Podcasts about jewish arab

After so much conflict, how will it be possible to have peace in the Middle East? With so much separation, how can people remember their hearts and come together? Today Lisa continues the conversation with Ora and Ihab Balha, a Jewish and Muslim couple living in Isreal who exemplify love, despite the extreme conflicts in the area in which they are living. Together they co-founded “The Orchard of Abraham's Children'' nonprofit organization, a holistic educational and communal organization dedicated to transforming Jewish-Arab relations for a shared future, as well as the “Human First Community Center” in Jaffa, Israel. Today Ora and Ihab talk about the idea of peace, and how it exists; you just need to tap in. Peace is the future. The education system in Isreal is all about division based on religion and culture. This can be changed. By separating Jewish and Arab people, it creates ignorance. By coming together, and going to school together, we can learn about one another. We can enrich each other with our differences and find similarities to connect. Ignorance creates fear and that fear creates violence. An education system can address this by bringing students together. Ora and Ihab talk about how they start with teaching the children, and then the kids bring home information to their parents. They have also started a community center for adults. It's not just early childhood education. It's for the entire family. This can create change. Slowly it becomes impactful. They have an open prayer room and everyone is welcome. People come to visit from all over the world to pray and meditate. The local community branches out to the neighborhood and around Isreal. They have various locations in which they work with Israelis and Palestinians, as well as the global community. People have lost hope, but when they see that it's possible to learn the tools and create peace, they can feel inspired. Ora and Ihab also discuss how the education they've developed helps not only people, but the Earth as well. It's about sustainability. They talk about how we are just stewards of the land; no one actually owns it. We belong to the land. They also talk about their interfaith gatherings and the similarities between the various religions. When they started out, people made fun of what they were doing. Now people take note and are very interested. They want to get involved. It is difficult to shift people's minds in the beginning, but when they see what's possible, they become inspired and want to invest in peace and education. It is possible to change the paradigm and Ora and Ihab are leading the way through their work together. They are working to stop the war and bring peace. They remind us that we are all part of the human family, and it is possible to live in abundance, love, and peace. We just need to open our hearts and come together. If interested in donating and learning more, pls visit: www.orchardofabrahamschildren.org

Although it seems that we live in a world filled with tragedy, especially as we hear about events in the Middle East, there are still so many people there doing good in the world. In today's show, Lisa interviews Ora and Ihab Balha, a Jewish and Muslim couple living in Isreal who exemplify love, despite the extreme conflicts in which they are living. Together they co-founded “The Orchard of Abraham's Children'' nonprofit organization, a holistic educational and communal organization dedicated to transforming Jewish-Arab relations for a shared future, as well as the “Human First Community Center” in Jaffa, Israel. Ihab Balha explains as a Muslim man how he was challenged to a fight by a Jewish man who came running into a restaurant screaming hateful words toward Arabs. They got into a physical fight. Frequently this many would run into this restaurant shouting the same words and fighting with men there. Eventually Ihab decided to wait for him and attacked him outside. The Jewish man was surprised and said how they should schedule the next fight and invited him to fight at his home. Ihab talks about how they scheduled it, and when he arrived at the man's house, the man broke down about his wife leaving him. This led to a conversation about the importance of love and human connection. Together they talked about relationships and spoke from their hearts. They continued to meet, to talk, and to express their fears and anger. Slowly more Jewish people and Muslim people began to gather with them, just to talk. They decided to have a meeting in the Holy Land between the Israeli and Palestinian people. They were anticipating approximately 10 people. More than 300 showed up. They invited people from various religions including priests, Sufis, and rabbis. One man talked about his daughter being killed by an Israeli soldier. Another person talked about how a Palestinian man killed his son. Together they cried and shared their pain. Afterwards they hugged each other. At the second meeting, more than 1000 people came and for the third meeting, more than 5,000 people of various religions attended. This was essentially the biggest peace project in Israel. They did not talk about politics – instead they talked about being Jewish, Muslim, and Christian. They built bridges. Ora Balha talks about how she met Ihab when she was visiting the Sinai desert in Egypt. They saw each other and immediately fell in love. Even though Ora is Jewish and Ihab is Muslim, they talk about how love “took” them. It took over. They had to rise above cultural and societal differences. Ora moved in with Ihab in Jaffa. Because of the difficulties, they couldn't share this with anyone, including their families. When Ora first met Ihab's father, it was especially challenging. Their families could not get over their prejudices, but every time they met, Ora and Ihab would express only love. Finally, after a struggle of several years, their families accepted one another. It took time, but Ora and Ihab stayed true to their love. They also talked about the importance of choosing love. Even if you are afraid, when you choose love, people can see that and then reflect it. They also discuss what happened when they had their son and how they educated him. He learned both Hebrew and Arabic at home. They celebrated all of each other's holidays. When it came time to send him to kindergarten, they couldn't find a school that was teaching what they were at home, so they decided to start a kindergarten.  They were young and didn't think about the future as much, so they started a very small school in Ihab's father's yard. Two children joined. They brought in both a Jewish teacher and a Muslim teacher.  The community started to hear about them. In the beginning, it was hard, but slowly more children joined. By the end of the first year, 16 children were involved. They opened a second group the following year and a third group by the third year. Currently they now have nine kindergartens, an elementary school, and a community center which focuses on adults. It offers music and activities. They have more than 100 staff members. The schools are mainly in Jaffa and Galilee, but they have other teacher training programs. They also talked about the many challenges. There is so much fear and anger, resulting in separation. Ihab talks about how you must always be aware. It's not easy for people to change. People are stuck with their past ideology. They live in their minds, and they forget about their hearts and what connections them. People feel stuck so they argue and fight. Ora and Ihab are trying to express something new, something from their hearts. They learned to listen to one another. This is a dynamic movement. They invite people to remember that we are human first. God chooses all of us. We complete each other. Info: www.orchardofabrahamschildren.org

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/german-studies

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

A New Orient: From German Scholarship to Middle Eastern Studies in Israel (Brandeis UP, 2024) explores the fascinating history of Zionist and Israeli "Oriental Studies" (mizrahanut), particularly the study of Islam, Arabic, and the Middle East, as a field deeply rooted in the academic traditions of early 20th-century German universities. Drawing on rich archival documentation in German, Arabic, English, and Hebrew, it traces the migration of Orientalist knowledge from Germany to Mandatory Palestine. The book examines how research – and researchers – were transformed as their encounter with the Orient shifted from a textual-philological exercise to a direct, physical engagement, marked by contradictions and tensions against the backdrop of the intensifying Jewish-Arab conflict. Among its key themes, the book reveals how prominent Orientalist scholars extended their work beyond study rooms and libraries, engaging in efforts to foster Jewish-Arab understanding or collaborating with diplomatic and security institutions. By shedding new light on the development of academic research in Mandatory Palestine and the early years of Israel, the book offers a compelling case study of the intricate relationship between "pure" scholarship and the political, social, and cultural challenges of the time. It also provides a fresh perspective on the roots of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the influential role of knowledge in shaping it. Amit Levy is a Spinoza postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Israel Studies, School of Regional and Historical Studies, University of Haifa. His research focuses on the history of knowledge and migration and their impact on cross-cultural encounters. He earned his PhD from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in 2021, and has held postdoctoral fellowships at the University of Oxford, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, and the Open University of Israel. His book A New Orient received the Jordan Schnitzer First Book Publication Award, administered by the Association for Jewish Studies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

Ralph welcomes back Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson to share his view of Pete Hegseth as Secretary of Defense and to get his take on the military and political situation in the Middle East. Then, from Tel Aviv we are joined by Alon-Lee Green, co-director of the Israeli peace organization “Standing Together” a progressive grassroots movement based in Israel that organizes Jewish and Palestinian citizens against the occupation and the ethnic cleansing of Gaza.Lawrence Wilkerson is a retired U.S. Army colonel. Over his 31 years of service, Colonel Wilkerson served as Secretary of State Colin Powell's Chief of Staff from 2002 to 2005, and Special Assistant to General Powell when he was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from 1989 to 1993. Colonel Wilkerson also served as Deputy Director and Director of the U.S. Marine Corps War College at Quantico, Virginia, and for fifteen years he was the Distinguished Visiting Professor of Government and Public Policy at the College of William and Mary. He is currently a Senior Fellow at the Eisenhower Media Network, senior advisor to the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, and co-founder of the All-Volunteer Force Forum.The Pentagon is now led by one of the least-qualified persons ever to be Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth. He was exposed by the Democrats and the media when he was going through the congressional-confirmation process as ignorant, belligerent, vengeful, a woman-abuser denounced by his own mother, and a financial mismanager of the two groups that he directed. He's now Secretary of Defense.Ralph NaderWhat I'd like to see Hegseth do is try his best to get Trump to help him refuse that money (the $150 billion that Congressional Republicans have proposed adding to the military budget). Gordon Adams—a man for whom I have a lot of respect, who was an OMB-type for a long, long time and knows more about the defense budget than probably anyone alive—said the truth the other day when he said: when Defense gets tons of money, it's polluted, weakened, and turns into a place that can't do its job. When it has periods of scarcity—and the better the scarcity, the deeper the scarcity, the better the Defense Department—it turns out to operate pretty well. So I think that's stupid. I think it's the Congress doing it because the Congress has become a wholly paid subsidiary of the military-industrial complex.Colonel Lawrence WilkersonAlon-Lee Green is National Co-Director of Standing Together, a progressive Jewish-Arab grassroots movement. Previously, he worked for five years as a political and parliamentary adviser in the Knesset, the Israeli parliament, and was involved in the legislative process and the building of citizens' campaigns that influenced parliamentary decisions. During that time, he was responsible for laws advancing the rights of workers, students, and the LGBT community.It devastates me to know that I'm part—as an Israeli citizen, as a citizen that wants to take responsibility of the society, the Israeli society, it makes me devastated and sick and so, so, so heartbroken to know that we are a part of and a reason for so many tens of thousands reported people that died… I do not understand how someone can come to us Israelis and tell us that this is in the name of our security. I cannot understand how someone can promise us that this will better our lives or create a good or a reality that is livable. I understand it as just something that promises more death.Alon-Lee GreenIt is a given fact, especially after October 7th, a lot of the soldiers went there and did what they did believing that they're fighting to defend, they're fighting monsters. But a lot of soldiers died there. A lot of mothers lost their sons. A lot of families joined the circle of grief. And this is something that changed people's perspectives and people's opinion about the war. A lot of soldiers came back wounded. A lot of soldiers came back with PTSD. And we are hearing voices right now of soldiers saying, “We will not come back there, even if you call us into reserve duty.” It exists in society. You can hear it. You can hear it also around the question of the hostages, soldiers saying, “I thought I'm fighting for 300 days to release the hostages. And now I realized I'm fighting for the delusional messianic ideas of the right wing to build settlements in Gaza or to forcefully transfer people from there. This is not the reason I went.” And it is a good awakening we see in our society.Alon-Lee GreenThe Israeli media and most of the Israeli parliament and political system celebrated Trump's declaration of forceful transfer from Gaza and the supposed takeover by the US of Gaza. They said things like, “It's a Biblical miracle,” “We live in Biblical times,” things like this. The reaction of Standing Together is the complete opposite, of course. This is not only a delusional, scary, and dangerous plan, it is also something that is not going to happen. Trump can dream until tomorrow to remove two million Palestinians from Gaza. It is not going to happen. But only speaking about it is the problem itself. Thinking that you can remove—I don't know how, but remove two million people from their homeland, fantasizing about somehow making people disappear from the land, it is a dangerous idea.Alon-Lee Green Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

Take our annual survey.Until the Israeli government sets a plan for Gaza after the war, Rula Daood says, they are choosing to end up with Hamas. A speech pathologist by trade, Rula Daood is now the national co-director of Standing Together, a progressive grassroots movement of Israeli Jews and Palestinians fighting for "full equality for everyone in this land." A Christian Palestinian who is also an Israeli citizen, Rula grew to become a political activist organizing Jewish-Arab partnerships in Israel's mixed cities. Since joining Standing Together in the late 2010s, Raood has propelled the movement's dramatic growth. Alongside her co-director Alon-Lee Green, who is Jewish, Rula was named as one of TIME magazine's 100 emerging global leaders of 2024.Now, she joins us to answer 18 questions on Israel, including the ceasefire deal, Gaza's future, and how peace is still possible.This interview was held on Jan. 21.Here are our 18 questions:As an Israeli, and as a Palestinian, how are you feeling at this moment in Israeli history?Can you share more about your experience of October 7?What has been Israel's greatest success and greatest mistake in the current war against Hamas?Is Standing Together reflective of Israeli society? What do you look for in deciding which Knesset party to vote for?Which is more important for Israel: Judaism or democracy?What role should the Israeli government have in religious matters?What is Zionism for you?Is opposing Zionism ever antisemitic?Can questioning the actions of Israel's government and army — even in the context of this war — be a valid form of love and patriotism?What do you think is the most legitimate criticism leveled against Israel today?What do you think is the most illegitimate criticism leveled against Israel today?Do you think peace between Israelis and Palestinians will happen within your lifetime?What should happen with Gaza and the Palestinian-Israeli conflict after the war?What do you wish the world knew about the Palestinian communities in Israel?What is a book you think everyone should read about Israel?Where do you identify on Israel's political and religious spectrum, and do you have friends on the “other side”?Do you have more hope or fear for Israel?

In this 5-week series on the nation of Israel and the prophecy surrounding her, Jacob takes a look at Israel's future. This week's teaching is from Genesis 12.All the studies in this series were recorded sometime in the late 1990's or early 2000's.

The Jaffa orange, a fruit that once symbolized prosperity and collaboration, is now tied to a complex and painful history. Before the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, Jaffa's citrus industry was world-renowned, celebrated for its sweet, vibrant fruit. This thriving sector, cultivated by both Jewish and Arab farmers, symbolized the region's agricultural success. However, with the eruption of conflict following the United Nations' proposed partition plan, Jaffa became a flashpoint of violence. Thousands of Palestinians were displaced, and the agricultural heart of the region was shattered. The flourishing groves that once exemplified collaboration were destroyed, leaving the Jaffa orange to embody not only agricultural achievement but also political turmoil.How did the Jaffa orange, a shared symbol of Jewish-Arab harmony, transform into a powerful political emblem after the 1948 Nakba? What role did it play in the founding of Israel, and how did it shape Palestinian identity and resistance? What became of the groves, and why does the Jaffa orange continue to resonate as a symbol of loss and struggle despite the disappearance of the land that nurtured it?In the final part of this series, John and Patrick delve into the tangled legacy of the Jaffa orange, uncovering its deep ties to the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the enduring significance of this storied fruit.-----------In Sponsorship with Cornell University: Dyson Cornell SC Johnson College of Business-----------Join the History of Fresh Produce Club for ad-free listening, bonus episodes, book discounts and access to an exclusive chatroom community.Support us!Share this episode with your friendsGive a 5-star ratingWrite a review -----------Instagram, TikTok, Threads:@historyoffreshproduceEmail: historyoffreshproduce@gmail.com

Neta Weiner is an Israeli artist and social activist based in Jaffa. He is the founder and lead singer of the Jewish-Arab hip-hop band System Ali and the artistic director of the Beit System Ali social educational movement. And right now, he is also teaching a Tufts University.System Ali is musical collective of artists of many nationalities and ethnicities, that blends music genres and languages. As we discussed Neta's journey from the organic birth of System Ali through its evolution into a structured performing group and an educational movement, we touched on a number of points: the challenges of maintaining unity within such a diverse group,the process of making art under conflict, the importance of disagreement within the creation of art, and changing his role from being a pure creator to also being the business leader of the group.Contact Dino at: dino@al4ep.comWebsites:al4ep.comAdditional Guest Links:Instagram: @netaweinerFacebook: facebook.com/neta.weinerYouTube: youtube.com/user/TheNetajiMusic links:LinktreeSpotifyBandcampAuthentic Leadership For Everyday People / Dino CattaneoDino on LinkedIn: linkedin.com/in/dinocattaneoPodcast Instagram – @al4edp Podcast Twitter – @al4edp Podcast Facebook: facebook.com/al4edpMusicSusan Cattaneo: susancattaneo.bandcamp.com

Hillel Cohen refers to 1929 as Year Zero of the Arab-Israeli Conflict. He goes so far as to state that ‘it is impossible to understand Jewish-Arab relations in the Land of Israel–Palestine without understanding the events of 1929.'   Notes:   Palestinians: Do you know about the 1929 Hebron massacre?, Ask and Israeli/Asl a Palestinian Project: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x30iRfVku1M   One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate, by Tom Segev: http://tinyurl.com/527xn4sf   Year Zero of the Arab-Israeli Conflict 1929, by Hillel Cohen: https://www.jewishbookcouncil.org/book/year-zero-of-the-arab-israeli-conflict-1929   Seeing the Light: Holy Land, August 1929, by Vincent Sheean: https://www.wrmea.org/from-our-archives/seeing-the-light-holy-land-august-1929.html

Send us a textJoin us for a live conversation with Yossi Klein Halevi, author of the New York Times bestseller "Letters to My Palestinian Neighbor", as we explore Rabbi Menachem Froman's groundbreaking vision for peace. Known for his efforts to unite Jewish and Palestinian communities through faith, Rabbi Froman's legacy is brought to life in the newly released book "Chasidim Just Laugh". This remarkable collection of his teachings highlights his radical approach to Jewish-Arab relations, offering profound insights into peace, joy, and religious coexistence.Yossi, who penned the book's introduction, will delve into Rabbi Froman's unique perspective on interfaith dialogue, reflecting on how these principles continue to inspire efforts for peace in Israel/Palestine today.Support the show

Some intellectuals argue that the conflict is not really about land — and they are wrong. This conflict is precisely about the fact that two objects cannot occupy the same space at the same time.

In the first CounterVortex meta-podcast of February 2018, we noted the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists' decision to advance the minute hand of its Doomsday Clock to two minutes of midnight, citing the threats of nuclear weapons, climate change and "cyber-based disinformation." The clock was most recenty moved to 90 seconds to midnight in January 2023, in light of the Ukraine war—the closest it has ever been. The clock did not move forward in 2024, despite Israel crossing the genocidal threshold in Gaza—a conflict now spreading to Lebanon, with potential to ignite the entire Middle East and even the world. The threat of Iran being drawn into the conflict could bring its patron Russia nose-to-nose with Israel's patron, the United States. This comes just as Vadimir Putin has announced a revision to Russia's nuclear weapons doctrine, allowing a first strike if its territory is atacked even by a non-nuclear state that is backed by a state with nuclear weapons. This appears to add frightening credibiity to the mounting nuclear threats from Moscow. All this as the "normal" functioning of the capitalist system conintues to compel the apocalypse. The some 50 left dead by Hurricane Helene in the US South are among hundreds killed in extreme weather events around the world in recent days—obvious signals of global climate destabilization. The multi-facetated systemic crisis portends imminent human extinction. Amid all this, small efforts at Jewish-Arab co-existence by the besieged peace camp within Israel point to the potential for the ongoing protests against Netanyahu to take on an explicit anti-war character. Similarly, small steps by cities around the world to expand space for the human organism and human-powered transport begin to callenge the hegemony of the fossil-fuel economy. In Episode 245 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg makes the case that such measures, however seemingly modest, constitute a countervortex to humanity's general doward spiral toward devastating war, ecological collapse and fascism. Listen on SoundCloud or via Patreon. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex Production by Chris Rywalt We ask listeners to donate just $1 per weekly podcast via Patreon -- or $2 for our new special offer! We now have 70 subscribers. If you appreciate our work, please become Number 71!

Dr. Einat Wilf on Israeli-Palestinian Conflict‎ (Interview) In this episode, I had the privilege of engaging in a profound conversation with Dr. Einat Wilf on the intricate dynamics of ‎the Israeli-Palestinian and Jewish-Arab conflict. Despite her demanding itinerary between Tel Aviv and Los Angeles, Dr. ‎Wilf, a distinguished expert in Middle Eastern affairs, generously took the time to join me at the Four Seasons Hotel in Los ‎Angeles for a 45-minute discussion. Our conversation explored the nuanced and deeply rooted complexities of one of the ‎world's most enduring geopolitical conflicts.‎ Dr. Wilf is a renowned scholar and former member of the Israeli Knesset, with a distinguished academic background ‎including a BA from Harvard, an MBA from INSEAD, and a PhD in Political Science from the University of Cambridge. Her ‎extensive research, which spans over three decades, has positioned her as a leading authority on the Arab-Israeli conflict. ‎She is also the author of seven influential books and numerous essays on the topic and has served as the Goldman Visiting ‎Professor at Georgetown University.‎ Our dialogue avoided oversimplified narratives and eschewed polarized views of the conflict. Instead, it embraced the ‎multifaceted nature of historical events and the differing perspectives that must be considered. This episode does not aim ‎to provide conclusive answers but rather invites reflection on the challenging realities of the conflict. I encourage listeners ‎to explore the insights shared and draw their own conclusions.‎ For further exploration, I have included Dr. Wilf's biography and links to her published works in the podcast notes. Dr. Einta's Homepege Selected Interviews with Dr. Einat Wilf on YouTube Dr. Einta's Publications We Should All Be Zionists Podcast

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

We start this season of International Horizons with an interview with Dr. Eli Karetny, an American political scientist and administrative director of the Ralph Bunche Institute who spent the last academic year in Israel with his family. The plan was to do research on the Israeli Bedouin in the Negev desert – until the Hamas attacks of October 7 upset those plans. Karetny begins by discussing the changing moods of the Israeli population and the fading of internal divisions after the October 7th attacks in the midst of evacuations and drills. Karetny describes a highly militarized society that more recently has been worried about the expected retaliation from Iran and the possibility of escalation of conflict in the region.  Finally, Karetny discusses the problematic situation of the Bedouins and how the hopes for reconciliation between the Bedouin and Israeli society have been diminished by the Jewish-Arab polarization during the Israeli-Hamas war. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

Israel's critics today like to argue that the country is illegitimate because it is the product of what they call settler colonialism. They consider non-Jewish Arab peoples the native inhabitants of the land—inhabitants who were displaced by the appearance of Jewish immigrants over the last 150 years. The great colonial moment was capped in 1948, when the Jews established political sovereignty in the state of Israel; then, subsequent wars, including and especially the Six Day War of 1967, further expanded and entrenched that moment. According to this sort of analysis, Israel is always and forever illegitimate. Much the same is seen as true of America, which was not only illegitimate at the moment it seized native lands, but is still illegitimate, and will always be illegitimate. This dynamic is captured in a comment by Patrick Wolfe, a frequently quoted Australian scholar of settler colonialism: “invasion is a structure, not an event.” This worldview establishes a moral hierarchy, draws political alliances, establishes political adversaries, and has been at the root of the ideological assault on Israel and its allies. It's an idea that the critic and writer Adam Kirsch explores in his new book, On Settler Colonialism, published recently by W.W. Norton & Company. Here he joins host Jonathan Silver for a discussion of his book and the controversy around Israel.

Join Maoz Inon, award winning Israeli peace activist and social entrepreneur, as he transforms personal tragedy into a powerful mission for peace and coexistence. After losing his parents in the October 7th tragedy, Maoz's commitment to bridging divides between Israelis and Palestinians only grew stronger. Discover how conscious tourism fosters cross cultural understanding and economic support to strengthen both Arab neighborhoods and Jewish-Arab solidarity in Israel. Maoz shares intimate reflections on his upbringing with peace activist parents, the profound impact of empathy over revenge, and the vital role of international support and grassroots organizations in amplifying the voices of peace-builders. This episode delves into themes of forgiveness, resilience, social impact and the power of human connection.⭐ Please consider leaving us a review on apple podcasts to help us grow.

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. [Click here for further detail on works cited in the episode] Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here.

For Kahane, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the black nationalist, the greatest enemy of the Jews was not the Arabs. The greatest enemy of the Jews was liberalism. Shaul Magid, Distinguished Fellow in Jewish Studies at Dartmouth College and Rabbi of the Fire Island Synagogue, is a celebrated and brilliant scholar of radical and dissident Judaism in America. He joins John and his Brandeis colleague Eugene Sheppard to discuss his book Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought of an American Jewish Radical (Princeton University Press, 2024) on Jewish Defense League Founder and the surprising American origins of Jewish radicalism not of the left but of the right. The conversation starts with Magid recounting a call from celebrated leftist radical Arthur Waskow to make the case that all American Jewish radicalism is of the left. Magid sees it differently: Although the radically right Meir Kahane went on to fame and influence in Israel, both through his party Kach (meaning Thus!) and through successor parties that heightened ultra-nationalism, he loved baseball, and grew up thinking about how to strengthen Jewish identity within a late 1960's America defined by "race wars and culture wars of 1967/68. " Long before his semi-successsful transplantation to Israel, he was the founder of the Jewish Defense League, which absorbed black nationalism (he even wrote a piece called "The Jewish Panthers") and tried to flip it into a model for mobilized Jewish ethnic sectarianism. John asks Shaul about Kahane's claim not to hate Arabs but to love Jews--Shaul believes he actually hated both. Kahane's misunderstanding of the Israeli Black Panthers (a group of Jewish radicals from Middle Eastern and North African origins, inspired by the American Black Panther revolutionary movement) is symptomatic of his failure to grasp the complexity of political currents in Israel. Golda Meir was able to adapt to Israeli political currents when she emigrated from America; Kahane not so much. Nonetheless, by the late 1970's a home-grown neo-Kahanism waxes in Israel, with a majoritarian arrogance unlike Kahane's perennially minoritarian view. He may not have fully broken through to the mainstream, but when he was assassinated in 1990 his funeral (at the time when his party Kach was still banned, when a solution to Jewish-Arab coexistence still seemed within reach) was still the largest any Israeli had ever had. Does liberalism, and liberal Zionism in the 1990s succeed? Magid says it had its moment in the 1990s--it tepidly opposed settlers, endorsed Oslo. But the reality of the 2020's has no space for that liberal two-statism. What we have now, which is distinct from Kahane's older (right) radicalism is outright Jewish conservatism, driven by the potent impact of Orthodoxy. About October 7, Kahane would have said "I told you so." Kahane's recurrent refrain was that, no matter what naïve liberals might hope, Palestinian nationalism would not be bartered away for the goods of electricity or a washing machine. And yet Magid sees this current moment as an unexpected boon in some ways for the Jewish radical left. The journal Jewish Currents and Jewish Voices for Peace have found a new argument for turning away from liberal Zionism to a new form of unapologetic diasporism. Listen to and Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

After Auschwitz, Anita Shapira says, Jews understood the necessity of power—and the necessity of statehood.A leading Israeli historian and author, she is professor emerita of Jewish History at Tel Aviv University and founder of the Yitzhak Rabin Center. When Anita Shapira speaks, her words are informed by acute expertise of Israeli and Jewish history—as evidenced by her many accolades and awards, including the Israel Prize for research on Jewish history in 2008.Having published groundbreaking studies on the history of Zionism, Jewish-Arab relations, and the state of Israel, Anita Shapira is a vital voice for all things Israel—past, present, and future.Now, she sits down with us to answer 18 questions on Israel, including wiping out Hamas, Israel's catastrophe up North, her sense of Israel's future, and so much more.This interview was held on June 19.Here are our 18 questions:As an Israeli, and as a Jew, how are you feeling at this moment in Israeli history?What has been Israel's greatest success and greatest mistake in its war against Hamas?How do you think Hamas views the outcome and aftermath of October 7—was it a success, in their eyes?What do you look for in deciding which Knesset party to vote for?Which is more important for Israel: Judaism or democracy?Is there anything miraculous about Israeli history?Now that Israel already exists, what is the purpose of Zionism?Is opposing Zionism inherently antisemitic?Is the IDF the world's most moral army?If you were making the case for Israel, where would you begin?Can questioning the actions of Israel's government and army — such as in the context of this war — be a valid form of love and patriotism?What do you think is the most legitimate criticism leveled against Israel today?Do you think peace between Israelis and Palestinians will happen within your lifetime?Are there parts of Israeli-Palestinian history that it is unhelpful to discuss?What should happen with Gaza after the war?What is something you were wrong about in your historical views?Where do you identify on Israel's political and religious spectrum, and do you have friends on the “other side”?Do you have more hope or fear for Israel and the Jewish People?

This is a voice you need to hear. Alon Mizrahi is a Mizrahi Israeli - that is, his heritage is Arab, with his mother having moved from Morocco. He tells me why he thinks Israel is white supremacist, why he rejected Zionism, why he thinks Zionism is bad for Jews - and why he thinks Israel is heading for a disastrous future.He wrote this fascinating article: https://easternoak.co/maybe-its-time-we-started-talking-about-how-terrible-zionism-is-for-jews-too/Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/the-owen-jones-podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

As the Israel-Hamas conflict continues, academic institutions are grappling with how to best support and protect their diverse student bodies. A survey conducted by the aChord Center ahead of the scheduled opening of the academic year at universities assessed attitudes Jewish and Arab students hold toward each other – and their concerns and fears at this time. KAN's Naomi Segal heard more about findings and the atmosphere on campus from Dr. Sarit Larry, Director of Academia Department at aChord Center at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. (Photo: File photo. Olivier Fitoussi/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Israeli Member of Knesset Dr. Ofer Cassif is a member of the Hadash Party, which supports Jewish-Arab cooperation and workers' rights. MK Cassif highlights how the occupation generates class inequalities and a regime of elite oppressors vs. the oppressed, which is not exclusively based along ethnic or religious lines. He outlines Prime Minister Netanyahu's disregard for the well-being of both Israelis and Palestinians, as well as a history of propping up Hamas.

Today, we talk to Uriya Rosenman, an Israeli teacher and Sameh Zakout, a Palestinian singer and actor. As the founders of the DUGRI Project, a social venture dedicated to amplifying a moderate Israeli-Palestinian narrative, they aim to forge a mutually beneficial future through music, content, education, and community building, fostering unity among Jewish and Arab children in schools.DUGRI's inception coincided with ground riots and the onset of the Israel-Hamas war, drawing global attention to their impactful collaboration. Uriya, a moderate Israeli, and Sameh Zakout, a moderate Palestinian with Israeli citizenship, uniquely amplify a creative Jewish-Arab voice challenging established narratives. They underscore the crucial need for dialogue during these challenging times.KEY TAKEAWAYS[02:17] - Dino introduces the DUGRI Project, sharing the project's mission and the founders' determination to address tensions through music, content, and education. DUGRI emerges as a response to the lack of moderate voices, creatively echoing a new Israeli-Palestinian narrative focusing on normal lives and mutual understanding.[04:06] - Introducing Uriya Rosenman, a Harvard student specializing in education, social entrepreneurship, and music, and Sameh Zakout an actor and singer.[07:34] - The responsibility of being Jewish-Arab creators.[11:23] - DUGRI is established as a social venture to creatively echo a new Israeli-Palestinian joint narrative, focusing on a mutually beneficial future through music, content, education, and community building to bring Jewish and Arab kids together in schools, highlighting the importance of education in fostering unity.[19:36] - Sameh reflects on the complexity of the situation, emphasizing the shock, loss, and challenges faced by both Palestinians and Israelis after recent events.[25:47] - The need for understanding history, finding a solution, and rejecting the idea of returning to the status quo to overcome challenges.[31:25] - Uriya advocates for social awakening, emphasizing personal responsibility, challenging simplistic narratives, and promoting authentic leadership for societal change. He concludes with a call for leaders to focus on maximum well-being for all, advocating for real change and societal awakening.[39:59] - You can watch their new video here. You can also connect with the DUGRI Project on various social media platforms to follow their journey and stay updated on their latest content. You can find them on Instagram, Facebook, and LinkedIn.Today's guest is Contact Dino at: dino@al4ep.comWebsites:al4ep.com or authenticleadershipforeverydaypeople.comDUGRI Project Other links for DUGRI...

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 15-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Today is day 44 of the war. Editor David Horovitz and Luca Pacchiani join host Amanda Borschel-Dan on today's podcast. The IDF is expanding the ground operation in northern Gaza and as of this morning, 59 soldiers have fallen. On November 14, hundreds of families of hostages and supporters began a five-day trek to Jerusalem, which they reached yesterday. Tens of thousands of Israelis joined them. We hear Horovitz's impressions. Also on Saturday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said there was heavy international pressure against Israel's war on Hamas, as he pledged to continue pressing the military campaign in Gaza until the terror group is overthrown and the hostages it seized are returned. Where is the pressure coming from? On Wednesday, the printed version of the Jordanian newspaper Al-Ghad featured a front-page editorial in Hebrew titled “What will happen after Israel?” What is the story behind this newspaper? Since the Hamas massacre of 1,200 on October 7, east Jerusalem has been what Pacciani calls, "eerily silent." We hear more. Nearly 400 people gathered on Monday night in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Abu Tor for Jewish-Arab solidarity and coexistence amid the ongoing war between Israel and terror group Hamas in the Gaza Strip. Pacchiani was there and reports back. For the latest updates, please look at The Times of Israel's ongoing live blog. Discussed articles include: Live blog November 19, 2023 ‘Look us in the eye!': 30,000 join Gaza hostages' families on final march into Jerusalem PM says bucking int'l pressure against Gaza op, stresses no hostage deal ‘as of now' Jordanian newspaper features front-page Hebrew article predicting Israel's collapse All quiet on the eastern front? Jerusalem Old City sits empty — and heavily patrolled Hundreds gather in Jerusalem to raise voice for Jewish-Arab solidarity THOSE WE HAVE LOST: Stories of civilians and soldiers killed in Hamas's onslaught on Israel THOSE WE ARE MISSING: The hostages and victims whose fate is still unknown Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on iTunes, Spotify, PlayerFM, Google Play, or wherever you get your podcasts. IMAGE: Israelis attend a rally calling for the release of Israelis held kidnapped by Hamas terrorists in Gaza at 'Hostage Square' in Tel Aviv, November 18, 2023. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Just over 20% of Israel's population are Palestinian citizens of Israel - or Israeli Arabs - making them the largest minority in the country. They're distinct from the Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank and Gaza as most have citizenship and far greater freedoms. However, they complain of discrimination and even in “mixed” cities the Jews and Palestinians tend to co-exist rather than interact. Following the attacks and killing of Israeli citizens on 07 October by Hamas and the subsequent bombing and killing of Palestinians in Gaza by the Israeli army tensions are high. That's where Standing Together comes in. It's a peace movement, comprising Jews and Palestinians who are trying to jointly diffuse tensions on the streets of their neighbourhoods. For Assignment Emily Wither talks to two Jewish Israelis and two Palestinian citizens of Israel, who work for the organisation, about their different experiences of growing up in Israel and their hopes for the future. Presenter: Emily Wither Producer: Caroline Bayley Editor: Penny Murphy Sound Engineer: James Beard Production Coordinator: Gemma Ashman (Image: Members of a Jewish-Arab peace group hanging posters together in Haifa. Credit: Emily Wither/BBC)

This week we release the new book by Saul Singer and me: "The Genius of Israel: The Surprising Resilience of a Divided Nation in a Turbulent World", which you can order now at: www.amazon.com/Genius-Israel-Small-Nation-Teach/dp/1982115769/ref=sr_1_1?crid=3LKV3ZLWLBOL1&keywords=dan+senor&qid=1694402205&sprefix=dan+senor%2Caps%2C87&sr=8-1 OR www.barnesandnoble.com/w/the-genius-of-israel-dan-senor/1143499668 Haviv Rettig Gur returns for our weekly conversation from Israel to provide real-time reporting and analysis on the war, and invaluable historical context. We focus on three pressure points facing Israel, and we also touch on some good news about Jewish-Arab relations inside Israel.

As the people of Israel find themselves yet again at the center of global attention since the terrorist incursion of October 7, the nations are in an uproar. With pressure on Israel from all sides, those of us who stand with the Jewish people are wondering what we can do to help. Our guest today is Joshua Waller, whose organization, HaYovel, is providing real, tangible aid to Jewish people in Judea and Samaria. We're also privileged to have Boaz Michael, founder and director of First Fruits of Zion, here with us today. – Episode Highlights – * What is HaYovel and what is the biblical and prophetic basis for its vision and mission? * The origin story and inspiration behind the Waller family moving to Israel and working alongside Israeli farmers. * Is HaYovel a missionary organization disguised as Christian supporters of Jewish people in Israel? * HaYovel and First Fruits of Zion share a camaraderie in working toward the fulfillment of a positive kingdom-building future outlined by the ancient prophets of Israel. * Pro-Israel Christians have an opportunity to become active, “boots-on-the-ground” Zionists through involvement with HaYovel. * Secular Zionists and religious Zionists work side by side. * In 2023, through HaYovel, the nations helped Judea and Samaria to plant 20,000 new vines and trees and harvested 150 tons of grapes. * HaYovel is currently the only international organization providing support and aid to the 500,000 Israeli residents of Judea and Samaria and is working tirelessly to increase global support. * What have Jewish/Arab relations been like in Samaria before Hamas invaded southern Israel, and what are relations like currently? * How are the Arabs of Judea and Samaria similar to or different from those in the Gaza Strip? * What and who are the Palestinians? Would a two-state solution solve the problems? * What is the political landscape of the Arab population in Gaza and Judea and Samaria? * Boaz and Joshua speculate on the political motivations behind supporters and enemies of Israel. * Are we moving toward the disastrous biblical prophecies of Armageddon or are the redemption and early fulfillment of the Bible's positive prophecies possible? * Israel is facing a war on four fronts: Gaza in the west, Lebanon in the north, Yemen in the south, and Judea and Samaria in the heartland. * Answering the accusations of Israel's genocidal aggression against Arabs. * This is a time to take action and stand up with and for the Jewish people wherever you are, speaking the truth in whatever form possible to combat the lies and hatred coming against God's chosen people. * Operation Ittai is an initiative of HaYovel in cooperation with the governors in the Israeli communities in Judea and Samaria to airdrop needed supplies and equipment to the fourth front in the current war—the front in the heartland of the Holy Land. – Related Resource Links – Operation Ittai: https://operationittai.com HaYovel: https://hayovel.org The Israel Guys: https://youtube.com/@TheIsraelGuys Messiah Online: https://ffoz.org/messiah HaYesod https://ffoz.org/hayesod Additional Recommended Donation Links: OneFamily: https://onefamilytogether.org Friends of the IDF: https://www.fidf.org/ United Hatzalah: https://israelrescue.org/ Magen David Adom: https://www.mdais.org/en Messiah Podcast theme music provided with permission by Joshua Aaron Music (http://JoshuaAaron.tv). “Cover the Sea” Copyright WorshipinIsrael.com songs 2020. All rights reserved. Messiah Podcast is a production of First Fruits of Zion (https://ffoz.org) in conjunction with Messiah Magazine. This publication is designed to provide rich substance, meaningful Jewish contexts, cultural understanding of the teaching of Jesus, and the background of modern faith from a Messianic Jewish perspective.

Stephen Henderson speaks with Ishaan Tharoor, foreign affairs columnist for the Washington Post, about what's actually happening on the ground in Israel and Gaza. He then speaks with members of metro Detroit's Arab American and Jewish communities to share their perspectives on the week's events.

Dr. Wilf discusses the historical perspective of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, and why his ideas in contemporary Israel are dramatically misunderstood. When it comes to Jewish-Arab relations, is Jabotinsky an icon for the right, or would he align more with Israel's left-wing? Or perhaps, is the answer not that simple?  Then, columnist Blake Flayton and Dr. Wilf discuss the ever prominent fault lines in Israel, and why looking to the past may be the best way to prepare for the future. 

After Title 42: Biden steps up deadly violence, repression at southern border / Turkey heads to critical elections in shadow of NATO-Russia war / 75 years since Israel's foundation: The Nakba and the struggle for Jewish-Arab unity