enema”—referring to one extremely poisonous and falsely touted treatment—“and you think that's going to help them, you'll do it. It's not because these people don't love their children. It's because they're desperate.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses the fallout from the messy rupture between Donald Trump and Elon Musk, how battles between maximalist rulers and the mega-wealthy have unfolded in history, and how this week's fighting could portend a new, more combative phase of American oligarchy. They talk about America's new Gilded Age, drawing on “The Haves and Have-Yachts: Dispatches on the Ultrarich,” a new book by Evan Osnos, just out this week.This week's reading: “The Musk-Trump Divorce Is as Messy as You Thought It Would Be,” by Susan B. Glasser “Donald Trump's Politics of Plunder,” by Evan Osnos “The Sublime Spectacle of Donald Trump and Elon Musk's Social-Media Slap Fight,” by Jessica Winter “The Private Citizens Who Want to Help Trump Deport Migrants,” by Jessica Pishko “Can Public Media Survive Trump?,” by Jon Allsop Tune in wherever you get your podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Ava Kofman joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss her recent Profile of the iconoclastic right-wing blogger Curtis Yarvin. They discuss Yarvin's desire to end American democracy by installing a monarch, whether his provocations can be seen as trolling, and how his writings have found a receptive audience among conservative politicians and the tech élite. “Obviously, Yarvin's influence on the right is great, and maybe can't be overstated,” Kofman says. “But, at the same time, a lot of these ideas he's getting from having conversations with powerful people in Silicon Valley and with powerful people in Washington.”This week's reading: “Curtis Yarvin's Plot Against America,” by Ava Kofman “Democracy Wins a Referendum in South Korea,” by E. Tammy Kim “Josh Hawley and the Republican Effort to Love Labor,” by Eyal Press “Trump Makes America's Refugee Program a Tool of White Racial Grievance,” by Jonathan Blitzer “Elon Musk's Vanishing Act,” by Jon Allsop To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Lesley Stahl, a linchpin of CBS News, began at the network in 1971, covering major events such as Watergate, and for many years has been a correspondent on “60 Minutes.” But right now it's a perilous time for CBS News, which has been sued by Donald Trump for twenty billion dollars over the editing of a “60 Minutes” interview with Kamala Harris during the 2024 Presidential campaign. Its owner, Paramount, seems likely to settle, and corporate pressure on journalists at CBS has been so intense that Bill Owens, the executive producer of “60 Minutes,” and Wendy McMahon, the head of CBS News, resigned in protest. Owens's departure was “a punch in the stomach,” Stahl tells David Remnick in a recent interview, “one of those punches where you almost can't breathe.” And far worse could happen in a settlement with Trump, which would compromise the integrity of the premier investigative program on broadcast news. “I'm already beginning to think about mourning, grieving,” Stahl says. “I know there's going to be a settlement. . . . And then we will hopefully still be around, turning a new page, and finding out what that new page is going to look like.” Although she describes herself as “Pollyannaish,” Stahl acknowledges that she is “pessimistic about the future for all press today. . . . The public has lost faith in us as an institution. So we're in very dark times.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

This is the second installment of “How Bad Is It,” a recurring series in which the staff writer Andrew Marantz joins Tyler Foggatt to conduct a health check on American democracy. They discuss how Donald Trump has bullied media companies, why it's troubling that some outlets are seeking to settle lawsuits with the Administration, and how the role of social media in public discourse has changed during the second Trump Administration. Plus, an interview with the prominent Hungarian journalist Márton Gulyás, who's on the show to discuss a new bill making its way through the Hungarian parliament which is designed to quell the free press, and what a potential crackdown may tell us about the future of American media. This week's reading: “Donald Trump's Politics of Plunder,” by Evan Osnos “Donald Trump's War on Gender Is Also a War on Government,” by Paisley Currah “The Criminalization of Venezuelan Street Culture,” by Oriana van Praag “J. D. Vance Warns Courts to Get in Line,” by Ruth Marcus “In Chicago, Will the Pope Bump Last?,” by Geraldo Cadava To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Northwestern history professor and New Yorker contributor Daniel Immerwahr joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the ways in which the COVID crisis deepened Americans' distrust of institutional experts and propelled R.F.K., Jr., to the height of political power in the Trump Administration. Plus, they talk about how Anthony Fauci's clashes and eventual reconciliation with AIDS activists in the nineteen-eighties and nineties could serve as a guide to repairing the rift between Americans who are skeptical of experts and the officials who set public-health policy today.This week's reading:“R.F.K., Jr., Anthony Fauci, and the Revolt Against Expertise,” by Daniel Immerwahr“Who Gets to Be an American?,” by Michael Luo“The Stakes of the Birthright-Citizenship Case,” by Ruth Marcus“Donald Trump's Culture of Corruption,” by Isaac Chotiner“The Mideast Is Donald Trump's Safe Place,” by Susan B. GlasserTune in to The Political Scene wherever you get your podcasts.To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Nearly a year ago, a Presidential debate between Donald Trump and Joe Biden, moderated by Jake Tapper and Dana Bash of CNN, began the end of Biden's bid for a second term. The President struggled to make points, complete sentences, and remember facts; he spoke in a raspy whisper. This was not the first time voters expressed concern about Biden's age, but his decline was shocking to many, and suddenly Trump seemed likely to win in a landslide. New reporting by Tapper and Thompson reveals that the debate was no fluke at all. In “How Joe Biden Handed the Presidency to Donald Trump” (an excerpt from their new book “Original Sin: President Biden's Decline, Its Cover-Up, and His Disastrous Choice to Run Again”), they lay out a case that the latter half of Biden's Presidency was carefully stage-managed by his top aides; Biden would often end the workday as early as four-thirty.  “What [aides and] others would say is, ‘His decision-making was always fine.' The job of the President is not just decision-making. It's also communication,” Tapper tells David Remnick. “If you are a President . . . and you're not able to go into a room full of donors and speak extemporaneously for ten minutes, then there's something wrong. And that was happening in 2023.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses new information that has emerged about Joe Biden's decline while in office, and his advisers' efforts to downplay it, as chronicled in several new books. The group also discusses the challenges faced by members of the press as they report on Donald Trump's signs of aging and his long-standing incoherence. “I think that's where we run into trouble,” the staff writer Susan B. Glasser says. “Donald Trump has always been quite ignorant. He's always been a fact checker's nightmare. He's always rambled. He's always lied. And, yes, he's always not known basic facts about the American system of government. So where do we discern a trajectory with him? How does age factor into it?”This week's reading: “The Mideast Is Donald Trump's Safe Place,” by Susan B. Glasser “How Joe Biden Handed the Presidency to Donald Trump,” by Jake Tapper and Alex Thompson “The Real Audience for Trump's Anti-Immigrant Spectacles,” by Jon Allsop “Donald Trump's Culture of Corruption,” by Isaac Chotiner “Justice David Souter Was the Antithesis of the Present,” by Jeannie Suk Gersen “How an Election Denier Became the U.S. Treasurer,” by Charles Bethea “The Astonishing Threat to Suspend Habeas Corpus,” by Ruth Marcus To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Clare Malone joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the changes that Jeff Bezos, the owner of the Washington Post, is making at the paper. They talk about why Bezos decided to purchase the paper, in 2013, how his recent exertion of editorial influence has caused the paper to hemorrhage both staffers and subscribers, and the future of a news media dependent on the support of “benevolent” billionaires to support it. This week's reading: “Is Jeff Bezos Selling Out the Washington Post?” by Clare Malone “How Joe Biden Handed the Presidency to Donald Trump,” by Jake Tapper and Alex Thompson “How an Election Denier Became the U.S. Treasurer,” by Charles Bethea “Will the First American Pope Be a Pontiff of Peace?” by Paul Elie “Brazil's President Confronts a Changing World,” by Jon Lee Anderson To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

When Elissa Slotkin narrowly won her Senate seat in Michigan last fall, she was one of only four Democratic senators to claim victory in a state that voted for Donald Trump. It made other Democrats take note: since then, the Party has turned to her as someone who can bridge the red state–blue state divide. In March, Slotkin delivered the Democrats' rebuttal to Trump's speech before Congress, and she's been making headlines for criticizing her own party's attempts to rein in the President and the Republican Party. She thinks Democrats need to start projecting “alpha energy,” that identity politics “needs to go the way of the dodo,” and that Democrats should drop the word “oligarchy” from their vocabulary entirely. Slotkin prides herself on her bipartisanship, and she believes that Democrats must use old-school collegial collaboration in Congress. And, as different Democratic leaders have appeared on The New Yorker Radio Hour in the past few months, discussing what the next four years might have in store, Slotkin tells David Remnick about a different path forward. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The New Yorker staff writer Katy Waldman joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss Donald Trump's fondness for A.I.-generated memes and what it tells us about our current political climate. They talk about how Trump uses these images to bend the cultural narrative to his will, why the MAGA aesthetic is tailor-made for the age of A.I., and how the proliferation of A.I. slop is damaging our brains.This week's reading: “Trump Is the Emperor of A.I. Slop,” by Katy Waldman “My Brain Finally Broke,” by Jia Tolentino “How Is Elon Musk Powering His Supercomputer?,” by Bill McKibben “Is This the End of the Separation of Church and State?,” by Ruth Marcus “Twelve Migrants Sharing a Queens Apartment,” by Jordan Salama “How Russia and Ukraine Are Playing Trump's Blame Game,” by Joshua Yaffa  To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

For a long time, Republicans and many Democrats espoused some version of free-trade economics that would have been familiar to Adam Smith. But Donald Trump breaks radically with that tradition, embracing a form of protectionism that resulted in his extremely broad and chaotic tariff proposals, which tanked markets and deepened the fear of a global recession. John Cassidy writes The New Yorker's The Financial Page column, and he's been covering economics for the magazine since 1995. His new book, “Capitalism and Its Critics: A History,” takes a long view of these debates, and breaks down some of the arguments that have shaped the U.S.'s current economic reality. “Capitalism itself has put its worst face forward in the last twenty or thirty years through the growth of huge monopolies which seem completely beyond any public control or accountability,” Cassidy tells David Remnick. “And young people—they look at capitalism and the economy through the prism of environmentalism now in a way that they didn't in our generation.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses the unprecedented corruption of the federal government, including Trump Administration members' self-enrichment through cryptocurrency schemes and the inaugural committee, and the gutting of parts of the government that are responsible for rooting out self-dealing from public life. It is a level of corruption so “outright” and “brazen,” the staff writer Evan Osnos says, that it constitutes “a new phase in American politics.” This week's reading: “Mike Waltz Learns the Hard Truth About Serving Donald Trump,” by Susan B. Glasser “How Donald Trump Is Expanding His Authority While Shrinking the Government,” by Jon Allsop “What Canadians Heard—and Americans Didn't,” by Adam Gopnik “Trump's Deportees to El Salvador Are Now ‘Ghosts' in U.S. Courts,” by Jonathan Blitzer “Will the Trump Tariffs Devastate the Whiskey Industry?,” by Charles Bethea “A Life-Changing Scientific Study Ended by the Trump Administration,” by Dhruv Khullar “The Bureaucratic Nightmares of Being Trans Under Trump,” by Grace Byron “How Trump Is Helping Tycoons Exploit the Pandemic,” by Jane Mayer (July, 2020) To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

In a new recurring series on The Political Scene, the staff writer Andrew Marantz joins Tyler Foggatt to assess the status of American democracy. How does one distinguish—in the blizzard of federal workforce cuts, deportations, and executive orders that have defined the first hundred days of Donald Trump's second term—actions that are offensive to some, but fundamentally within the power of the executive, from moves which threaten the integrity of our system of government? Marantz applies the lens of Viktor Orbán's Hungary to analyze where we may be in a potential slide toward autocracy, exploring ways in which Trump has even gone beyond the “Orbán playbook.” Marantz and Foggatt also discuss what it would take to reverse democratic backsliding.This week's reading: “Is It Happening Here?,” by Andrew Marantz  “One Hundred Days of Ineptitude,” by David Remnick “The Bureaucratic Nightmares of Being Trans Under Trump,” by Grace Byron To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

As Donald Trump continues to launch unprecedented and innovative attacks on immigrants, civic institutions, and the rule of law, the Democratic response has been—in the eyes of many observers—tepid and inadequate. One answer to the sense of desperation came from Senator Cory Booker, who, on March 31st, launched a marathon speech on the Senate floor, calling on Americans to resist authoritarianism. Booker beat the record previously held by Senator Strom Thurmond's twenty-four-hour-long filibuster of the Civil Rights Act, in 1957, and he spoke in detail about Americans who are in desperate straits because of federal job cuts and budget slashing. “We knew . . . if I could last twenty-four hours and eighteen minutes, that we could potentially command some attention from the public,” Booker tells David Remnick. “That's the key here . . . to deal with the poverty of empathy we have in our nation right now.” Yet Booker bridles as Remnick asks about Democratic strategy to resist the Administration's attacks. Instead, he emphasized the need for “Republicans of good conscience” to step up. “Playing this as a partisan game cheapens the larger cause of the country,” he argues. “This is the time that America needs moral leadership, and not political leadership.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses the first hundred days of President Trump's second Administration, and the fear, pain, and outrage reverberating through U.S. politics. The clinical psychologist and longtime Department of Justice official Alix McLearen is helping distressed government workers connect with service providers during this time. She joins the roundtable to discuss how a politics of fear is shaping the lives of federal employees and ordinary citizens alike, and strategies for coping when psychological forces like fear and trauma become governing principles. This week's reading: “Waiting for Trump's Big, Beautiful Deals,” by Susan B. Glasser “The Conservative Lawyer Defending a Firm from Donald Trump,” by Ruth Marcus “The Immigrant Families Jailed in Texas,” by Jack Herrera “The Cost of Defunding Harvard,” by Atul Gawande “Donald Trump's Deportation Obsession,” by Jonathan Blitzer “The Guerrilla Marketing Campaign Against Elon Musk,” by Anna Russell “The Supreme Court Finally Takes On Trump,” by Ruth Marcus To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Paul Elie, who writes about the Catholic Church for The New Yorker, joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the life and legacy of Pope Francis, his feuds with traditionalist Church figures and right-wing political leaders, and what to expect from the upcoming papal conclave to determine his successor. This week's reading: “The Down-to-Earth Pope,” by Paul Elie “Pope Francis's Tangled Relationship with Argentina,” by Graciela Mochkofsky “The Mexican President Who's Facing Off with Trump,” by Stephania Taladrid “The Cost of Defunding Harvard,” by Atul Gawande “The Supreme Court Finally Takes On Trump,” by Ruth Marcus  Tune in to The Political Scene wherever you get your podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Elon Musk, who's taking his chainsaw to the federal government, is not merely a chaos agent, as he is sometimes described. Jill Lepore, the best-selling author of “These Truths” and other books, says that Musk is animated by obsessions and a sense of mission he acquired through reading, and misreading, science fiction. “When he keeps saying, you know, ‘We're at a fork in the road. The future of human civilization depends on this election,' he means SpaceX,” she tells David Remnick. “He means . . . ‘I need to take these rockets to colonize Mars and that's only going to happen through Trump.' ” The massive-scale reduction in social services he is enacting through DOGE, Lepore thinks, is tied to this objective. “Although there may be billions of [people] suffering here on planet Earth today, those are miniscule compared to the calculation of the needs of the billions of humans that will one day ever live if we can gain escape velocity from planet Earth. . . . That is, in fact, the math that lies behind DOGE.”  Lepore's BBC radio series on the SpaceX C.E.O. is called “X-Man: The Elon Musk Origin Story.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Ruth Marcus resigned from the Washington Post after its C.E.O. killed an editorial she wrote that was critical of the paper's owner, Jeff Bezos. She ended up publishing the column in The New Yorker, and soon after she published another piece for the magazine asking "Has Trump's Legal Strategy Backfired?" "Trump's legal strategy has been backfiring, I think, demonstrably in the lower courts," she tells David Remnick, on issues such as undoing birthright citizenship and deporting people without due process. Federal judges have rebuked the Administration's lawyers, and ordered deportees returned to the United States. But "we have this thing called the Supreme Court, which is, in fact, supreme," Marcus says. "I thought the Supreme Court was going to send a message to the Trump Administration: 'Back off, guys.' . . . That's not what's happened." In recent days, that Court has issued a number of rulings that, while narrow, suggest a more deferential approach toward Presidential power. Marcus and Remnick spoke last week about where the Supreme Court—with its six-Justice conservative majority—may yield to Trump's extraordinary exertions of power, and where it may attempt to check his authority. "When you have a six-Justice conservative majority," she notes, there is"a justice to spare." Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable is joined by Mark Blyth, a professor of international economics and public affairs at Brown University, to discuss how the bond market forced Donald Trump to retreat on some tariffs, and the risks of the President's escalating trade war with China. “Ultimately, they can take the pain more than you can,” Blyth says, of the Chinese government. “They have locked down their cities for a year or more. They can deliver food through the window through drones. They don't care if you cut them off from certain things. So getting into that fight is very, very destructive.”This week's reading: “Trump's Do-Over Presidency,” by Susan B. Glasser “The Conservative Legal Advocates Working to Kill Trump's Tariffs,” by Cristian Farias “At the Smithsonian, Donald Trump Takes Aim at History,” by David Remnick “The Trump Show Comes to the Kennedy Center,” by Katy Waldman “The Other Side of Signalgate,” by Rozina Ali To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The former senator Sherrod Brown, of Ohio, joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the tumult that Trump's tariffs have inflicted on the global economy, and why progressives should not merely oppose the President's trade policy but offer a clear alternative. “I've heard economists talk about these tariffs upending the global order on trade. Well, to a lot of workers, anything's better than the global order on trade. It's our policy problem as a country, and it's our political problem for Democrats,” Brown says. They also discuss his latest project, The Dignity of Work Institute, a think tank dedicated to advocacy for the working class. This week's reading: “‘I Am Seeing My Community of Researchers Decimated,'” by E. Tammy Kim “The Other Side of Signalgate,” by Rozina Ali “The Trump Show Comes to the Kennedy Center,” by Katy Waldman “At the Smithsonian, Donald Trump Takes Aim at History,” by David Remnick To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The microchip maker Nvidia is a Silicon Valley colossus. After years as a runner-up to Intel and Qualcomm, Nvidia has all but cornered the market on the parallel processors essential for artificial-intelligence programs like ChatGPT. “Nvidia was there at the beginning of A.I.,” the tech journalist Stephen Witt tells David Remnick. “They really kind of made these systems work for the first time. We think of A.I. as a software revolution, something called neural nets, but A.I. is also a hardware revolution.” In The New Yorker, Stephen Witt profiled Jensen Huang, Nvidia's brilliant and idiosyncratic co-founder and C.E.O. His new book is “The Thinking Machine: Jensen Huang, Nvidia, and the World's Most Coveted Microchip.” Until recently, Nvidia was the most valuable company in the world, but its stock price has been volatile, posting the largest single-day loss in history in January. But the company's story is only partially a business story; it's also one about global superpowers, and who will decide the future. If China takes military action against Taiwan, as it has indicated it might, the move could wrest control of the manufacturing of Nvidia microchips from a Taiwanese firm, which is now investing in a massive production facility in the U.S. “Maybe what's happening,” Witt speculates, is that “this kind of labor advantage that Asia had over the United States for a long time, maybe in the age of robots that labor advantage is going to go away. And then it doesn't matter where we put the factory. The only thing that matters is, you know, is there enough power to supply it?” Plus, the staff writer Joshua Rothman has long been fascinated with A.I.—he even interviewed its “godfather,” Geoffrey Hinton, for The New Yorker Radio Hour. But Rothman has become increasingly concerned about a lack of public and political debate over A.I.—and about how thoroughly it may transform our lives. “Often, if you talk to people who are really close to the technology, the timelines they quote for really reaching transformative levels of intelligence are, like, shockingly soon,” he tells Remnick. “If we're worried about the incompetence of government, on whatever side of that you situate yourself, we should worry about automated government. For example, an A.I. decides the length of a sentence in a criminal conviction, or an A.I. decides whether you qualify for Medicaid. Basically, we'll have less of a say in how things go and computers will have more of a say.” Rothman's essay “Are We Taking A.I. Seriously Enough?” appears in his weekly column, Open Questions. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable discusses President Donald Trump's invocation of emergency powers to enact sweeping tariffs and the ensuing global economic meltdown, in addition to how authoritarians have historically used economic control and coercion to strengthen their grip on power. The Roundtable also examines other spheres where Trump's maximalist approach might make a mark, including immigration enforcement, the politicization of the military, and the potential seizure of Greenland. This week's reading: “Donald Trump's Ego Melts the Global Economy,” by Susan B. Glasser “Pete Hegseth's Secret History,” by Jane Mayer (December, 2024) “The Truth About Donald Trump's ‘Liberation Day,' ” by John Cassidy “Has Trump's Legal Strategy Backfired?,” by Ruth Marcus “Fighting Elon Musk, One Tesla Dealership at a Time,” by Sarah Larson “How Trump Is Helping Tycoons Exploit the Pandemic,” by Jane Mayer (July, 2020) To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send in feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com with “The Political Scene” in the subject line. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Sarah Larson joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the Tesla Takedown movement, protesting Elon Musk and Donald Trump, along with the political efficacy of targeting an electric-car company and why some protesters are borrowing tactics from the AIDS activist group ACT UP. This week's reading: “Fighting Elon Musk, One Tesla Dealership at a Time,” by Sarah Larson “The Fired Student-Debt Relievers,” by E. Tammy Kim “What Marine Le Pen's Conviction Means for French Democracy,” by Isaac Chotiner “How Donald Trump Throttled Big Law,” by Ruth Marcus “Why Benjamin Netanyahu Is Going Back to War,” by Bernard Avishai To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

With congressional Republicans unwilling to put any checks on an Administration breaking norms and issuing illegal orders, the focus has shifted to the Democratic opposition—or the lack thereof.  Democrats like Chris Murphy, the junior senator from Connecticut, have vehemently disagreed with party leaders' reversion to business as usual. Murphy opposed Senator Chuck Schumer's negotiation to pass the Republican budget and keep the government running; he advocated for the Democrats to skip the President's joint address to Congress en masse. Murphy believes that the Democrats have a winning formula if they stick to a populist, anti-big-money agenda. But, he concedes, some of his colleagues are playing normal politics, “where we try to become more popular than Republicans. People like me believe that it won't matter if we're more popular than them, because the rules won't allow us to run a fair election.” By attacking democratic institutions, law firms, and other allies, he thinks, Republicans can insure that their party wins indefinitely, as in failed democracies around the world.  “If you think that democracy is the No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3 story,” Murphy tells David Remnick, “then you have to act like it. You need to show that you're willing to take a political risk.”  Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The Washington Roundtable is off today, and will be back next week. In the meantime, enjoy a conversation about the California governor's new podcast venture, “This Is Gavin Newsom,” from Vanity Fair's “Inside the Hive” podcast. Radhika Jones, the host and editor-in-chief of Vanity Fair, talks with the magazine's executive editor, Claire Howorth, and the “Hive” editor Michael Calderone about why Newsom is taking time off from running the world's fifth-largest economy to talk to people such as Steve Bannon. Is he effectively reaching right-wingers and countering the MAGA media machine? And will the show help or hinder his chances of leading the Democratic ticket one day?To discover more from “Inside the Hive” and other Vanity Fair podcasts, visit vanityfair.com/podcasts. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

The writer David W. Brown, who has long covered NASA and the space industry, joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss Elon Musk's takeover of NASA, the agency's increasingly complicated relationship with SpaceX, and whether Donald Trump's interest in sending people to Mars will spare the space program from DOGE's downsizing. This week's reading: “Inside Trump and Musk's Takeover of NASA,” by David W. Brown “Don't Believe Trump's Promises About Protecting the Social Safety Net,” by John Cassidy “The E.P.A. vs. the Environment,” by Elizabeth Kolbert  “We're Still Not Done with Jesus,” by Adam Gopnik “Is March Madness All Luck?,” by Tyler Foggatt To discover more podcasts from The New Yorker, visit newyorker.com/podcasts. To send feedback on this episode, write to themail@newyorker.com. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

Kaitlan Collins was only a couple years out of college when she became a White House correspondent for Tucker Carlson's the Daily Caller. Collins stayed in the White House when she went over to CNN during Donald Trump's first term, and she returned for his second. Trump has made his disdain for CNN clear—and he's not a big fan of Collins, either. At one point during Trump's first term, she was barred from a press conference; he called her a “nasty person” during a Presidential campaign interview. There's never been a White House so overtly hostile to the press than the second Trump Administration, penalizing news organizations for not conforming to the President's wishes. But, as Collins tells the staff writer Clare Malone, she believes that Trump is “someone who seeks the validation of the press as much as he criticizes them publicly. And so, you know, it doesn't really bother me when he gets upset at my question.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices