Podcasts about Arar

ARAR går igenom förväntningar, resultat, prestationer och utfall kopplade till den säsong vi nyss lämnat. Utnämns gör också årets MVP(s). Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

A listener asks: without modern nutritionists or recovery plans, how did Caesar's legionnaires maintain the stamina to fight repeated battles, such as Bibracte and the Arar in 58 BC? Murray Dahm looks at training, diet, and discipline in Rome's legions, and how ancient soldiers sustained their fighting edge.   Join us on Patreon patreon.com/ancientwarfarepodcast  

【文稿：】ARBR指标中的两条线具有相似的含义，在实战的时候我认为参考其中一条即可，具体参考哪一条可以按照个人喜好决定。不过从市场反馈来看，多数人喜欢参考AR这条线，具体原因我也不清楚，可能是因为AR排在前面的原因吧...以AR线条为例，线条的波动范围非常宽泛，我们可以拿100为准，线条在100附近波动，表明股价处在横盘震荡的走势。由于100这个数字过于具体，我们可以取上下20作为波动区间，也就是80-120之间。当AR处在80-120之间波动，说明股价处在横盘震荡的走势，没有明显的上涨或下跌趋势发生，这时候比较适合持仓不动。有了中性的区间之后，超出区间的波动都视为单边走势，比如AR线超出120并一路上涨，此时的股价也处在单边上涨行情，在这个过程中短线客应该多做交易，因为此时买入后获胜的概率比较高。不过有一个道理千万不能忘：那就是物极必反！当AR线持续上涨、涨到180以上的时候你要时刻小心股价高位回落的可能。好与坏、盛与衰都是周而复始的过程，当繁荣达到一定程度，也意味着下一个周期即将到来，那就是衰退。当AR线跌到80以下并一路下跌，说明股价也处在弱势的阶段，此时叫做单边下跌行情，这个阶段不适合做交易，空仓的人不要轻易进场，持仓的人应该找机会减仓降低仓位。但如果这种走势一直持续并跌到50以下，此时你又该考虑物极必反的道理。AR线持续走弱，直到跌破50的时候你反倒应该转为乐观，应为衰退达到一定程度，也意味着下一个周期即将到来、那就是繁荣。最后做个总结：AR在80-120之间波动，适合持仓不动，你只需要拿着令你感到舒适的仓位即可，没必要过多的进行买卖，此时的股价也处在横盘的状态，不会有明显的涨跌趋势，过多的买卖反倒会弄巧成拙。120-180这个区间为强势阶段，AR处在这个区间时你可以积极看多做多、也就是多做买卖，在这个阶段交易也会提高你获胜的概率，因为此时的股价处在强势阶段，趋势会帮助你提高获胜的可能。不过当AR超过180的时候你要小心物极必反的现象，强势不可能永远持续，总有一天会由盛转衰。当强势持续到180以上的时候，你就不能像之前那么乐观，相反你要随时警惕股价高位回落的可能。然后再来说说下一个区间，也就是80-50之间，AR线在这个区间内运行说明股价处在弱势阶段，这个时候交易会大大降低获胜概率、最好的做法是空仓，除非AR能持续下跌、跌到50以下的时你可以搏一把超跌反弹，因为50以下的弱势过于极端，反弹的行情随时可能出现。综上所述：能提高你胜率的区间只有两个，一个是120-180之间，另一个是50以下。而降低胜率的区间也有两个，一个是80-50之间，另一个是180以上。（节目已在江苏版权局登记，翻版必究！）

【文稿：】今天要学的指标叫做ARBR指标，这是一个指标、但该指标其实是一个合成体，也就是用两个指标合并成了一个指标，所以该指标也由两条线组成，一条线叫做AR，另一条线叫做BR。老规矩，指标的长相可以查看文稿中的图片。有一点需要说明一下；有些软件叫做ARBR指标，而有些软件也叫做BRAR指标，只是顺序不同，但都是同一个指标。废话不多说，我们直接进入正题，来看看指标背后的算法公式，知道了算法才能充分理解指标想表达的含义。两条线都有各自的算法，而且算法默认的周期是26天，我们先来看看AR线条是如何计算的。AR=26天内（当日最高价-当日收盘价）之和÷26天内（当日收盘价-当日最低价）之和接下来我用大白话解释一遍：用股价当天的最高价-当天的收盘价，得出的数值仅代表这一天，于是你用同样的方式计算前一天，然后再计算前三天，前四天等等..直到把最近26天每天的数值都算出来，然后将这26天的数值全部相加就得出了公式的左半部分，也就是26天内（当日最高价-当日收盘价）之和。至于公式的右半部分我猜你应能做到举一反三。26天内（当日收盘价-当日最低价）之和，对比我刚才的解释进行理解即可，我就不浪费时间了，因为接下来还要讲BR线条的计算公式，不过有了对AR的理解、BR理解起来也会容易很多。BR=26天内（当日最高价-前一日收盘价）之和÷26天内（前一日收盘价-当日最低价）之和。如何理解可以参照我上文的解释，BR和AR的不同只有一点；那就是收盘价！AR的算法中用的是当天的收盘价，而BR的算法中换成了前一日的收盘价。再通俗点讲：AR表达的是当日最高价、最低价与当日收盘价之间的关系，而BR表达的是当日最高价、最低价与前一日收盘价之间的关系。那么公式都看明白了，但公式想表达的意思估计很多人还不太懂。公式中26天只是计算的一个周期，它的意义并不大，我们可以将其去掉以便你更好的理解指标的原理。去掉“26天”这个周期后算法就变得很简单了：AR=（当日最高价-当日收盘价）÷（当日收盘价-当日最低价）。用（当日最高价-当日收盘价），这是想表达股价上涨时推力的大小。（当日收盘价-当日最低价），这是想表达股价下跌时重力的大小。最后用上涨时产生的推力÷下跌时产生的重力，二者相比较，你就能得出买卖双方谁的力量更强。如果股价上涨时的推力更强、强于下跌时产生的重力，那么AR这条线就会出现上涨，反之则会下跌。这是对AR线条的理解方式，不知道大家有没有理解？至于BR线条也可以用同样的方式理解，很多人因为26天的周期影响了对指标的理解，我们可以暂时去掉这个条件，剩下的公式我相信所有人都能理解。BR=（当日最高价-前一日收盘价）÷（前一日收盘价-当日最低价），它比较的同样是股价上涨时的推力和股价下跌时的重力，因为它和AR的算法几乎一样，只不过收盘价由当日的收盘价换成了前一日的收盘价，这说明AR更多是反映股价实时的强弱表现，因为它的公式中只用到了当天的数据。而BR有了跟前一天的比较，这意味着它是跨交易日之间的对比，你学会了吗？（节目已在江苏版权局登记，翻版必究！）

Medan käglorna faller bland bottenkonkurrenternas tränarstaber st¨år Eldar Abdulic ,med fyra omgångar kvar, surrad vid masten fortfarande vid rodret för Sandvikens IF. ARAR får ett samtal med honom om känslorna, strategin och skadeläget inför den dramatik som ju tog paus för vårt ständigt pågående landslagsfiasko. I en annan del av en annan tabell hade Sandvikens IF att ta tre poäng under de återstående två omgångarna för att kunna garantera seriesegern och därmed avancemanget till Elitettan. Efter en tveksam insats i hemmaderbyt mot Gefle IF satte man ner foten rejält i Sundsvall mot Heffnersklubban. (Heffnersklubban, vad är det för namn egentligen?) Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

** There are less than 10 tickets remaining for the live recording of Uncommons with Catherine McKenna on Thursday Oct 2nd. Register for free here. **On this two-part episode of Uncommons, Nate digs into Bill C-2 and potential impacts on privacy, data surveillance and sharing with US authorities, and asylum claims and refugee protections.In the first half, Nate is joined by Kate Robertson, senior researcher at the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab. Kate's career has spanned criminal prosecutions, regulatory investigations, and international human rights work with the United Nations in Cambodia. She has advocated at every level of court in Canada, clerked at the Supreme Court, and has provided pro bono services through organizations like Human Rights Watch Canada. Her current research at Citizen Lab examines the intersection of technology, privacy, and the law.In part two, Nate is joined by Adam Sadinsky, a Toronto-based immigration and refugee lawyer and co-chair of the Canadian Association of Refugee Lawyers' Advocacy Committee. Adam has represented clients at every level of court in Canada, including the Supreme Court, and was co-counsel in M.A.A. v. D.E.M.E. (2020 ONCA 486) and Canadian Council for Refugees v. Canada (2023 SCC 17).Further Reading:Unspoken Implications A Preliminary Analysis of Bill C-2 and Canada's Potential Data-Sharing Obligations Towards the United States and Other Countries - Kate Robertson, Citizen LabKate Robertson Chapters:00:00 Introduction & Citizen Lab03:00 Bill C-2 and the Strong Borders Act08:00 Data Sharing and Human Rights Concerns15:00 The Cloud Act & International Agreements22:00 Real-World Examples & Privacy Risks28:00 Parliamentary Process & Fixing the BillAdam Sadinsky Chapters:33:33 Concerns Over Asylum Eligibility in Canada36:30 Government Goals and Fairness for Refugee Claimants39:00 Changing Country Conditions and New Risks41:30 The Niagara Falls Example & Other Unfair Exclusions44:00 Frivolous vs. Legitimate Claims in the Refugee System47:00 Clearing the Backlog with Fair Pathways50:00 Broad Powers Granted to the Government52:00 Privacy Concerns and Closing ReflectionsPart 1: Kate RobertsonNate Erskine-Smith00:00-00:01Kate, thanks for joining me.Kate Robertson00:01-00:01Thanks for having me.Nate Erskine-Smith00:02-00:15So I have had Ron Debert on the podcast before. So for people who really want to go back into the archive, they can learn a little bit about what the Citizen Lab is. But for those who are not that interested, you're a senior researcher there. What is the Citizen Lab?Kate Robertson00:16-01:00Well, it's an interdisciplinary research lab based at University of Toronto. It brings together researchers from a technology standpoint, political science, lawyers like myself and other disciplines to examine the intersection between information and communication technologies, law, human rights, and global security. And over time, it's published human rights reports about some of the controversial and emerging surveillance technologies of our time, including spyware or AI-driven technologies. And it's also really attempted to produce a thoughtful research that helps policymakers navigate some of these challenges and threats.Nate Erskine-Smith01:01-02:50That's a very good lead into this conversation because here we have Bill C-2 coming before Parliament for debate this fall, introduced in June, at the beginning of June. And it's called the Strong Borders Act in short, but it touches, I started counting, it's 15 different acts that are touched by this omnibus legislation. The government has laid out a rationale around strengthening our borders, keeping our borders secure, combating transnational organized crime, stopping the flow of illegal fentanyl, cracking down on money laundering, a litany of things that I think most people would look at and say broadly supportive of stopping these things from happening and making sure we're enhancing our security and the integrity of our immigration system and on. You, though, have provided some pretty thoughtful and detailed rational legal advice around some of the challenges you see in the bill. You're not the only one. There are other challenges on the asylum changes we're making. There are other challenges on lawful access and privacy. You've, though, highlighted, in keeping with the work of the Citizen Lab, the cross-border data sharing, the challenges with those data sharing provisions in the bill. It is a bit of a deep dive and a little wonky, but you've written a preliminary analysis of C2 and Canada's potential data sharing obligations towards the U.S. and other countries, unspoken implications, and you published it mid-June. It is incredibly relevant given the conversation we're having this fall. So if you were to at a high level, and we'll go ahead and some of the weeds, but at a high level articulate the main challenges you see in the legislation from the standpoint that you wrote in unspoken implications. Walk us through them.Kate Robertson02:51-06:15Well, before C2 was tabled for a number of years now, myself and other colleagues at the lab have been studying new and evolving ways that we're seeing law enforcement data sharing and cross-border cooperation mechanisms being put to use in new ways. We have seen within this realm some controversial data sharing frameworks under treaty protocols or bilateral agreement mechanisms with the United States and others, which reshape how information is shared with law enforcement in foreign jurisdictions and what kinds of safeguards and mechanisms are applied to that framework to protect human rights. And I think as a really broad trend, what is probably most, the simplest way to put it is that what we're really seeing is a growing number of ways that borders are actually being exploited to the detriment of human rights standards. Rights are essentially falling through the cracks. This can happen either through cross-border joint investigations between agencies in multiple states in ways that essentially go forum shopping for the laws and the most locks, that's right. You can also see foreign states that seek to leverage cooperation tools in democratic states in order to track, surveil, or potentially even extradite human rights activists and dissidents, journalists that are living in exile outside their borders. And what this has really come out of is a discussion point that has been made really around the world that if crime is going to become more transient across borders, that law enforcement also needs to have a greater freedom to move more seamlessly across borders. But what often is left out of that framing is that human rights standards that are really deeply entrenched in our domestic law systems, they would also need to be concurrently meaningful across borders. And unfortunately, that's not what we're seeing. Canada is going to be facing decisions around this, both within the context of C2 and around it in the coming months and beyond, as we know that it has been considering and in negotiation around a couple of very controversial agreements. One of those, the sort of elephant in the room, so to speak, is that the legislation has been tabled at a time where we know that Canada and the United States have been in negotiations for actually a couple of years around a potential agreement called the CLOUD Act, which would quite literally cede Canada's sovereignty to the United States and law enforcement authorities and give them really a blanket opportunity to directly apply surveillance orders onto entities, both public and private in Canada?Nate Erskine-Smith06:16-07:46Well, so years in the making negotiations, but we are in a very different world with the United States today than we were two years ago. And I was just in, I was in Mexico City for a conference with parliamentarians across the Americas, and there were six Democratic congressmen and women there. One, Chuy Garcia represents Chicago district. He was telling me that he went up to ICE officials and they're masked and he is saying, identify yourself. And he's a congressman. He's saying, identify yourself. What's your ID? What's your badge number? They're hiding their ID and maintaining masks and they're refusing to identify who they are as law enforcement officials, ostensibly refusing to identify who they are to an American congressman. And if they're willing to refuse to identify themselves in that manner to a congressman. I can only imagine what is happening to people who don't have that kind of authority and standing in American life. And that's the context that I see this in now. I would have probably still been troubled to a degree with open data sharing and laxer standards on the human rights side, but all the more troubling, you talk about less democratic jurisdictions and authoritarian regimes. Well, isn't the U.S. itself a challenge today more than ever has been? And then shouldn't we maybe slam the pause button on negotiations like this? Well, you raise a number of really important points. And I think thatKate Robertson07:47-09:54there have been warning signs and worse that have long preceded the current administration and the backsliding that you're commenting upon since the beginning of 2025. Certainly, I spoke about the increasing trend of the exploitation of borders. I mean, I think we're seeing signs that really borders are actually, in essence, being used as a form of punishment, even in some respects, which I would say it is when you say to someone who would potentially exercise due process rights against deportation and say if you exercise those rights, you'll be deported to a different continent from your home country where your rights are perhaps less. And that's something that UN human rights authorities have been raising alarm bells about around the deportation of persons to third countries, potentially where they'll face risks of torture even. But these patterns are all too reminiscent of what we saw in the wake of 9-11 and the creation of black sites where individuals, including Canadian persons, were detained or even tortured. And really, this stems from a number of issues. But what we have identified in analyzing potential cloud agreement is really just the momentous decision that the Canadian government would have to make to concede sovereignty to a country which is in many ways a pariah for refusing to acknowledge extraterritorial international human rights obligations to persons outside of its borders. And so to invite that type of direct surveillance and exercise of authority within Canada's borders was a country who has refused for a very long time, unlike Canada and many other countries around the world, has refused to recognize through its courts and through its government any obligation to protect the international human rights of people in Canada.Nate Erskine-Smith09:56-10:21And yet, you wrote, some of the data and surveillance powers in Bill C-2 read like they could have been drafted by U.S. officials. So you take the frame that you're just articulating around with what the U.S. worldview is on this and has been and exacerbated by obviously the current administration. But I don't love the sound of it reading like it was drafted by AmericanKate Robertson10:22-12:43officials. Well, you know, it's always struck me as a really remarkable story, to be frank. You know, to borrow Dickens' tale of two countries, which is that since the 1990s, Canada's Supreme Court has been charting a fundamentally different course from the constitutional approach that's taken the United States around privacy and surveillance. And it really started with persons looking at what's happening and the way that technology evolves and how much insecurity people feel when they believe that surveillance is happening without any judicial oversight. And looking ahead and saying, you know what, if we take this approach, it's not going to go anywhere good. And that's a really remarkable decision that was made and has continued to be made by the court time and time again, even as recently as last year, the court has said we take a distinct approach from the United States. And it had a lot of foresight given, you know, in the 1990s, technology is nowhere near what it is today. Of course. And yet in the text of C2, we see provisions that, you know, I struggle when I hear proponents of the legislation describe it as balanced and in keeping with the Charter, when actually they're proposing to essentially flip the table on principles that have been enshrined for decades to protect Canadians, including, for example, the notion that third parties like private companies have the authority to voluntarily share our own. information with the police without any warrant. And that's actually the crux of what has become a fundamentally different approach that I think has really led Canada to be a more resilient country when it comes to technological change. And I sometimes describe us as a country that is showing the world that, you know, it's possible to do both. You can judicially supervise investigations that are effective and protect the public. And the sky does not fall if you do so. And right now we're literally seeing and see to something that I think is really unique and important made in Canada approach being potentially put on the chopping block.Nate Erskine-Smith12:44-13:29And for those listening who might think, okay, well, at a high level, I don't love expansive data sharing and reduced human rights protections, but practically, are there examples? And you pointed to in your writing right from the hop, the Arar case, and you mentioned the Supreme Court, but they, you know, they noted that it's a chilling example of the dangers of unconditional information sharing. And the commission noted to the potentially risky exercise of open ended, unconditional data sharing as well. But that's a real life example, a real life Canadian example of what can go wrong in a really horrible, tragic way when you don't have guardrails that focus and protect human rights.Kate Robertson13:31-14:56You're right to raise that example. I raise it. It's a really important one. It's one that is, I think, part of, you know, Canada has many commendable and important features to its framework, but it's not a perfect country by any means. That was an example of just information sharing with the United States itself that led to a Canadian citizen being rendered and tortured in a foreign country. Even a more recent example, we are not the only country that's received requests for cooperation from a foreign state in circumstances where a person's life is quite literally in jeopardy. We have known from public reporting that in the case of Hardeep Najjar, before he was ultimately assassinated on Canadian soil, an Interpol Red Notice had been issued about him at the request of the government of India. And the government had also requested his extradition. And we know that there's a number of important circumstances that have been commented upon by the federal government in the wake of those revelations. And it's provoked a really important discussion around the risks of foreign interference. But it is certainly an example where we know that cooperation requests have been made in respect of someone who's quite literally and tragically at risk of loss of life.Nate Erskine-Smith14:57-16:07And when it comes to the, what we're really talking about is, you mentioned the Cloud Act. There's also, I got to go to the notes because it's so arcane, but the second additional protocol to the Budapest Convention. These are, in that case, it's a treaty that Canada would ratify. And then this piece of legislation would in some way create implementing authorities for. I didn't fully appreciate this until going through that. And I'd be interested in your thoughts just in terms of the details of these. And we can make it as wonky as you like in terms of the challenges that these treaties offer. I think you've already articulated the watering down of traditional human rights protections and privacy protections we would understand in Canadian law. But the transparency piece, I didn't fully appreciate either. And as a parliamentarian, I probably should have because there's... Until reading your paper, I didn't know that there was a policy on tabling of treaties That really directs a process for introducing treaty implementing legislation. And this process also gets that entirely backwards.Kate Robertson16:09-17:01That's right. And, you know, in researching and studying what to do with, you know, what I foresee is potentially quite a mess if we were to enter into a treaty that binds us to standards that are unconstitutional. You know, that is a diplomatic nightmare of sorts, but it's also one that would create, you know, a constitutional entanglement of that's really, I think, unprecedented in Canada. But nevertheless, that problem is foreseen if one or both of these were to go ahead. And I refer to that in the cloud agreement or the 2AP. But this policy, as I understand it, I believe it was tabled by then Foreign Affairs Minister Maxime Bernier, as he was at the time, by Prime Minister Harper's government.Nate Erskine-Smith17:02-17:04He's come a long way.Kate Robertson17:07-18:12I believe that the rationale for the policy was quite self-evident at the time. I mean, if you think about the discussions that are happening right now, for example, in Quebec around digital sovereignty and the types of entanglements that U.S. legal process might impact around Quebec privacy legislation. Other issues around the AI space in Ontario or our health sector in terms of technology companies in Ontario. These treaties really have profound implications at a much broader scale than the federal government and law enforcement. And that's not even getting to Indigenous sovereignty issues. And so the policy is really trying to give a greater voice to the range of perspectives that a federal government would consider before binding Canada internationally on behalf of all of these layers of decision making without perhaps even consulting with Parliament First.Nate Erskine-Smith18:12-19:15So this is, I guess, one struggle. There's the specific concerns around watering down protections, but just on process. This just bothered me in particular because we're going to undergo this process in the fall. And so I printed out the Strong Borders Act, Government of Canada Strengthens Border Security and the backgrounder to the law. And going through it, it's six pages when I print it out. And it doesn't make mention of the Budapest Convention. It doesn't make mention of the Cloud Act. It doesn't make mention of any number of rationales for this legislation. But it doesn't make mention that this is in part, at least, to help implement treaties that are under active negotiation. not only gets backwards the policy, but one would have thought, especially I took from your paper, that the Department has subsequently, the Justice Department has subsequently acknowledged that this would in fact help the government implement these treaties. So surely it shouldKate Robertson19:15-19:57be in the background. I would have thought so. As someone that has been studying these treaty frameworks very carefully, it was immediately apparent to me that they're at least relevant. It was put in the briefing as a question as to whether or not the actual intent of some of these new proposed powers is to put Canada in a position to ratify this treaty. And the answer at that time was yes, that that is the intent of them. And it was also stated that other cooperation frameworks were foreseeable.Nate Erskine-Smith19:59-20:57What next? So here I am, one member of parliament, and oftentimes through these processes, we're going to, there's the objective of the bill, and then there's the details of the bill, and we're going to get this bill to a committee process. I understand the intention is for it to be a pretty fulsome committee hearing, and it's an omnibus bill. So what should happen is the asylum components should get kicked to the immigration committee. The pieces around national security should obviously get kicked to public safety committee, and there should be different committees that deal with their different constituent elements that are relevant to those committees. I don't know if it will work that way, but that would be a more rational way of engaging with a really broad ranging bill. Is there a fix for this though? So are there amendments that could cure it or is it foundationally a problem that is incurable?Kate Robertson20:58-21:59Well, I mean, I think that for myself as someone studying this area, it's obvious to me that what agreements may be struck would profoundly alter the implications of pretty much every aspect of this legislation. And that stems in part from just how fundamental it would be if Canada were to cede its sovereignty to US law enforcement agencies and potentially even national security agencies as well. But obviously, the provisions themselves are quite relevant to these frameworks. And so it's clear that Parliament needs to have the opportunity to study how these provisions would actually be used. And I am still left on knowing how that would be possible without transparencyNate Erskine-Smith22:00-22:05about what is at stake in terms of potential agreements. Right. What have we agreed to? If thisKate Robertson22:05-24:57is implementing legislation what are we implementing certainly it's a significantly different proposition now even parking the international data sharing context the constitutional issues that are raised in the parts of the bill that i'm able to study within my realm of expertise which is in the context of omnibus legislation not the entire bill of course yeah um but it's hard to even know where to begin um the the the powers that are being put forward you know i kind of have to set the table a bit to understand to explain why the table is being flipped yeah yeah we're at a time where um you know a number of years ago i published about the growing use of algorithms and AI and surveillance systems in Canada and gaps in the law and the need to bring Canada's oversight into the 21st century. Those gaps now, even five years later, are growing into chasms. And we've also had multiple investigative reports by the Privacy Commissioner of Canada being sent to Parliament about difficulties it's had reviewing the activities of law enforcement agencies, difficulties it's had with private sector companies who've been non-compliant with privacy legislation, and cooperating at all with the regulator. And we now have powers being put forward that would essentially say, for greater certainty, it's finders keepers rules. Anything in the public domain can be obtained and used by police without warrant. And while this has been put forward as a balancing of constitutional norms, the Supreme Court has said the opposite. It's not an all or nothing field. And in the context of commercial data brokers that are harvesting and selling our data, including mental health care that we might seek online, AI-fueled surveillance tools that are otherwise unchecked in the Canadian domain. I think this is a frankly stunning response to the context of the threats that we face. And I really think it sends and creates really problematic questions around what law enforcement and other government agencies are expected to do in the context of future privacy reviews when essentially everything that's been happening is supposedly being green lit with this new completely un-nuanced power. I should note you are certainly not alone in theseNate Erskine-Smith24:57-27:07concerns. I mean, in addition to the paper that I was talking about at the outset that you've written as an analyst that alongside Ron Deaver in the Citizen Lab. But there's another open letter you've signed that's called for the withdrawal of C2, but it's led by open media. I mean, BCCLA, British Columbia Civil Liberties Association, the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, the Canadian Council for Refugees, QP, International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group, Penn Canada, the Center for Free Expression, privacy experts like Colin Bennett, who I used be on the Privacy Committee and that were pretty regular witnesses. You mentioned the Privacy Commissioner has not signed the open letter, but the Privacy Commissioner of both Canada and the Information Commissioner of Ontario, who's also responsible for privacy. In the context of the treaties that you were mentioning, the Budapest Convention in particular, they had highlighted concerns absent updated, modernized legislation. And at the federal level, we have had in fits and starts attempts to modernize our private sector privacy legislation. But apart from a consultation paper at one point around the Privacy Act, which would apply to public sector organizations, there's really been no serious effort to table legislation or otherwise modernize that. So am I right to say, you know, we are creating a myriad number of problems with respect to watering down privacy and human rights protections domestically and especially in relation to foreign governments with relation to data of our citizens here. And we could potentially cure those problems, at least in part, if we modernize our privacy legislation and our privacy protections and human rights protections here at home. But we are, as you say, a gap to chasm. We are so woefully behind in that conversation. It's a bit of an odd thing to pass the open-ended data sharing and surveillance piece before you even have a conversation around updating your privacy protections.Kate Robertson27:07-28:13Yeah, I mean, frankly, odd, I would use the word irresponsible. We know that these tools, it's becoming increasingly well documented how impactful they are for communities and individuals, whether it's wrongful arrests, whether it's discriminatory algorithms. really fraught tools to say the least. And it's not as if Parliament does not have a critical role here. You know, in decades past, to use the example of surveillance within Quebec, which was ultimately found to have involved, you know, years of illegal activity and surveillance activities focused on political organizing in Quebec. And that led to Parliament striking an inquiry and ultimately overhauling the mandate of the RCMP. There were recommendations made that the RCMP needs to follow the law. That was an actual recommendation.Nate Erskine-Smith28:14-28:16I'm sorry that it needs to be said, but yeah.Kate Robertson28:16-29:05The safeguards around surveillance are about ensuring that when we use these powers, they're being used appropriately. And, you know, there isn't even, frankly, a guarantee that judicial oversight will enable this to happen. And it certainly provides comfort to many Canadians. But we know, for example, that there were phones being watched of journalists in Montreal with, unfortunately, judicial oversight not even that many years ago. So this is something that certainly is capable of leading to more abuses in Canada around political speech and online activity. And it's something that we need to be protective against and forward thinking about.Nate Erskine-Smith29:05-29:58Yeah, and the conversation has to hold at the same time considerations of public safety, of course, but also considerations for due process and privacy and human rights protections. These things, we have to do both. If we don't do both, then we're not the democratic society we hold ourselves out as. I said odd, you said irresponsible. You were forceful in your commentary, but the open letter that had a number of civil society organizations, I mentioned a few, was pretty clear to say the proposed legislation reflects little more than shameful appeasement of the dangerous rhetoric and false claims about our country emanating from the United States. It's a multi-pronged assault on the basic human rights and freedoms Canada holds dear. Got anything else to add?Kate Robertson30:00-30:56I mean, the elephant in the room is the context in which the legislation has been tabled within. And I do think that we're at a time where we are seeing democratic backsliding around the world, of course, and rising digital authoritarianism. And these standards really don't come out of the air. They're ones that need to be protected. And I do find myself, when I look at some of the really un-nuanced powers that are being put forward, I do find myself asking whether or not those risks are really front and center when we're proposing to move forward in this way. And I can only defer to experts from, as you said, hundreds of organizations that have called attention towards pretty much every aspect of this legislation.Nate Erskine-Smith30:57-31:44And I will have the benefit of engaging folks on the privacy side around lawful access and around concerns around changes to the asylum claim and due process from the Canadian Association of Refugee Lawyers. But as we do see this move its way through Parliament, if we see it move its way through Parliament in the fall, if they're recognizing that the call was for withdrawal, but also recognizing a political reality where if it is to pass, we want to make sure we are improving it as much as possible. If there are amendments along the way, if there are other people you think that I should engage with, please do let me know because this is before us. It's an important piece of legislation. And if it's not to be withdrawn, we better improve it as much as possible.Kate Robertson31:46-32:02I appreciate that offer and really commend you for covering the issue carefully. And I really look forward to more engagement from yourself and other colleagues in parliament as legislation is considered further. I expect you will be a witness at committee,Nate Erskine-Smith32:02-32:06but thanks very much for the time. I really appreciate it. Thanks for having me.Part 2: Adam SadinskyChapters:33:33 Concerns Over Asylum Eligibility in Canada36:30 Government Goals and Fairness for Refugee Claimants39:00 Changing Country Conditions and New Risks41:30 The Niagara Falls Example & Other Unfair Exclusions44:00 Frivolous vs. Legitimate Claims in the Refugee System47:00 Clearing the Backlog with Fair Pathways50:00 Broad Powers Granted to the Government52:00 Privacy Concerns and Closing ReflectionsNate Erskine-Smith33:33-33:35Adam, thanks for joining me.Adam Sadinsky33:35-33:36Thanks for having me, Nate.Nate Erskine-Smith33:36-33:57We've had a brief discussion about this, by way of my role as an MP, but, for those who are listening in, they'll have just heard a rundown of all the concerns that the Citizen Lab has with data surveillance and data sharing with law enforcement around the world. You've got different concerns about C2 and you represent the Canadian Association of Refugee Lawyers. What are your concerns here?Adam Sadinsky33:57-35:31I mean, our biggest concern with this bill is new provisions that create additional categories of folks ineligible to claim asylum in Canada. And specifically to have their hearings heard at the Immigration and Refugee Board. The biggest one of those categories is definitely, a bar on individuals making refugee claims in Canada one year after they have arrived in Canada, and that's one year, whether they have been in Canada for that whole year or they left at some point and came back. Those folks who have been here, who came more than a year ago, if they now fear persecution and want to make a claim for refugee protection, this bill would shunt them into an inferior system where rather than having a full hearing in their day in court.Their application will be decided by an officer of immigration, alone, sitting in the cubicle, probably, with some papers in front of them. That person is going to make an enormous decision about whether to send that person back home where they feared persecution, torture, death. Our position is that this new form of ineligibility. Is unfair. it doesn't meet the government's goals, as we understand them, and we share, we share the views of organizations like, Citizen Lab, that the bill should be withdrawn. There are other ways to do this, but this bill is fundamentally flawed.Nate Erskine-Smith35:31-35:57Let's talk about government goals. Those looking at the influx of temporary residents in Canada specifically, and I don't, and I don't wanna pick on international students, but we've seen a huge influx of international students just as one category example. And they've said, well, if someone's been here for a year and they didn't claim right away, they didn't come here to claim asylum. Because they would've claimed within that first year, presumably, you know, what's the problem with, uh, with a rule that is really trying to tackle this problem.Adam Sadinsky35:57-38:33The issue is, I mean, Nate, you had mentioned, you know, people who had come to Canada, they didn't initially claim and it didn't initially claim asylum, temporary residents. What do we do about it? I wanna give a couple of examples of people who would be caught by this provision, who fall into that category. But there's legitimate reasons why they might claim more than a year after arriving in Canada. The first is someone who came to Canada, student worker, whatever. At the time they came to Canada, they would've been safe going back home they didn't have a fear of returning back home. But country conditions change and they can change quickly. The Taliban takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, was a stark example there may have been people who came to Canada as students planning to go back to Afghanistan and rebuild their country. As the bill is currently written. If there were to be a situation like that, and there will be some other Afghanistan, there will be some other situation down the line. Those people who weren't afraid when they originally came to Canada and now have a legitimate claim, will have an inferior, process that they go through, one that is riddled with issues, examples of unfairness compared to the refugee, the regular refugee system, and a lack of protection from deportation, pending any appeal.So that's one category. A second category is people who were afraid of going back home when they came to Canada but didn't need to claim asylum because they had another avenue to remain in Canada. So the government advertised, Minister Frazier was saying this often come to Canada, come as a student and there's a well-established pathway. You'll have a study permit, you'll get a post-graduation work permit. This is what the government wanted. The rug has been pulled out from under many of those people. Towards the end of last year when Canada said, okay, it's enough, too many temporary residents. But what about the temporary residents who had a fear of returning home when they came? They went through the system the “right way,” quote unquote. They didn't go to the asylum system. they went through another path. And now they're looking at it. They say, well, you know, I came to Canada to study, but also I'm gay and I'm from a country where, if people know about that, you know, I'll be tortured. Maybe since they've been in Canada, that person in that example, they've been in a relationship, they've been posting on social media with their partner. It is very dangerous so why, why shouldn't that person claim refugee protection through regular means?Nate Erskine-Smith38:33-39:06Is this right on your read of the law as it is written right now, if someone were to come with their family when they're a kid and they were to be in Canada for over a year and then their family were to move back to either the home country or to a different country, and, they wake up as a teenager many years later, they wake up as an adult many years later and their country's falling apart, and they were to flee and come to Canada. By virtue of the fact they've been here for a year as a kid, would that preclude them from making a claim?Adam Sadinsky39:06-39:10It's even worse than that, Nate.Nate Erskine-Smith39:09-39:10Oh, great.Adam Sadinsky39:10-39:47In your example, the family stayed in Canada for more than a year. Yes, absolutely. That person is caught by this provision. But here's who else would be someone comes when they're five years old with their family, on a trip to the United States. during that trip, they decide we want to see the Canadian side of Niagara Falls. They either have a visa or get whatever visa they need, or don't need one. They visit the falls, and at that point that they enter Canada, a clock starts ticking. That never stops ticking. So maybe they came to Canada for two hours.Nate Erskine-Smith39:44-39:45Two hours and you're outta luck.Adam Sadinsky39:45-39:47They go back to the USNate Erskine-Smith39:47-39:47Oh man.Adam Sadinsky39:47-40:09They never come back to Canada again. The way that the bill is written, that clock never stops ticking, right? Their country falls apart. They come back 15 years later. That person is going to have a very different kind of process that they go through, to get protection in Canada, than someone who wouldn't be caught by this bill.Nate Erskine-Smith40:09-40:34Say those are the facts as they are, that's one category. There's another category where I've come as a student, I thought there would be a pathway. I don't really fear persecution in my home country, but I want to stay in Canada we see in this constituency office, as other constituency offices do people come with immigration help or they've got legitimate claims. We see some people come with help with illegitimate claimsAdam Sadinsky40:34-42:46We have to be very careful when we talk about categorizing claims as frivolous. There is no question people make refugee claims in Canada that have no merit. You'll not hear from me, you'll not hear from our organization saying that every 100% of refugee claims made in Canada, are with merit. The issue is how we determine. At that initial stage that you're saying, oh, let's, let's deal quickly with frivolous claims. How do you determine if a claim is frivolous? What if someone, you know, I do a lot of appeal work, we get appeals of claims prepared by immigration consultants, or not even immigration consultants. And, you know, there's a core of a very strong refugee claim there that wasn't prepared properly.Nate Erskine-Smith42:46-42:46Yeah, we see it too. That's a good point.Adam Sadinsky42:46-42:46How that claim was prepared has nothing to do with what the person actually faces back home. We have to be very careful in terms of, quick negative claims, and clearing the decks of what some might think are frivolous claims. But there may be some legitimate and very strong core there. What could be done, and you alluded to this, is there are significant claims in the refugee board's backlog that are very, very strong just based on the countries they come from or the profiles of the individuals who have made those claims, where there are countries that have 99% success rate. And that's not because the board is super generous. It's because the conditions in those countries are very, very bad. And so the government could implement policies and this would be done without legislation to grant pathways for folks from, for example, Eritrea 99ish percent success rate. However, the government wants to deal with that in terms of numbers, but there's no need for the board to spend time determining whether this claim is in the 1%, that doesn't deserve to be accepted. Our view is that 1% being accepted is, a trade off for, a more efficient system.Nate Erskine-Smith42:46-43:30Similarly though, individuals who come into my office and they've been here for more than five years. They have been strong contributors to the community. They have jobs. They're oftentimes connected to a faith organization. They're certainly connected to a community based organization that is going to bat for them. There's, you know, obviously no criminal record in many cases they have other family here. And they've gone through so many appeals at different times. I look at that and I go, throughout Canadian history, there have been different regularization programs. Couldn't you kick a ton of people not a country specific basis, but a category specific basis of over five years, economic contributions, community contributions, no criminal record, you're approved.Adam Sadinsky43:30-44:20Yeah, I'd add to your list of categories, folks who are working in, professions, that Canada needs workers in. give the example of construction. We are facing a housing crisis. So many construction workers are not Canadian. Many of my clients who are refugee claimants waiting for their hearings are working in the construction industry. And the government did that, back in the COVID pandemic, creating what was, what became known as the Guardian Angels Program, where folks who were working in the healthcare sector, on the front lines, combating the pandemic, supporting, folks who needed it, that they were allowed to be taken again out of the refugee queue with a designated, pathway to permanent residents on the basis of the work and the contribution they were doing. All of these could be done.Adam Sadinsky44:20-45:05The refugee system is built on Canada's international obligations under the refugee convention, to claim refugee protection, to claim asylum is a human right. Every person in the world has the right to claim asylum. Individuals who are claiming asylum in Canada are exercising that right. Each individual has their own claim, and that's the real value that the refugee board brings to bear and why Canada has had a gold standard. The refugee system, replicated, around the world, every individual has their day in court, to explain to an expert tribunal why they face persecution. This bill would take that away.Nate Erskine-Smith45:05-46:18Yeah, I can't put my finger on what the other rationale would be though, because why the, why this change now? Well, we have right now, a huge number over a million people who are going to eventually be without status because they're not gonna have a pathway that was originally, that they originally thought would be there. The one frustration I have sometimes in the system is there are people who have come into my office with, the original claim, being unfounded. But then I look at it, and they've been here partly because the process took so long, they've been here for over five years. If you've been here for over five years and you're contributing and you're a member of the community, and now we're gonna kick you out. Like your original claim might have been unfounded, but this is insane. Now you're contributing to this country, and what a broken system. So I guess I'm sympathetic to the need for speed at the front end to ensure that unfounded claims are deemed unfounded and people are deported and legitimate claims are deemed founded, and they can be welcomed. So cases don't continue to come into my office that are over five or over six years long where I go, I don't even care if it was originally unfounded or not. Welcome to Canada. You've been contributing here for six years anyway.Adam Sadinsky46:18-46:33But if I can interject? Even if the bill passes as written, each of these individuals is still going to have what's called a pre-removal risk assessment.Nate Erskine-Smith46:31-46:33They're still gonna have a process. Yeah, exactly.Adam Sadinsky46:33-46:55They're still gonna have a process, and they're still going to wait time. All these people are still in the system. The bill is a bit of a shell game where folks are being just transferred from one process to another and say, oh, wow. Great. Look, we've reduced the backlog at the IRB by however many thousand claims,Nate Erskine-Smith46:53-46:55And we've increased the backlog in the process.Adam Sadinsky46:55-48:25Oh, look at the wait time at IRCC, and I'm sure you have constituents who come into your office and say, I filed a spousal sponsorship application two and a half years ago. I'm waiting for my spouse to come and it's taking so long. IRCC is not immune from processing delays. There doesn't seem to be, along with this bill, a corresponding hiring of hundreds and hundreds more pro officers. So, this backlog and this number of claims is shifting from one place to another. And another point I mentioned earlier within the refugee system within the board, when a person appeals a negative decision, right? Because, humans make decisions and humans make mistakes. And that's why we have legislative appeal processes in the system to allow for mistakes to be corrected. That appeal process happens within the board, and a person is protected from deportation while they're appealing with a pro. With this other system, it's different. The moment that an officer makes a negative decision on a pro that person is now eligible to be deported. CBSA can ask them to show up the next day and get on a plane and go home. Yes, a person can apply for judicial review in the federal court that does not stop their deportation. If they can bring a motion to the court for a stay of removal.Nate Erskine-Smith48:19-48:25You're gonna see a ton of new work for the federal court. You are gonna see double the work for the federal courtAdam Sadinsky48:25-48:39Which is already overburdened. So unless the government is also appointing many, many new judges, and probably hiring more Council Department of Justice, this backlog is going to move from one place to another.Nate Erskine-Smith48:39-48:41It's just gonna be industry whack-a-mole with the backlog.Adam Sadinsky48:41-48:52The only way to clear the backlog is to clear people out of it. There's no fair way to clear folks out of it in a negative way. So the only way to do that is positively.Nate Erskine-Smith48:52-49:37In the limited time we got left, the bill also empowers the governor and council of the cabinet to cancel documents, to suspend documents. And just so I've got this clearer in my mind, so if, for example: say one is a say, one is a student on campus, or say one is on a, on a work permit and one is involved in a protest, and that protest the government deems to be something they don't like. The government could cancel the student's permit on the basis that they were involved in the protest. Is that right? The law? Not to say that this government would do that. But this would allow the government to legally do just that. Am I reading it wrong?Adam Sadinsky49:37-50:46The bill gives broad powers to the government to cancel documents. I think you're reading it correctly. To me, when I read the bill, I don't particularly understand exactly what is envisioned. Where it would, where the government would do this, why a government would want to put this in. But you are right. I would hope this government would not do that, but this government is not going to be in power forever. When you put laws on the books, they can be used by whomever for whatever reason they can they want, that's within how that law is drafted. You know, we saw down south, you know, the secretary of State a few months ago said, okay, we're gonna cancel the permits of everyone from South Sudan, in the US because they're not taking back people being deported. It's hugely problematic. It's a complete overreach. It seems like there could be regulations that are brought in. But the power is so broad as written in this law, that it could definitely be used, for purposes most Canadians would not support.Nate Erskine-Smith50:46-51:07And, obviously that's a worst case scenario when we think about the United States in today's political climate. But, it's not clear to your point what the powers are necessary for. If we are to provide additional powers, we should only provide power as much as necessary and proportionate to the goal we want to achieve. Is there anything else you want to add?Adam Sadinsky51:07-51:43I just wanna touch, and I'm sure you got into a lot of these issues, on the privacy side but. The privacy issues in this bill bleed over into the refugee system with broad search powers, um, particularly requiring service providers to provide information, we are concerned these powers could be used by CBSA, for example, to ask a women's shelter, to hand over information about a woman claiming refugee protection or who's undocumented, living in a shelter, we have huge concerns that, you know, these powers will not just be used by police, but also by Canada Border Services and immigration enforcement. I'm not the expert on privacy issues, but we see it we see the specter of those issues as well.Nate Erskine-Smith51:43-52:22That's all the time we got, but in terms of what would help me to inform my own advocacy going forward is, this bill is gonna get to committee. I'm gonna support the bill in committee and see if we can amend it. I know, the position of CARL is withdraw. The position of a number of civil society organizations is to withdraw it. I think it's constructive to have your voice and others at committee, and to make the same arguments you made today with me. Where you have. I know your argument's gonna be withdrawn, you'll say then in the alternative, here are changes that should be made. When you've got a list of those changes in detailed, legislative amendment form, flip them to me and I'll share the ideas around the ministry and around with colleagues, and I appreciate the time. Appreciate the advocacy.Adam Sadinsky52:22-52:24Absolutely. Thank you. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.uncommons.ca

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Ērģelniece Iveta Apkalna gatavojas Liepājas Simfoniskā orķestra sezonas atklāšanas koncertam, kas skanēs koncertzālē "Lielais dzintars" 20. septembrī, bet Latvijas Radio 1. studija bija klāt dokumentālās filmas „Ērģeles naktī” pirmizrādē. Saruna ar Ivetu Apkalnu pirms filmas noskatīšanās un Ivetas mammu Ilgu Viļumu pēc filmas. Studijā filmas „Ērģeles naktī”  scenārija autore Zane Ozoliņa. Filma „Ērģeles naktī” ir stāsts par Ivetu Apkalnu, kurā ir Elbas filharmonijas goda ērģelniece, spēlē, kā pati saka, trijos kontinentos un parakstās "Latgales ērģelniece". Filmu var noskatīties internetā, savukārt portāla LSM.lv sadaļā "Ērģeles naktī" var lasīt filmā neiekļautos fragmentus. -- 20. septembrī, Liepājas Simfoniskais orķestris atklāj savu 145. sezonu. Vakara centrālais notikums būs īpaši šim koncertam radītās Ērģeļsimfonijas pirmatskaņojums. Skaņdarba autors ir komponists Jēkabs Jančevskis. Jaundarba interpretācijai uzaicināta pasaulslavenā latviešu ērģelniece Iveta Apkalna.      

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Rödvitt vinner mot Örebro, Sjöberg har haft en femplushelg och matadorvärmen ligger över landet. En något sen publicering av ARAR:s senaste sittning (där redaktionen fortfarande är omedveten om Häckens bud på Samuelsson och krysset på Gavlevallen) kommer här. Back to Sollentunavallen och litet svep över ettan Örebromatchen Två matcher återstår innan uppehållet Falkenberg nästa Derby och toppstrid för damerna Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Stāsta Latvijas Universitātes bibliotēkas darbiniece, filoloģijas doktore Aija Taimiņa. Zelta grāmata, zelta vārdi – tā ne vienmēr ir bijusi tikai skaista metafora. Šie izteicieni bija jāuztver burtiski. Vai zini, ka grāmatas savulaik greznoja arī ar īstu  zeltu? Ka zelta grāmatas “Codex Aureus” (piemēram, Codex Aureus de St Emmeran, Francija, ap 870. gadu, Bavārijas Zemes bibliotēka) vākus klāj zelta plāksnes ar filigrāniem kaltiem attēliem un zeltā iestrādātiem dārgakmeņiem? Ka evaņģēlija vārdi tika rakstīti ar zelta tinti uz purpurā krāsota pergamenta lapām? Zeltā mirdz miniatūras un iniciāļi viduslaiku manuskriptu lapās. Foliantu vāki ar filigrānos zelta kalumos iestrādātiem dārgakmeņiem un ziloņkaulu apliecina kā  laicīgo, tā garīgo valdnieku dievbijību, bet arī bagātību un varu. Zelta simbolika ir bagāta un daudzveidīga. Zelts metafiziski saistāms ar to, kam ir vislielākā vērtība, tas ir gudrības, apskaidrības, nemirstības, nemainības, slavas, bagātības, pārpilnības, skaistuma, greznības simbols. Kristīgajā teoloģijā tīrs zelts ir dievišķā un svētā zīme, debesu atspīdums, patiesības saule.  Zelts ir visvērtīgākā ticīgo upurdāvana. Vecās Derības Dieva balss runā noteiktus vārdus: “Man pieder sudrabs, un Man pieder zelts,” – saka tas Kungs Cebaots” (VD, Hagaja grāmata 2:8). Bībele apraksta ķēniņa Sālamana uzcelto Jeruzālemes templi, kura durvis, sienas, griesti  bija pārklāti ar tīru zeltu, visas lietas bija darinātas no zelta (VD, Otrā Laiku 3). Zelts klāja altāri, un divu heruvimu spārnus, kas sargāja vissvētāko – Derības šķirstu ar Mozus bauslības  vārdiem, iekaltiem venkāršās akmens plātnēs. Jāņa Atklāsmes grāmatas vīzija tēlo ideālo pasauli, kurā zelts ir jaunās debesu Jeruzālemes jeb Dieva garīgās valstības uz zemes manifestācija. Jaunā Jeruzāleme ir žilbinoši grezna, mirdzoša: “pilsēta bija no tīra zelta, līdzīga skaidram stiklam. Pilsētas mūra pamati bija rotāti ar dažādiem dārgakmeņiem. (..) Pilsētai saules un mēness gaismas nevajag, jo Dieva spožums to apgaismo, un viņas gaisma ir Jērs” (Jāņa Atklāsmes 21: 18,19, 23). Vērts atcerēties, ka kristīgajā teoloģijā skaistums ir transcendentāla vērtība: tas ir ārpus laika un telpas; pārpasaulīgs, tāpat kā labais un patiesais. Akvīnas Toms (1225 -1274), turpinot Aristoteļa pausto, runājis par trim estētikas kategorijām, kas piemīt labai, skaistai lietai: “pirmkārt, nevainojamība jeb pilnība, jo lietas, kas ir izjukušas, tieši tāpēc ir neglītas. Un pienācīga proporcija jeb saskaņa. Un, visbeidzot, skaidrība, no kā izriet, ka lietas, kurām ir spilgta krāsa, tiek sauktas par skaistām”. Perfekcija, harmonija, krāsu spožums, tātad arī greznība, cildeni (un dārgi) materiāli dara lietu (mākslas darbu, celtni, arī manuskriptu) skaistu. Vecās Derības vārdi un Akvīnas Toma uzskats palīdz skaidrot dilemmu, kā sakrālajā mākslā var savienoties kristīgās askēzes princips un īpaša, izaicinoša greznība. Tīra zelta klātbūtne kā Bizantijas svētnīcās, tā viduslaiku rokrastu lapās izprotama visdziļāk, ja fascinējošo greznību uzlūko un skaidro kā hierotopijas (sengrieķu ἱερός – svēts un sengrieķu τόπος – vieta, telpa) elementu un izpausmi. Hierotopija ir  apzināts jaunrades process, kurā ar arhitektūras, attēlu, rituālu, gaismēnu, krāsu, skaņu, arī ar kūpinātā vīraka smaržu un dūmu palīdzību tiek veidota svēttelpa. Sakrālajā telpā zelts ir Dieva klātbūtnes apliecinājums. Ikonas un pergamenta rokraksti muzeju vidē skatītājam raisa pētniecisku interesi un rada cieņpilnas jūtas. Atgriezties laiktelpā, lai sastaptos ar seno manuskriptu tapšanas pieredzēm ir gandrīz neiespējami. Grūti atdzīvināt emocijas, ko izjuta tālo gadsimtu garīdznieki svēto grāmatu priekšā. Tagad tikai retajam ļauts pārliekties pergamenta manuskripta lapām pie sveces gaismas, lai bijībā un pārsteigumā pieredzētu, kā  pustumšajā, klusajā baznīcas vai klostera telpā dzīvajā sveces liesmā pēkšņi silti iemirdzas  grāmatas zelta sākumburti vai veseli zelta vārdi, kā, lapas šķirot, klusi noknikšķ pergaments, atklājot arvien jaunas nodaļas ar grezniem iniciāļiem. Hierotopijas pieredze ļauj domāt, ka grāmata un tempļa svēttelpa tika veidotas pēc līdzīgiem principiem. Grezna grāmatas sākumlapa ir kā tempļa ieejas vārti, kas pārklāti ar zeltu un greznoti krāsām; liels, ar zeltu rotāts iniciālis ievada jaunu nodaļu un izceļ kādu būtisku vārdu, gluži tāpat, kā  templī zeltītas durvis ved arvien tuvāk svētvietai. Misālē tas ir liels attēls ar Golgātas ainu, lūgšanu grāmatā – krāšņu, izsmalcinātu  miniatūru virkne, kas ved cauri baznīcas gadam un reizē – Kristus dzīvesstāstam. Sena kodeksa veidols stāsta par laiktelpā izvērsta teksta dramaturģiju, iezīmē akcentus un norāda uz svarīgāko. Tomēr zeltā mirdzošas grāmatas dziļākā, simboliskā  būtība manifestējas sakrālo rituālu un ceremoniju norisēs. Šādas grāmatas tapa, tika lietotas un glabātas arī Rīgā, daudzas joprojām glabājas mūsu bibliotēkās. Gan ikonu glezniecībā, gan viduslaiku grāmatu miniatūrā zelta klātbūtne apliecina dievišķās gaismas klātbūtni. Latīņu valoda pasaka priekšā: ‘lumen', ‘illuminare' – gaisma, izgaismot, apgaismot, zeltīt, ‘illuminator' – iluminators, zeltītājs. Zelts dara redzamu neredzamo, proti, dievišķo, svēto. Zelta klātbūtni jeb asistiku (assisto, latīņu val.) iluminators realizēja, ar plānu zelta foliju izklājot sagatavotu miniatūras fonu, uzliekot zelta akcentus filigrānā vinjetē vai ar zelta krāsu izgaismojot iniciāli, drapēriju. Zelta pieskāriens izceļ jebkuru toni. Lai zelta folija mirdzētu, to pulēja ar kaula instrumentu. Lai gan zelts ir dekora pabeigtības zīme, miniatūrists pirmo ieklāja zeltu, tad strādāja ar pārējām krāsām. Par laicīgu bagātību un aizrautīgu greznoties prieku vēsta zeltījums, kas dekorē grāmatu ādas iesējumus, griezumu, muguriņu visos laikos, no Renesanses līdz mūsdienām. Zeltīšana tehnoloģijas prasa no miniatūrista, kaligrāfa un grāmatsējēja augstu profesionalitāti. Zelta klātbūtne padara rokrakstu vai iespieddarbu par elitāru, estētiski augstvērtīgu   bibliofīlas intereses un apbrīnas objektu.

Hur spelar Sandvikens IF? Efter långvariga, upprepade och misslyckade försök från ARAR att tolka rödvitts startuppställning är måttet rågat. Rödvitts assisterande tränare och hjärnan bakom de senaste årens framgångsrika hörnvarianter, Elias Gärdh, ser inget annat alternativ än att tvingas besöka podden för att en gång för alla förklara hur det ligger till. Fotbollsteori för allmänna tyckare helt enkelt. Men också: Bilma Cup Ahmed Bonnah Östersund och Åberg har skapat ett fotbollskarriärens "choose your own adventure" Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Şi beni arayacak… Şi beni aramalı… Şi beni arasın… Her an arayabilir… Aramak zorunda… Arar, arar… Aramazsa üzülürüm, küserim… Arasa harika olacak… Çok özledim, ara beni Şi… Galiba işi çok işi… Bugün de aramadı… Arasaydı ne güzel olurdu... Bir ara beni ara... Lütfen ara. Bir alo desen yeter… Sesini duyayım… Biliyorum çok meşgulsün ama on dakika da mı ayıramazsın?

"Šī izstāde ir gan mans veltījums Rotko, gan arī sevis pētīšana. Pēdējo gadu izstādēs vairāk esmu koncentrējies uz portreta koncepta attīstīšanu, un esmu sapratis, ka arī ar portretu var izstāstīt interesantu stāstu," intervijā gleznotājam Kasparam Zariņam LR3 "Klasika" raidījumā "Mākslas vingrošana" atzīst gleznotājs Ritums Ivanovs. stāstot par savu personālizstādi "Templis", kas šobrīd aplūkojama Rotko muzejā Daugavpilī. Pēc vairākus gadus ilgas radošas izpētes un sadarbības ar Rotko muzeju Ritums Ivanovs transformē kādreizējā militārā arsenāla telpas par Templi ar četrām kapelām. Gleznu sērijas, sadalītas un kārtotas, pielāgojoties arsenāla ēkas struktūrai, turpina mākslinieka padziļināto interesi par portreta glezniecības valodas analīzi. Izstāde ir ieskats mākslas vēstures lappusēs caur Rituma Ivanova meistarību un Marka Rotko intelektuālo mantojumu. Monumentālie portretējumi šeit kļūst par izziņas avotu, kurā atklājam īsto, patieso, klātesošo mākslinieku – Rotko, Rembrantu un arī Ritumu. Ivanova daiļradē portrets attiecināms uz virzienu, nevis galamērķi, norādot uz pašrefleksijas daudzslāņainību un netveramību. Portrets ir tikai līdzeklis mērķa sasniegšanai – spogulis, kurā ieraudzīt to, kas ir ārpus vārdiem un skaidrojumiem. Pirms vērt durvis uz Templi ar četrām kapelām, Kaspars Zariņš noskaidro Rituma Ivanova ceļu uz mākslas pasauli, lūdz atklāt veidu, kā nonācis pie sev raksturīgās mākslas valodas un izteiksmes līdzekļiem, un kāpēc viņam ir svarīgs portrets un reālisma precizitāte tajā. Sarunā arī par darba ritmu; ideju, kas atnāk laika gaitā, intuīciju, netveramo mirkli, svaru kausiem, dialogu ar Rotko, Rembrantu un sevi… "Nebija viegli, toties saistoši un interesanti" Kaspars Zariņš: Kā tu nokļuvi līdz mākslas pasaulei? Ritums Ivanovs: Mākslas pasaulē nonācu ļoti aizraujoši, interesanti un saistoši, jo piedzīvoju "saulaino padomju bērnību". Nāku no Cēsīm, kur apkārt bija spēcīga mākslinieku kultūra ar vairākām mākslinieku dzimtām, kas Cēsīs radīja mākslu, kas radīja virzienus, kustības, plenērus, vides objektus, mākslinieku darbnīcas, kas jau padomju laikā piesaistīja daudz interesentu no visurienes, ko es tikai vēlāk, esot šajā vidē, sapratu. No tā visa daudz ieguvu. Mani pirmie skolotāji tieši Cēsīs bija ļoti profesionāli: gan Vilhelma Purvīša skolnieki, gan Ilmāra Blumberga laikabiedri – piemēram, Pēteris Rozenbergs, kurš bija gan teātra, gan kino mākslinieks – strādāja vairākos teātros un kinostudijā. Un tieši viņš bija viens no tiem, kas ieteica, lai turpinu savu izglītošanās ceļu Rīgā, Rozentāla mākslas skolā. Tā ka viens solis aiz otra soļa, un nonācu Rīgā – mācījos Rozīša mākslas skolā, kā mēs to saucām, un Mākslas akadēmija bija tālākais loģiskais solis – kaut arī nebija viegli, toties bija ļoti saistoši un interesanti. Es pat paspēju piedalīties kādā mākslas programmā, kas bija viena no pirmajām, kas vienu gadu man ļāva pamācīties Amerikā. Un kā tev radās interese par izteikti reālistisku glezniecības valodu? Tas bija kopējs process, jo mana mākslas valoda veidojās tieši tajā posmā, kad sabruka Padomju Savienība un sākās brīvā ekonomika: tad jau arī Mākslas akadēmijas beigās bija iespējas izstādīties, radīt darbus sev un brīvajam tirgum. Taču savu mākslas valodu man nācās veidot pašam saskarē ar pasauli, ne gluži akadēmijā. Daudzas lietas bija pret akadēmijas piedāvāto virzienu, kaut arī tehnoloģiski ļoti daudz mācījos arī no skolotājiem un pasniedzējiem.  Atceros, ka trešajā kursā tu uzgleznoji meiteni uz motocikla. Kuru Kozins (Vladimirs Kozins – ilggadējs LMA pasniedzējs – red.) lika apgriezt otrādi (smejas). "Precizitāte man vienmēr bijusi svarīga" Domājot par tavu autortehniku un profesionalitāti, prātā nāk kāda bērnības pasaka: tajā virtuozitātē sacentās bārddzinis un, ja nemaldos, kareivis ar zobenu. Bārddzinis spēja nodzīt ūsas skrejošam zaķim, bet kareivis lietus laikā varēja griezt zobenu virs savas galvas tik ātri, ka lietus tam nelija virsū. Arī tava meistarība ir apbrīnojama. Tu ne tikai glezno, bet arī zīmē ļoti skaistus zīmējumus ar ogli. Kas ir tavi paņēmieni un ieroči, ko tu lieto?  Tu ļoti pareizi saki – ieroči, valoda. Tu minēji arī tādu virzienu kā reālisms. Tie visi ir mūsu profesionālajā vidē saprotami termini, bet katrs mākslinieks iet savu ceļu, un izvēlas tos vārdus vai instrumentus, kas vislabāk darbojas. Man laikam visvairāk bija vajadzīga reālisma precizitāte, lai tuvāk nokļūtu cilvēka atveidei, kurā savukārt varu meklēt kādu dziļumu, tēmu. Protams, krāsas uzlikšana un triepienu veidošana – tas mums, visiem profesionāļiem, ir ļoti saistoši, un mēs vienmēr ar interesi sekojam cits cita darbībai un atklājumiem. Noteikti esmu mācījies no visiem, kas man bijuši blakus Latvijā un pasaulē. Piemēram, fotoreālisms Padomju Savienībā nebija iespējams – tas bija tāds kontrrevolucionārs virziens. Kādu laiku stipri ietekmējos no Amerikas virzieniem. Iespējams, ka tieši mācības Amerikā tev sekmēja šo virzienu, ne? Nē, interese man radās jau iepriekš. Amerikā drīzāk sapratu, ka jāveido sava valoda. Izmanto līdzekļus, iespējas. Tikai krietni pēc tām izstādēm, kas man bija 90. gadu beigās, man izveidojās tāda valoda, ar ko mani sāka atpazīt vai raksturot.  Tu esi izteikts portretists-figurālists. Esi veidojis arī valdības pasūtījumus. Ir Valsts prezidenta portrets. Ir Latvijas Universitātes bijušā rektora Indriķa Muižnieka portrets, kuram ir ļoti viltīga izteiksme, jo tu caur fotogrāfijām proti noķert un atspoguļot netveramo mirkli. Jā, tā precizitāte man vienmēr bijusi svarīga. Taču izstāde neveidojas tikai no gleznām, kas saliktas kopā. Ir svarīgi, kā to visu izveidot. "Tas ir stāsts par satikšanos" Kas slēpjas aiz nosaukuma "Templis", kā esi nosaucis savu izstādi, kas pašlaik aplūkojama Rotko muzejā? Kas slēpjas aiz tā tempļa, kas ir rosinošs un pasludinošs vārds? Pirmkārt jau pati vieta – Rotko muzejs – ar savu vārdu parāda to, ka tā ir nozīmīga vieta Latvijai un pasaulei. Šī izstāde ir gan mans veltījums Rotko, gan arī sevis pētīšana. Pēdējo gadu izstādēs vairāk esmu koncentrējies uz portreta koncepta attīstīšanu, un esmu sapratis, ka arī ar portretu var izstāstīt interesantu stāstu. Pasaules kontekstā Rotko kā personība nav zināms, viņš kaut kādā mērā ticis nesaprasts, ar ko viņš pats savas depresijas laikā cīnījās, taču kā personība… Man likās interesanti to parādīt, lai, zinot viņa darbus, mēs kaut kādā mērā tiktos ar pašu Rotko – ar viņa vizuālo tēlu. Tas ir stāsts par satikšanos. Šajā izstādē es veidoju tādas kā portretu sērijas, ko nosaucu par kapelām. Tur ir četras telpas: viena kapela ir Rembranta kapela, viena – Rituma kapela, viena – Rotko kapela, un viena ir Mākslinieka realitātes kapela. Un tas viss kopā veido stāstu par templi. Tieši tāpēc arī uzliku šādu izaicinošu nosaukumu, lai telpā, kas ir pietiekami nopietna, muzejiski lieliska, veiksmīga, kurā var izstādīt mākslu, cilvēks ienāktu un koncentrētos tieši uz pašu skatīšanās procesu. Satikšanās procesu.  Rembrantu izvēlējos kā vienu no konceptuāliem portretistiem, kas tieši runā par sevi. Jo tie uzdevumi, arī pasūtījuma portretos, ir saruna ar sabiedrību par kādu citu cilvēku, par to uzdevumu, kas tiek uzdots, vai ne? Bet skatījums uz sevi ir tad, kad tu pats sev uzdod uzdevumu. Un Rembrants savā pašportretu sērijā uzdod sev uzdevumu – sekot savai dzīvei, un to viņš darījis visas dzīves garumā. Tas man likās interesanti – kā pakāpeniski radīt intrigu, lai lēnām satiktos arī ar Rotko. Tur ir arī manu pašportretu sērija ar ogles zīmējumiem un ar vienu monumentālu portretu. Tāds skarbs vīrs tu tur izskaties!  Nu jā, un tur var savilkt tās analoģijas, kurā posmā mēs esam. Rembrantā redzu viņu gan jaunībā, gan arī briedumā. Saprotu, ka arī es esmu tādā pašā posmā kā tie mākslinieki, un tad tas veidojas kā dialogs. Nevienu no šiem māksliniekiem, izņemot sevi, es nesatieku, bet saruna jau notiek tāpat, un es ceru, ka šāda dialoga veidošana rada izstādes saturu un ideju. Tad tas templis tur tā kā uzburas, jo tempļa jau kā tāda tur nav – tā ir bijusī militārā arsenāla ēka, ko man gribējās pārvērst par mākslas templi. Tagad tas funkcionē kā mākslas templis, jo tur ir ļoti veiksmīgas, interesantas un profesionālas izstādes. Sarunas teksts pilnā apjomā drīzumā būs publicēts portālā LSM.LV.

ARAR tar svängen från seriepremiären mot Kalmar till helgens match mot Helsingborg. Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Premiär på lördag och ARAR bjuder in Sjöbergs gamla lagkamrat Tommy Bark, trogen följare av Kalmar FF, till ett samtal om klubbarna, Superettan och supporterskap. Också: sammanfattning av Sandvikens försäsong och tankar inför 2025 och matchen på lördag. Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Vid den VM-arena som förhoppningsvis ska återställas för elitfotboll sätter sig ARAR i gamla SAIK-VIP:en med Sandvikens IF:s huvudtränare Eldar Abdulic för ett grundligt snack om säsongen 2025. Nyförvärven, förväntningarna, pressen och hålet efter John Junior. Exempelvis! Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Försäsongen har rört sig in i sin tredje och avslutande fas och ARAR ger sig i kast med att tippa rödvitts framtida tabellplacering. Men innan dess, mellan Luther och lönehelg: Positiva tongångar från klubbledningen angående årets ekonomiska resultat. ARAR konstaterar att inga motioner skickats från redaktionen inför det nära förestående årsmötet och håller sig itll allmänt slappt tyckande. Försök till kartläggning av Sandvikens IF:s supportergrupperingar. Genomgång av en lång skadelista. Omdöme Svenska cupen och träningsmatchen mot Gefle IF. Säsongs-kickoff för Sandviken Social Club på Pub Mulligans . Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

Wednesday Prayer MeetingFebruary 26, 2025Speaker: Pastor Ar-Ar Sarzaba - Missionary to the Philippines

Efter klara förluster mot Djurgården och IFK Göteborg kan vi konstatera att även 2025 års gruppspel i Svenska cupen är att betrakta som en död punkt för rödvitts del. ARAR snackar igenom the bu and the bä utifrån matcherna hittills och ser fram emot att möta seriekollegan Oddevold i sista omgången. Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

"During this Ibiza Stardust Radio Organic House Resident Set we go on a journey through some deep organic house tunes and vibes. I hope you enjoy this music from the amazing artists below! Track | Artist(s) 1. Fall Apart (Original Mix) - Funkform 2. Lente (Original Mix) - J.Fiz 3. Sahara Secrets (Original Mix) - Jorca 4. Moments (Original Mix) - St.Ego 5. Ainu (Original Mix) - Amonita 6. Sun & Skin (Molac Remix) - Distic 7. Moontime (Original Mix) - Nikolina (LDN), Andréa Ararê 8. Vanilla Sky (Original Mix) - Albuquerque, Grife 9. Vibration (Extended Mix) - HAUMS 10. Reminisce (RIGOONI Remix) - Savvas 11. Beyond (Extended Mix) - Wassu, Ricardo Angeles 12. Ayomi (Original Mix) - Izhevski, Stan Tone, Talemates 13. I Feel Love (Extended Mix) - South Bloom 14. Bulkowa (Wassu Remix) - Arina Mur 15. I've Been Dreaming (Stan Tone Remix) - Taleman 16. Ten Sefirot (Original Mix) - Molac, Eduardo McGregor 17. Veiled Fugue (Extended Mix) - Ricardo Angeles, Keparys"

ARAR känner hopp om livet i att försäsongen nu går över i den akt som innebär tävlingsmatcher - Svenska cupen. Vilka är intrycken från de fyra träningsmatcher som hunnits med hittills och hur kommer man att ta sig an Djurgården som väntar i cup-premiären på söndag? Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

I väntan på att försäsongen äntligen ska ta fart sätter sig ARAR med (numer) Din Lokaltidnings sportkrönikör Stisse Åberg och snackar läget i gästrikelagen, gästrikeidrotten och i allsköns areanfrågor. Alltid Rött, Alltid Rätt med Anders Sjöberg och Mathias Åberg

随着大模型的迅速崛起，AI与可穿戴设备的融合成为科技产业新的风口。作为人类最早也最普及的穿戴设备，眼镜天然具备便携、第一视角感知等优势。从电子产品发展历程来看，消费电子的成功往往建立在已有形态的基础上，而眼镜通过叠加拍照、语音交互、信息显示等AI功能，有望突破传统定位，成为继智能手机之后又一个重要的人机交互入口。 在产业演进过程中，AI眼镜呈现出差异化的技术路径与应用场景，正逐步找到产品定位与市场空间。随着硅基OLED显示、光波导等核心技术不断突破，叠加大模型在交互体验上的革新，AI眼镜产业迎来从硬件到应用的系统性机遇。本期《泰度Voice》节目中，华泰证券研究所全球科技战略首席分析师黄乐平，与歌尔股份副总裁、歌尔光学科技有限公司总经理饶轶和视涯科技股份有限公司联合创始人、高级副总裁刘波一起，深入探讨AI眼镜的技术路径与发展前景。 聊天的人 歌尔股份有限公司副总裁、歌尔光学科技有限公司总经理 饶轶 视涯科技股份有限公司联合创始人、高级副总裁 刘波 华泰证券研究所全球科技战略首席分析师 黄乐平 时间轴 03:38 AI眼镜首先要确保佩戴舒适，而非功能堆叠 05:27 AI眼镜的产品创新应基于已有形态逐步迭代 06:34 穿戴类设备是最适合AI落地的平台 08:43 眼镜是最贴近人类场景的AI交互平台 10:03 穿戴产品需要在重量、电池续航和功能间找到平衡 15:28 VR设备相当于电脑，AR设备类似于手机 21:05 传统显示无法实现轻量化，硅基OLED带来技术突破 23:20 硅基OLED已在无人机飞行眼镜和医疗场景率先落地 37:45 光学和半导体技术结合，推动AI眼镜早日落地 40:00 AI眼镜有望达到智能手机级普及率 泰度小课堂 硅基OLED：一种将OLED显示技术与半导体工艺结合的新型显示技术。相比传统显示，具有更高像素密度、更低功耗和更小体积等优势，是当前AR/VR设备主流的显示解决方案之一。 PPD (Pixels Per Degree)：每度像素数，是衡量近眼显示设备清晰度的关键指标。人眼在一度视角内最多能分辨60个像素，一般认为PPD 30-40是多数使用场景的理想区间。 光波导：AR眼镜中的关键光学组件，能将显示信息从眼镜腿导引至用户视野前方，并与真实世界的画面自然融合。其制造工艺正从传统光学加工向半导体工艺演进，是实现轻量化AR眼镜的核心技术之一。 制作团队 主编：原瑞阳 项目统筹：韦晔 制作：习翔宇 声音设计：邵旻 节目运营：邓逸轩 本节目录制于2024年11月19日，本播客不保证节目播出时援引数据信息的及时、准确、完整。 法律声明 本播客不是华泰证券股份有限公司研究报告（下称”华泰证券”）的发布平台，旨在为公众提供宏观、产业、市场热点解读，不构成华泰证券开展证券投资咨询业务或提供任何的投资建议、投资分析意见。本播客不构成任何合同或承诺的基础，不因任何单纯订阅本播客的行为而将订阅人视为华泰证券客户。任何读者在订阅本播客前，请自行评估接收相关推送内容的适当性，且若使用本播客所载内容，务必寻求专业投资顾问的指导及解读。 本播客内容可能涉及华泰证券分析师对华泰证券已发布研究报告的解读，或转发、摘编华泰证券已发布研究报告的部分内容及观点，完整的分析应以报告发布当日的完整研究报告内容为准。订阅者仅使用本播客内容，可能会因缺乏对完整报告的了解或缺乏相关的解读而产生理解上的歧义。如需了解完整内容，请具体参见华泰证券所发布的完整报告。 就本播客内容涉及的嘉宾言论，华泰证券已事先提醒嘉宾其言论及信息来源应合法合规，不得泄露内幕信息、上市公司重大未公开信息或其他敏感信息，不得侵犯第三方任何合法权益。本播客内容中的嘉宾言论仅代表嘉宾个人意见，不代表华泰证券立场，也不构成对读者的投资建议。 华泰证券对本播客节目文字、音频、图片、链接等形式所载信息的准确性、可靠性、时效性及完整性不作任何明示或暗示的保证。播客内容所述意见、观点和预测仅作为音频录制日的观点和判断。该等意见、评估及预测无需通知即可随时更改。 在任何情况下，本播客文字、音频、图片、链接等形式所载信息均不构成对任何人的投资建议。订阅者不应单独依靠本播客内容而取代自身独立的判断，应自主做出投资决策并自行承担投资风险。对依据或者使用本播客内容所造成的任何后果，华泰证券及节目嘉宾均不承担任何形式的责任。 本播客所有内容的版权均为华泰证券所有。未经华泰证券书面许可，任何机构和个人不得以任何形式转发、转载或部分转载、发表或引用本播客任何内容。 本节目由华泰证券出品，JustPod制作，小宇宙、喜马拉雅、苹果播客同步上线。

On this Group Dentistry Now Show podcast, Eric Gallegos, Vice President of Revenue at InsideDesk discusses: Why the AR 90+ issue is such a concern in DSOs? Key challenges managing AR AR follow-up performance from office to office Adoption of AI and advanced analytics Strategic RCM initiatives  To learn more about InsideDesk and their new AI digital assistant, InsideDial visit - https://www.insidedesk.com/ To receive a demo visit - https://www.insidedesk.com/request-a-demo/ If you like our podcast, please give us a ⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ review on iTunes https://apple.co/2Nejsfa and a Thumbs Up on YouTube.  

Doc, Sigurður Bond og Arnar Sveinn Geirsson á þriðjudegi og það án landamæra.

Mír cartlainne le Tomás Mac Síthigh ar an aithne bhí aige féin ar an lucht siúil in Átha Cliath. Tá taighde ar bun aige Oisín ar fréamhacha cheaint an lucht siúil. Is léir go bhfuil bunús na teangan sa ghaolainn,ach cé chomh fada siar is a théann an ceangal san?

Determining ARARs at Federal Facility Sites is a two-hour webinar course that will highlight how to determine Applicable or Relevant and Appropriate Requirements (ARARs) in decision-documents based on Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) guidance, identify commonly used ARARs, and when to involve partners. By taking this course, participants will achieve the following objectives:Understand the general procedures for ARAR identification, analysis, and documentation;Learn about ARARs under Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) Section 121(d) and associated EPA guidance;Identify the three types of ARARs and how they are determined; and,Explore CERCLA ARAR waiver criteria and the six waivers identified under CERCLA 121(d).The instructional methodology for this course includes lecture and quizzes. The target audience for this course is federal, state, and tribal representatives who work on Federal Facility cleanups. Ideally, students should have a basic understanding of ARARs and the CERCLA process. This course is part of the Federal Facilities Academy training program. Please consider registering for other Federal Facility Academy courses and obtain a certificate upon completion of the entire Federal Facility Academy series (12 courses total). To view this archive online or download the slides associated with this seminar, please visit http://www.clu-in.org/conf/tio/FFAcademy11_051424/

Determining ARARs at Federal Facility Sites is a two-hour webinar course that will highlight how to determine Applicable or Relevant and Appropriate Requirements (ARARs) in decision-documents based on Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) guidance, identify commonly used ARARs, and when to involve partners. By taking this course, participants will achieve the following objectives:Understand the general procedures for ARAR identification, analysis, and documentation;Learn about ARARs under Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (CERCLA) Section 121(d) and associated EPA guidance;Identify the three types of ARARs and how they are determined; and,Explore CERCLA ARAR waiver criteria and the six waivers identified under CERCLA 121(d).The instructional methodology for this course includes lecture and quizzes. The target audience for this course is federal, state, and tribal representatives who work on Federal Facility cleanups. Ideally, students should have a basic understanding of ARARs and the CERCLA process. This course is part of the Federal Facilities Academy training program. Please consider registering for other Federal Facility Academy courses and obtain a certificate upon completion of the entire Federal Facility Academy series (12 courses total). To view this archive online or download the slides associated with this seminar, please visit http://www.clu-in.org/conf/tio/FFAcademy11_051424/

Leiðari Þórðar Snæs Júlíussonar úr 44. tölublaði Heimildarinnar, sem kom út 15. mars 2024. „Það þarf ekki að hræðast stanslaust framtíðina. Hún er björt. Ísland er eitt besta, öruggasta og ríkasta land í heimi. Það þarf bara að taka aðeins til og láta gangverkið virka fyrir fjöldann, ekki fyrst og síðast fyrir hina fáu valdamiklu,“ skrifar hann.

Leiðari Þórðar Snæs Júlíussonar úr 44. tölublaði Heimildarinnar, sem kom út 15. mars 2024. „Það þarf ekki að hræðast stanslaust framtíðina. Hún er björt. Ísland er eitt besta, öruggasta og ríkasta land í heimi. Það þarf bara að taka aðeins til og láta gangverkið virka fyrir fjöldann, ekki fyrst og síðast fyrir hina fáu valdamiklu,“ skrifar hann.

Leiðari Þórðar Snæs Júlíussonar úr 44. tölublaði Heimildarinnar, sem kom út 1. mars 2024. „Við þurfum aðallega að hætta að tala, og fara að gera. Með því er hægt að sækja fjármögnun til að rétta við innviði landsins. Veita íbúum jöfn tækifæri í lífinu. Líka þessum 412 sem fá vernd hér árlega,“ segir hann um innviði og flóttafólk.

Leiðari Þórðar Snæs Júlíussonar úr 44. tölublaði Heimildarinnar, sem kom út 1. mars 2024. „Við þurfum aðallega að hætta að tala, og fara að gera. Með því er hægt að sækja fjármögnun til að rétta við innviði landsins. Veita íbúum jöfn tækifæri í lífinu. Líka þessum 412 sem fá vernd hér árlega,“ segir hann um innviði og flóttafólk.

【本集新闻】“？”“bu tai xing a”“xiao lao di”一个问号和几个拼音，代表了DOTA2玩家最舒爽的时刻。落入败者组的AR迎来了他们的“唯一指定仇人”BB战队。两队的恩怨自AR建队之初就已经种下。在Ti前的巴厘岛Major上，BB的选手Pure被发现在比赛时观看直播窥屏，当场比赛的成绩也被判负，下一个对手换成了败者组的AR。在AR的据理力争下，违反赛事规则的Pure被禁止出场，BB最终也被淘汰出局。因此当两队在Ti小组赛再次相遇时，BB也铆足了复仇的劲儿，2：0战胜了AR，并在第二局碾压后留下了一个嘲讽的“？”。有了这些恩怨，淘汰赛中再次相遇的对决，在开始前就上升成了AR这些老家伙们的“荣誉之战”——输了不丢人，赢了666。充满火药味的比赛过程也是异常精彩。在前两局战成1：1后，决胜局中AR在前期相当劣势的情况下，抓住对方核心位水人的两波失误，一鼓作气完成翻盘。在对手敲出GG之后，AR的天命和Lou，分别在公屏上打出了“？”和“bu tai xing a xiao lao di”。可以说完美回应了BB的嘲讽。这场精彩的比赛，不仅国内玩家看得爽，国外的其他战队和媒体，也都被这支“临时主播队”的霸气所折服，纷纷传播起了这场复仇之战。与此同时，AR也借着这场胜利进入了前四，远远超过了广大粉丝们赛前对他们“不一轮游就行”的预期。【主播】野人、恶霸波、细菌佛、小朱【后期制作】恶霸波【公众号】超级游文化【进群方式】xijunfo2021 —— 播客公社出品——

Dominos

Un tercio de la superficie de España es tierra de cultivo, un sector que sigue teniendo problemas parecidos a los de hace medio siglo. Las herramientas para hacerles frente, sin embargo, sí han cambiado. Y el caso de Fernando Giraldo, más conocido en las redes sociales como Tomy Rohde, es un buen ejemplo de cómo la tecnología o las redes sociales han cambiado el trabajo en el campo. Un trabajo que es, en muchos casos como en el suyo, vocacional. No se explica de otro modo las jornadas interminables y las inclemencias meteorológicas, pero también políticas que sufren, pues nada le es ajeno a estos trabajadores y trabajadoras del sector primario: ni la guerra de Ucrania, la inflación, las elecciones, ni siquiera la prensa rosa. Créditos: Realización: José Juan Morales Dirección: Silvia Cruz Lapeña Edición: Ana Ribera Diseño de sonido: Nacho Taboada Sintonía de Jorge Magaz

When people find out that Gina Mitchell's son, Sam, is autistic, they often say, ‘I'm so sorry about that.'   And that bothers Gina. Yes, having a neurodivergent child is challenging. But Sam is not broken, and his differences are nothing to be ‘sorry' about. So, when Sam's podcast started to gain attention, Gina saw an opportunity to help people understand what autism is—and what it isn't. Gina is a career educator and President of Autism Rocks and Rolls, a 501(c)(3) dedicated to breaking the stigma around people with autism. She does autism advocacy work and speaking engagements with Sam, who serves as Executive Director of ARAR. On this episode of Wickedly Smart Women, Gina joins Anjel to explain how Sam was diagnosed with autism and why she knew he could succeed, given the right accommodations. Gina challenges parents to advocate for their neurodivergent children at school—and teach their kids to advocate for themselves. Listen in to understand how Sam's podcast evolved from hobby to advocacy organization and learn how Gina is changing the negative connotations around the fixations of neurodivergent kids. What You Will Learn  The traumatic birth of Gina's son Sam and how he was diagnosed with autism Why it's crucial to be an advocate for your neurodivergent child at school How Gina knew Sam could be successful given the right accommodations The laws around following a student's IEP in the public school system Why Gina suggests teaching your neurodivergent child to advocate for themselves What inspired Gina to start a nonprofit with Sam as Executive Director How Autism Rocks and Rolls helps people understand what autism is (and what it isn't) The evolution of Sam's podcast from hobby to advocacy organization How to change the negative connotations re: the fixations of neurodivergent kids Connect with Gina Mitchell Autism Rocks and Rolls Autism Rocks and Rolls Podcast  Resources Flutie Foundation Dr. Temple Grandin Family and Social Services Administration Wickedly Smart Women: Trusting Intuition, Taking Action, Transforming Worlds by Anjel B. Hartwell Connect with Anjel B. Hartwell   Wickedly Smart Women Wickedly Smart Women Facebook Community Wickedly Smart Women Store on TeePublic Wickedly Smart Women on Clubhouse The Wealthy Life Mentor The Wealthy Life Mentor on Facebook Anjel on Twitter Anjel on Instagram Listener Line (540) 402-0043 Ext. 4343  Email listeners@wickedlysmartwomen.com 

Esta pausa larga ARAR,Pepino Pascual Mi última canción triste - Mov.3: Mi Jardín Sílvia Pérez Cruz y Natalia Lafourcade poquito Valeria Castro Un Recuerdo Macaco,Valeria Castro Presensa Sara Tavares Cielo Grande Hermanos Gutiérrez No One's Here I Piers Faccini Ná Kimi Djabaté Belesia Ignacio María Gómez For the love that we feel Matthieu Saglio,Nils Landgren If It's Magic Brandee Younger Easy To Love Ahmad Jamal Cómo Fue Miguel Zenón, Luis Perdomo Escuchar audio

Carol has a lively conversation about the fascinating concept of Spirit Animals, with shamanic practitioner and healer Andréa Ararê, and ultra-hip but spiritual jeweller Diane Kordas. https://www.femininerevolution.com/ https://www.dianekordasjewellery.com/ This episode is brought to you by @fuligemstones VOTE FOR US AT THE PODCAST AWARDS! https://www.britishpodcastawards.com/voting Follow Carol Woolton: @carolwoolton Produced by Natasha Cowan @tashonfash Music & editing by Tim Thornton @timwthornton Creative direction by Scott Bentley @bentleycreative Illustrations Jordi Labanda @jordilabanda Read Carol Woolton in Vogue magazine – vogue.co.uk/fashion/jewellery and carolwoolton.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Elur-ama. Joserra Semperena, Juan Luis Zabala, Idoia Asurmendi Las dos lenguas. Jordi Fornells y Mario Mas Mãe. Munir Hssn y Maro Cinema. Rodrigo Leão Agua En El Pulmón. Božo Vrećo, Rodrigo Cuevas y Clara Peya De todas las flores. La última rosa. Santiago Auserón Leading Somewhere + Olive. Gustaff Ljunggren y Skúli Sverrisson Cuánto tienen que brillar las cosas para verlas (bien) + Esta pausa larga + Simulacres. ARAR Suzanne Kevin Johansen con Drexler Last Night I Was Dreaming With You Kevin Johansen con David Byrne Tú Ve Kevin Johansen con Natalia Lafourcade Escuchar audio

A member of my business associates with ARAR is Armando Bernal. Armando Bernal is a board-certified neurodivergent behavior analyst who works with kids between the ages of 2 and 18. Armando also provides presentations for groups across the nation, counseling on autism, guidance to parents and therapists, and oversight and mentorship to other BCBAs and therapists. In addition, Armando has participated in a variety of collaborations with Vanderbilt University and Suny Empire State University that support the autonomy and self-advocacy of someone with autism. Armando has established the self-advocacy-focused business Autism International consultancy, PLLC, which provides global consultancy and in-home ABA. They also are responsible for the release of the podcast "A Different Path." He aims to broaden the public's awareness and comprehension of autism by speaking engagements and learning from other people with autism. Please join ARAR in giving a warm welcome to Armando! https://www.autismintl.com/  

Break up the unplowed ground I Rompiendo la tierra sin arar - Pastor Jonathan Pérez