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Pred našimi očami sa stavajú kulisy pre neľútostný geopolitický súboj, kde sa Amerika vyberá cestou izolacionizmu a deregulácie, zatiaľ čo Čína by mohla získať možnosť cez svoje modely šíriť vlastný svetonázor. Európa stojí uprostred a hľadá si vlastnú cestu, ktorá by mohla byť nádejou pre zvyšok sveta.Je možné, že by sa v mene víťazstva nad autoritárskym režimom z demokratickej krajiny stal jej pravý opak? A je v poriadku, ak sa umelá inteligencia pod tlakom politikov stane nástrojom na šírenie dezinformácií a predsudkov, len aby sa dosiahlo technologické prvenstvo?V novej epizóde podcastu SHARE sa redaktorka a redaktor Živé.sk Lucia Kobzová a Maroš Žofčin rozprávajú o najdôležitejších AI novinkách za posledné týždne a o tom, čo znamenajú pre našu budúcnosť.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo chce Donald Trump zbaviť umelú inteligenciu etických zábran a čo znamená jeho boj proti „woke AI“.V čom sa líšia stratégie USA a Číny a prečo sa Amerika v snahe o prvenstvo paradoxne začína podobať svojmu rivalovi.Akú šancu má Európa stať sa lídrom v bezpečnej a zodpovednej AI, kým sa veľmoci pretekajú bez pravidiel.Prečo Mark Zuckerberg masívne investuje do superinteligencie a aká je jeho prekvapivá vízia jej využitia.Či je umelá inteligencia naozaj takou ekologickou katastrofou, ako sa hovorí.Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/Témam sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/jm82rfl/trump-spusta-ai-revoluciu-chce-zakazat-woke-ideologiu-a-masivne-zrychlit-pokrok/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/SuBosQu/elon-musk-spustil-umelu-inteligenciu-bez-pravidiel-ide-uplne-do-extremov/Ďalšie odkazy spomínané v podcaste:Esej Grace Shao - Iná AI cesta ČínyPorovnania najlepších čínskych modelovEnvironmentálna správa MistraluAnthropic sa neštíti pomáhať diktátoromRokovania Microsoftu s OpenAIPodcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Dnes mám pro všechny posluchače mého podcastu dárek. S Marošem Vago jsme se dohodli, že zveřejníme kompletní znění našeho vystoupení na pódiu Meltingpotu v rámci festivalu Colours of Ostrava. Mí odběratelé na Herohero získali video o dva týdny dříve a mají jej bez reklam, které vkládá automaticky youtube, navíc s přístupem ke kompletnímu archivu, nicméně délku hovoru jsem tentokrát neomezil.Maroš Vago vystudoval psychologii a pak strávil řadu měsíců mezi šamany v jižní americe. Pokud chcete vědět víc o jeho osobním životní pohledu, doporučuji video, které jsme natočili dříve a jehož odkaz dám níže. Díky propojení obého - tedy západní vědy i šamanského pohledu na svět, nabízí poučení a inspiraci, přitom ale nepodléhá duchovnímu bypasu ani laciné ezoterice. Každé naše setkání mi dělá radost. Hovořili, jsme o tom, jak se uvolnit do proudu vědomí.Také chci poděkovat filmařskému teamu kolem Marošova konceptu APU, koukněte na web, APU doporučuji vaší pozornosti.Věřím, že si z rozhovoru vyzvednete momenty či nápady, které vás inspirují pro vlastní žití. Budu rád, pokud je pro nás i pro ostatní zmíníte do komentářů. Ale pokud by to bylo příliš osobní, nemusíte. Mějte se krásně, váš Petr HorkýOdkazy:apu.skhttps://herohero.co/petrhorkyhttps://youtu.be/JbUdZSB9AkYSupport the show
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In this third installment of our series on the Jinshin no Ran, we are covering the battles that took place in the Nara basin. Of course, while the fighting focuses on the generals, most of it was done by conscripts--farmers and other common people called up to fight. For more, check out of podcast webpage: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-131 Rough Transcript: Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua, and this is episode 131: The Jinshin no Ran, Part 3: Fighting in the Nara Basin Maro stood under the tsuki tree and gazed at the walls of the great temple. The gates and tiled roof were truly an incredible sight. Maro's home wasn't that far away, but until he'd been called up for service to the government, he hadn't thought much beyond the valley where he and his family tilled the land. Their life had been largely spent in the village, tucked up in the valley, farming rice, hunting in the mountains, and gathering firewood. He remembered how, years ago, his brothers had been the ones to go and do their service. They had been called up to build some kind of giant fortress on the top of a mountain. The stories they brought back were incredible—it was one thing to hear tales of the outside world from merchants and itinerant priests, but it was different to hear them from someone you actually knew. Now, it was Maro's turn. But he hadn't been called up for labor—he was going to have to fight. He tried to psych himself up. Many of the men and, frankly, young boys who were there with him were in a similar boat. Some were old hands, having served multiple times. Others were new and, like Maro, there for the first time. None of them were professional soldiers, though you wouldn't know that by the way some of them swaggered through the camp. They had been called up quickly, with only a little information. Apparently Prince Ohoama, they were told, had rebelled against the government. He and his men were gathering in the east and at any moment they could attack the capital in Ohotsu, and from there they would swing down and attack the ancient capital. So here they were, several hundred conscripts, pulled from households around the ancient capital, gathered and waiting for their weapons and armor so that they could then get their marching orders—quite literally. Suddenly, Maro heard a commotion in the north. He couldn't see what was happening, but the murmurs turned to shouting. Prince Takechi, the son of the demonic rebel, Ohoama, was here, coming from the north with hundreds of expert soldiers on horseback! Panic set in, and even though a few of the officers tried to quell the disturbance, it wasn't enough. Afraid for what might come, Maro and those like him broke ranks and fled. Maro gave little thought to what might happen to his family and friends if he deserted—he was no longer thinking rationally. Along with his compatriots—his would-be brothers-in-arms if they had been given any—he hoped that he could hide, and that, if he survived, maybe, just maybe, he could somehow make it back home in one piece. Welcome back. Content warning for this episode—we are going to be talking about war, including death, fighting, and suicide. As I noted at the start, this is part three of our look at the Jinshin no Ran, the Jinshin War—sometimes translated as a “Disturbance” or a “Rebellion”. This was the war between the supporters of Prince Ohoama, also known as Temmu, and Prince Ohotomo, aka Koubun. Ohoama's side is sometimes called the Yoshino or even the Yamato court, as he had quote-unquote “retired” from the world and become a monk at a temple in Yoshino, south of Asuka, in the old area of Yamato. Meanwhile, Ohotomo's supporters were the Afumi court—including most of the ministers running the state from the capital in Ohotsu, on the shores of lake Biwa, the area known as Afumi. So let's take a look at what has happened so far, and then we can get into the events we are talking about today: a look at the soldiers who were fighting, their gear, and then some of the fighting that went on—specifically the fighting that happened in the Nara Basin. I'll do my best to organize things based on the rough timeline that they seem to have occurred. Now previously, we had covered how Ohoama, brother to Naka no Oe aka Tenchi Tennou, had given up his title as Crown Prince and retired, supposedly to prevent any concerns that he might rebel and try to take the throne, but this wasn't enough for Ohotomo and the Court, who had begun to raise forces against him. And so Ohoama and his supporters had just made a desperate dash eastwards, across the mountain roads to Ise. From there they secured the Fuwa and Suzuka passes, two of the main routes to the East Countries. Ohoama had then sent out requests for assistance to those same countries, hoping to find allies who would support him against the apparently legitimate government in Ohotsu. We are told that Ohoama was joined at this time by two of his sons: Prince Takechi and Prince Ohotsu. And here I want to pause to note something that I didn't point out last episode: These princes were not quite as old as you might think from the way they are portrayed in the Chronicle. Prince Takechi, who had been given command of the troops at Fuwa Barrier, was only 19 years old. Granted, that is only 4 years younger than their rival, Prince Ohotomo, and only a couple of years younger than the famous Minamoto Yoshitsune would be when he joined his brother in the Genpei Wars, over 500 years later. Prince Ohotsu, however, was a bit younger, as he is believed to have been about 10 years old at this time, which likely explains why he is not so prominent in the narrative. I mention this because the Nihon Shoki often omits details like age and can make it seem like these were all seasoned adult men and women, when it may have been that they were simply of high enough status to be mentioned, even though others were likely running their affairs for them. In Prince Takechi's case, while he was likely old enough to take charge of the forces at Fuwa, it is also clear that his father was nearby and overseeing things, so everything didn't rest solely on his son's shoulders. Meanwhile, the Afumi court was raising its own soldiers. While their delegation to the East was stopped at the captured Fuwa Pass, they also had sent word to the west. Kibi and Tsukushi are specifically mentioned, but we know that they were raising troops elsewhere, including in the home province regions of Yamato and Kawachi. Here it should be noted that the Nihon Shoki is pretty clearly pro-Temmu, in other words pro-Ohoama. There is some evidence from textual analysis, however, that the Temmu portions of the narrative differ from the Tenchi portions. Torquil Duthie, in his book, “Man'yōshū and the Imperial Imagination in Early Japan”, recounts how scholarship has identified at least two—possibly three—different groups of compilers who managed different reigns. The Tenchi narrative is more neutral, while the Temmu narrative provides a bit more of an accusatory tone, and both narratives provide slightly different accounts of the same events—notably the death of Naka no Oe, Prince Ohoama taking vows, and Prince Ohotomo succeeding his father. On the other side, Duthie mentions the Kaifusou, a collection of Sinitic style poetry created in 751, just 31 years after the Nihon Shoki, where in the introduction, the author seems to be much more sympathetic to Prince Ohotomo and his cause, implying that Oama was the one rising up against the legitimate government. I mention this just to help us remember that our primary source is not exactly neutral about all of this, and we should keep that in mind as we are trying to sort out what was going on. The narrative also often makes it seem as though the outcome was inevitable, but we should remember that at the time all of these events were going down, the people involved couldn't have known how they were going to turn out— in the moment, anything could have happened, especially in times of war. Speaking of which, we know that the two sides were raising troops, so let's talk about what we know about those troops and what combat may have looked like at this time. While we don't exactly have detailed accounts, there is a lot we can piece together through the archaeological record and other sources. To that end we have evidence of armor and weapons, as well as shields, and we can also look at haniwa through the 6th and even early 7th century to give us an idea of local armor styles. Let's first look back on how soldiers were conscripted. Each household seems to have been responsible for supplying a soldier, when required. They were also to supply their equipment. This included a sword, armor, bows and arrows, as well as a flag and drum. In historical parades, today, we often see row upon row of soldiers kitted out in matching clothing, appearing relatively cohesive and well-regimented. In truth it is hard to know just how similar any one group might have been. Based on later historical examples, it is safe to assume that many of the soldiers may not have had much armor, if any, and even if they did it might have been made of wood or leather, which were unlikely to survive to the modern day. Of course, I would also question just how often they were able to afford everything mentioned. And since we are told that as the government was gathering soldiers it was also opening up storehouses of weapons and armor, I suspect that indicates that not everyone had their own. And even if they did, it may have been of questionable quality. That said, if a warrior did have armor, it was likely one of two types, variations of which were both found on the continent. The first type is characterized by a solid, circular cuirass, often called a “tankou”, or short armor. These were made of strips of iron that were shaped on a wooden form and then riveted or tied together into a solid cuirass, which is why it is also called a type of “plate” armor. One side of the armor was hinged and could open so that the wearer could get in. There are some tankou with a hanging skirt of tassets that flare out as well, protecting the legs, and even examples of pieces that also go around the neck, shoulder guards, and arm guards. The tankou seems to date from at least the 3rd or 4th century, with changes in design over time, and we know that it continued through at least the 6th century. Compare this to the keikou, or hanging armor. Keikou was a kind of lamellar armor, made of individual scales, later known as “sane”. These metal scales, also known as lamellae, were held together with lacing, and made for a much more flexible, and presumably comfortable, armor. The tradeoff for this comfort was that keikou likely took a lot more labor to make, and thus were considered a more elite armor, possibly used by men on horseback or at least by those leading the troops. Looking into the future a bit, we know that in the 8th century there were “tankou” and “keikou” being donated to the Shousouin repository at Toudaiji. However, it isn't clear that “tankou” and “keikou” in the 8th century referred to exactly this kind of armor, and we may have been dealing with something else entirely, because there is a lacuna in our understanding of armor on the archipelago between the end of the Asuka period and the appearance of the more familiar yoroi in the Heian period comes about. There are conjectured transitional armors, based on continental models, which are thought to have been used. Still, at this very point in time, when Ohoama is mounting his rebellion against Ohotomo, the Keikou and Tankou are generally thought to have still been in use, and this is generally how you will see the two sides represented. As for weapons, perhaps the most common that we see is the bow and arrow. Archery is extremely practical, not only for its ability to be used from a distance, but also because in times of peace people can use the same bows to hunt, thus making hunting prowess a kind of stand-in for military prowess. The way of the bow—in fact the way of the horse and bow, or Kyuuba no Michi—would be the main pillar of martial prowess in the archipelago for centuries. The iconic sword, while important—it was, after all, one of the three sacred regalia—was more of a side-arm, deployed in close quarters combat. It was still important, as it could be easily carried with you. However, it is more likely that massed troops might have had spears and various types of polearms, providing reach. Those are harder to just casually carry around, however, especially if you are mainly using a bow. Perhaps that is part of the reason that we don't hear as much about such weapons, and most of the focus seems to be on the archers and on swords. There were also at this time shields. We know that the Hayato of southern Kyushu were particularly known for them, but there evidence that they were more widely used. After all, a shield made of wood would have made an important defense against a rain of arrows coming from the enemy. As for the horses, some of them may have even had their own barding, or armor, though I suspect, again, that was rare, and reserved for elites. All of this together gives us some idea of what it may have looked like when Ohoama and Ohotomo's forces engaged in battle, though it is still conjecture. We know that they had spears, and swords, and bows. We know that some of the first men that Prince Ohoama picked up on his journey was to conscript archers to his service, who then were pressed into taking a government post station. We also don't necessarily see a lot of individual fighting described in the records, though there are exceptions. Later on, there was a tradition of individual warriors calling out challenges in the midst of battle, that became an accepted practice in the early culture of the bushi, or samurai, but we don't see that in the Chronicles. Certainly we see moments of individual valor which are remembered, likely because of the benefits that the hero's descendants could then claim for themselves. But for the most part it seems that the people actually doing the fighting were groups of conscripted soldiers, not the hired warriors of later periods. Even among groups like the Mononobe, the Be of the Warriors, it isn't clear that they would have been the ones on the front lines—not if they could help it, anyway. Most of these were farmers and similar commoners, who were called up to fight as necessary. Some of them may have seen action over on the Korean peninsula, or even in local skirmishes. Others would have been fresh out of the fields, joining the ranks for the first time. They were not exactly volunteers, but also didn't have much of a choice. It was the draft on steroids. I also suspect that the act of conscription, where a soldier was offered up by a household, or family,, meant that desertion would mean that their family would be punished. While the elite generals providing the men were no doubt gauging how this would affect their own political and economic fortunes, I imagine that the average soldier had much less agency and could look forward to many fewer rewards. In fact, I suspect his main goal would have been one of survival. Perhaps if one fought well, they could earn something more for themselves, and perhaps there were cultural concepts of loyalty to one's local elites and leadership. And maybe there were leaders who inspired them to do great things. However, works like the Nihon Shoki were rarely concerned with the lives of the common people, except when it shined a light on the sovereigns and their court. It was much more concerned with how this affected the upper caste of society. There is also the question about just what kind of fighting this system led to. Again, these are not the bushi—a warrior class who prided themselves on their martial prowess. And neither were they standing armies. While there were likely some who regularly served and trained and found they had a skill at war, how many were simple farmers who were now holding a spear instead of a spade? These are things to keep in mind as we follow along with tales of glorious victory or ignoble defeat. So, that's a glimpse at who was actually doing the fighting. As for the timeline of the battle, let's get into it. But first, a caveat: as we should be used to by now, the exact chronology of the events listed in the Nihon Shoki is not entirely clear. The Nihon Shoki provides a narrative, but often it includes actions that took several days or even weeks on a single date where the events apparently culminated. Using cues, such as “one day later” or such things, we can piece together a narrative, but I may not have it 100% accurate. It doesn't help that the Nihon Shoki seems to focus on different campaigns separately, even though much of it was happening at the same time. That's compounded by the fact that all of this was being recorded much later, and so there is also a great possibility that even some of the seemingly clear dates were also wrong, or were adjusted to make for a better flow in the narrative. So I'm going to do my best to piece together what I roughly feel was the chronological order, but just be aware that dates may not be all that precise. In the coming conflict we see several main arenas. First, there is the area around Lake Biwa, from the Fuwa pass towards Ohotsu. This was Ohoama's main path to try and put an end to this whole affair—to make his way to Ohotsu, the capital, and cut off the head of the snake. To do that he would have to leave his defensive position and venture out around the lake, where Afumi forces no doubt lay in wait. At the same time, there was also fierce fighting in the Nara Basin, with Yoshino and Afumi forces clashing there across the plains. And we cannot forget the Kafuka, or Kouka, pass over to Suzuka. If the Afumi forces could push through to Suzuka, then they could march along the coastal plains of Mie up through Owari and come at Ohoama's forces from behind. In previous episodes we covered the leadup to this part of the conflict, and while there had been some fighting at the post stations on the road to Suzuka, as well as captured envoys at Fuwa Pass, so far we haven't seen any major fighting. If the timeline in the Nihon Shoki is to be believed, the first serious clashes seem to have occurred in the Yamato region and the Nara basin. In general, however, there seems to have been two main campaigns. There was the fighting in the Nara Basin, and then there was the fighting along the shores of Lake Biwa. Everything started off at the end of the 6th month with Ohoama's mad dash to capture the passes at Suzuka and Fuwa, where he waited while he gathered up men from the Eastern countries. While that was happening, the Afumi court was out recruiting men for their own war. This would lead to some of the earliest formal battles between the two sides taking place in the Nara Basin, originally a recruitment center, it turned into a battle zone. Yoshino aligned forces would push north, only to be blocked by armies coming down from the capital at Ohotsu, as well as forces coming through the gap between Yamato and Kawachi, where the Yamato river leaves the basin through the western mountains. The fighting happened largely over the course of a week or so. It started around the 29th day of the 6th month, and seems to have ended between the 4th or 6th day of the 7th month. So keep that in mind. As you may recall from last episode, two brothers, Ohotomo no Muraji no Makuda and Ohotomo no Muraji no Fukei, upon hearing that Ohoama was rising up, both feigned illness, using that as an excuse to leave the court at Ohotsu and return to their family compounds in the Yamato region. From there, Makuda made haste to catch up with Ohoama and his men, but his brother, Fukei, stayed behind to see what he could do in Yamato. Originally, Fukei's success was limited. He started calling various allied families together and tried to drum up support for Ohoama, but he could only gather a few tens of men. Not the hundreds, let alone thousands, that would be needed. At the same time, the Afumi court was conscripting men of the Yamato region into service. This was being organized by Hodzumi no Obito no Momotari and his younger brother, Hodzumi no Obito no Ihoye, along with Mononobe no Obito no Hiuga, who had all been sent to Yamato on the orders of the Afumi court, apparently arriving shortly after Fukei. This group set up their base of operations at the Wokamoto palace—it was, after all, the official government presence and they were the official government representatives —and they used the grounds west of Houkouji, aka Asukadera, as their assembly grounds. Ohotomo no Fukei knew that something would have to be done. If those conscripted Yamato soldiers were formed into a proper army and sent out, it could cause a lot of trouble for Ohoama and his men. And fortunately, Fukei had a man on the inside: apparent ally, Sakanouhe no Atahe no Kumage, the officer in charge of the Wokamoto Palace, working for Prince Takazaka who resided there. And so Fukei had a plan—he would impersonate the Royal Prince Takechi, son of Ohoama, and pretend to lead a force of cavalry to attack the camp at Asukadera. To strengthen the illusion, Fukei would come in from the north, which is where Prince Takechi and his men would presumably be coming from. Now remember, Fukei only had tens of people that were actually on his side at this point, and the camp was presumably much larger. If they didn't fall for his ruse, Fukei would be marching straight to his death. Fukei marshalled his troops at the house of Kudara, which is to say “Baekje”, and then left out of the south gate. He then had an accomplice, Hada no Miyatsuko no Kuma, dressed in nothing but a loincloth, mount a horse and gallop as fast as he could towards the camp. You can imagine the confusion in the camp as this wild, naked man gallops up to them in a panic and starts telling them that Prince Takechi and his men were on their way with a huge force. When the conscripted soldiers heard this, they panicked. While the men were gathered, it seems that they hadn't yet been outfitted with weapons and armor, so the entire camp broke and fled. And so Fukei was able to waltz in with his tens of men and take the camp at Asukadera, capturing Prince Takazaka and those sent from Ohotsu to levy troops. Fukei's ally, Kumage, the man on the inside, helped with this, along with the soldiers under the command of him and the Aya no Atahe. And so they were able to disperse the conscripted Yamato forces before they were even assembled. However, it turned out that someone was missing. Hodzumi no Omi no Momotari, who had been appointed leader of the operation, was not at Asukadera. It turns out that he was over at the Woharida Palace, where he was reviewing the armory, taking out the weapons and armor for the troops that he thought were still over at Asukadera. And so Fukei continued the ruse: he sent a messenger to summon Momotari, claiming to be a summons from Prince Takechi himself. Momotari, hearing this, likely knew that he had lost, but he apparently maintained his dignity. He didn't run away or rush to the camp. Instead he approached on horseback in a leisurely fashion. When he reached the encampment, now under Fukei's command, one of the soldiers shouted at Momotari to get off his horse, but Momotari, likely trying to keep what remained of his dignity, was slow in doing so. The men around him didn't care one whit for his dignity, however. They grabbed his collar and pulled him off of the horse, dragging him to the ground. He was shot with an arrow and then a man drew his sword and struck him and killed him. We aren't even told who did this deed, just how it was done. As for the others, Momonatari's brother, Hodzumi no Ihoye and Mononobe no Hiuga were bound, but eventually they were released amongst the troops, where they were no doubt watched carefully. Princes Takazaka no Ou and Wakasa no Ou, the representatives of the Afumi court in Asuka, were made to follow behind the army. With this victory under his belt, Ohotomo no Fukei sent messengers to Prince Ohoama, at the Fuwa pass, to let him know what had happened. When the messengers finally reached Ohoama we are told that he was quite pleased with the result. After all, it meant that his rearguard was that much more secure. We are told that these events took place on or about the 29th day of the 6th month, around the same time that Ohoama was overseeing the troops at Wazami, only a few days after he and the real Prince Takechi had made their way to that camp. Things were evolving quickly. Fukei's success drew others to his banner. Miwa no Kimi no Takechimaro, Kamo no Kimi no Yemishi, and othes all joined Fukei's forces, “like an echo”. With a now more sizeable force, it seems that Fukei believed he was ready to take the fight to the Afumi court. He and his advisors drew up plans for invading Afumi, selecting men to be deputy commanders and military commanders, providing a hierarchy and some organization. From there, a few days later, he began to march north from Asuka, towards Nara. Now Nara at this point was just a name for the northwest area of the basin—they probably didn't even think of it as the Nara basin back then. But it was along the road that led north, through the mountains, and from there through Yamashiro and eventually on to Afumi. As Fukei was headed north, however, he received word that there was another force coming from the Kawachi in the west. And so he split his forces. Sakamoto no Omi no Takara and others were sent with some 300 troops to take a defensive position at Tatsuta. Sami no Kimi no Sukunamaro was also sent with another several hundred men to Ohosaka… no, not that Ohosaka. Afusaka in modern Kashiba, in western Nara Basin. This area would have been a strategic defensive point for any troops taking the road from Kawachi, so if anyone got past Sakamoto no Takara, Sukunamaro and his troops would be waiting. The now General Fukei also sent Kamo no Yemishi with another several hundred men to guard the Iwate road, to defend that approach as well. Now Sakamoto no Takara, who had been sent to engage the troops coming from Kawachi, reached the area of Hiraishi when he heard that Afumi forces were occupying the nearby castle of Takayasu mountain. You may recall that Takayasu was one of the Korean style fortresses that had been built in anticipation of a possible invasion from the continent, and it had even been repaired a few times. Now it was being used not against an outside enemy, but in an internal conflict. Takara and his men marched up the mountain, intending to attack the castle, and here we should probably give a better idea of just what this castle was like. If you think of a modern Japanese castle the thing that likely stands out, no pun intended, is the Tenshukaku, or donjon; the multi-storied tower located somewhere inside the walls and moats of the castle proper. This would be an ideal location to spy over the walls and see where the enemy were, as well as an area from which one could make a last ditch stand. The castles of the Asuka period were not like this. They were built off of a continental model, and their defining feature was not the donjon—though they likely did have gate and guard towers set up so that one could see attacking forces. No, the defining feature was really the walls. Long, compacted-earth walls, possibly lined with stone, which snaked around the top of a mountain. This castle style leveraged the natural contours of existing mountain tops to provide its defense. It didn't hurt that they also provided clear views of what was happening on the plains below, and required attacking troops to march up a steep mountain climb and then attack uphill. The tradeoff was that these weren't the kind of places that people would live, when most of the infrastructure of the state was in the fertile plains and surrounding areas. So these castles had granaries to keep troops fed, and perhaps some basic buildings erected within the walls, but they were largely a practical design. You can still go see the Takayasu ruins, today, and you don't have to hike up the mountain as Takara and his men did. Instead you can take a cable car up to the top, or even a regular car on the roads that drive up to the old castle site, though how much you can see I'm not sure. There are also other castle ruins and even old kofun on the mountain, as its prominence has been recognized as important in many different centuries. There likely weren't a lot of troops manning the castle, certainly not enough that they felt they had much chance of defending it. So when Takara and his men made it up to the top, they Afumi forces burned the granaries, so as to deny him any supplies, and then took off, discretion being the better part of valor. Takara and his men spent the evening at the castle, no doubt recovering from their hike up. Remember, this wasn't just a leisurely stroll—they were no doubt fully kitted out for war. When they woke the next morning they looked out over the surrounding countryside, of which they now had fantastic views, and Takara noticed a large army coming down along the Ohotsu-Tajihi road. They carried flags, which I don't know how Takara could have seen at that point, which identified them as being the enemy - troops of the Afumi general, Iki no Fubito no Karakuni. And so Takara and his men descended from Takayasu, crossed the Ega River—now known as the Ishi river, and engaged Karakuni's army. They were only 300 men, however, and Karakuni had a much larger forcem so Takara was unable to maintain a defense. And so they made a strategic withdrawal—in other words retreated—back to Kashikosaka, apparently a part of Afusaka, where Ki no Omi no Oho'oto had been set to guard. So Ohotomo and the Afumi court finally scored a win. Besides his victory against Takara and his men, we are also told that Karakuni had come upon Kume no Omi no Shihoko, the governor of Kawachi. Shihoko had been gathering troops to go fight for Ohoama, but he was found out by Karakuni. Karakuni captured him and was going to execute him, but before he could, Shihoko took his own life, instead. As Takara was retreating and setting up a new defensive position, Fukei had his own problems to worry about. As he was camped with his troops on Mt. Narayama, one of his men, Aradawo no Atahe no Akamaro, addressed him and suggested that they should make sure to fortify Asuka, just in case. Fukei agreed, and sent Akamaro as well as Imbe no Kobito to guard the Okamoto Palace in Asuka. They also made sure to remove the planks from any bridges, using them to setup fortifications along the road. Now any army that wished to cross would either have to swim or they would need to come across the narrow beams that were all that was left of the bridges. This was not ideal at the best of times, but you can imagine doing it as troops on the other side were shooting arrows at you. And yet this has become a near classic trope in Japanese war stories and it won't be the only time it comes up in various historical contexts. It wouldn't even be the only time it shows up in this current conflict. A day later, Fukei found himself engaged with an Afumi general, Ohono no Kimi no Hatayasu, on Mt. Narayama itself. Despite Fukei having had time to set up a defensive position, the Afumi forces overwhelmed Fukei's men. They were defeated and Fukei himself barely escaped with his life. Fukei fled south with only one or two men, also on horseback, with Hatayasu hot on his heels, only stopping when they reached Hatta and the Yamato river. At that point the fortifications were in place, and Hatayasu likely knew that any trying to cross the river after Fukei would likely not go nearly as well as it did at Narayama. As for General Fukei he kept going all the way until he reached Sumizaka, which appears to be in Uda. There he fell in with Okizome no Muraji no Usagi, at the head of several tens of thousands of men. Usagi had been with Ohoama , but upon hearing of the fighting in Yamato, Ohoama had sent him and others to go back through the Suzuka pass to provide reinforcements. One can only imagine how happy Fukei was at this point to see Usagi and all of thise men. Fukei turned back around and encamped at Kanatsunawi—possibly modern Imai-cho, Kashihara city. There he was able to gather many of the dispersed troops back into a force once again. About this time, Fukei heard that the Afumi forces were also approaching along the Afusaka road. So now they were approaching from both the north and the west. They were also taking several different roads—inside the largely flat area of the Nara Basin, they likely had several choices. Takara and Oho-oto had been unable to meet the enemy and had kept retreating, likely seeking a defensible position. As they did this, Fukei came from the east with his reinforcements. He made it to where the roads branched at Tahema—modern Taima—where he fought with Iki no Karakuni nearby Ashi-kie pond, possibly somewhere near modern Chimata. During the battle, one of Fukei's men, a brave warrior known to us only as “Kume”, drew his sword and rushed straight into the midst of the enemy army. Of course one lone man wasn't likely to do much, but he inspired a cavalry charge, and men on horseback followed closely at his heels. Seeing this force bearing quickly down on them, the Afumi troops broke, and soon it was a rout. Fukei's men pursued, cutting down the Afumi soldiers as they fled, until Fukei finally reined them in. At this point, Fukei then admonished his troops that their goal was to take out the ringleaders, not to just indiscriminately murder the common people. Remember, which side of the battlefield you ended up fighting on was largely a function of who had conscripted you, and Fukei evidently knew this. As the men were still retreating, though, Fukei noticed that the Afumi general, Karakuni – one of those ringleaders - had gotten himself separated from his men. Fukei ordered Kume—presumably the same one who had charged the army in the first place—to shoot at him, but Kume's arrow missed, and Karakuni made his escape. Rather than pursuing, Fukei returned back to his headquarters. Once there, Fukei now learned that there were enemy forces approaching from the East, as well. So Fukei took the army and divided it into three, defending the Upper, Middle, and Lower roads, and he took personal charge of the forces on the middle road, likely so that he could easily keep in touch with the other forces. He was also waiting for the next challenge, and he didn't have to wait for long: the Afumi general Inukai no Muraji no Isogimi approached along the Middle Road. He halted at Muraya, but his deputy commander, Ihoriwi no Miyatsuko no Kujira, attacked Fukei's camp with 200 specially picked soldiers. Now it turns out that when they reached the camp, there were only a few people actually there at the time, including one Tokumaro, described as a slave of Ohowidera temple, and four “people following the army” – in other words, these might not have been actual soldiers. . Nevertheless, together this small group rallied, formed an advance guard and went forward, shooting arrows at Kujira's forces. Kujira, not knowing that Fukei's camp was all but empty, halted his advance. Meanwhile, over on the Upper Road, Miwa no Takechimaro and Okizome no Usagi, who had been sent by Ohoama from Fuwa, fought with the Afumi army at the Hashi Misasagi—which is assumed to be the Hashihaka kofun, and they overwhelmingly defeated the Afumi army there, such that they was able to pivot from there and swing their forces over to the Middle road. There they slammed into the flank of Kujira's army, who had stopped to trade blows with Fukei's camp. Many of the common soldiers were killed, and the general, Kujira, ran off, mounted on a white horse. Unfortunately for him, the horse took a misstep and tumbled into a muddy-rice field. Kujira was bogged down in the mud and having trouble getting out. General Fukei, seeing this, sent a brave soldier of Kahi to shoot at Kujira, but as the soldier came up to the edge of the rice paddy, Kujira whipped his horse vigorously, and got it to extricate itself and Kujira, who galloped off and escaped. Fukei, for his part, returned again to his headquarters and camped with his men there. Though they were ready for another conflict, nothing ever came. The Afumi forces had withdrawn. The battle for the Nara basin was over, and the Yoshino forces were victorious. General Fukei, however, was anything but finished. Remember, he had planned to take the fight to the Afumi court, and so, having subdued the enemy forces in Yamato—which is to say the Nara basin—Fukei marched out through Afusaka to Naniwa, and then marched on Yamazaki, where he set up camp. From there, he sent messengers to all the governors of the Western Provinces. He forced them to give up their keys, their posting-bells, and their posting tallies—basically he had them formally submit to the Yoshino faction, and thus to Ohoama. Meanwhile, Ohoama had his own campaign to conduct, and it kicked off in the middle of Fukei's defense of the Yamato Home Province. He also would engage various generals in battle, but we'll save that campaign for Part Four. But before we go I do want to point out, once again: this wasn't a simple and straightforward matter of attack and defense. Notice that generals on both sides sometimes were victorious and sometimes had to flee. You can only imagine how, after the defeat at Narayama, General Fukei must have felt that all hope was lost, only to run into a force ten thousand strong come to relive him and his paltry troops. But it could just as easily have been that he didn't make it. In fact, how many warriors died? Heroically, perhaps, but still died. And if there were no descendants to carry on their name and remember their deeds, then who knows how many people just didn't get written about at all. And then there are all of those common soldiers. Individuals without any recorded name, but who nonetheless were there and who fought. They may not have been the people that later authors cared to write about, and yet they were all someone's child, and possibly their sibling or parent. They loved and laughed, and certainly died. All to determine who would sit next upon the Yamato throne. One has to wonder if winning or losing really changed anything for them, or perhaps they won simply by surviving. And on that cheerful thought, I'll take my leave. Until next time, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.
Odkaz na celý díl najdete na našem Patreonu a HeroHeroPetr Fiala rád plave, kandidáti SPD raději odpočívají u přehrady, tak by se dala shrnout předvolební produkce stran z uplynulých dní. Dejte si to, stojí to za to. My jsme se po úvodním domácím politickém okénku dostali k tomu zásadnímu – dohodě mezi USA a EU o clech. Maroš Šefčovič vyjednával, co mohl a dojednal důstojnou porážku Evropy. Na smutnou evropskou realitu jsme narazili i v dalším tématu, NKÚ zveřejnilo zprávu o české vědě, výzkumu a inovacích. Odhaluje přesně to, proč náš kontinent stagnuje, pardon roste o závratných 0,2 % HDP (data Eurostatu za Q2).
Pätnásť percent. Taká je výška cla, na ktorom sa dohodli Spojené štáty s Európskou úniou. Výsledok rokovaní prišiel len pár dní pred termínom, odkedy mali začať platiť zvýšené 30-percentné clá, ktoré Trump oznámil v apríli.Názory na vyrokovaných 15 percent sa však rôznia aj v rámci únie. Kým niektorí lídri hovoria o odvrátení obchodnej vojny, iní tvrdia, že dohoda predstavuje temný deň pre úniu.Ako konkrétne prebiehali rokovania, čo clo znamená pre ekonomiku Európskej únie a akú rolu v tom všetko zohrával eurokomisár Maroš Šefčovič?Eva Frantová sa v podcaste Dobré ráno pýta vydavateľa portálu Euractiv.sk Radovana Geista.Zdroje zvukov: ABC News, STVR, ReutersOdporúčanie:Ak máte čas, vráťte sa k trilógii Pán prsteňov. Ja som si cez víkend pozrela jednu časť v jej predĺženej verzii. Ak máte skoro štyri hodiny navyše, vyskúšajte to. Ja som bola opäť raz prekvapená, aké skvelé je filmové spracovanie Tolkienovho veľdiela, a to aj napriek tomu, že ide o takmer 25-rokov staré filmy.–Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na sme.sk/podcasty–Odoberajte aj audio verziu denného newslettra SME.sk s najdôležitejšími správami na sme.sk/brifing
Washington podle nové obchodní dohody uvalí na velkou část evropských exportů do USA cla. Pro Česko důležité letecké součástky ale zůstanou bez daně. „Bylo to velmi složité a mohlo to dopadnout ještě hůř,“ připouští v Pro a proti poslanec ANO Karel Havlíček a chválí unijního vyjednavače Maroše Šefčoviče. Totéž si myslí i europoslankyně Danuše Nerudová (STAN): „Je dobře, že se mu podařilo udržet jednotu států. Dohoda pro Česko není špatná, i když převaha USA je patrná.“Všechny díly podcastu Pro a proti můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.
Keď hľadáme iné planéty a slnečné sústavy, zvykneme si ich prirovnávať k tej našej. V skutočnosti sa však zdá, že usporiadanie s malými kamennými planétami blízko hviezdy a plynnými obrami ďaleko od nej je skôr výnimkou ako pravidlom. Vesmír je plný výrazne odlišných a často veľmi kurióznych svetov.V novom vydaní podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s redaktorom Živé.sk Dušanom Valentom o najzaujímavejších objavených exoplanétach – od svetov, kde pršia drahokamy, cez najčastejší typ planét, ktorý v našej sústave chýba, až po planéty putujúce medzigalaktickou prázdnotou.Tip na čítanie na dovolenku: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť s knihou od redaktorov Živé.sk „Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“. Počas leta ju navyše môžete získať v 30 % zľave:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/Knihu vydáva aj spolumoderátor Dušan Valent. Humoristický sci-fi román Hlasy priepasti nájdete v každom lepšom kníhkupectve.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo je usporiadanie našej slnečnej sústavy vo vesmíre skôr výnimkou.Horúce Jupitery: Planéty, kde pršia žeravé drahokamy a v atmosfére sú kovy.Super-zeme: Najčastejší typ planét, ktoré môžu byť pokryté 200-kilometrovými oceánmi.Bludné planéty: Svety bez hviezd putujúce v medzihviezdnej a medzigalaktickej tme.Mohol by na bludnej planéte bez Slnka existovať život?Téme sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/IAddWiS/mraky-zo-skal-oceany-z-magmy-toto-su-najpekelnejsie-svety-kozmu/Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Çetin Ünsalan'ın hazırlayıp sunduğu İşte Bunu Konuşalım programına MARO Kurucusu Lale Maro konuk oldu.
Çetin Ünsalan'ın hazırlayıp sunduğu İşte Bunu Konuşalım programına MARO Kurucusu Lale Maro konuk oldu.
Ochrana osobných údajov má mnoho podôb, no chránenie zdravotných dát patrí do celkom osobitnej kategórie. Aké sú povinnosti nemocníc a ambulancií pri ich ochrane? Aký je reálny stav kyberbezpečnosti v slovenskom zdravotníctve a čo môžete robiť ako pacient? A prečo by ste nemali vkladať svoje lekárske správy do verejných AI nástrojov ako ChatGPT?V novom dieli špeciálnej série podcastu SHARE o kybernetickej bezpečnosti sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s expertmi zo zdravotnej poisťovne Dôvera – Pavlou Babicovou, ktorá má na starosti ochranu dát a riadenie rizík, a Romanom Vargom, manažérom kybernetickej bezpečnosti. V podcaste hovoríme o týchto témach:Prečo sú zdravotné údaje osobitne citlivé a aké sú povinnosti pri ich ochrane.Aký je reálny stav kyberbezpečnosti v slovenskom zdravotníctve.Riziká AI: Prečo by ste nemali vkladať lekárske správy do verejných chatbotov.Čo robiť, ak zistíte, že vaše zdravotné údaje unikli alebo boli zneužité.Ako môžu inštitúcie bezpečne využívať AI vďaka vlastným uzavretým modelom.Viac na: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/28mdrQw/utoky-na-zdravotnictvo-pribudaju-vacsina-lekarov-ich-ani-nerozpozna/Podcast prinášame v spolupráci s poisťovňou Dôvera.Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Je v poriadku, aby technologickí miliardári bez kontroly púšťali do sveta AI, ktorá navrhuje páchať zločiny, a aby firmy založené na etických princípoch obratom ruky zbrojili pre armádu? Tento znepokojivý vývoj sa zároveň odohráva na pozadí neľútostného globálneho súboja o technologickú nadvládu, kde sa každé zaváhanie môže stať strategickou prehrou. Do toho všetkého vstupujú hlasy expertov, ktorí varujú, že celý sen o superinteligencii môže čoskoro naraziť na tvrdé fyzikálne a dátové limity.V novej epizóde podcastu SHARE sa redaktorka a redaktor Živé.sk Lucia Kobzová a Maroš Žofčin rozprávajú o najdôležitejších AI novinkách za posledné týždne a o tom, čo znamenajú pre našu budúcnosť.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo nová AI od Elona Muska prekračuje všetky etické hranice.Ako ďaleko sú ochotné zájsť firmy pre zisk z vojenských kontraktov.Je „zlý Rudy“ len nevinný experiment alebo nebezpečný nástroj?Prečo sú čínske AI nástroje považované za bezpečnostnú hrozbu.Má Európa ešte šancu dobehnúť USA a Čínu v pretekoch o AI?Môže sa celý sen o superinteligencii skončiť skôr, ako sa poriadne začal?Témam sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/xvG4S4a/cinsky-deepseek-a-jeho-pouzivanie-v-statnej-sprave-jasne-stanovisko-ceskej-vlady/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/uSGxTyT/nbu-varuje-pred-touto-sluzbou-umelej-inteligencie-je-nebezpecna-co-je-problem Ďalšie odkazy spomínané v podcaste:Esej Dwarkesha Patela o tom, že AGI ešte môže byť veľmi ďalekoČo ak by sa do AI investovali podobné peniaze, ako na projekt ManhattanSystémový prompt tvorcov xAI pre pstavičku AniPodcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Výnimočné postavenie, obchádzanie postupov pri prideľovaní spisov i nedodržiavanie pracovnej agendy.Takéto správanie zachytávajú dokumenty z Generálnej prokuratúry a týka sa dvojice prokurátoriek, ktoré mali vybavovať agendu na pokyn svojich šéfov.Či si Maroš Žilinka prideľuje svojich ľudí na špeciálne prípady, aké to má dôsledky a čo to robí s dôveryhodnosťou generálnej prokuratúry?Tomáš Prokopčák sa v podcaste Dobré ráno pýta Petra Kováča.Zdroj zvukov: Markíza, TASR, TA3Odporúčanie:Tento piatok a sobotu ožije Rimavská Sobota festivalom FRAJ – dvoma dňami plnými hudby, divadla, filmu, diskusií, umenia a skvelej atmosféry. Čakať môžete zážitky ako kvíz nášho podcastu Piatoček, slam poetry, kabaret, workshopy aj program pre deti. To všetko v jedinečnom priestore Čierneho Orla. Vstupenky aj kompletný program nájdete na fraj.sk.–Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na sme.sk/podcasty–Odoberajte aj audio verziu denného newslettra SME.sk s najdôležitejšími správami na sme.sk/brifing
Kam smeruje technológia umelej inteligencie a čo jej rozvoj znamená pre nás ako ľudstvo? Ako AI ovplyvňuje naše kognitívne schopnosti, akú úlohu zohráva v špičkovom vedeckom výskume a ako by sme mali pripraviť seba a naše deti na budúcnosť, v ktorej budú AI nástroje všadeprítomné?V novom dieli podcastu SHARE, ktorý je záznamom z diskusie na festivale Pohoda, sa redaktor Živé.sk Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s profesorkou Máriou Bielikovou, riaditeľkou Kempelenovho inštitútu inteligentných technológií (KInIT), a astrofyzičkou Žofiou Chrobákovou, ktorá využíva AI vo svojom výskume.Tip na čítanie na dovolenku: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť s knihou od redaktorov Živé.sk „Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“. Počas leta ju navyše môžete získať v 30 % zľave: TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako umelá inteligencia mení naše myslenie a znižuje kognitívne funkcie.Využitie AI v špičkovej vede: Od výskumu vesmíru v CERN-e po simulácie galaxií.Nové trendy v AI: Nástup agentov a modelov, ktoré dokážu „uvažovať“.Môže AI robiť nové vedecké objavy a nahradí v budúcnosti vedcov?Aké zručnosti a vzdelanie budeme potrebovať v ére umelej inteligencie.Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Cestovanie nemusí byť drahé, ak viete, ako na to. Hľadanie spôsobov, ako cestovať šikovne a lacno, je podstatou „travelhackingu“. Ako sa dá precestovať svet len s pomocou smartfónu, aké triky platia pri hľadaní lacných leteniek a ubytovania, a ako môže pri plánovaní ciest pomôcť umelá inteligencia?V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s blogerkou a cestovateľkou Jankou, známou ako Travelhackerka, o jej ceste od študentky práva k profesionálnej cestovateľke, o jej praktických tipoch, a o tom, ako pri tvorbe obsahu využíva najmodernejšie technológie. Podcast prinášame v spolupráci so spoločnosťou Honor.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach: Ako nájsť najlacnejšie ubytovanie: Kedy rezervovať a kde porovnávať ceny.Tipy na lacné letenky: Kde hľadať a prečo si dávať pozor na predajcov.Ako umelá inteligencia v smartfóne pomáha pri fotení na cestách.Praktický návod na plánovanie dovolenky s pomocou ChatGPT.Zmeškali ste lacné letenky na leto? Aké sú možnosti na poslednú chvíľu.Viac na - https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/mXBBAZQ/travelhackerka-prezradza-svoje-triky-od-umelej-inteligencie-az-po-zachranu-dovolenky/ Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Em alegações finais, o procurador-geral da República afirma que o ex-presidente liderou uma organização golpista.Meio-Dia em Brasília traz as principais notícias e análises da política nacional direto de Brasília. Com apresentação de José Inácio Pilar e Wilson Lima, o programa aborda os temas mais quentes do cenário político e econômico do Brasil. Com um olhar atento sobre política, notícias e economia, mantém o público bem informado. Transmissão ao vivo de segunda a sexta-feira às 12h. Apoie o jornalismo Vigilante: 10% de desconto para audiência do Meio-Dia em Brasília https://bit.ly/meiodiaoa Siga O Antagonista no X: https://x.com/o_antagonista Acompanhe O Antagonista no canal do WhatsApp. Boletins diários, conteúdos exclusivos em vídeo e muito mais. https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029Va2SurQHLHQbI5yJN344 Leia mais em www.oantagonista.com.br | www.crusoe.com.br
Por que a Rua 25 de Março entrou na mira de investigação de Trump após anúncio do tarifaço. 'Lista de Epstein': Trump vira alvo dos MAGA após negar teoria sexual que ele mesmo espalhou. Acidente entre carreta, micro-ônibus e ônibus deixa cinco mortos na BR-153, diz PRF. Mais do que genética: poluição, corrupção e desigualdade aceleram envelhecimento, revela estudo global. Médica espancada por fisiculturista foi encontrada caída, ofegante e sem falar; vizinho acionou a PM após ouvir barulho.
Die Europese Unie waarsku sy handel met die VSA kan uitgewis word indien president Donald Trump sy dreigement uitvoer om 'n 30-persent-tarief op invoere op die 27-nasies-blok in te stel. Die bilaterale handelsverhouding tussen die EU en die VSA verteenwoordig byna 30-persent van die wêreldwye handel in goedere en dienste. Trump het die EU herhaaldelik tereggewys oor wat hy as onbillike handelspraktyke beskou. Die EU-handelskommissaris, Maroš Šefčovič, sê hulle benader die gesprekke met Amerika te goeder trou en konstruktief:
Je správne, aby modely trénovali na našich dátach bez nášho vedomia a aby ľudia v rozvojových krajinách pracovali v traumatizujúcich podmienkach za pár dolárov? Zároveň sa však ukazuje nesmierna sila AI v medicíne, kde už dnes prekonáva ľudských lekárov a rieši problémy, ktoré boli roky neriešiteľné. Do toho vstupuje Európska únia s prísnou reguláciou, ktorá vyvoláva paniku u technologických gigantov.V novej epizóde podcastu SHARE sa redaktorka a redaktor Živé.sk Maroš Žofčin a Lucia Kobzová rozprávajú o najdôležitejších AI novinkách za posledné dva týždne a o tom, čo znamenajú pre našu budúcnosť.Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás. Aktuálne je s letnou 30-percentnou zľavou:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo praktiky OpenAI prirovnávajú ku kolonializmu.Ako OpenAI traumatizovala svojich zamestnancov v Keni.Je nový Grok 4 od Elona Muska len ďalším marketingovým trikom?Podarí sa Markovi Zuckerbergovi s novým laboratóriom vyvinúť superinteligenciu?Prečo sa technologickí giganti boja nových pravidiel z Bruselu.Ako dokázala AI pomôcť páru po 18 rokoch splodiť dieťa.Témam sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/5oD71Bu/zatial-najpokrocilejsia-ai-od-elona-muska-je-realitou-tymto-chce-zaujat-novy-grok-4/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/uS7CFeW/je-radovo-presnejsia-ako-skuseni-lekari-predstavili-revolucnu-ai-ako-to-funguje/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/xEX9Kd1/18-rokov-sa-im-nedarilo-otehotniet-ai-za-par-minut-ich-problem-vyriesila/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/wTIp0IR/onkolog-ai-moze-vytvarat-lieky-na-rakovinu-ktorych-vyvoj-je-dnes-nerentabilny-podcast/Ďalšie odkazy spomínané v podcaste:Esej od Karen Heo: Pred spustením AGI si určite postavíme bunkerTulene, ktoré pomáhajú ľuďom pri náročných chorobáchHumanoidný robot, ktorý nosí lieky a sprevádza deti na vyšetrenia v nemocniciachPodcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
V tejto časti Cashflow sa rozprávame s investičným expertom Marošom Ďuríkom, ktorý v rozhovore prezrádza, ako efektívne investovať, kde a ako začať a ako si nastaviť ideálny mix ETF či akcií. Má krypto budúcnosť a dá sa investovať už od pár eur? To všetko v novej časti Cashflow.
A hell of a week of ruggers, with double Lions games, international games, and one headline-stealing call-up. The lads dive into Owen Farrell's controversial selection, nepotism or necessity? The Lions' campaign stumbles slightly after an impressive win over the Reds and a tougher outing against the Waratahs. We assess who's rising - Maro, Jac Morgan, Huw Jones, and who's wobbling - Duhan, Beirne, Smith. Plus, England impress in Argentina, Ireland's kids hammer Georgia, Scotland beat the Maori All Blacks for the first time, Japan shock Wales (again), and the Wallabies scrape past Fiji. A belter of a week in the rugby world — get stuck in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Ak existuje život na iných planétach, ako by asi vyzeral? Tejto téme sa venuje celá vedná disciplína – astrobiológia. Tá síce zatiaľ nemá priamy predmet výskumu, no na základe fyzikálnych, chemických a evolučných zákonitostí dokáže dedukovať, čo by mohlo vo vesmíre existovať, kde by to mohlo byť a ako by to mohlo fungovať.V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s redaktorom Živé.sk Dušanom Valentom o tom, aké podmienky sú nevyhnutné pre vznik komplexného života, v čom by sa nám mimozemšťania mohli podobať a kde všade by sa mohli skrývať – od oceánov pod ľadom až po planéty s čiernymi rastlinami.Tip na čítanie na dovolenku: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť s knihou od redaktorov Živé.sk „Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“. Počas leta ju navyše môžete získať v 30 % zľave:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/Knihu vydáva aj spolumoderátor Dušan Valent. Humoristický sci-fi román Hlasy priepasti nájdete v každom lepšom kníhkupectve. V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo je vznik komplexného života vo vesmíre taký vzácny.Čo by sme s mimozemšťanmi mali pravdepodobne spoločné (oči, kosti).Ako by vyzeral život na planétach s inou gravitáciou a atmosférou.Prečo je pre vznik technickej civilizácie kľúčové bombardovanie asteroidmi.Možné formy života v našej sústave: Podzemie Marsu a oceány Európy.Téme sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/VBaJdeK/ako-mozu-vyzerat-mimozemstania-uplne-inak-ako-by-ste-cakali/ Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
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The sovereign, Naka no Oe is dead, and with his death comes an all too familiar tradition: different factions warring for the throne. And this time it isn't just something we are guessing at, we get a front row seat to the show, with enough details to fill several episodes. In Part I we will look at what kicked off the war--or at least what we know--and discuss a few of the theories. We will also go over some of the events that happened while Prince Otomo was the head of state. For more, check out our podcast webpage at https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-129 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua, and this is episode 129: The Jinshin no Ran, Part I: Prologue to War. The long bridge at Uji arched over the river, like a wooden rainbow. Former Crown Prince Ohoama, his head shaved and wearing the garments of a monk, was carried over the bridge. This was no simple priestly procession, however: he was accompanied by his entire household. Some on foot, and some on horseback. Even the kesa, once meant to be a symbol of priestly humility and simplicity, cried out that this was a man of wealth and power and status. The procession made its way across the bridge, headed south, to the ancient Yamato capital and then on to the mountain passes beyond, where the cherry trees would bloom, come the spring. At the north end of the bridge, the high ministers and nobility of Yamato watched them go. The ministers of the Left and the Right stood in the cold, winter air, wrapped in their warmest clothing, but it wasn't just the weather that was causing a chill. To some, this seemed a miracle—a clear sign that the succession would now be an easy one, with Ohoama taking himself off the board. But to others, they weren't so sure. While many of Yamato's traditions had evolved or changed—or even been outright replaced by continental ideas—many still remembered how things had been. The bloody politics and power struggles that often accompanied any transition of power. Naka no Oe had risen to power in just such a fashion. Now that he was not long for this world, would his legacy be any less violent? Greetings, everyone, and welcome back. Last episode we took you through the official reign of Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou. Granted, this reign was only from 668 to 671, but Naka no Oe had already been putting his stamp on the state for over 33 years. Now, however, he was dead, as were those who had helped him implement his enormous changes, and with his death there was the question: Who would now ascend to the throne? And that question brings us to today's topic: The Jinshin no Ran, also known as the Jinshin War. This was a succession dispute that occurred in the year 672 following the death of Naka no Oe, between Naka no Oe's son Ohotomo and his brother Ohoama. The name, “Jinshin”, is formed much as the name of the “Isshi” incident, using the sinified Japanese reading of the sexagenary cycle characters used for the year. 672 was a “Mizu-no-e Saru” year, or what we today might just call a “Water Monkey” year. Read together, these characters can be pronounced “Jinshin”, hence “Jinshin no Ran”. Quick digression: That word “Ran”, indicating a war or similar martial disturbance, is the same character used as the title of the famous Kurosawa film that took Shakespear's King Lear story and set it in the Warring States period of Japan. If you haven't seen it, I highly recommend it—definitely a classic. Not exactly relevant here, but still worth it. But back to the Jinshin War: we're going to likely spend a few episodes on this, not just because it is important, but also because the record is fairly detailed, and I'd like to use it to really help us get an idea of what was going on. This episode we'll look at the broad picture: some of the causes of the war and where things were, generally speaking, just before the major campaigns kicked off. Of course, this isn't the first succession dispute in the Chronicles, but this one is incredibly detailed, and especially importantbecause it goes to the heart of the legitimacy of the royal family—the imperial family—for at least the next century. To a certain extent, I would also suggest that it was exactly the kind of thing that the Nihon Shoki was created to address: an official history as propaganda for the Japanese court, telling the court approved story of the royal family and providing justification as to why they are in power. Along the way it also props up the lineages of other elites. So let's go over the basic story of the conflict before we get into the details. I know, I know: spoilers. But I think it will help to have context for what we are talking about right now. To try to summarize: Ohoama, Naka no Oe's brother, is mentioned as the Crown Prince throughout Naka no Oe's reign, but just before Naka no Oe's death, Ohoama declined the position and went to Yoshino to become a Buddhist monk. This allowed Naka no Oe's son, Prince Ohotomo, the current Dajo Daijin, or head of the council of state, to run the government and eventually take the throne. However, shortly into Prince Ohotomo's reign, Ohoama raised an army and fought with Ohotomo and the court at Ohotsu-kyo, known as the Afumi court. After a couple of months of intense fighting, Ohoama defeated the Afumi forces and Ohotomo. Ohoama would go on to take the throne, becoming known as Temmu Tennou. He is credited with starting the projects that culminated in the creation of the Kojiki and the Nihon Shoki. On the surface, this could easily look like a simple case of usurpation—especially if you come from a cultural background where sons are expected to inherit from their fathers, as is common in many European monarchies. However, we have to remind ourselves that this isn't Europe. For centuries, succession in Yamato had been much more chaotic than that. Often succession went not to a son or daughter, but first to a brother, and even then it didn't necessarily go to the oldest brother, or to the oldest child. Even designating an heir wasn't a guarantee that, after a ruler's death, someone else wouldn't come along and change things by force. Of course, the Nihon Shoki appears to lay out various rules for succession. In most cases, your mother has to be descended—however distantly—from a previous sovereign. Also, inheritance typically doesn't come at the attainment of adulthood. It isn't like someone turns 20 and they are suddenly eligible. We see plenty of reigns that are passed off as regencies—that is, the sovereign is legally just a caretaker for the throne until the true heir comes of age. Perhaps the most famous of these is Okinaga Tarashi Hime, aka Jingu Tenno, who supposedly held the throne from the death of her husband until their son, Homuda Wake, aka Ojin Tenno, was of age. But it isn't like she just abdicated. In fact, I don't think we've seen a single example where a regent has abdicated the throne. The only real abdication that we see is in 645, when Takara Hime, known as Kogyoku Tenno during her first reign, abdicated after the Isshi Incident. There are also plenty of examples of possible claimants to the throne who certainly seem like they may have been supremely qualified for the position who end up dying or being killed, sometimes with the specific claim that they were trying to usurp the throne. The most recent example is Furubito no Oe, who likely was in line to inherit the throne from Takara Hime prior to the Isshi Incident. It doesn't help that the Chronicle often only calls people by their titles: so it is the “Crown Prince” who does such and such, or it is “the sovereign”—without explicitly naming who that person is. Of course, this is sometimes made clear by context, but that can't always be relied upon. This is compounded by the fact that at this time, Wa cultural norms were being overwritten by continental concepts of propriety and morality, with the growth of reading and continental works introducing many people to the discourses of Confucius and others. Borrowing governmental structures and ideas from a Confucian state meant that Confucian ideals would get pulled along as well, even if those structures and ideas weren't strictly Confucian. An example is the importance of filial piety, and so-called “Proper” relationships between people. In some cases Confucian or even Buddhist concepts were used to explain and rationalize existing traditions, and in others they were used to provide a counter-narrative. Thus the world described by the Nihon Shoki is one that was no doubt much more comprehensible to an 8th century member of court than to someone from the 3rd. I say all that so that we can keep an eye out for the Chroniclers' bias and perhaps give some thought to what might not have gotten written down. The creation of the Ritsuryo state was the culmination of over 33 years of work. During that time, the Yamato court had centralized their power and control. The Chronicles, looking back at the end of the process, report this as a good thing, and it is hard to argue that these reforms truly did lead to the country of Japan as we know it, today. However, it probably wasn't all lollipops and rainbows. The centralization of authority received pushback, and we see the center flexing its military might as well as legal and moral authority. The new Ritsuryo state claimed a much greater control over land and resources than any previous government had done or been able to do. Even if the 5th century sovereign Wakatakeru no Ohokimi, aka Yuryaku Tenno, had people at his court from Kyushu to Kanto, influence isn't the same as control. Up until the Ritsuryo reforms, it appears that local administrators had a lot of leeway in terms of what happened in their local domains. After all, what could Yamato do about it? As long as “taxes” were paid, then there was no reason for Yamato to otherwise interfere with local events, and even if there were, who would they get to enforce their will? But In the Ritsuryo system, at least conceptually, the State had local governors who reported back to the central authority. These governors were set apart from the Kuni no Miyatsuko, the traditional local authority, and their income was tied to the court. Moreover, this system wasn't just tradition and the whims of the elites: it was codified in written laws and punishments. In fact, the Record of the Fujiwara—the Toushi Kaden—claims that the entire legal code was written down in 668 by their patriarch, Nakatomi no Kamatari, prior to his death. There are also other references to this compilation, known to us as the “Oumi Code”, referencing the region that the court had moved to: Afumi, around Lake Biwa. Unfortunately, we don't have any extant copies of what, exactly, the Code said, other than various laws explicitly noted in the Nihon Shoki. Still, we can assume that it was probably similar to later codes, which would have been using the Oumi code as a base from which to work from. The new authority for this code descended from the throne, based on continental and even Confucian concepts of the State. And Naka no Oe had no doubt been the one to help maintain continuity over the past three decades. Now he was dead, so what came next? Well based on what we have in the Nihon Shoki, that should be obvious: His brother, the Crown Prince, Ohoama, would take the throne, wouldn't he? After all, he was the designated Crown Prince, and he had been in that role, promulgating orders, and otherwise acting as we might expect, at least since Naka no Oe had given up the position. And yet, it seems there was some doubt. After all, while a brother—or sister—inheriting the throne was hardly unheard of, Naka no Oe did have children of his own. Most importantly, there was his son, Prince Ohotomo. Ohotomo was only about 23 years old, but he had been made the Dajoudaijin, the head of the Council of State, which one would think would put him in a position of tremendous authority. Naka no Oe apparently had some inkling that there could be a succession dispute upon his death. And so, two months after he had taken ill, as it became painfully obvious that he might not recover, he called in his brother, Crown Prince Ohoama, and he told him clearly that it was his intention to have his brother succeed him on the throne. Before going much further, I would note that the entries in the Nihon Shoki that speak to this incident are spread across two different books in that chronicle. Part of it takes part in the chronicle of Tenji Tennou (Naka no Oe), but then the reign of Temmu Tennou (Ohoama) is actually broken up into two books, the first of which is often considered the history of the Jinshin Ran, while the second is really Temmu's reign. And in some cases we get slightly different versions of the same event. The Nihon Shoki was written less than 50 years after the events being discussed, so likely by people who had actual memory of what happened, it was also propaganda for the regime in power at the time. So as we read through the events, we have to be critical about our source and what it is telling us. To that end, I'll mostly start out with the narrative as it appears in the Nihon Shoki, and then we can look back and see what else might be going on if we make some assumptions that the Chroniclers may not be the most reliable of narrators for these events. Anyway, getting back to the story as we have it in the Nihon Shoki: So the person sent to fetch Prince Ohoama to come see his brother, the sovereign, was a man by the name of Soga no Yasumaru. And Yasumaru brought not only the summons, but a warning, as well. He told Prince Ohoama to “think before you speak”. This suggested to Ohoama that there was some kind of plot afoot. And lest we forget, for all that Naka no Oe is often put up on a pedestal for his role in the Taika reforms and founding the nation—even the posthumous name they gave him was the “Sovereign of Heavenly Wisdom”—that pedestal he stands on is covered in blood. Naka no Oe's political career starts with the brazen murder of Soga no Iruka in full view of all the gathered nobility, and is immediately followed with him marshalling forces against Soga no Emishi, who set fire to his own house rather than surrender. And then, shortly into the Taika period, Naka no Oe had his own brother, Furubito no Oe, killed so that he wouldn't be a threat. And later, when he just heard a rumor that Soga no Ishikawa no Maro—his father-in-law, Prime Minister of the Right, and co-conspirator—was having treasonous thoughts, he gathered up forces to have him and his family murdered. And though it may have been a bit less bloody, let's not forget his apparent falling out with his uncle, Karu, where he left the giant palace complex at Naniwa and took the entire royal family to Asuka against his uncle, the sovereign's, wishes. Add to that the note from the Fujiwara family records, the Toushi Kaden, about the party at the “shore pavilion” where Ohoama spiked a spear through a plank of wood which rattled Naka no Oe enough that he was contemplating having him taken out right there. According to that account, it was only the intervention of Nakatomi no Kamatari that saved Ohoama's life. Even if it weren't true, it likely illustrates something about how their relationship was viewed by others. Given all of that, I think we can understand how Ohoama might not be entirely trusting of his older brother's intentions. So when that same brother offered him control of the government, Ohoama was suspicious. Perhaps it was because he was already the Crown Prince, the expected heir, so why would Naka no Oe be offering him the throne? Perhaps it was some kind of test of his loyalty? And so Prince Ohoama declined. He claimed that he had always had bad health, and probably wouldn't be a good choice. Instead, he put forward that the Queen, Yamatobime, should be given charge, and that Naka no Oe's son, Prince Ohotomo, should be installed as the Crown Prince—the new successor to the throne. Furthermore, to demonstrate his resolve, he asked to be allowed to renounce the world and become a monk. Indeed, immediately after the audience with his brother, Prince Ohoama went to the Buddhist hall in the palace itself and had his head shaved and took holy orders. He even gave up any private weapons that he might have—likely meaning not just his personal weapons, but any private forces that might be under his command. The sovereign himself sent his brother a kesa or clerical garment, apparently approving of—or at least accepting—his decision. Two days later, Prince Ohoama went back to his brother and asked to be allowed to leave for Yoshino to go and practice Buddhism there. He was given permission and he headed out. The ministers of the left and right, that is Soga no Akae and Nakatomi no Kane, along with Soga no Hatayasu, a “Dainagon” or Chief Counselor, and others, all traveled with him all the way to Uji, where they saw him off. By evening he had made it as far as the Shima Palace, which is assumed to have been in Asuka—possibly at or near the site of the old Soga residence. The following day he was in Yoshino. Arriving at Yoshino with his household, Prince Ohoama gave his servants a choice—those who wished could take orders and stay with him in Yoshino. Those with ambitions at the court, though, were allowed to return back to Ohotsu, presumably going to work for another family. At first, none of them wanted to leave his side, but he beseeched them a second time, and half of them decided to stay and become monks with him while half of them left, returning to the court. As we mentioned earlier, another royal prince—and possibly crown prince—had taken a similar option back in the year 645. That was Prince Furubito no Oe, half-brother to Naka no Oe and Ohoama. We talked about that back in episode 109. As with that time, taking Buddhist orders and retiring from the world was meant to demonstrate that the individual was renouncing any claims on the throne and was no longer a threat to the succession. The Nihon Shoki notes, though, that as Prince Ohoama was leaving Uji, some commented that it was like the saying: “Give a tiger wings and let him go.” The first part of that is no doubt referencing a saying still used in Mandarin, today: “Rúhǔtiānyì” or “Yǔhǔtiānyì, meaning to “add wings to a tiger”—in other words to take something strong and make it even more powerful. In this case, the choice to renounce the succession and leave court made Ohoama more powerful and then set him free to do what he wanted. There is a lot of speculation around what actually happened. Prince Ohotomo had only recently come of age and been given the important position of Dajo Daijin. Still, he was also only 23 years old. Now, granted, Naka no Oe hadn't been much older, himself, when he instigated the Isshi Incident, but most sovereigns aren't mentioned as having come to the throne themselves until they were maybe 30 years old or more. Still, there is at least one theory that suggests that Naka no Oe wanted to have his brother, Ohoama, step aside and let Ohotomo take the throne. According to that theory, his request for Ohoama to succeed him as ruler eas a ruse to get Ohoama to admit his own ambition, which Naka no Oe could then use as a pretext to get rid of his brother. There is another theory that Naka no Oe wanted Ohoama to step in as effectively regent: Ohoama would rule, but Ohotomo would then inherit after him. Ohoama's counterproposal is intriguing. He suggested that the affairs of state should be given to Yamato-bime, Naka no Oe's queen, and that she should rule as regent until Ohotomo was ready. Of course, we have examples of something like this, most recently from the previous reign. Takara Hime came to the throne, originally, because her husband, who was the sovereign, passed away and their children were not yet of age to take the throne. However, there is something interesting, here in the relationship between Yamato Bime and Ohotomo. Because while Yamato Bime was the queen, and daughter, herself, of Furubito no Oe, Ohotomo was not clearly of the proper parentage. He was not Yamato Bime's son – she had no children herself - , but his mother was simply a “palace woman” named “Iga no Uneme no Yakako”. This suggests that she was an uneme from Iga named Yakako, and we are given no details about her parentage. She is also listed as the last of Naka no Oe's consorts, suggesting to the reader that she was the lowest in status. For this reason Ohotomo is known as the Iga Royal Prince, Iga no Miko. Of course, there are plenty of reasons why the Chroniclers might not want to give any glory to Prince Ohotomo or his mother. After all, the story works out best if Ohoama should have just been the sovereign all along. And this could all be technically true—the best kind of true—while also omitting key details so that the reader draws a certain inference. The Chroniclers were pulling from lots of different sources, and you didn't have to do a lot of changing things when you could just not put them in in the first place. In other cases we know that they changed the records, because we see them using anachronistic language that doesn't make sense if drawn from a contemporary record. And so we have at least a couple of theories of what might be going on here, beyond just the straight narrative. One idea is that Naka no Oe wanted Ohotomo to inherit all along, and perhaps he thought Ohoama could be a regent to help him out once Naka no Oe passed away. Or maybe he just wanted Ohoama out of the way. There is also the theory that the Nihon Shoki is, in fact, correct, that Naka no Oe wanted to give the state to Ohoama, but the latter refused, either misunderstanding Naka no Oe's intentions or perhaps gauging the feeling at court—perhaps it wasn't Naka no Oe that Ohoama was worried about, but rather some of the high nobles and officials? It is probably telling that Ohoama's reported solution was to have Yamato-bime act as regent, with Ohotomo eventually inheriting. Whatever the actual reason, Ohoama declined Ohoama headed off to self-imposed exile in Yoshino. Meanwhile, back in Afumi in the Ohotsu capital, Ohotsu-kyo, Ohotomo was now the de facto Crown Prince. We are told that on the 23rd day of the 11th month of 671 he took his place in front of the embroidery figure of Buddha in the Western Hall of the Dairi, the royal quarters of the Ohotsu Palace. He was attended by the Minister of the Left, Soga no Akaye, the Minister of the Right, Nakatomi no Kane, as well as Soga no Hatayasu, Kose no Hito, and Ki no Ushi. Taking up an incense burner, Ohotomo made a vow that the six of them would obey the sovereign's commands, lest they be punished by the various Buddhist and local deities. These five ministers, along with Ohotomo, are going to show up again and again. Moving forward, they would manage the government, and would be generally referred to as the Afumi court. And it is clear that the Chroniclers laid the blame for anything that might happen at their feet. The Afumi court would continue court business as usual, and they were immediately thrown into the thick of it. For instance, they were likely the ones to entertain the Tang envoys that arrived that same month. You see, the priest Douku (or possibly “Doubun”), along with Tsukushi no Kimi no Satsuyama, Karashima no Suguri no Sasa, and Nunoshi no Obito no Iwa, had finally made it back from their journey to the mainland. They brought with them Guo Wucong along with an embassy from the Tang court that numbered approximately 600 members, as well as ambassador Sathek Sonteung, of Silla, with his own embassy of about 1400 people. This enormous entourage sailed in 47 ships, and they had anchored at the island of Hijishima. The Governor of Tsushima, responsible for being the first line of met with them. Given then number fo ships, they didn't want it to look like it was a hostile invasion, so the governor sent a letter to Prince Kurikuma, the viceroy of Tsukushi, to let him know what was happening. Prince Kurikuma had them send Doubun and others ahead to the capital, so that they could let the court know that a massive embassy had arrived, and to prepare the way for them. However, with the sovereign in extremely poor health, and the court otherwise preoccupied with preparations for what might come next, , they kept the embassy at Tsukushi, for the time being. We are told that that they sent presents on the 29th for the king of Silla, but no indication of them being brought to the court. Enormous foreign embassies aside, the Afumi court had plenty to deal with close to home. It didn't help that the day after Ohotomo and the ministers had gathered to make their oaths, a fire broke out in the Ohotsu palace, apparently originating with the third storehouse of the treasury. Several days later, the five ministers, attending the Crown Prince, Ohotomo, made oaths of loyalty in the presence of Naka no Oe, whose condition was only growing worse. And four days later, on the third day of the fourth month, Naka no Oe passed away. He was then temporarily interred in what is referred to as the “New Palace”. And contrary to what Ohoama had suggested, there is no indication that Queen Yamato-bime was installed as any kind of regent. Instead it seems as if Ohotomo was just jumping in and taking the reins. Granted, he also had the Council of State to lean on, so there's that. The Chronicles are pretty quiet for a couple of months after Naka no Oe's death, and then we are told that Adzumi no Muraji no Inashiki was sent to Tsukushi to let the Tang ambassador Guo Wucong know the news. We are told that on the 18th day of the 3rd month, Guo Wucong, I presume having made it to Ohotsu, publicly mourned the late sovereign. Three days later, on the 21st, he made obeisance at the court, presumably to Ohotomo, and offered up a box with a letter from the Tang emperor and various presents in token of goodwill for the sovereign of Yamato. A couple of months later, the Afumi court returned the favor, presenting armor, bows, and arrows as well as cloth, floss, and silk. Later in that same 5th month, Guo Wucong and his people departed for the continent. And here is where we hit one of the big questions of this whole thing: Had Ohotomo been formally invested as sovereign, yet? We clearly see that he had his father's ministers on his side, and they were running things. Then again, it took years after Takara Hime's death before Naka no Oe, himself, formally stepped up. It is quite possible that Ohotomo was not yet invested, and perhaps that was, in part, because there was another person with a claim who was still alive. It is hard to say. What we do know is that the consensus opinion for centuries was that Ohotomo was never formally invested as sovereign. He is certainly seen as having inherited the governance of the kingdom, but he was never considered one of the official sovereigns. That all changed in relatively recent times. In fact, it wasn't until 1870, the early years of the Meiji period, that Prince Ohotomo was given a posthumous title and regnal name: Koubun Tennou. Today, the Imperial Household Agency and some historians consider Ohotomo to have been an official sovereign, but that isn't everyone. If he was, though, much what we see would have been happening at his court. That same month that Guo Wucong departed, Prince Ohoama got wind that something hinky was afoot. Ohoama was residing as a monk in Yoshino, but by all accounts he still had half of his household staff, his wives, and family, all with him. Also, as the former Crown Prince, he clearly had friends and allies. After all, he was still a member of the royal household. And so it was in the 5th month that he heard from one Yenewi no Muraji no Wogimi that there was something amiss. For one thing, the Afumi court had called up laborers to build the tomb for Naka no Oe, but word was that they had issued those so-called laborers with weapons rather than tools. Wogimi seemed worried that they were preparing to do something about Ohoama. After all, even though he had theoretically retired from the world, as long as he was alive, he still had a claim on the throne, similar to the problem of Prince Furubito no Oe back in 645. Someone else told Ohoama that they noticed pickets were being set up in various places between the Afumi and Yamato—another sign that the Afumi court was apparently expecting some kind of military action. Furthermore, the guards at the Uji bridge were no longer allowing supplies bound for Yoshino and Ohoama's household. It seemed clear that something was up, and so Ohoama made an announcement: while he had renounced the royal dignity and retired from the world, it was only because of his poor health and a desire to live a long and happy life. If that life was being threatened by forces outside of his control, then why would he let himself be taken quietly? From that point, he seems to have started plotting and gathering forces of his own, in case things came to a head. Of course, there are those who suggest that, in truth, Ohoama had been plotting and raising forces ever since he started his exile in Yoshino—or at least since his father passed away. Indeed, once things kick off, you'll notice how quickly people are levying troops, as if spontaneously deciding to support Ohoama's cause, and I would suggest that there was probably lot of back and forth that we just don't see because it was never recorded. Things reached a tipping point on the 22nd day of the 6th month. That is when Ohoama gave orders to three of his vassals, Murakami no Muraji no Woyori, Wanibe no Omi no Kimide, and Muketsu no Kimi no Hiro. He claimed that the Afumi Court was plotting against him, so he asked his vassals to go to the land of Mino—modern Gifu prefecture—and to reach out to Oho no Omi no Honeji, the governor of the Ahachima district hot springs—now the area of Anpachi. Honeji was to levy soldiers and set them out on the Fuwa road—this was the road from Mino to Afumi, and was one of the few ways in and out of Afumi region. As we've mentioned in the past, the benefit of Ohotsu-kyo was its naturally defended position. Lake Biwa is surrounded on all sides by mountains, and there were only a few ways in and out. The Fuwa Pass is at the edge of a location that you may have heard of: today we know that region as Sekigahara. That is because it was one of several seki, or barriers, set up to help check movements across the archipelago. To the south, one could also use the Suzuka pass, where there would likewise be set up the Suzuka no Seki, or Suzuka barrier. Suzuka was accessible from Afumi via the regions of Koga and Iga. There was also the Afusaka no Seki, between Afumi and the area of modern Kyoto, and the Arachi no Seki, between Afumi and Tsuruga, on the Japan Sea—where many of the Goguryeo missions had arrived. Of these, the Afusaka barrier and the Fuwa barrier were probably the most well known and most heavily traveled. Control of the Fuwa pass would be critical throughout Japan's history, controlling much of the traffic between eastern and western Japan. Hence why, over 900 years later, another fight would come to a head here, as the battle of Sekigahara would see Tokugawa Ieyasu's eastern forces defeating the western army of Ishida Mitsunari. That battle is seen as a decisive victory that birthed the Tokugawa shogunate, who would rule Japan for the next 250 years. So for Ohoama, having Honeji and his men take control of the Fuwa barrier was critical, as it would limit the Afumi court's ability to levy forces in the eastern provinces. A few days later, Ohoama was himself about to move out, but his advisors stopped him. They were worried about heading east without an army, yet. Ohoama agreed, and he wished that he hadn't sent Woyori out just yet—Woyori was someone he trusted, militarily. Instead, however, he had to make do. And so he had Ohokida no Kimi no Yesaka, Kibumi no Muraji no Ohotomo, and Afu no Omi no Shima go to Prince Takasaka, who was in charge of the Wokamoto Palace in Asuka, and apply for posting bells—the tokens that would allow him and others use the various official post stations to supply them with provisions as they traveled. Speaking of this palace, although the court had moved to Ohotsu, a palace was maintained in Asuka. After all, this was still seen as the “ancient capital” and the home to a lot of powerful families, so it makes sense that the royal family kept the palace in working order. It also appears to have functioned as the local government headquarters for the region, with Prince Takasaka, or Takasaka no Ou, at its head. Asking for the posting bells was a test by Ohoama. If he received them, then great, it would give him the ability to travel to the east, where he could presumably raise troops to protect himself. However, if Prince Takasaka refused, then that would be a sign that the Afumi government had, indeed, sent word that Ohoama was not supposed to go anywhere. If that was to happen, then Afu no Shima would return to Yoshino to let Ohoama know, while Ohokida no Yesaka would go to Afumi to tell Ohoama's sons, Prince Takechi and Prince Ohotsu, to make haste and meet him in Ise. Sure enough, Prince Takasaka refused the posting bells, and so, on the 24th of the 6th month, Prince Ohoama made the decision to move. They left quickly—he didn't even let anyone saddle a horse for him or prepare his carriage. He just started to head out on foot on a journey to the East. That journey would set in motion the coming conflagration. Ohoama and his allies would quickly gather their forces in an incredibly short period of time, starting with a daring trek across the mountainous path between Yoshino and the land of Ise. At the same time, the Afumi court would levy their own forces. It was now a race for people and positions. And to see how that race progressed, I'll ask you to tune in next episode, when we take a look at the opening moves in the war for the throne of Yamato.Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.
Denník Wall Street Journal publikoval zásadnú správu, podľa ktorej mnohé z najznámejších pozorovaní UFO v skutočnosti zámerne podporovala americká armáda, aby tak zakryla svoje vlastné tajné technologické projekty a zraniteľnosti. Na základe čoho toto podozrenie vzniklo, o aké konkrétne prípady ide a čo to znamená pre celkový fenomén UFO?V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s redaktorom Živé.sk a astrofyzikom Marekom Jurčíkom o zisteniach Wall Street Journal, o pozadí incidentov v oblasti 51 či na základni Malmstrom a o tom, či tieto odhalenia vyriešili záhadu UFO, alebo len odhalili jej ďalšiu vrstvu.Tip na čítanie na dovolenku: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť s knihou od redaktorov Živé.sk „Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“. Počas leta ju navyše môžete získať v 30 % zľave: TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Čo odhalil Wall Street Journal o UFO a dezinformačných kampaniach Pentagonu.Pravda o Area 51: Ako mýtus o UFO pomohol utajiť stíhačky F-117.Prečo UFO údajne vyplo jadrové rakety na základni Malmstrom.Fiktívni „muži v čiernom“: Ako armáda testovala lojalitu svojich dôstojníkov.Vysvetľujú tieto odhalenia celý fenomén UFO, alebo len jeho časť?Téme sa venujeme aj tu:https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/hcg9Ttd/pravda-o-ufo-pozorovania-vraj-boli-obrovskou-dezinfo-kampanou-usa/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/3IRi7Ey/zatajuje-americka-vlada-fakty-byvali-americki-vojenski-dostojnici-svedcili-o-existencii-ufo/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/W0LSrj8/konecne-pravda-o-ufo-pod-prisahou-o-nom-vypovedali-byvali-americki-dostojnici/https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/2e1wwNY/americky-pentagon-zverejnil-dlho-ocakavanu-spravu-o-ufo/Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
The European Union's Commissioner for Trade Maroš Šefčovič is flying to Washington today for talks with senior Trump administration officials ahead of next week's deadline. We get the latest on this with Koen Verhelst is a Trade Reporter at POLITICO.
Vstupujeme do éry superinteligencie a možno sme si to ani nevšimli. Podľa šéfa OpenAI Sama Altmana je revolúcia už tu a odohráva sa potichu v našich počítačoch a telefónoch. Sme teda na prahu novej éry, v ktorej nám stroje pomôžu vyriešiť najväčšie problémy ľudstva, alebo sme stvorili nástroj, ktorého fungovaniu prestávame rozumieť a ktorého ciele sa môžu čoskoro rozísť s tými našimi?V podcaste odhalíme temnú stránku dnešných chatbotov, ktoré v snahe zapáčiť sa používateľovi poradia narkomanovi, aby si dal ďalšiu dávku. Rozoberieme prekvapivú štúdiu z MIT o tom, ako nás používanie AI robí hlúpejšími a prečo je riskantná stratégia Applu buď geniálna, alebo samovražedná.V novej epizóde podcastu SHARE sa redaktori Živé.sk Maroš Žofčin a Lucia Kobzová rozprávajú o najdôležitejších AI novinkách za posledné dva týždne a o tom, čo znamenajú pre našu budúcnosť.Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás. Aktuálne je s letnou 30-percentnou zľavou:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Prečo podľa šéfa OpenAI už niet cesty späť a kedy nás stroje definitívne predbehnú?Ako nám každodenné používanie umelej inteligencie potichu oslabuje mozog a ničí pamäť?Z akého dôvodu vám AI radšej poradí užiť drogy, než aby s vami nesúhlasila?Kedy umelá inteligencia prestane len opakovať dáta a začne robiť vlastné vedecké objavy?Prečo Apple v najväčších technologických pretekoch histórie riskuje všetko a stavia na úplne inú kartu ako konkurencia?Témam sa venujeme aj tu:Stroje prevezmú nadvládu nad ľuďmi v tichosti, myslí si popredný AI šéfApple sa ocitol v zajatí vlastných princípov. Boom umelej inteligencie mu to spočítaChatGPT zadarmo pre všetkých študentov? Ministerstvo školstva priblížilo plányĎalšie odkazy spomínané v podcaste:Chatboty nás robia hlúpejšímiAI “myslí” podobne ako ľudiaAI modely sa nikdy neprestávajú učiťStartup sa po pol roku preda za 80 miliónovMeta ponúkla 100 miliónove bonusy zamestnancom z OpenAIPodcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Dovolenková sezóna je opäť tu a s ňou aj tradičná otázka: ako sa v zahraničí čo najvýhodnejšie pripojiť na internet? Kým v rámci EÚ sa nemusíme obávať vysokých účtov, cesty do Turecka, Egypta či na Balkán boli donedávna spojené s drahou dátovou tarifou. Situácia sa však zásadne zmenila.V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin a Filip Maxa z redakcie Živé.sk pozreli na všetky dostupné možnosti. Porovnávajú nové, cenovo výhodné balíčky od slovenských operátorov, ponuky globálnych eSIM poskytovateľov aj výhody a nevýhody kúpy lokálnej SIM karty priamo v destinácii.Tip na čítanie na dovolenku: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť s knihou od redaktorov Živé.sk „Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“. Počas leta ju navyše môžete získať v 30 % zľave: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako fungujú dáta v EÚ a na čo si dať pozor pri neobmedzených paušáloch.Tri hlavné možnosti pre dáta mimo EÚ: Lokálna SIM, eSIM a balíčky operátorov.Veľké porovnanie nových letných ponúk od Telekomu, O2, Orangeu a 4ky.Kedy sa oplatí eSIM a kedy je stále lepšia lokálna SIM karta?Finálne tipy: Akú možnosť si vybrať podľa typu dovolenky a zariadenia.Téme sa venujeme aj tu:Operátori výrazne zlepšujú roamingové balíčky: Aké sú nové ceny a podmienkyAj Orange výrazne zlacní dáta mimo EÚ. Prinesie tri balíčky pre mnoho krajínO2 a Radosť začali predávať nové dátové balíčky. Sú určené pre krajiny mimo EÚ4ka má nové roamingové balíčky. Dáta v zahraničí zlacníVýbery z bankomatov v zahraničí: Ako ušetriť na poplatkoch a nenaletieť (podcast)Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Od príchodu ChatGPT ubehlo niekoľko rokov a umelá inteligencia sa postupne dostáva do praxe. Jednou z oblastí, kde prináša zásadné zmeny, je programovanie. Ako sa reálne a či vôbec zavádza umelá inteligencia do programovania na úrovni globálnych nadnárodných spoločností a čo to znamená pre budúcnosť programátorov?V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s riaditeľom SAP Labs Slovensko, Jánom Ružarovským, o tom, ako sa z AI stáva autonómny agent schopný sám vytvárať kód, aké riziká to prináša, a prečo budúcnosť nebude o memorovaní syntaxe, ale o kreatívnom myslení a kontrole.Podcast prinášame v spolupráci so SAP Slovensko.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako sa vyvíjalo programovanie s AI: Od pomocníka po autonómneho agenta.Riziká AI v programovaní: Halucinácie, chyby a prečo je kontrola človekom kľúčová.Budúcnosť práce programátorov: Prečo sú ohrození juniori a dôležitá bude teória.Aké zručnosti budú potrebovať programátori novej generácie.Ako AI pomáha pri najnudnejších častiach práce, ako je písanie testov a dokumentácie.Viac na: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/Iaq3kwv/nahradi-ai-programatorov-nie-ale-zasadne-zmeni-ich-pracu-hovori-expert-podcast/Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Internetové podvody, ktoré zneužívajú tváre známych ľudí na lákanie na falošné investície, sú len vrcholom ľadovca. Útočníci neustále prichádzajú s novými, kreatívnymi metódami, ako oklamať používateľov. Jednou z najnovších a na Slovensku mimoriadne rozšírených hrozieb je podvodná CAPTCHA, ktorá zneužíva dôveru ľudí v známy bezpečnostný prvok.V novom dieli podcastu SHARE sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva so špecialistom na digitálnu bezpečnosť spoločnosti Eset, Ondrejom Kubovičom, o tom, ako tieto útoky fungujú, prečo sú také úspešné a ako sa voči nim môžeme brániť. Tento diel prinášame v spolupráci so spoločnosťou Eset.Podcast prinášame v spolupráci so spoločnosťou Eset.V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako fungujú deepfake podvody so známymi osobnosťami na sociálnych sieťach.Nová hrozba číslo jedna: Čo je falošná CAPTCHA a prečo je tak nebezpečná.Poloautomatizované podvody na online bazároch ako Vinted či Bazoš.Prečo sú tieto útoky úspešné: Využívanie psychológie a sociálneho inžinierstva.Ako sa brániť a prečo je kritické myslenie najlepšou ochranou.Viac na: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/fcYqW2u/falosny-sagan-aj-hacknute-profily-kapiel-expert-odhaluje-burlive-zakulisie-online-podvodov/Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Súčasťou kybernetickej bezpečnosti nie je len reakcia na útoky, ale aj ich predchádzanie a analýza obrovského množstva dát. Práve tu nastupuje umelá inteligencia, ktorá dokáže automatizovať procesy, hľadať anomálie v digitálnych stopách a dokonca predpovedať budúce hrozby. Aké sú jej reálne možnosti, riziká spojené s ochranou dát a aký paradox vytvára na trhu práce?V novom dieli špeciálnej série podcastu SHARE o kybernetickej bezpečnosti sa Maroš Žofčín rozpráva s docentom Pavlom Sokolom z Ústavu informatiky Prírodovedeckej fakulty Univerzity Pavla Jozefa Šafárika v Košiciach, ktorý vedie aj univerzitný tím pre riešenie bezpečnostných incidentov (CSIRT).Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako AI pomáha pri ochrane: Hľadanie anomálií a predikcia útokov.Riziká AI nástrojov: Prečo je nebezpečné vkladať do nich citlivé dáta.Paradox na trhu práce: AI nahrádza juniorov, no chýbať budú seniori.Obmedzenia AI v kyberobrane a prečo je ľudská kontrola stále kľúčová.Budúcnosť automatizácie: Môže AI v budúcnosti sama riadiť našu bezpečnosť?Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
El seto Victoria Sur Café International by PutumayoComo Quisiera Quererte Natalia Lafourcade, El David Aguilar Como Quisiera Querertedo raso ao fundo Mariana Nolasco, MARO do raso ao fundo19/17 + La FUENTE L'AMAPOLA Queralt Lahoz 9: 30 PMAmar Lu Ferreira AmarResiliencia El Alemán,Lu Ferreira ResilienciaLos Olvidados Pedro Pastor, Rozalén Los OlvidadosEn peu de pau Sergi Carbonell,Pedro Pastor En peu de pauMi Yemita Fría Maui Mi Yemita FríaSin Ti No Soy Nada Ángeles Toledano Sin Ti No Soy NadaROMANCE Yerai Cortés LA GUITARRA FLAMENCA DE YERAI CORTÉSAsturias Youn Sun Nah ImmersionMy Favorite Things Youn Sun Nah Same GirlComerte Entera C. Tangana, Toquinho El MadrileñoEscuchar audio
Medicína je jednou z oblastí, ktorú čaká vďaka umelej inteligencii najväčšia transformácia. Ako konkrétne nám AI pomôže v boji proti rakovine, pri liečbe ďalších civilizačných chorôb a aký vplyv to bude mať na dĺžku a kvalitu nášho života? Nejde pritom o vzdialené vízie, ale o technológie, ktoré sa už dnes začínajú uplatňovať v praxi.V novom dieli podcastu SHARE, ktorý je úryvkom rozhovoru z knihy Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť, sa redaktor Živé.sk Maroš Žofčin rozprával s docentom Štefanom Korcom, významným slovenským onkológom s viac ako 50-ročnou praxou.Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako AI spresňuje diagnostiku v patológii až 10-násobne.Personalizovaná medicína: Návrh liekov na mieru pre konkrétny typ nádoru.Vízia budúcnosti: Prečo sa rakovina môže stať len chronickým ochorením.Využitie AI pri iných ochoreniach a pri identifikácii rizikových pacientov.Dlhovekosť vďaka AI: Ako sa môžeme bežne dožívať 100 rokov.Viac na: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/6Euviv5/ai-nam-umozni-dozit-sa-viac-ako-100-rokov-hovori-lekar-stefan-korec-uryvok-z-knihy-o-ai/ Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Formerly The Masked Swingers, Welcome to The Unmasked Project!In this powerful and candid episode of The Unmasked Project, Vudu Dahl opens up about her life as a cult survivor raised in the “House of Maro,” and how she began her healing journey through s*x work, kink therapy, and somatic healing. From escaping abuse to becoming a kink educator and running her er*tic wellness brand Dalier, she shares her inspiring path toward personal liberation and emotional healing.We've dropped the masks, but kept the raw, unfiltered vibe. The Unmasked Project is the evolution of our show—still hosted by Brian and Layla, still diving deep into intimacy, identity, and human connection. Only now, we're going even deeper. Same bold energy. New name. Fully unmasked.
Check out the twitch channel: http://twitch.tv/magicmics Visit our subreddit: http://www.reddit.com/r/magicmics Follow us on Twitter: http://twitter.com/magicmicscast Like us on Facebook: http://facebook.com/magicmics Co-Sponsors: https://www.manatraders.com/ (use code MAGICMICS_54P) First Pick Standard Bannings? Monstrous Rage & Cori-Steel Cutter? FINAL FANTASY™ Roundup Release Notes: https://magic.wizards.com/en/news/feature/final-fantasy-release-notes Saga Rules Update: https://discord.com/channels/409511337669165077/410942703623208960/1378049970191728720 Game Representation Breakdown: https://bsky.app/profile/shivambhatt.bsky.social/post/3lqght3fc2k22 Maro on Higher Prices: https://discord.com/channels/409511337669165077/410942703623208960/1378806033316843531 Collab with FF TCG: https://magic.gg/news/final-fantasy-team-up-promos Incorrect Artist Attributions: https://magic.wizards.com/en/news/announcements/final-fantasy-promise-of-loyalty-jumbo-cactuar Gather the Townsfolk TCGunion's Call to Boycott TCGplayer: https://bsky.app/profile/tcgunioncwa.bsky.social/post/3lqdi3ggpbs22 TCGunion Reaches Closing Agreement: https://bsky.app/profile/tcgunioncwa.bsky.social/post/3lr6x3bkosk2n A Fresh Look for Gatherer: https://magic.wizards.com/en/news/announcements/a-fresh-look-for-gatherer FDL Gaming Water Bottle Collab: https://bsky.app/profile/seraphsix.com/post/3lqapaoohv22j Competitive Play Announcements: https://magic.gg/news/announcing-upcoming-rcqs-spotlight-events-eternal-weekends-and-more Celebrate Pride: https://magic.wizards.com/en/news/announcements/celebrate-pride-at-your-local-game-store-and-beyond Desperate Ravings Expectation-Setting on the Edge of Eternities Story: https://bsky.app/profile/grayhaem.bsky.social/post/3lqngzcths22o https://bsky.app/profile/grayhaem.bsky.social/post/3lqnhemxj6c2o https://bsky.app/profile/grayhaem.bsky.social/post/3lqnhw4wifk2i Magic Funko: https://popsportal.com/funko-pop-game/funko-pop-magic-magic-the-gathering-oko-the-trickster-1093/ https://popsportal.com/funko-pop-game/funko-pop-magic-magic-the-gathering-ashiook-1094/ https://popsportal.com/funko-pop-game/funko-pop-magic-magic-the-gathering-fblthp-1095/ Splash Damage Chris Perkins and Jeremy Crawford moved to Darrington Press (Daggerheart) https://darringtonpress.com/welcoming-chris-perkins-and-jeremy-crawford-to-our-team/ Desert Bus For Hope https://bsky.app/profile/desertbus.org/post/3lrglwbezgs2z The Finisher MagicCon Vegas 2025 starts tomorrow! So tell me: what are your plans for the event?
Ako umelá inteligencia vplýva na svet práce, ktoré pozície sú najviac ohrozené a ako sa môžeme pripraviť na budúcnosť, v ktorej bude dominovať? O tom, či nás AI naozaj pripraví o prácu a ako sa nastaviť, aby sme sa tejto zmene nielen prispôsobili, ale dokázali z nej aj ťažiť, sme sa rozprávali v ďalšej z diskusií zo série „Pripravte sa na budúcnosť“.V novom dieli podcastu SHARE, ktorý je záznamom z diskusie, moderátor a spoluautor knihy Umelá inteligencia: Pripravte sa na budúcnosť Maroš Žofčin privítal expertku na pracovný trh, koučku a bývalú šéfku portálu Profesia.sk, Ivanu Molnárovú.Redaktori Živé.sk vydávajú knihu: Zo série rozhovorov sa dozviete, ako umelá inteligencia čoskoro zásadne zmení svet okolo nás:TIP: https://zive.aktuality.sk/clanok/0RfdZVW/nahliadnite-do-buducnosti-vydavame-knihu-o-umelej-inteligencii/V podcaste hovoríme aj o týchto témach:Ako AI už dnes ohrozuje pracovné miesta, najmä juniorské pozície.Prečo je schopnosť adaptácie dôležitejšia ako konkrétne zručnosti.Zánik starých a vznik nových profesií: Čo nás čaká v budúcnosti?Ako by sa malo zmeniť školstvo, aby pripravilo deti na éru AI.Univerzálny príjem a hľadanie zmyslu v automatizovanom svete.Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
Závislosť na kofeíne, podceňovaná dehydratácia aj trendy okolo „zázračných“ elektrolytov – to všetko môže výrazne ovplyvniť našu energiu, výkon aj zdravie. V tejto epizóde sa s Marošom Krivosudským, wellbeing koučom a výživovým poradcom z whealth.sk, pozrieme na to, ako si vybudovať zdravý pitný režim bez extrémov a mýtov. Zistíš, koľko vody naozaj potrebujeme, kedy má zmysel dopĺňať elektrolyty a prečo nie je káva nepriateľ – ale ani všeliek. Dozvieš sa aj to, ako môže hydratácia ovplyvniť tvoj výkon, náladu a celkové fungovanie.
Súčasťou kybernetickej bezpečnosti nie je len samotná reakcia na útoky, ale aj všeobecné povedomie a analýza dát z verejne dostupných zdrojov, známa ako OSINT (Open Source Intelligence). Prečo je táto technika dôležitá, kde všade sa zbierajú dáta – od sociálnych sietí až po dark web – a ako v tom pomáha umelá inteligencia?V novom dieli špeciálnej série podcastu SHARE o kybernetickej bezpečnosti sa Maroš Žofčin rozpráva s Michalom Srncom, riaditeľom informačnej bezpečnosti v spoločnosti Aliter Technologies, o metódach, nástrojoch a praktickom využití OSINT analýzy. Podcast prinášame v spolupráci so spoločnosťou Aliter Technologies.V podcaste hovoríme o týchto témach:Čo je OSINT a ako sa analyzujú dáta z verejných zdrojov a sociálnych sietí.Ako firmy môžu využiť OSINT na vlastnú ochranu pohľadom útočníka.Úloha AI: Ako umelá inteligencia pomáha spracovať dáta a hľadať kontext.Atribúcia útokov: Odhaľovanie páchateľov kyberútokov pomocou verejných dát.Využitie OSINT v boji proti dezinformáciám a pri overovaní faktov.Podcast prinášame v spolupráci so spoločnosťou Aliter Technologies.Podcast SHARE pripravuje magazín Živé.sk.
How to Read Body Language & Detect Lies with Dr. Abbie Maroño Ever wonder if you could read people like an FBI agent? In this mind-opening conversation, Dr. Abbie Maroño — world-renowned behavior scientist, trusted advisor to the FBI and Secret Service — joins Jeff Dudan to share the real science behind trust, deception, body language, and reading people. In this episode: ✅ How to spot lies (what really works, what doesn't) ✅ The biggest myths about body language ✅ How trust works — and how to rebuild it ✅ How social media & AI mess with our thinking ✅ The parenting mistake that ruins resilience ✅ How to grow stronger from shame and fear ✅ Real stories from FBI-level behavioral science Dr. Abbie also reveals insights from her best-selling books Work In Progress and The Upper Hand — and how she went from a troubled teen to training elite security units. Find Dr. Abbie on Insta: https://www.instagram.com/doctorabbieofficial/ Dr. Abbie Marono's books: https://www.abbiemarono.com/books If you care about people, leadership, business, or personal growth — this is a masterclass in human behavior you won't want to miss.
How to Read Body Language & Detect Lies with Dr. Abbie Maroño Ever wonder if you could read people like an FBI agent? In this mind-opening conversation, Dr. Abbie Maroño — world-renowned behavior scientist, trusted advisor to the FBI and Secret Service — joins Jeff Dudan to share the real science behind trust, deception, body language, and reading people. In this episode: ✅ How to spot lies (what really works, what doesn't) ✅ The biggest myths about body language ✅ How trust works — and how to rebuild it ✅ How social media & AI mess with our thinking ✅ The parenting mistake that ruins resilience ✅ How to grow stronger from shame and fear ✅ Real stories from FBI-level behavioral science Dr. Abbie also reveals insights from her best-selling books Work In Progress and The Upper Hand — and how she went from a troubled teen to training elite security units. Find Dr. Abbie on Insta: https://www.instagram.com/doctorabbieofficial/ Dr. Abbie Marono's books: https://www.abbiemarono.com/books If you care about people, leadership, business, or personal growth — this is a masterclass in human behavior you won't want to miss.
Most people think influence is about clever tactics or quick wins. But true, lasting influence is built on trust, emotional intelligence, and understanding how people really think. In this episode of Social Intelligence, Abbie Morano returns to reveal her 5-principle framework for ethical influence — combining biology, psychology, and social dynamics. Abbie breaks down why short-term manipulation backfires, how to guide conversations by giving others control, and why your own emotional regulation is the foundation for building real trust. If you want to increase your influence in high-stakes conversations, negotiations, or leadership, this is the playbook. What to Listen For [00:00:00] Why ethical influence starts with regulating your own emotions[00:04:00] The difference between manipulation and pro-social engineering[00:07:17] Why short-term wins lead to long-term losses[00:10:00] Abbie's 5 core principles for influence: bio-psycho-social framework[00:15:00] How triggering survival instincts blocks trust and cooperation[00:20:42] The danger of ultimatums—and how they backfire in negotiations[00:23:00] How “structured choices” increase compliance while preserving control[00:26:20] Why authenticity isn't a tactic—it's a long-term advantage[00:34:00] The power of “pantsing yourself” to defuse conflict and lower aggression[00:41:00] How self-identity shapes every influence conversation[00:52:47] How to prepare for high-stakes conversations using the full framework[01:00:12] Why emotional regulation is the first step toward true influence A Word From Our Sponsors Tired of awkward handshakes and collecting business cards without building real connections? Dive into our Free Social Capital Networking Masterclass. Learn practical strategies to make your interactions meaningful and boost your confidence in any social situation. Sign up for free at theartofcharm.com/sc and elevate your networking from awkward to awesome. Don't miss out on a network of opportunities! Unleash the power of covert networking to infiltrate high-value circles and build a 7-figure network in just 90 days. Ready to start? Check out our CIA-proven guide to networking like a spy! Indulge in affordable luxury with Quince—where high-end essentials meet unbeatable prices. Upgrade your wardrobe today at quince.com/charm for free shipping and hassle-free returns. Ready to turn your business idea into reality? Shopify makes it easy to start, scale, and succeed—whether you're launching a side hustle or building the next big brand. Sign up for your $1/month trial at shopify.com/charm. Need to hire top talent—fast? Skip the waiting game and get more qualified applicants with Indeed. Claim your $75 Sponsored Job Credit now at Indeed.com/charm. This year, skip breaking a sweat AND breaking the bank. Get your summer savings and shop premium wireless plans at mintmobile.com/charm Stop needlessly overpaying for car insurance. Before you renew your policy, do yourself a favor—download the Jerry app or head to JERRY.com/charm Connect with quality therapists and mental health experts who specialize in you at www.rula.com/charm Curious about your influence level? Get your Influence Index Score today! Take this 60-second quiz to find out how your influence stacks up against top performers at theartofcharm.com/influence. Resources from this Episode Dr. Abbie Marono's website The Upper Hand Check in with AJ and Johnny! AJ on LinkedIn Johnny on LinkedIn AJ on Instagram Johnny on Instagram The Art of Charm on Instagram The Art of Charm on YouTube The Art of Charm on TikTok Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
This episode we are covering the end of the reign of Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou. We cover the events in the Chronicles, including the death of Nakatomi no Kamatari, the creation of the Fujiwara family, the destruction of Goguryeo, and the continued development of the Baekje refugees. For more, check out the podcast blog at: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-128 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua and this is episode 128: Immigrants, Princes, and High Officials. There was a pall over the house, despite the visiting royal retinue creating something of a stir,. While craftspeople were still hard at work repairing damage from the lightning strike only a few months earlier, that wasn't the reason for the low spirits. Rather, the house was worried for their patriarch, the Naidaijin, Nakatomi no Kamatari. He had fallen ill, and despite all the pleas to the kami and the Buddhas , it seemed the end might be near. And so even the sovereign himself had come. Kamatari was not just a loyal official, but a close friend of the sovereign, someone who had been there since the beginning. And so we can imagine how Naka no Oe felt. He may have been the sovereign of Yamato, but he was still a human being, visiting his friend of some 30 or so years, knowing that for all of the power that he held, there was nothing he could do against the ravages of time and disease. The year is 668—Naka no Oe has moved the capital to Ohotsu, on the banks of Lake Biwa, and has formally assumed the throne. This episode we are going to cover the last several years of Naka no Oe's reign. In contrast to last week's dive into Yamato science, this week is going to be a bit of a grab bag, looking at what was going on in Yamato and talking about what was recorded in the Chronicles. And for the most part, the entries for the rest of the year 668 are fairly normal, and yet there are some oddities… For instance, in the fourth month we are told that Baekje sent Mitosapu and others to offer tribute. And any other time that would be just a normal thing. Except that at this point in history, Baekje was about as going a concern as a parrot in a Monty Python sketch. So if the Kingdom of Baekje was no longer a thing, who was it that was sending the tribute? Most likely it was the Baekje communities in exile living in the archipelago. Remember how many of them had settled around Biwa and in 666, two thousand Baekje people were settled somewhere in the East. These immigrants were still being supported by the Yamato government, who were basically subsidizing their settlement for the first three years, during which time they would be expected to make it into a permanent settlement. Based on the way the Chronicles talk about it, these early Baekje communities sound like they were maintaining a kind of kingdom in exile. With many immigrants from Baekje living together in proximity, they were likely keeping their own groups, with their own language and traditions, at least for now. It would be interesting to know if there were specific Baekje settlements that have been identified through the archaeological record. That said, we definitely see Baekje's mark on the archipelago: Physically, there are the Baekje style castles, and various temples following Baekje style layouts. Of course there were also continental building styles, but some of that was shared across multiple cultures at this point, and one should consider how much Baekje influence might have been found in things that we later see as Japanese. Additionally, Baekje nobles were involved in the court, often given court rank based in part on their rank in Baekje, though it wasn't quite equivalent. Still, in time, some of the nobles would trace their lineages back to Baekje nobles and princes. Speaking of princes and Baekje, on the fifth day of the fifth month of 668 —a day that would come to be known as Ayame no hi, or Tango no Sekku, one of the major days of court ceremony—Naka no Oe went out hunting on the moor of Kamafu, known today as Gamou district, near Kanzaki, where 400 Baekje people had been settled. He was out there with the Crown Prince, his younger brother, aka Prince Ohoama, and all the other princes and ministers. A grand outing. A month later, however, tragedy struck. One “Prince Ise” and his younger brother died on consecutive days. While this was undoubtedly a blow to the court, the interesting thing for our purposes – which also highlights the challenge of interpreting the Chronicles is that we aren't exactly sure who this is referring to. It's not the first time we've seen this title: we first see a “Prince Ise” show up around 650, during the presentation of the white pheasant that ushered in the Hakuho era, but we later see that that individual had passed away in 661. We also see the name show up less than 20 years later in the Chronicles for another prince, so this can't be the same. So this is clearly a position or title for a prince, but it isn't clear if it was passed down or inherited. One possibility is that “Prince Ise” or “Prince of Ise” was a title for one of the royal sons. IAt this point in the narrative, Naka no Oe had three sons. Prince Takeru had passed away at the age of 8, but he also had Prince Kawajima, Prince Shiki, and Prince Iga, aka Prince Ohotomo, all sons of “palace women”. We know, though, that these princes show up later, so I don't think the so-called Prince Ise was one of them. Perhaps another line? The term “Prince” might also refer to something other than a royal son. You see, English translators have often been somewhat cavalier with the way we tend to render titles. The English term “Prince” has been used for “Hiko”, “Miko”, or “Ou” (which was probably pronounced “Miko” in many of these cases). And in English, we often think of “Prince” as the son of a king, but “Prince” can also be an independent ruler of a principality, or may just refer to a person with power in a monarchic state. Even the term “king” is not unambiguous—early European accounts of Japan during the Warring States period often refer to the various daimyou as “kings”, given the often absolute dominion with which they apparently ruled their particular domains. At this time, the term “Miko” (also pronounced “ouji”, or “koushi”, or even “sume-miko”) seems rather unambiguously to refer to a “royal prince”, from the lineage of the sovereign. The term “Ou”, which also seems to be read as “Miko” in some cases, is also the term for “King” and probably more broadly fits the concept of a “prince” as a ruler. However, in this case, it seems to be equal to the term “Miko”, and may have been used almost interchangeably for a time, though later it would be used to refer to members of princely rank who were not directly related to a reigning sovereign—the grandchildren and so forth of royal princes who did not go on to inherit. In this case, I think the best we can say for certain is that Prince Ise—or the Prince of Ise—was someone important enough to be included in the chronicles – but who he was, exactly, will remain a mystery for now. The following month, the 7th month, was chock full of activities. First of all, Goguryeo sent envoys by way of Koshi—meaning they landed on the Japan Sea side, probably around Tsuruga. While this may just have been closer, I suspect it meant they avoided any Tang entanglements traveling through the Bohai sea. They did run into a spot of trouble, however, as the winds and waves prevented their return. Koshi also shows up as presenting some strange gifts to the court: burning earth and burning water. There is some thought that maybe this is something like coal or natural oil deposits. We are also told that in this month, Prince Kurikuma was appointed the governor of Tsukushi. Kurikuma no Ou appears to have been the grandson—or possibly great-grandson—of the sovereign, Nunakura, aka Bidatsu Tennou. The position Kurikuma was given was important, of course, overseeing the Dazai, which meant overseeing anyone traveling to the archipelago from the continent. This would be a relatively short-lived appointment—this time. He would be re-appointed about three years later, which would prove important, as he would be governor there during some particularly momentous events. Stories appear to have continued about him in the Nagasaki region, and various families traced their lineage back to him. Also in that month, we are told that Afumi, home of the new capital, practiced military exercises—likely in preparation in case of a future Tang or Silla invasion. Recall we discussed in Episode 126 how the choice of Afumi as a capital site might have been related to its defensibility in the event of such an invasion. At the same time, the court entertained Emishi envoys, and the toneri, by royal command, held banquets in various places. There is also mention of a shore-pavillion, presumably at Lake Biwa, where fish of various kinds came, covering the water. Interestingly enough, there is another story of a “shore pavilion”, likely the same one, in the Fujiwara Family Record, the Toushi Kaden. We are told that Prince Ohoama – Naka no Oe's younger brother spiked a large spear through a plank of wood in some kind of feat of strength. This apparently shocked Naka no Oe, who saw it aa kind of threat—perhaps seeing that his five-years younger brother was still hale and healthy. Granted, Naka no Oe was only in his 40s, but his brother Ohoama was in his later 30s. We are also told that at this time, in 668, Naka no Oe was apparently not doing so well, with people wondering if he would be with them much longer. The Toshi Kaden account seems rather surprising in that it claims Naka no Oe was so shocked by this proof of his brother's vitality that he wanted to have him put to death, suggesting to me that he felt that Ohoama might be a threat to him and his rule. Ultimately, though, he was talked out of this by his old friend, Nakatomi no Kamatari – the one whom he had plotted with to overthrow the Soga, and whose relationship was initiated by an interaction on the kemari field, as we discussed in Episode 106. Speaking of whom: Nakatomi no Kamatari was still Naijin, the Inner or Interior Minister, and so quite prominent in the administration. In the 9th month, as a Silla envoy was visiting the court, Kamatari sent Buddhist priests Hoben and Shinpitsu to present a ship to the Prime Minister of Silla, which was given to the Silla envoy and his companions, and three days later, Fuse no Omi no Mimimaro was sent with a ship meant for the King of Silla as well. This incident is also recounted in the Toshi Kaden. In this case it says that the people, hearing about the gifts to Silla, were quite upset. After all, it stands to reason: Yamato was still smarting from their defeat at the hands of Tang and Silla forces, and building up defenses in case of an attack. They'd also taken in a number of Baekje nobles and families, who may have also had some influence on the court. We are told that Kamatari himself excused all of this by stating that “All under heaven must be the sovereign's land. The guests within its borders must be the sovereign's servants.” In this case, all under heaven, or “Tenka”, is a common phrase used to describe a monarch's sovereignty over everything in the land. And so, while Silla envoys were in Yamato as guests, they also fell under similar rules, and as such were considered, at least by Yamato, as the sovereign's servants and thus worthy of gifts. The Silla envoys stayed for over a month. They finally departed by the 11th month of 668, carrying even more gifts, including silk and leather for the King and various private gifts for the ambassadors themselves. The court even sent Chimori no Omi no Maro and Kishi no Woshibi back with the envoy as Yamato envoys to the Silla court. This all tells us that just as the Tang were working to woo Yamato, Silla was likely doing so as well. And while Yamato might still begrudge the destruction of Baekje, they also had to face the political reality that Baekje was probably not going to be reinstated again—especially not while the Tang government was occupying the peninsula. So making nice with both Tang and Silla was prudent. Furthermore, though they had been visited by Goguryeo envoys earlier that year, Yamato may have had some inkling that Goguryeo was not in the most powerful position. Ever since the death of Yeon Gaesomun, the Goguryeo court had been involved in infighting—as well as fighting their external enemies. One of Gaesomun's sons had been exiled and had gone over to the Tang, no doubt providing intelligence as well as some amount of legitimacy. What they may not have known was that as Yamato was hosting the Silla envoys, a new assault by the Tang-Silla alliance was advancing on Pyongyang and setting siege to the city. The Nihon Shoki records that in the 10th month of 668 Duke Ying, the Tang commander-in-chief, destroyed Goguryeo. This would dramatically change the international political landscape. Tang and Silla had been triumphant—Yamato's allies on the peninsula had been defeated, and what we know as the “Three Kingdoms” period of the Korean peninsula was over. However, the situation was still fluid. The peninsula was not unified by any sense of the imagination. The Tang empire had their strategic positions from which they controlled parts of the peninsula and from which they had been supplying the war effort against Goguryeo. They also likely had to occupy areas to ensure that nobody rose up and tried to reconstitute the defeated kingdoms. In fact, there would be continued attempts to revive Goguryeo, as might be indicated in the name we use: by the 5th century, the country was actually using the name “Goryeo”, a shortened form of “Goguryeo”, but we continue to refer to it as “Goguryeo” to distinguish it from the country of the same name that would be established in 918, laying claim to that ancient Goguryeo identity. A bit of spoilers, but “Goryeo” is where we would eventually get the name that we know the region by, today: “Korea”. In the Nihon Shoki it is referred to as “Gaori”. But none of that could have been known at the time. Instead, there was no doubt some exuberance on the side of both Silla and Tang, but that would settle into something of unease. With Baekje and Goguryeo destroyed, Silla may have thought that Tang would leave, allowing them to solidify their hold and manage those territories as an ally. If this is what they thought, though, I'm not sure they had run it by the Tang empire just yet. In the Yamato court, there appear to have been separate factions: a pro-Tang faction, and also a pro-Silla faction. We have to assume, based on the actions in the record at this time, that this was a ongoing debate. The last thing I'll note for the year 668 is attempted theft. The Buddhist priest Dougyou stole Kusanagi, the famous sword forming part of the imperial regalia, and escaped with it. Kusanagi, you may recall, was the royal sword. It was named “Kusanagi” or “grass cutter” because it is said that when Prince Yamato Takeru was subduing the eastern lands, he was surrounded in a field that had been set on fire, and he used Kusanagi to create a firebreak by cutting down all of the grass around him. The sword was given to him by Yamato Hime, the Ise Princess at the time, and it was thought to have been first found by the god Susanowo inside of the legendary Yamata no Orochi. We talked about this in Episodes 16, 34, and 35. Yamato Takeru left the sword in Owari, and it would eventually live there, at Atsuta Jingu, Atsuta Shrine, its traditional home. It isn't clear if Dougyou obtained the sword from Owari or if it was being kept in the capital at the time. It would have likely been brought out for Naka no Oe's coronation, but then it would probably have been returned to the shrine that was holding it. Dougyou tried to head to Silla with his illicit goods, but wind and rain forced him to turn back around. This is a fascinating story and there's a lot to dive into here. So first off, let's point out that this is supposed to be a Buddhist priest. What the heck was going on that he was going to try to run a heist on what are essentially the Crown Jewels of the Yamato crown? While the sword, mirror, and jewel were still somewhat questionable as the sole three regalia, they were clearly important. We aren't given Dougyou's motives. We don't know enough about him. Was he anti-Yamato or anti-Naka no Oe? Was he actually a Buddhist priest of his own accord, or was he a priest because he was one of those who had been essentially conscripted into religious orders on behalf of some powerful noble? Was he a Buddhist who wanted to attack the hold of the kami? Was he pro-Silla, or perhaps even a Silla descendant, trying to help Silla? Or was he just a thief who saw the sword, Kusanagi, as a valuable artifact that could be pawned outside of Yamato? That last possibility feels off. While we aren't exactly sure what Kusanagi looked like, based on everything we know, the sword itself wasn't necessarily blinged out in a way that would make it particularly notable on the continent. And if Dougyou and whoever his co-conspirators were just wanted to attack the Yamato government, why didn't he just dump Kusanagi in the see somewhere? He could have destroyed it or otherwise gotten rid of it in a way that would have embarrassed the government. It seems mostly likely that this theft had something to do with pro-Silla sentiment, as if Silla suddenly showed up with the sword, I imagine that would have been some diplomatic leverage on the Yamato court, as they could have held it hostage. In any case, the plan ultimately failed, though the Chronicles claim it was only because the winds were against him—which was likely seen as the kami themselves defending Yamato. On to a new year. At the start of 669, Prince Kurikuma (who we mentioned above) was recalled to the capital and Soga no Akaye was appointed governor of Tsukushi. We mentioned Akaye a couple of episodes back. He was involved in the broken arm-rest incident, where Prince Arima was plotting against Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou, and Akaye's daughter Hitachi no Iratsume, was one of the formal wives of Naka no Oe, who would give birth to the princess Yamabe. Now Akaye was given the position of governor of Tsukushi. This position is an interesting one throughout Japanese history. In many ways it is a viceroy—the governor of Tsukushi has to effectively speak with the voice of the sovereign as the person responsible for overseeing any traffic to and from the continent. This also was likely a highly lucrative position, only handed out to trusted individuals. However, it also meant that you were outside of the politics of the court. Early on that was probably less of a concern. At this time, court nobles were likely still concerned with their traditional lands, which created their economic base, meaning that the court may have been the political center, but there was still plenty of ways to gain power in the archipelago and it wasn't solely through the court. Over time, as more and more power accrued to the central court government, that would change. Going out to manage a government outpost on the far end of the archipelago—let alone just going back to manage one's own estates—would be tantamount to exile. But for now, without a permanent city built up around the palace, I suspect that being away from the action in the capital wasn't quite as detrimental compared to the lucrative nature of a powerful position. Later, we will see how that flips on its head, especially with the construction of capitals on the model of those like Chang'an. For now, new governor Soga no Akaye was likely making the most of his position. On that note, in the third month of 669, Tamna sent their prince Kumaki with envoys and tribute. They would have come through Tsukushi, and Soga no Akaye likely enjoyed some benefits as they were entertained while waiting for permission to travel the rest of the way down to the Yamato capital. The Tamna embassy did not exactly linger at the court. They arrived on the 11th of the 3rd month, and left one week—seven days—later, on the 18th. Still, they left with a gift of seed-grain made to the King of Tamna. On their way out, they likely would have again stopped in at Tsukushi for provisions and to ensure that all of their business was truly concluded before departing. A couple of months later, on the 5th day of the 5th month, we see another hunting party by Naka no Oe. This seems to have been part of the court ritual of the time for this ceremonial day. This time it was on the plain of Yamashina. It was attended by his younger brother, Crown Prince Ohoama, as well as someone called “Fujiwara no Naidaijin” and all of the ministers. “Fujiwara no Naidaijin” is no doubt Nakatomi no Kamatari. This is an interesting slip by the Chroniclers, and I wonder if it gives us some insight into the source this record came from. Kamatari was still known as Nakatomi at the time, and was still the Naidaijin, so it is clear they were talking about him. But historically his greatest reputation is as the father of the Fujiwara family, something we will get to in time. That said, a lot of the records in this period refer to him as “Fujiwara”. We've seen this previously—because the records were being written later they were often using a more common name for an individual, rather than the name—including title—that the individual actually would have borne at the time of the record. This really isn't that different from the way we often talk about the sovereigns using their posthumous names. Naka no Oe would not have been known as “Tenji Tennou” during his reign. That wouldn't be used until much later. And yet, many history books will, understandably, just use the name “Tenji” because it makes it clear who is being talked about. This hunting trip is not the only time we see the name “Fujiwara” creep into the Chronicles a little earlier than accurate: we are told that only a little later, the house of “Fujiwara” no Kamatari was struck by lightning. But that wasn't the only tragedy waiting in the wings. Apparently, Kamatari was not doing so well, and on the 10th day of the 10th month, his friend and sovereign, Naka no Oe, showed up to pay his respects and see how he was doing. Ever since that fateful game of kemari—Japanese kickball—the two had been fast friends. Together they envisioned a new state. They overthrew the Soga, and changed the way that Japan even conceived of the state, basing their new vision off continental ideas of statehood, governance, and sovereignty. Now, Kamatari was gravely ill. What happens next is likely of questionable veracity Sinceit is unlikely that someone was there writing down the exact words that were exchanged, but the Chronicles record a conversation between the sovereign and his ill friend. And the words that the Chroniclers put in their mouths were more about the image that they wanted to project. According to them, Naka no Oe praised his friend, and asked if there was anything that he could do. Kamatari supposedly eschewed anything special for burial arrangements. He supposedly said “While alive I did no service for my country at war; why, then, should I impose a heavy burden on it when I am dead?” Hard to know if he actually felt like that or not, or if thr Chroniclers were likening him to Feng Yi of the Han dynasty, the General of the Great Tree. He was so-called because he would often find a tree to take time to himself. He likewise was renowned for his dislike of ostentation, much like Kamatari foregoing a fancy burial mound. Five days later, Naka no Oe sent Crown Prince Ohoama to Kamatari's house to confer on him the cap of Dai-shiki, and the rank of Oho-omi. They also conferred on him and his family a new surname: Fujiwara, and so he became Fujiwara no Daijin, the Fujiwara Great Minister. The next day he died. One source known as the Nihon Seiki, said that he was 50 years old, but according to the Chronicles there was an inscription on his tomb that stated he died at age 55. Three days later, we are told that Naka no Oe went to the house of the now late Fujiwara no Naidaijin, and gave orders to Soga no Akaye no Omi, declaring to him his gracious will and bestowing on him a golden incense-burner. This is somewhat odd, because as we were just talking about, Soga no Akaye had been appointed governor of Tsukushi, though the Toshi Kaden claims that it was actually Soga no Toneri who was in Tsukushi—but these could also mean the same people. Why this happened right after Kamatari's death suggests to me that Soga no Akaye may have had something to do with the arrangements for Kamatari's funeral or something similar. Let's talk about this whole incident. There are many that think the Nihon Shoki has things a bit out of order, and on purpose. Specifically, it is quite likely that the name “Fujiwara” was actually granted after Kamatari's death, and not on the day of, as it has here. He may even have been posthumously elevated. But since the Fujiwara family would go on to be quite powerful, the order of events and how they were recorded would have been very important in the 8th century. By naming Kamatari's line the Fujiwara, the court were effectively severing it from the rest of the Nakatomi. The Nakatomi family would continue to serve as court ritualists, but the Fujiwara family would go on to much bigger and better things. This change also likely meant that any inheritance of Kamatari's would go to his direct descendants, and that a brother or cousin couldn't necessarily just take over as the head of the household. So it's very possible that this “setting apart” of the Fujiwara family immediately upon Kamatari's death is a later fiction, encouraged by the rising Fujiwara themselves, in an attempt to keep others from hanging on to their coat tails, as it were. Also a quick note about the idea that there was an inscription on Kamatari's tomb. This is remarkable because so far, we have not actually found any such markers or tombstones on burials prior to this period. We assume that they would have been stone or wood markers that were put up by a mound to let you know something about the person who was buried there. Over time, most of these likely wore away. But it is interesting to think that the practice may have had older roots. The death of Kamatari wasn't the only tragedy that year. We are also told that in the 12th month there was a fire in the Treasury, and that the temple of Ikaruga—known to us as Houryuuji, the temple built by Shotoku Taishi—also was burnt. It isn't said how bad, but only three months later, in 670, another fire struck during a thunderstorm, and we are told that everything burned down—nothing was left. That said, it seems that they may have been able to reuse some of the materials. I say this because an analysis of the main pillar of the pagoda in the western compound suggests that the tree it came from was felled in 594. The rest of 699 included some less dramatic events. For instance, in the 8th month, Naka no Oe climbed to the top of Takayasu, where he took advice as to how to repair the castle there. The castle had been built only a couple of years earlier, but already needed repairs. However, the initial repair project had been abandoned because the labor costs were too much. The repairs were still needed, though, and they carried out the work four months later in the 12th month, and again in the 2nd month of the following year, and that stores of grain and salt were collected, presumably to stock the castle in case they had to withstand a siege. I suspect that the “cost” of repairing the castle was mostly that it was the 8th month, and the laborers for the work would have to be taken away from the fields. By the 12th month, I can only assume that those same laborers would be free from their other duties. Speaking of costs, sometimes the Chronicles really make you wonder what was going through the mind of the writers, because they noted that the Land-tax of the Home Provinces was collected. Maybe this was the first time it had actually been instituted? I don't know. It just seems an odd thing to call out. There was also 700 more men from Baekje removed and settled in Kamafu—Gamou District—in Afumi. And then there was a Silla embassy in the 9th month, and at some point in the year Kawachi no Atahe no Kujira and others were sent to the Tang court. In response, an embassy from the Tang to Yamato brought 2000 people with them, headed by Guo Wucong, who I really hope was getting some kind of premiere cruiser status for all of his trips. The following year, 700, started out with a great archery meeting, arranged within the palace gate. I presume this to mean that they had a contest. Archery at this time—and even for years to come—was prized more highly than even swordplay. After all, archery was used both in war and on the hunt. It is something that even the sage Confucius suggested that people should practice. It is also helpful that they could always shoot at targets as a form of competition and entertainment. Later, on the 14th day of the 1st month, Naka no Oe promulgated new Court ceremonial regulations, and new laws about people giving way on the roads. This rule was that those of lower status should get out of the way of those of higher status. Funnily enough, in the description of Queen Himiko's “Yamateg”, back in the 3rd century, this was also called out as a feature of the country. It is possible that he was codifying a local tradition, or that the tradition actually goes back to the continent, and that the Wei Chroniclers were projecting such a rule onto the archipelago. I'm honestly not sure which is which. Or perhaps they expanded the rules and traditions already in place. There were also new laws about prohibiting “heedless slanders and foul falsehoods”, which sounds great, but doesn't give you a lot to go on. The law and order theme continues in the following month. A census was taken and robbers and vagabonds were suppressed. Naka no Oe also visited Kamafu, where he had settled a large number of the Baekje people, and inspected a site for a possible future palace. He also had castles built in Nagato in Tsukushi, along the route of any possible invasion from the Korean peninsula. In the third month, we have evidence of the continued importance of kami worship, when they laid out places of worship close to Miwi mountain and distributed offerings of cloth. Nakatomi no Kane no Muraji pronounced the litany. Note that it is Nakatomi no Muraji—as we mentioned, the Nakatomi would continue to be responsible for ceremonial litany while the Imibe, or Imbe, family would be responsible for laying out the various offerings. Miwi would seem to be the same location as Miidera, aka Onjou-ji, but Miidera wouldn't be founded for another couple of years. In the 9th month of 670, Adzumi no Tsuratari, an accomplished ambassador by this point, travelled to Silla. Tsuratari had been going on missions during the reign of Takara Hime, both to Baekje and to the lands across the “Western Seas”. While we don't exactly know what transpired, details like this can help us try to piece together something of the relative importance of the mission. In the last entry for 670, we are told that water-mills were made to smelt iron. If you are wondering how that works, it may have been that the waterwheel powered trip hammers—it would cause the hammer to raise up until it reached a point where it would fall. Not quite the equivalent of a modern power hammer, it still meant that fewer people were needed for the process, and they didn't have to stop just because their arms got tired. The following year, 671, got off to a grand start, with a lot of momentous events mentioned in just the first month of the year. First off, on the 2nd day of the first month, Soga no Akaye – now back from his stint as governor of Tsukushi - and Kose no Hito advanced in front of the palace and offered their congratulations on the new year. Three days later, on the 5th day, Nakatomi no Kane, who had provided the litany at Miwi, made an announcement on kami matters. Then the court made official appointments. Soga no Akaye was made the Sadaijin, or Prime Minister of the Left, and Nakatomi no Kane was made Prime Minister of the Right. Soga no Hatayasu, Kose no Hito, and Ki no Ushi were all made daibu, or high ministers. On top of this, Naka no Ohoe's son, Prince Ohotomo, was appointed as Dajodaijin. “Dajodaijin” is a new position that we haven't seen yet, and it is one of those positions that would only show up on occasion. It is effectively a *Prime* Prime Minister. They were considered superior to both the ministers of the left and the right, but didn't exactly have a particular portfolio. The Ministers of the Left and the Right each had ministries under them that they were responsible for managing. Those ministries made up the Daijo-kan, or the Council of State. The Dajodaijin, or Daijodaijin, was basically the pre-eminent position overseeing the Council of State. I suspect that the Dajodaijin seems to have been the evolution of the Naidaijin, but on steroids. Nakatomi no Kamatari had administered things as Naidaijin from within the royal household, but the Dajodaijin was explicitly at the head of the State. Of course, Prince Ohotomo was the son of Naka no Oe himself, and the fact that he was only 23 years old and now put in a place of prominence over other ministers who were quite likely his senior, is remarkable. I wonder how much he actually was expected to do, and how much it was largely a ceremonial position, but it nonetheless placed Ohotomo just below his uncle, Crown Prince Ohoama, in the overall power structure of the court. Speaking of which, following the new appointments, on the 6th day of the year, Crown Prince Ohoama promulgated regulations on the behalf of his brother, Naka no Oe. There was also a general amnesty declared, and the ceremonial and names of the cap-ranks were described in what the Chronicles calls the Shin-ritsu-ryo, the New Laws. Towards the end of the first month, there were two embassies, both from now-defunct kingdoms. The first was from Goguryeo, who reportedly sent someone named Karu and others with Tribute on the 9th day, and 4 days later, Liu Jenyuan, the Tang general for Baekje sent Li Shouchen and others to present a memorial. I'm not sure if the Goguryeo envoys were from a government in exile or from a subjugated kingdom under Tang and Silla domination. The Tang general in Baekje was a little more transparent. That said, that same month we are told that more than 50 Baekje nobles were given Yamato court rank, perhaps indicating that they were being incorporated more into the Yamato court and, eventually, society as a whole. That said, the remains of the Baekje court sent Degu Yongsyeon and others with tribute the following month. This is also the year that Naka no Oe is said to have placed the clepsydra or water clock in a new pavilion. We talked about this significance of this last episode. We are also told that on the third day of the third month, Kibumi no Honjitsu presented a “water level”, a Mizu-hakari. This would seem to be what it sounds like: A way of making sure that a surface is level using water. There is also mention of the province of Hitachi presenting as “tribute” Nakatomibe no Wakako. He was only 16 years old, and yet we are told he was only one and a half feet in height—one shaku six sun, more appropriately. Assuming modern conversions, that would have put him approximately the same height as Chandra Dangi of Nepal, who passed away in 2015 but who held the Guiness World Record for the world's shortest person at 21.5”—or 54 centimeters. So it isn't impossible. The fact that he is called “Nakatomibe” suggests that he was part of the family, or -Be group, that served the Nakatomi court ritualists. Unfortunately, he was probably seen more as an oddity than anything else at the time. Still, how many people from that time are not remembered at all, in any extant record? And yet we have his name, which is more than most. In the following month, we are also told that Tsukushi reported a deer that had been born with eight legs. Unfortunately, the poor thing died immediately, which is unfortunately too often the case. And then the fifth day of the fifth month rolled around again. This year there was no hunting, but instead Naka no Oe occupied the “Little Western Palace” and the Crown Prince and all of the ministers attended him. We are told that two “rustic” dances were performed—presumably meaning dances of some local culture, rather than those conforming to the art standards passed down from the continent. As noted earlier, this day would be one of the primary ceremony days of the later court. The following month, we are told that there was an announcement in regards to military measures requested by the messengers from the three departments of Baekje, and later the Baekje nobles sent Ye Chincha and others to bring tribute. Once again, what exactly this means isn't clear, but it is interesting to note that there were three “departments” of Baekje. It is unclear if this was considered part of the court, or if this was Baekje court in exile managing their own affairs as a guest in Yamato. It is also interesting that they seem to have been traveling to the Yamato court while Li Shouchen was still there, sent by the Tang general overseeing Baekje. That must have been a bit of an awkward meeting. We are told that they all took their departure together on the 11th day of the 7th month. Does that mean they left with the Tang envoy? Was the Tang inviting some of them to come back? Or just that they all left the court at the same time. The same month, Prince Kurikuma was once more made Governor of Tsukushi—or possibly made governor the first time, depending on whether or not you think the Chronicles are accurate or that they pulled the same event twice from different sources. We are also told that Silla sent envoys with gifts that included a water buffalo and a copper pheasant for the sovereign. The 8th month of the year, we hear that Karu of Goguryeo and his people took their leave after a seven month long visit. The court also entertained the Emishi. Two months later, Silla sent Kim Manmol and others with more tribute, but this envoy likely found a different feeling at court. And that is because on the 18th day of the 8th month, the sovereign of Yamato, Naka no Oe, took to his bed, ill. There was a ceremony to open the eyes of 100 Buddhas in the interior of the palace, and Naka no Oe sent messengers to offer to the giant Buddha of Houkouji a kesa, a golden begging-bowl, an ivory tusk, aloeswood, sandalwood, and various objects of value, but despite any spiritual merit that may have accrued, it didn't seem to work. Naka no Oe's illness continued to grow more serious. He would continue to struggle for another two months, until, on the 3rd day of the twelfth month, Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tennou, sovereign of Yamato, passed away. For all that we should be careful to avoid the “Great Man” theory of history, it is nonetheless hard to deny that Naka no Oe had an incredible impact on the country in his days. From start to finish, while one could argue that many of the reforms were simply a matter of time as the archipelago absorbed more and more ideas from across the straits, Naka no Oe found himself in the middle of those reforms. The Yamato State would never be the same, and he oversaw the birth of the Ritsuryo state, a new state nominally based on laws and rules, rather than just tradition. It may not be entirely clear, but he also helped inculcate a new sense of the power of the sovereign and of the state, introducing new cultural imaginaries. Yamato's reach wasn't just vague boasting, but by instituting the bureaucratic state they were able to actually expand the reach of the court farther than any time before. And through those changes, Naka no Oe had, in one way or another, been standing at the tiller. Now, he was gone, as were many of his co-conspirators in this national project. Which leaves us wondering: What comes next? Well, we'll get to that, but not right now. For now, let us close this episode with Naka no Oe's own end. Next episode, we can get into the power struggles that followed, culuminating in an incident known as the Jinshin no Ran: The Jinshin war. Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.
La Mesa Especial de Análisis Político con Antonio Cardarello, Daniel Chasquetti, Mariana Pomiés y Camila Zeballos. *** Desde su llegada al Poder Ejecutivo, el gobierno de Yamandú Orsi impuso un estilo diferente en cuanto a la comunicación. Durante la transición, por ejemplo, los ministros designados fueron presentando en conferencias de prensa a los equipos que los acompañarían, publicando además en redes sociales los detalles, con información y fotos tomadas profesionalmente de cada uno de los jerarcas. Luego, algunas autoridades asumieron sus cargos en lugares como el Auditorio Nacional del Sodre, la plaza Huelga General de Flor de Maroñas o, el caso más llamativo, la entonces flamante ministra de Vivienda Cecilia Cairo, que tomó posesión en el asentamiento Campo Galusso. Sin embargo, a medida que pasaron los meses surgieron críticas a Orsi y su equipo de gobierno debido a la forma en que se hicieron algunos anuncios y manejaron situaciones. Un ejemplo se dio con la compra de una estancia en Florida por el Instituto Nacional de Colonización, que fue comunicada por el secretario de Presidencia de la República, Alejandro Sánchez, durante el pasaje del cortejo fúnebre del expresidente José Mujica frente a la sede del MPP. Otro caso, más reciente, fue el cierre de la Biblioteca Nacional para el acceso al público, que fue informado por la directora de la institución en el marco del Día Nacional del Libro. El politólogo Gerardo Caetano lo analizó de esta manera en una entrevista con La Diaria: "A Orsi le está faltando claridad. Orsi tiene muchas virtudes, pero la comunicación política no es una de ellas. Tiene que trabajar mucho en eso, es muy importante. Cuando el presidente habla está gobernando. Han habido falta de sintonía entre él y algunos de sus ministros". ¿Los politólogos perciben un deterioro en la comunicación del gobierno? ¿Por qué es importante para Orsi dar mensajes claros?
durée : 00:05:45 - C'est une chanson - par : Frédéric Pommier - Avec une centaine d'autres artistes (auteurs, musiciens), elle participe au festival "Oh les beaux jours !" qui se tient à Marseille du 27 mai au 1er juin. Au micro de Frédéric Pommier, la romancière Maylis de Kerangal évoque la chanson brésilienne "Águas de Março" par Elis Regina et Carlos Jobim.
Ve světě zuří obchodní válka rozpoutaná postojem Donalda Trumpa i vyostřenými diplomatickými konflikty. Má to i vedlejší efekty. Přestože ohnisko boje není mezi Čínou a Evropou, i obyvatelé kontinentu si brzy připlatí. Evropský komisař pro obchod Maroš Šefčovič navrhuje, aby na levné balíčky objednávané především z Číny, byl uvalen nový poplatek dvě eura za kus. Postihne to hlavně online prodejce levné módy a věcí do domácnosti jako je Shein či Temu.
This episode we are looking at the early years of the official reign of Naka no Oe, aka Tenji Tenno, including the building of a brand new capital on the shores of Lake Biwa. For more information, see: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-126 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua and this is episode 126: New Beginnings The local farmers couldn't help but talk. There was so much construction, but it wasn't entirely clear what was being built. The land between the mountains and the lake had been neatly groomed fields, but now that the government workmen had moved in, all of those fields were being cleared. This new construction was much larger than anything that people had seen before. Rocks were coming in from far flung quarries, and local kilns were being set up to create tiles, while woodcutters were sent into the forests to bring logs to the site. There were various stories about what was going on—a new provincial government office, or perhaps a new temple, but perhaps the most outlandish was that this was going to be some kind of royal palace. The sovereign himself was taking in interest in this little slice of Afumi, and he was going to abandon the Home Territories of Yamato and bring his entire court to the shores of Lake Biwa. What a far-fetched story! …Wasn't it? Last episode we recapped a lot of the history of Prince Naka no Oe and how he had come to this point: the Isshi Incident, the Taika reforms, as well as the reigns of his uncle, Prince Karu, aka Koutoku Tennou, and his mother, Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou. With Takara Hime's death, Naka no Oe was now – finally, as he might have thought -- running things officially. He had prosecuted the war in Baekje, and with that loss, he had turned his focus back to the archipelago. He now had refugees to settle, and defenses to set up. And then there were the embassies that would be coming, in an apparent attempt to normalize relations post-conflict. That could only go so far, however, given that Tang and Silla had simply turned their war efforts against Goguryeo. So one imagines that any diplomatic discussions were held with the understanding that the international order was still in flux. And so we arrive in the 8th month of 665, as some of the first defensive castles were being erected. That same month, Tamna—the kingdom on the modern island of Jeju—sent ambassadors to the Yamato court. The diplomatic ties between Yamato and Tamna were a relatively recent occurrence, but with Baekje gone, one wonders if Yamato wasn't feeling out a new alliance on the continent. That said, Tamna does not appear to have been a major player on the international stage. They had been a tributary of Baekje, and may have even been one of the last holdouts of the proto-Japonic language for a long time. Indeed, a 15th century Joseon history records a foundation myth of Tamna that emphasizes close early ties with the Japanese archipelago. The following month saw another visit by Tang ambassadors, only a year after Guo Wucong had come to the court. Guo Wucong had been wined and dined, and things seem to have gone well, as this time he returned, but he wasn't the one leading the embassy this time. That honor went to Liu Degao, sub-prefect of Yizhou, among his many titles. Yizhou is the same location where the previous missions from Yamato to the Tang court had made landfall. Presumably, Liu Degao would have had experience with the embassies that passed through Yizhou, so he seems a logical choice to be sent over to the archipelago. This seems like an escalation, with a more titled ambassador leading the party. It is possible that the Tang were trying to not only reset their relationship with Yamato, but also attempt to woo them to their side. The Tang likely knew that if they defeated Goguryeo, then they would have another problem to work out: The alliance with Silla. At the moment both Tang and Silla were in a partnership of convenience, but the Tang empire didn't get where it was by just giving up territory. And Silla was, itself, ambitious. It would be in the Tang dynasty's best interest to have Yamato on its side in case Silla became a problem. At the very least, the Tang court could have just been trying to make sure that Yamato would stay out of any continental entanglements, such as by supporting Goguryeo. Within the Yamato court, it is unclear which way, exactly, they were leaning at this point. The court was clearly building defensive positions—fortresses and more. At the same time, there were likely those who welcomed any return to stable relations with the Tang. After all, there were still Wa in Chang'an and elsewhere, and there was still a hunger in the archipelago for the books and other goods that the Silk Road could provide. On the other hand, they may have felt more at home with Goguryeo, or even Silla. The bonds with the Korean peninsula were older and likely stronger. And, as long as the Tang Empire was busy with other states, then perhaps they would be too preoccupied to attack Yamato. Liu Degao and his entourage had arrived at Tsushima on the 28th day of the 7th month. They would have been put up there for a time, and entertained. If this embassy followed later conventions, they would have likely pulled into a harbor, like the one near Kofunakoshi. This is a narrow spot between the two parts of Tsushima, where we know that in the 9th century, ships from the Tang empire would stop, register goods and people, and likely have them transferred to Japanese ships. All of the checking and cataloging would happen at nearby Bairinji temple. Even if they didn't have to transport everything to another ship, it is likely that they would held at Tsushima for a while for security purposes. Tsushima was ideal, both for its distance, halfway between the Korean peninsula and the Japanese archipelago, but also for its shape, with numerous places that ships could sit at anchor in secluded bays away from any weather or rough seas that could otherwise cause problems. We don't know exactly what the Tang embassy's stay was like, but we know that they were at Tsushima for roughly two months, which was probably the time it took to get a message to the Yamato court and back. We know how long it was because we learn that it is on the 20th day of the 9th month that they finally made landfall at Tsukushi, or Kyushu, and two days later they forwarded a letter-case to the Yamato court. Two months later, we know they were at the court, as there was a banquet held for Liu Degao on the 13th day of the 11th month, and then a month after that, Liu Degao and the rest of the mission were presented gifts, after which they left and returned to the Tang court. We are also told that Mori no Kimi no Ohoishi, along with Sakahibe no Muraji no Iwashiki and Kimi no Kishi no Harima all went to the Tang court that same month, no doubt traveling with Degao and Wucong. On the first month of the following year, Neungnu of Goguryeo was sent to the Yamato court to offer tribute. On the same day, the 11th day of the first month, Tamna also sent someone identified as Prince Siyeo to offer presents. Immediately, I'm wondering about the way that this is presented. Both of these states – Goguryeo and Tamna - were allies of the former Baekje kingdom. I have to wonder how the Goguryeo ships made their way—did they come down the western side of the peninsula, through the Bohai sea, and thus past possible Tang patrols between their peninsular and continental territories, or did they head through the East Sea, aka the Japan Sea, where they would have to pass by the coast of Silla, whom they were also not on great terms with? The fact that both missions are mentioned at the same time suggests that maybe the Goguryeo embassy sailed down to Tamna, on Jeju Island, and then the two groups made their way over to Yamato together from there. Other things about this entry to note is that the Chroniclers use different terms for these visits to the Yamato court. Goguryeo uses a term that Aston translates as “offering tribute” while Tamna uses a different term indicating that they were “offering presents”. This may be as simple as the difference in the various relationships between the polities, as viewed by the Chroniclers. After all, there was a long relationship between Yamato and Goguryeo, which was considered one of the three Han, or Samhan. Whether true or not, I could certainly see the Chroniclers feeling that Goguryeo was in a subordinate relationship with Yamato. Tamna, on the other hand, was a more recent addition to the Yamato diplomatic sphere. As such, it would be understandable, to me if the Chroniclers still saw it as a more independent entity. It also may hint at different messages being communicated. As far as we can tell, Tamna wasn't under direct threat by the Tang empire—though they may have been feeling a little bit of heat, given the fall of Baekje and the Tang empire's new outpost on the peninsula. Goguryeo, however, was under more direct threat, and had been in conflict with the Tang for years. On top of that, based on what we can tell, it seems that Yeong Gaesomun, the despot who had been ruling Goguryeo and helping it defend against the Tang, had just passed away. It may have been that the Goguryeo court was seeking support against Tang and Silla, as they were in a moment of instability, themselves. As such, “Tribute” might indicate that they were more formally petitioning Yamato for support. Goguryeo envoy Neungnu left about 5 months later, on the 4th day of the 6th month but then another envoy, this time Minister Eulsyang Oemchu, arrived a little more than four months later. Much like with the Tang, this feels like Goguryeo was upping the ante, sending higher ranking officials to negotiate with Yamato. That lends some credence to the theory that there was something of a bidding war going on for Yamato's involvement in international affairs. For Yamato, however, it would seem that getting involved in continental affairs was hardly something they were itching to do. Instead, they continued their moves to fortify. In local events, we know that on the 11th day of the 10th month of 665, while the Liu Degao delegation was still in Yamato, there was a great “review”, by which they seem to mean a sutra reading, at Uji. It is unclear just where this was held, as I haven't found reference to any particular temple. However, it does indicate that there was activity in the area. Uji is probably most popular, today, for its role as a setting in the Tale of Genji. There indeed numerous reminders there of the Heian period, including the hall of Ujigami Shrine, and the famous Hou-ou-do, or Phoenix Hall, of the Byoudouin. In 1053, Fujiwara Yorimichi inherited the villa from his father, Fujiwara Michinaga, and he converted it into a Pure Land temple. Michinaga is thought to have been one of the people on whom Murasaki Shikibu based the character of the Shining Prince, Hikaru Genji. That's all too late for this moment in the Chronicles, of course., but we do have earlier references to Uji as a place, as well as in various names. It seems to have been part of the territory of the Hata, who controlled much of the area of modern Kyoto and environs. There is a temple, Houjouin, also known as Hashidera, which claims to date back to the 7th century, and may have been the site of the above-mentioned sutra reading in 665. According to the Temple's own legend, it was built around 604, when Hata no Kawakatsu built the famous Uji bridge, or Hashi, on the orders of Prince Umayado, aka Shotoku Taishi. Other sources give the date as 646. The temple was rebuilt in the 13th century, and as far as I can tell, nothing remains of the original temple, but it is possible that it was the site of this review. The next non-Diplomatic record of the Chronicles is from the 3rd month in 666. The Crown Prince went to the house of Saheki no Komaro no Muraji, paying a sympathy call as Saheki appears to have passed away after having been gravely ill. Saheki no Komaro no Muraji was one of those who had helped Naka no Oe in the Isshi Incident. He had been introduced to the plot by Nakatomi no Kamatari, and then critical in the literal execution at the court. He later led forces against Furubito no Oe, assuming that “Sahekibe no Komaro” is the same as “Saheki no Muraji no Komaro”. There is also a relative, possibly his son, Takunaha, who was one of the Yamato court's overseas envoys. Thus, one can understand that he had some importance to the Royal family, and we can probably assume that he had been involved in much more. The Crown Prince, we are told, lamented him on account of his loyal service from the very beginning. One of the confusing things in this part of the Chronicle is the term “Crown Prince”. It doesn't help that the Chroniclers were pulling from different records, and sometimes using anachronistic titles for individuals. Naka no Oe had been known as the Crown Prince since the time of Takara Hime, whether he actually was or not. Now he was in charge of the government, but it isn't clear that he had been formally invested as tennou. More than that, there is mention of an investiture in either 667 or 668, several years after his quote-unquote “reign” had begun. This makes some sense. After all, when Takara Hime passed away, there was a foreign war to prosecute, and that probably took a fair bit of resources. Plus, Naka no Oe had been running things for a while before that, or so we are told. It would make sense if things just kept on going as they had been, and they held the actual investiture when they got around to it. We also know that he was busy with building projects: not just for the defense of the archipelago, but even a new capital and a new palace. We'll talk about it a bit more, later, but suffice it to say that he may have been taking his time and gathering everything together. All of this makes the Chronicles themselves somewhat confusing. They throw around the terms “Crown Prince” and “Sovereign”—well, “Sumera no Mikoto”—almost interchangeably. Meanwhile, they've also stated that the Crown Prince was Prince Ohoama, Naka no Oe's younger brother. Based on my read of things, I believe we can distinguish between the two by whether or not it specifically calls them out as just “Crown Prince”, or “Crown Prince, younger brother to the sovereign”. The latter is clearly Prince Ohoama, and the first is most likely Naka no Oe. After all, in this instance, why would Prince Ohoama be the one so struck by the death of Saheki no Muraji? Based on the story the Chronicles have told us, wouldn't it make more sense that it was Naka no Oe lamenting the death of one who had helped put him on the throne, rather than sending his brother? So keep that in mind as we go through the narrative. I'll try to point out whom I believe they are speaking about, at least until we reach the point where Naka no Oe actually is invested. Getting back to the Chronicles, in the 7th month of the year 666, some four months after the illness and death of Saheki no Komaro no Muraji, another disaster struck—this time a natural disaster. Great floods were reported—how widespread we aren't told. This is often a problem in a land with many mountains that often gets large rains. It is especially problematic when much of your agriculture is based on being just at or below the level of the rivers and streams so that it can be flooded on purpose. We are told that the government remitted the land-taxes and commuted taxes that year, likely as a form of disaster relief to those affected by the flooding. In 666, we are also told a story that actually links this reign to the previous. We are told that a monk, named Chiyu, gave the sovereign something called a south-pointing chariot. I'll talk about what this was in another episode. What's important here is to note that there was a previous entry in the era attributed to Saimei Tennou, aka Takara Hime, where a monk named Chiyu, or something similar, using different characters, also created a south-pointing chariot. Likewise, we are later told in this reign how Naka no Oe installed a clepsydra, a water clock. This is also mentioned in the previous reign. It is possible that these reference completely different accounts. Or they could be connected in some way. The south-pointing chariot is probably not something that we'll have evidence of, as it would have been mobile and probably deteriorated over time. However, the water clock would have been a fixed installation with some clear architectural remnants, and indeed we think we know where at least one was built in Asuka. Both of the water clock entries say that it was the “first” time, so make of that what you will. Also in 666, we see that some 2000 people of Baekje were settled in the East, possibly meaning the Kanto region, though this could be anywhere between modern Nagoya out to the far eastern edge of Honshu. They were maintained at the government expense for three years, after which they were expected to have built new lives for themselves. In later periods, there is much to be said about “Men of the East”. There are those that point to this region as being the origin point of many of the warrior traditions that would arise and become the military samurai. Some of the weapons and fighting styles, especially some of the horse-riding archery seems to point to continental influences that made their way to the Kanto region and beyond. One has to consider just how much did they bring with them and how did it grow, often beyond the view of the court and the court chronicles. For now, though, it seems to have largely been a form of a refugee program, since the Baekje no longer had a kingdom to return to. Finally, we have an omen. In the winter of 666, the rats of the capital, in Asuka, headed north to Afumi. As with previous entries about rats departing a capital for a direction, this is again meant as an omen. It probably didn't happen. But it does foreshadow an account in the following year, when, on the 19th day of the 3rd month, the capital, surprise-surprise, moved to Afumi. And perhaps I shouldn't be flippant. It was a surprise to have the capital move to Afumi. There are accounts of legendary sovereigns that had their palace outside of the Nara Basin or Kawachi area, but at this point Yamato had been really building up those areas. So why would they suddenly relocate to Afumi, of all places? Well, probably because of the same thing that had been driving the rest of their large-scale building projects during this period—from the Water Castle protecting the Dazai to the various Baekje style fortresses from Tsushima down to the Nara Basin. Afumi was a naturally defensive position. And in such an uncertain time, having a well-defended capital must have seen like a very good idea. In fact, though they didn't formally change the capital until the 3rd month of 667, they probably had started work on it as soon as they got back from the loss at Hakusukinoe. As far as locations go, it wasn't necessarily a bad choice. There were still routes to the port at Naniwa, which could still house various delegations when they arrived. There were also routes to the east, leading to Owari and the rest of central and eastern Honshu, as well as mountain passes to get to the Japan Sea. The area where the new palace was located was in the district of Ohotsu. Ohotsu means something like “Big Port” and I don't know if it was already a major port along the banks of Lake Biwa or if that was a name that came from having the capital there. Ohotsu was a long-inhabited area, even well before the 660's, and an important site for trade. In the southern end of modern Ohotsu city is Ishiyama-dera, the stone mountain temple, it which was built in the 8th century, but in front of the temple are the remains of the largest freshwater shellmound in Asia. As you may recall from some of our earliest episodes talking about the prehistoric period in the Japanese archipelago, shell mounds are typically evidence of ancient settlements, remnants of dump sites where they could throw their detritus. This probably included a lot more than just shells, but shells, bones, and sometimes things like pottery sherds, would remain. And while much of the wood and waste of the period would have disintegrated over time, shells do not. These shell mounds accordingly provide important insight into the lives of people back in that day, and the size can also help us understand things about how large a settlement might have been or how long it was there. The sheer size of the shellmound at Ishiyama-dera likely indicates that the region had been settled for many centuries prior to the 600's. In addition to the shellmound, and more closely related to the current times we are discussing, is evidence of a rock quarry found at the temple site and showing evidence of techniques familiar to people of the 6th to 8th centuries. You see, Ishiyama is a source of a particular white stone called wollastonite. The quarry sits below the main hall of the temple, and so it probably would not have been quarried after the hall was built, which was in the 700s, so the site is believed to have been active before that. From the composition of the stone and the markings on the remnants, we can see similarities to stones in the base of one of the buildings at Kawaradera, in Asuka, which we've talked about before and which was one of the pre-eminent temples of its day. So this demonstrates a link between the region and the court even before the construction of the new Ohotsu palace. Speaking of the palace, we've known of its exact position since 1974, when archeologists found evidence of the foundation of a large complex in a residential district in Nishikori. While some initially suggested it was an old temple, further evidence makes it pretty clear that it was the dairi, or inner sanctum, of a palace. This is very much in the same mould as the Toyosaki Palace in Naniwa and the various palaces in Asuka from around the same period. In front of the dairi would have been the actual government buildings, but that area has not been excavated. That brings up another question: was this a full-on capital city, Ohotsu-kyo, or just a palace, the Ohotsu-no-miya? So far we have only found the palace, But since the area is fairly built up, it may take time to find more, assuming it hasn't been destroyed by previous urban development in the area. There are some hints that there was more: while there were already at a couple of temples that had been built by the mid-7th century, we see several temples built in ways that not only borrow features from important Asuka temples, like the layout of Kawaradera, but they also match the alignment of the Otsu palace ruins, hinting that they were built at the same time. For example, there is are the ruins of an abandoned temple in Shiga-Minami – actually once thought to have been the Otsu palace. There was also Soufukuji, a temple in the mountains nearby meant to protect the Northwest from malign influences, likely based on continental geomantic concepts, part of what we might today think of as Feng Shui. This same kind of protective temple building is what we see in later capital cities. Of course, we know that this would not be a permanent capital for the nation of Yamato or of Japan—we aren't that far off from the Nara period, and then, a century later, the capital at Heian-kyo. But that couldn't have been known at the time. There was no way to know how long tensions with the continent would last, and it was just as possible that people at the time expected this to be a permanent move. Its preeminence lasted, too: we do have evidence that even centuries later, the region was still known as an ancient “capital”. No matter what Naka no Oe's intentions were in moving the capital to Afumi, however, it didn't exactly go over well. It was apparently quite unpopular—so unpopular that the move was mocked in song of the time. That said, Naka no Oe's mind was made up, and the move took place regardless. Before moving the capital, however, there was still business to attend to. Takara Hime and Princess Hashibito were reinterred together in the Misasagi on Wochi Hill. We are told that men of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla all mourned along the processional route. The Crown Prince—I'm assuming Naka no Oe, this time given his connection to both of these women—apparently had started the work on a stone sarcophagus. By this was probably meant the actual stone vault of the tomb, rather than just the coffin, which was also likely made of stone. This was in Kuramaki, in Takatori, in the Takaichi District of the Nara Basin. Three months after the move to the new capital, the district of Kadono, in the west of modern Kyoto, presented to the sovereign a white swallow—an omen of some sort. The following month, on the 11th day of the 7th month, Tamna sent another embassy, led by a Minister known as Cheonma, with presents for Yamato. This may have been the first envoy to actually visit the new Ohotsu capital, but certainly not the last. Cheonma stuck around for a few months. In the intercalary 11th month, which is to say the extra 11th month of 667, inserted to keep the lunar and solar calendars at least partially aligned, Cheonma and his companions were presented with brocade and other cloth, as well as axes, sickles, and swords, presumably to take home to Tamna. While Cheonma was at the court, there was apparently another bit of diplomatic ping-pong going on. Liu Jenyuan, the Tang general in charge of Baekje, sent Szema Facong and others to escort Sakahibe no Iwashiki and those with him to the Dazai in Tsukushi. They didn't stay long, though—we are told they arrived on the 9th day of the 11th month and left only 4 days later, on the 13th day of the same. When they left, however, they, themselves, were given escorts of Yuki no Muraji no Hakatoko—the same one whose memoirs we relied on for that previous trip to the Tang court—as well as Kaso no Omi no Moroshi. So I guess they were escorting the escorts? At what point does it end? Hakatoko and others made it back about three months later, on the 23rd day of the first month of 668, and reported on their own escort mission. That suggests that they didn't escort them that far. They may have just seen them back to the Korean peninsula and that was it. Hakatoko's escort mission did mean that he missed a rather important event—the Crown Prince assuming the dignity. That is to say, Naka no Oe finally took the title of sovereign. A note in the text suggests that there were other sources that said it was the third month of the previous year—the same time that the Otsu capital was built. Four days later they held a banquet in the palace for all of the court ministers. A little over a month later, his wife, Yamato bime, was appointed queen. We are then told of his other wives and consorts. To be clear, Naka no Oe had been collecting consorts for ages. So let's talk about a few of them. To start with there was Yamatobime, the Yamato Princess, daughter of none other than Naka no Oe's half-brother, Prince Furubito no Oe, his former rival to the throne. Then there was Wochi no Iratsume, aka Princess Miyatsuko, the daughter of Soga no Kurayamada no Ishikawa Maro. She had a son, Prince Takeru, who died in 651 at the age of 8. That suggests that she and Naka no Oe had been together since at least 643, two years before the Isshi Incident. Another one of her daughters, Princess Uno, would go on to marry Naka no Oe's younger brother, Prince Ohoama, the new Crown Prince. Wochi no Iratsume seems to have died of grief in 649, after her father and much of her family were destroyed on the orders of her husband, Naka no Oe. We are told that Naka no Oe also married Wochi no Iratsume's younger sister as well, Mehi no Iratsume. She had two daughters, Princess Minabe and Princess Abe. At this point Abe was only about 7 or 8 years old, herself, but she would eventually be married to Prince Kusakabe, the son of Prince Ohoama and Princess Uno, whom we just mentioned. Naka no Oe also had two other consorts. Tachibana no Iratsume was the daughter of Abe no Kurahashi no Maro no Oho-omi—he was the first Sadaijin, or Minister of the Left, at the start of the Taika reforms, immediately following the Isshi Incident. And then there was Hitachi no Iratsume, the daughter of Soga no Akaye. Soga no Akaye is an interesting figure. You may recall the name from Episode 118. Soga no Akaye was the acting minister in charge in Yamato when Prince Arima tried to start up a revolt against Takara Hime. It was in his house where Prince Arima laid out his plan, but a broken armrest convinced Soga no Akaye to turn against the conspirators and turn them in. And so it is interesting to hear that his daughter was married to Naka no Oe. We are also told of four “palace women” that Naka no Oe is said to have had children with. The implication seems to be that these were women at the palace but they were not formally recognized with the same status as that of the formal consorts and, of course, the queen, his primary wife. This fits in with at least one theory I've seen that Naka no Oe was something of a ladies' man. It seems he got around even more than Murasaki Shikibu's fictional “Shining Prince”, Hikaru Genji. We are told that there were at least 14 children among the nine official wives—and one has to consider that they were unlikely to record many of the women whom he may have slept with that he didn't also have children with. And there is a theory that one of those not mentioned, may have been his own sister, full blooded sister. Specifically, his sister Princess Hashibito, who was married to none other than Naka no Oe's uncle, Prince Karu, aka Jomei Tennou. To be clear: we have no clear evidence that they were anything other than close siblings, but as you may recall how we mentioned back in Episode 114 that there was something that caused a falling out between Prince Karu and Naka no Oe, such that Naka no Oe disobeyed the sovereign's direct order in moving himself and the royal family back to Asuka. That meant Naka no Oe, his wives, his mother, AND his sister, Princess—now Queen—Hashibito. So, yeah, he absconded with Prince Karu's wife who was Naka no Oe's full-blooded sister. And, as we've noted before, ancient Yamato's concept of incest was pretty narrow. It was only if you had the same mother that you were considered full siblings—even if the father were someone else. I suspect that this is related to the matrilineal nature of succession as well, which is why it was so important to insist that the ancient sovereigns had a direct lineal connection to the royal line through their mother as much as through their father. So if Naka no Oe and his sister were having any kind of relationship that was considered wrong or scandalous, then that could also help explain why he didn't take the throne sooner, and why it passed over to his mother. But now, both Takara Hime and Hashibito were quite literally dead and buried, and Naka no Oe had ascended to the throne. Of the so-called “Palace Women” that are listed as being likewise married to—or at least in a relationship with—Naka no Oe, I'd like to focus on one: Iga no Uneme no Yakako. For one, she is specifically mentioned as an uneme—one of the women sent to the court specifically to serve in the palace. But her parentage isn't further illuminated other than the name “Iga” which is probably a locative, possibly referring to the area of Iga. This is also interesting because we are also told that she gave birth to a son named Prince Iga, also known as Prince Ohotomo. Despite his mother's apparently unremarkable status, Prince Ohotomo seems to have been quite the apple of his father's eye. He was born in 648, so in 668 he was about 20 years old, meaning that around this time he was probably just coming into his own at court. He was married to his cousin, Princess Touchi, daughter of his uncle, Crown Prince Ohoama. He was also married to Mimotoji, who appears to have been a daughter of Nakatomi no Kamatari, meaning that he was pretty well connected. But we'll get into that in a future episode. For now, I think we'll leave it here: with the move of the capital to Ohotsu and the formal ascension of Naka no Oe to the throne. We'll talk about what that might mean in the future. Until then, thank you once again for listening and for all of your support. If you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.
“Confidence isn't pretending to be bulletproof — it's knowing you can bounce back no matter what hits you.” — Dr. Abbie Maroño In this powerhouse part-two episode of Turmeric & Tequila™, host Kristen Olson welcomes back behavioral scientist and internationally recognized speaker Dr. Abbie Maroño to dig deeper into emotional intelligence, influence, and how to break through limiting self-beliefs. From decoding nonverbal cues to building confidence on stage (or in everyday life), this episode is packed with practical insights for leaders, speakers, athletes, and anyone ready to level up. Dr. Abbie shares how your body's unconscious signals (aka neuroception) can influence your instincts — and how to tell the difference between intuition and trauma response. You'll hear real talk about: Navigating imposter syndrome How to prepare for high-stakes moments like a TED Talk The danger of comparison on social media Why emotional regulation is the #1 empowerment tool And how to be “bouncy,” not bulletproof Plus: the science behind why your words (and self-talk) literally shape your performance. If you're looking to become a more empowered speaker, leader, or human — this is your playbook. Time Stamps: 00:34 – Episode intro + sponsor shoutouts. 02:10 – Dr. Abbie's 2025 update + new book preview. 04:22 – The power of nonverbal communication. 07:33 – Moving from dark psychology to positive psychology. 10:00 – Red flags: how to spot dangerous behavior. 14:12 – Intuition vs trauma response. 17:45 – Emotional regulation and gut instincts. 20:20 – Empowerment through mindset + managing nerves. 24:50 – How self-talk shapes performance. 29:00 – Confidence vs cockiness: what's the difference? 33:11 – Why overconfidence is a hidden limiter. 36:18 – Social media, comparison, and the reality of sacrifice. 40:30 – Perception vs truth: Dr. Abbie's personal backstory. 44:00 – Leadership, empathy, and public responsibility. 47:22 – Empowerment = “You can't use me against me”. 50:18 – Book + kids' books launching June 2025. 52:12 – Final thoughts: fail forward, be bouncy, and lead with humanity. Dr. Abbie Maroño is a distinguished scientist and expert in human behavior, recognized by the U.S. Department of State as a top 1% specialist. She has provided behavior analysis training to elite units like the Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Force, including agents from the FBI, Secret Service, and DHS. With a PhD in Psychology, Dr. Abbie became a Professor at 23 and is now Director of Education at Social-Engineer, LLC. She contributes to Forbes, Apple News, and has been featured on BBC News and WIRED. Dr. Abbie's Book: Work In Progress: The Journey Through ShameWebsite: www.drabbieofficial.com IG: @drabbieofficial LinkedIn: Dr. Abbie Maroño Call to Action: If this episode lit a fire in you — share it with someone who needs a little extra courage to lead, speak, or live with more purpose.
“ Shame is felt because it says the way you are behaving is not in line with who you are, who you want to be, or how you perceive yourself.” -Dr. Abbie Maroño In this powerful episode of Turmeric & Tequila™, host Kristen Olson welcomes Dr. Abbie Maroño — behavioral scientist, Ph.D. in psychology, TEDx speaker, and globally recognized expert in human behavior. Dr. Abbie shares her deeply personal story of transformation: from addiction and homelessness to academic brilliance and international recognition. This candid conversation dives into: The misunderstood power of shame Why emotional regulation is key to healing Science-backed tools for mental wellness How educators, parents, and teens can navigate emotional challenges The truth about “bulletproof” self-help advice on social media Dr. Abbie's lived experience, combined with cutting-edge science, provides a refreshing, practical roadmap to self-worth, resilience, and lasting empowerment.
“ Shame is felt because it says the way you are behaving is not in line with who you are, who you want to be, or how you perceive yourself.” -Dr. Abbie Maroño In this powerful episode of Turmeric & Tequila™, host Kristen Olson welcomes Dr. Abbie Maroño — behavioral scientist, Ph.D. in psychology, TEDx speaker, and globally recognized expert in human behavior. Dr. Abbie shares her deeply personal story of transformation: from addiction and homelessness to academic brilliance and international recognition. This candid conversation dives into: The misunderstood power of shame Why emotional regulation is key to healing Science-backed tools for mental wellness How educators, parents, and teens can navigate emotional challenges The truth about “bulletproof” self-help advice on social media Dr. Abbie's lived experience, combined with cutting-edge science, provides a refreshing, practical roadmap to self-worth, resilience, and lasting empowerment.