Podcasts about francoist

Several thousand Spaniards were imprisoned in the notorious Nazi concentration camp of Mauthausen. While there are many memoirs from survivors of the camp, only one published his account just a year after liberation, Carlos Rodríguez del Risco. In this episode, Prof. Sara J. Brenneis, who has just released a critical edition of this forgotten account, returns to the podcast to share Rodríguez del Risco's unique and incredible story of how he went from Civil War fighter to exile in France to concentration camp survivor to Francoist. She also discusses how she rediscovered this important memoir and dealt in the critical edition with its more problematic aspects.

This week Eoghan talks to financial journalist Gareth Gore. In his new book Opus: The Cult of Dark Money, Human Trafficking, and Right-Wing Conspiracy inside the Catholic Church Gore opens the lid on the extremist, reactionary sect Opus Dei. Opus was initially set up against the tumultuous backdrop of 1930s Spain and went to play a leading role in the Francoist dictatorship - both in education and then in 1957 with the appointment of three of its members to cabinet. Gore traces how Opus went from Francoist Spain to playing a vanguard role in reactionary movements globally in recent decades - with its network of influence and patronage in Washington reaching its peak during Trump's 2016 presidency.  If you like what we are producing, please consider making a donation at our Buy Me a Coffee page here - ⁠⁠⁠https://www.buymeacoffee.com/thesobremey

The Catalan capital on the Mediterranean coast has always been a city that attracts immigration, whether people come in search of a better job, a better life, or just an adventure. Barcelona inhabitants - old and new -  are also known as people who are always ready to fight for their rights. The latest movie, ‘El 47', tells one of these stories. Set in the late 1970s in the marginalized neighborhood of Torre Baró, on the side of the Collserola mountain range that surrounds the Catalan capital, it centers around Manolo Vital, an immigrant from the southern Spanish region of Extremadura, who came to Barcelona in the 1950s to escape Francoist repression. He and many others bought small plots of land on the outskirts of the city and began building their homes and the neighborhood from the ground up, with little support from local Barcelona authorities. As a result, the residents lacked basic services such as electricity, running water, paved roads, schools, and buses. But one day, Manolo Vital took matters into his own hands. Emma Monrós Rosell joins Lea Beliaeva Bander to talk about the story behind the movie. We also catch up with Marcel Barrena, the director of ‘El 47', as well as leading actors Eduard Fernández, Zoe Bonafonte, and Carlos Cuevas. We also visit Torre Baró and hear from José Antonio Martínez and José Antonio Romero, who explain some of the current challenges facing the neighborhood. The Catalan phrase of the week is “fer més voltes que un rellotge,” similar to the English “to work around the clock”. Get in touch with the podcast team: fillingthesink@acn.cat. 

rWotD Episode 2590: Francoist Catalonia Welcome to random Wiki of the Day where we read the summary of a random Wikipedia page every day.The random article for Thursday, 6 June 2024 is Francoist Catalonia.Francoism in Catalonia was established within Francoist Spain between 1939 and 1975 (with the first democratic elections taking place on June 15, 1977), following the Spanish Civil War and post-war Francoist repression. Francisco Franco's regime replaced Revolutionary Catalonia after the Catalonia Offensive at the end of the war. The dictatorship in Catalonia complemented the suppression of democratic freedoms with the repression of Catalan culture. Its totalitarian character and its unifying objectives meant the imposition of a single culture and a single language, Castillian. The regime was specifically anti-Catalan, but this did not stop the development of a Catalan Francoism that was forged during the war and fed by victory.Francoism meant, in Catalonia as with the rest of Spain, the cancellation of democratic freedoms, the prohibition and persecution of political parties (except the Falange Espanyola Tradicionalista i de les JONS), the closure of the free press, and the elimination of leftist organisations. In addition, the Statute of Autonomy and its associated institutions were abolished, and the Catalan language and culture were systematically persecuted, at least to begin with, in public and even initially in private.To the many deaths in the civil war were added those who were shot after the Francoist victory like the president Lluís Companys; many others were forced into exile, unable to return to their country. Many who did not flee were imprisoned or "deprived" and disqualified from holding public office or working in certain professions, which left them in a dire economic situation during already difficult times. A small group of anarchists and communists were intent on waging a guerrilla war in units known as the maquis. Their most notable action was the invasion of the Vall d'Aran.After the first stage of a self-sufficient economy, in the 1960s the economy entered into a stage of agricultural modernization, an increase in industry, and mass tourism. Catalonia was also the destination for many migrants, which accelerated the growth of Barcelona and the surrounding regions. The anti-Franco opposition was well developed, seen mostly visibly in the labour movement with the Commissions Obreres (workers' commissions), trade unions, and the PSUC.In the 1970s, democratic forces were unified around the Assembly of Catalonia. On November 20, 1975, the dictator Franco died, opening a new period in the history of Catalonia.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:47 UTC on Thursday, 6 June 2024.For the full current version of the article, see Francoist Catalonia on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm Nicole Standard.

Kirsty Asher pays tribute to the inimitable vaginal illusionist Sticky Vicky, using Bigas Luna's Iberian passion trilogy to examine the interplay of food and the erotic in the post-Francoist era. 

“If only mine were the last drop of Spanish blood to be spilled in civil strife. God willing, may the Spanish people at peace, so replete with extraordinary virtue, at last find homeland, bread and justice”. Who among today's Spaniards could possibly disown this quote? The man who uttered in November 1936 shortly before being shot by firing squad, in whose tombstone the epitaph is inscribed, is José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The current left-wing government of Spain has different plans for his bodily remains. As part of its so-called law of democratic memory, approved last summer, Primo de Rivera will be disinterred this week from his tomb at what used to be called the Valley of the Fallen—renamed Valle de Cuelgamuros by the same bill—incinerated, and his ashes will be relocated to the San Isidro monastery in Madrid. So what does the government of Pedro Sánchez fault Primo de Rivera for? Although he ended his life on the aforecited conciliatory note—and even though he lived through only six months of the civil war from prison before being executed by the Second Republic, which viewed him as a threat—Primo de Rivera remains a standard-bearer of 20th century Spanish fascism, someone historians see as having laid the idealogical groundwork for Franco, who went on to rule for 40 years upon winning the Civil War. He is the latest target of a sweeping effort, unfolding since the previous socialist government in the late 2000s, to settle the scores of these tumultuous decades of Spain's history. These bills do various things. They rename streets and monuments. By setting up DNA banks, they enable families to trace, find and give a proper burial to Republican victims of Francoist repression buried in mass graves. And lastly, they reframe the way History is taught, depicting the Second Republic (1931-1939) as the unimpeachable defender of freedom and democracy against Franco's fascist villains. This week, we will navigate this treacherous topic by inquiring about Franco's exact place in Spain's public consciousness, exploring the demographics of this issue, and questioning whether Spain's history can be so neatly framed as a black-or-white story of good versus evil. We are joined by two distinguished hispanists. On one side of the line, Michael Reid, a longtime regular at The Economist and the author most recently of Spain: The Trials and Tribulations of a Modern European Country (2023), with Yale University Press. On the other side of the line we have with us Nigel Townson, a professor of History at Complutense University in Madrid. As always, please rate and review Uncommon Decency on Apple Podcasts, and send us your comments or questions either on Twitter at @UnDecencyPod or by e-mail at undecencypod@gmail.com. And please consider supporting the show through Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/undecencypod.

Jorge Marco and Gutmaro Gomez Bravo's book The Fabric of Fear: Building Franco's New Society in Spain, 1936-1950  (Liverpool UP, 2023) deals comprehensively with the process of Francoist state- and nation-building in Spain. Franco's chosen tools were mass repression and cleansing, undertaken both during the battlefield war of 1936-39 and in the decade afterwards, when war against defeated constituencies continued by institutional means. Mobilising its grass roots supporters made them complicit in the state's project. The complex process of cleansing and conversion of the political enemy required classifying soldiers from the defeated Republican army and Republican-zone civilians into pro-Franco, indifferent, or internal enemy. Many of the latter were either extrajudicially murdered or executed after cursory military trials. Classification used ultra-traditionalist Catholic means, including segregation and forced conversion.  The new society programme implemented between 1936 and 1950 was applied nation-wide to political activists, members of Republican parties, labour organisations, and (poor) urban and (landless) rural social constituencies. The Francoist project adapted to the changing national and international contexts across the period 1936-1950: from a civil war; through the period of relations with the Axis powers at the same time as receiving Nazi assistance in building up Franco's police force as an agent of repression; to the transformation of Franco into an anti-Communist client of the Cold War West. The Fabric of Fear addresses the social effects of the cleansing process on both victors and vanquished. On the one hand, Franco's violent policy forged a new society and tightened the links between the regime and its social base. On the other hand, the violence and coercion exerted on the vanquished resulted in their civil and legal death: they were expelled from Franco's national community and deprived of all rights in what became de facto an apartheid society in Spain. Ethan Besser Fredrick is a graduate student in Modern Latin American history seeking his PhD at the University of Minnesota. His work focuses on the Transatlantic Catholic movements in Mexico and Spain during the early 20th century. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Jorge Marco and Gutmaro Gomez Bravo's book The Fabric of Fear: Building Franco's New Society in Spain, 1936-1950  (Liverpool UP, 2023) deals comprehensively with the process of Francoist state- and nation-building in Spain. Franco's chosen tools were mass repression and cleansing, undertaken both during the battlefield war of 1936-39 and in the decade afterwards, when war against defeated constituencies continued by institutional means. Mobilising its grass roots supporters made them complicit in the state's project. The complex process of cleansing and conversion of the political enemy required classifying soldiers from the defeated Republican army and Republican-zone civilians into pro-Franco, indifferent, or internal enemy. Many of the latter were either extrajudicially murdered or executed after cursory military trials. Classification used ultra-traditionalist Catholic means, including segregation and forced conversion.  The new society programme implemented between 1936 and 1950 was applied nation-wide to political activists, members of Republican parties, labour organisations, and (poor) urban and (landless) rural social constituencies. The Francoist project adapted to the changing national and international contexts across the period 1936-1950: from a civil war; through the period of relations with the Axis powers at the same time as receiving Nazi assistance in building up Franco's police force as an agent of repression; to the transformation of Franco into an anti-Communist client of the Cold War West. The Fabric of Fear addresses the social effects of the cleansing process on both victors and vanquished. On the one hand, Franco's violent policy forged a new society and tightened the links between the regime and its social base. On the other hand, the violence and coercion exerted on the vanquished resulted in their civil and legal death: they were expelled from Franco's national community and deprived of all rights in what became de facto an apartheid society in Spain. Ethan Besser Fredrick is a graduate student in Modern Latin American history seeking his PhD at the University of Minnesota. His work focuses on the Transatlantic Catholic movements in Mexico and Spain during the early 20th century. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Jorge Marco and Gutmaro Gomez Bravo's book The Fabric of Fear: Building Franco's New Society in Spain, 1936-1950  (Liverpool UP, 2023) deals comprehensively with the process of Francoist state- and nation-building in Spain. Franco's chosen tools were mass repression and cleansing, undertaken both during the battlefield war of 1936-39 and in the decade afterwards, when war against defeated constituencies continued by institutional means. Mobilising its grass roots supporters made them complicit in the state's project. The complex process of cleansing and conversion of the political enemy required classifying soldiers from the defeated Republican army and Republican-zone civilians into pro-Franco, indifferent, or internal enemy. Many of the latter were either extrajudicially murdered or executed after cursory military trials. Classification used ultra-traditionalist Catholic means, including segregation and forced conversion.  The new society programme implemented between 1936 and 1950 was applied nation-wide to political activists, members of Republican parties, labour organisations, and (poor) urban and (landless) rural social constituencies. The Francoist project adapted to the changing national and international contexts across the period 1936-1950: from a civil war; through the period of relations with the Axis powers at the same time as receiving Nazi assistance in building up Franco's police force as an agent of repression; to the transformation of Franco into an anti-Communist client of the Cold War West. The Fabric of Fear addresses the social effects of the cleansing process on both victors and vanquished. On the one hand, Franco's violent policy forged a new society and tightened the links between the regime and its social base. On the other hand, the violence and coercion exerted on the vanquished resulted in their civil and legal death: they were expelled from Franco's national community and deprived of all rights in what became de facto an apartheid society in Spain. Ethan Besser Fredrick is a graduate student in Modern Latin American history seeking his PhD at the University of Minnesota. His work focuses on the Transatlantic Catholic movements in Mexico and Spain during the early 20th century. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

Jorge Marco and Gutmaro Gomez Bravo's book The Fabric of Fear: Building Franco's New Society in Spain, 1936-1950  (Liverpool UP, 2023) deals comprehensively with the process of Francoist state- and nation-building in Spain. Franco's chosen tools were mass repression and cleansing, undertaken both during the battlefield war of 1936-39 and in the decade afterwards, when war against defeated constituencies continued by institutional means. Mobilising its grass roots supporters made them complicit in the state's project. The complex process of cleansing and conversion of the political enemy required classifying soldiers from the defeated Republican army and Republican-zone civilians into pro-Franco, indifferent, or internal enemy. Many of the latter were either extrajudicially murdered or executed after cursory military trials. Classification used ultra-traditionalist Catholic means, including segregation and forced conversion.  The new society programme implemented between 1936 and 1950 was applied nation-wide to political activists, members of Republican parties, labour organisations, and (poor) urban and (landless) rural social constituencies. The Francoist project adapted to the changing national and international contexts across the period 1936-1950: from a civil war; through the period of relations with the Axis powers at the same time as receiving Nazi assistance in building up Franco's police force as an agent of repression; to the transformation of Franco into an anti-Communist client of the Cold War West. The Fabric of Fear addresses the social effects of the cleansing process on both victors and vanquished. On the one hand, Franco's violent policy forged a new society and tightened the links between the regime and its social base. On the other hand, the violence and coercion exerted on the vanquished resulted in their civil and legal death: they were expelled from Franco's national community and deprived of all rights in what became de facto an apartheid society in Spain. Ethan Besser Fredrick is a graduate student in Modern Latin American history seeking his PhD at the University of Minnesota. His work focuses on the Transatlantic Catholic movements in Mexico and Spain during the early 20th century. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

How does the current Russo-Ukrainian war impact the memory of the Holodomor – the man-made famine in 1932-33? How do the recent Spanish memory laws impact present-day discussions of the Años del Hambre, the years of hunger during the Francoist dictatorship? And how are memories of the Scottish Highland Clearances (1750-1880) evoked in connection to Black Lives Matter demonstrations? In this episode Marta Baziuk (Holodomor Research and Education Consortium), Laurence Gourievidis (Université Clermont Auverne) and Miguel Ángel del Arco Blanco (Universidad de Granada) speak about the functioning of famine pasts in the present. The episode is made by Anne van Mourik (NIOD) and Lindsay Janssen (Radboud University) in the context of the research project Heritages of Hunger. Photo: Replica of the 'Bitter Memories of childhood' sculpture, located in the Holodomor Memorial Parkette (2018), Toronto. This photo was taken on 6 March 2022 – after the Russian invasion of Ukraine (24 February 2022). Someone has placed flowers of Ukraine's national colours (yellow and blue) in the arms of the statue. Photographer: Charley Boerman

This week Simon and Lily chat about the exhumation of a Francoist general and take a closer look at migrant deaths at the Melilla border with BBC Reporter Courtney Bembridge. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Any visitor to Spain today will be familiar with the Cortes Inglés department store as the anchor of Spanish commercial cityscape. But how did department stores take hold in Spain and what there the political implications of their rise? In this episode, Alejandro Gómez del Moral tells their story in the context of Spain's turbulent early-twentieth century and long Francoist dictatorship. In Part II, we discuss to what extent the rise of consumer culture contributed to the undermining of the dictatorial regime.

Any visitor to Spain today will be familiar with the Cortes Inglés department store as the anchor of Spanish commercial cityscape. But how did department stores take hold in Spain and what there the political implications of their rise? In this episode, Alejandro Gómez del Moral tells their story in the context of Spain's turbulent early-twentieth century and long Francoist dictatorship. In Part I, we examine how department stores thrived even within the restrictive culture of the dictatorship.

This week Simon and Lily chat about the exhumation of a Francoist general and take a closer look at migrant deaths at the Melilla border with BBC Reporter Courtney Bembridge. For Patreon listeners in this week's bonus content Lily and Simon share and swap their favourite Spanish social media accounts to help you stay up to date with the latest news, memes and viral videos. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week's guest is sociologist Nicole Iturriaga who Eoghan talked to about her new book 'Exhuming Violent Histories: Forensics, Memory and Rewriting Spain's Past'. The book provides a detailed case study of Spain's best-known historical memory organization, the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory which since 2000 has been responsible for exhuming many of Spain's Franco-era mass graves. In the book, Nicole argues that part of the association's success has been due to its use of a depoliticised approach, i.e. using forensic science and family testimony, rather than overtly political arguments, to force the issue of Francoist state terror back onto the public agenda. It is available to buy on amazon (including in a very reasonable ebook version): https://www.amazon.es/gp/product/B094YXN968/ref=dbs_a_def_rwt_hsch_vapi_taft_p1_i0

In 1968 Francoist Spain, one of the leading members of the antifascist Basque separatist cell ETA sets in motion a chain of events that reach right up to the present day, including the assassinations of a Francoist police torturer and Franco's own chosen successor, a bitter fight throughout the 1980s with another terrorist group and maybe even the return of democracy to Spain in the late 70s.With, somehow, added chat about taxidermy... See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

https://notesonfilm1.com/2022/02/20/thinking-aloud-about-film-umbracle-pere-portabella-spain-1972/ We continue our exploration of Pere Portabella films, this one his third feature, an experimental off-shoot of Cuadecuc Vampir. Umbracle means shade created by twigs or pieces of wood, and we discuss the significance of the title in relation to what the film shows, is it focussing on what's being hidden or revealed by the light? The film has a mystery that raises questions, a sensuality; there's a seduction, both somatic and intellectual, to what the images are like and what they show. The film trots out three different film critics to discuss the impossibility of representing, and to advocate for an underground, more political, more experimental cinema; juxtaposing this with excerpts of a Frente infinito (Pedro Lazaga, 1959), a film about a priest in wartime, an ideal of Francoist cinema, the cross hand-in-hand with the rifle. A film of fragments, about modernity, on politics, a critique, yet one conscious of the seductiveness of sounds and images. We discuss all this and more in this all too brief podcast.

Our biggest episode yet, and the one this entire podcast was built to cover. This week we talk FORREST GUMP. This is the Baby Boomer wiki entry as a film. Raphael considers it a dangerously conservative movie, and Raquel actually doesnt fully disagree. Theres talk about CCR being in every Vietnam War movie, comparisons to the proto-fascist films of Germany or Francoist films. Is Lt. Dan a fascist trope of a character? Raquel tells a personal anecdote about George Wallace and weighs in professionally about the depiction of Gump as a person with mental issues. FORREST GUMP is an American fairytale, and is that problematic? Does this film want us to respect Gump, or laugh at him? Did Jenny ever love Gump? Or did she just pity him? Either way, she sure was the Boomer punching bag in this film. And we try to come up with the plot points of millennial FORREST GUMP! The Generation Splice is film podcast where retired psychologist Dr. Raquel Martinez, a Baby Boomer through & through, & her son Raphael Jose Martinez, a cranky millennial punk rocker/film writer, discuss various films through the lens of their generation & personal experiences. Every week one host picks a movie to dissect & see if they can splice together the generation gap via their love of film. Feel free to write to us! Give us some film suggestions at thegenerationsplice@gmail.com or @gensplicepod on Twitter. Raphael is on Twitter at @citycelluloid. You can find his film writing at cinefile.info and film-cred.com

The Sobremesa Podcast has slowed down for August like the rest of Spain. But here is some summer listening for you, no matter where you are!Sebastiaan Faber, professor of Hispanic studies at Oberlin College, joins me to discuss his latest book Exhuming Franco What is left of Francisco Franco's legacy in Spain today? Franco ruled Spain as a military dictator from 1939 until his death in 1975. In October 2019, his remains were removed from the massive national monument in which they had been buried for forty-four years. For some, the exhumation confirmed that Spain has long been a modern, consolidated democracy. The reality is more complicated. In fact, the country is still deeply affected—and divided—by the dictatorial legacies of Francoism.In one short volume, Exhuming Franco covers all major facets of the Francoist legacy today, combining research and analysis with reportage and interviews. This book is critical of Spanish democracy; yet, as the final chapter makes clear, Spain is one of many countries facing difficult questions about a conflictive past. To make things worse, the rise of a new, right-wing nationalist revisionism across the West threatens to undo much of the progress made in the past couple of decades when it comes to issues of historical justice. Available now in all good book stores and in e-book form.Sebastiaan Faber, professor of Hispanic studies at Oberlin College, is the author of several books, including Memory Battles of the Spanish Civil War and Exile and Cultural Hegemony: Spanish Intellectuals in Mexico, 1939–1975 (both published by Vanderbilt University Press).

Pan's Labyrinth is a 2006 Spanish-Mexican dark fantasy war film. The story takes place in Spain during the summer of 1944, five years after the Spanish Civil War, during the early Francoist period. The narrative intertwines this real world with a mythical world centered on an overgrown, abandoned labyrinth and a mysterious faun creature, with whom, Ofelia, interacts. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Writer, historian and guide, Nick Lloyd walks us through Barcelona to explore the history of the Spanish Civil War and the city's relationship with this dark chapter from Spain's past. Nick guides around the key locations in the Catalan capital which hold historical significance and reveals some chilling stories of death and destruction. He also describes the walking tour that he runs in Barcelona and how some of his guests inspired him to start collecting fascinating artefacts which help him tell the story of the Spanish Civil War. Nick gives us a comprehensive overview of the key events, players and locations and talks about themes such as the defeat of the military rebellion in Barcelona, the militias, the libertarian revolution, revolutionary violence vs Francoist violence, anarchism, George Orwell and the bombing of Barcelona. We also talk about the lack of a museum dedicated to the Spanish Civil War and talk about whether plans to create one in the future will ever come to fruition. You can find out more about Nick Lloyd on his websites: http://thespanishcivilwar.com/ and https://www.iberianature.com/ If you would like to get a copy of his book Forgotten Places: Barcelona and the Spanish Civil War you can find more information here and buy a copy on Amazon here

Sonia Cuesta joins me to discuss the treatment of sexual minorities by the Spanish state during the late period of the Francoist dictatorship. Sonia Cuesta Maniar is a doctoral research student at St Antony's College, University of Oxford. Her research focuses on the relationship between Francoist repressive practices and accelerating socio-political change in the 1960s and 1970s Spain. More broadly, she is interested in the history of memory, violence, and repression.

This episode of Demystified is something a little different: together with Penguin and Carnegie-winning author Ruta Sepetys, we're taking a look into the history of the Spanish Civil War, and life under the rule of General Franco. The latter half of the episode is an interview with Ruta about her book The Fountains of Silence, the period of Francoist rule, and writing historical fiction - enjoy! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On this episode of our Spanish Civil War Interview Series I was joined by Dr. Louis Dean Valencia. Our conversation covered several different topics, including the concept of alt/histories, or the purposeful misrepresentation of history to serve a specific, often political, purpose. This idea is in no way limited to the history of the Spanish Civil War, or the Second World War, but is a concept that can be found throughout history.

On this episode of our Spanish Civil War Interview Series I was joined by Jess Thorne to discuss the treatment and experiences of prisoners during the Civil War and after. Discussing prisoners during a Civil War is always interesting because their experiences are often quite different than what is experienced by more traditional Prisoners of War. There was a political dimension for why they were imprisoned during the war, and then why they were kept in prison after the war was over and we discuss that dimension and the consequences of it.

In which we talk with Marina about the movement for reparations for victims of the Spanish Civil War and of the Francoist dictatorship. ===== In this episode we talk with Marina , who is a history PhD candidate, about the Spanish Civil War and the 40 years of Fracoist dictatorship in Spain, about the movement for reparations of its numerous victims, and about Marina’s family history and the ways it is entangled with Spain’s history. The discussion starts with a brief history of the Spanish Civil War, it’s major actors and the role of unions in the war. Next, we learn about the movement for reparations, whose mission is the public recognition of people who have fallen during the civil war and whose burial places are still unknown. In the second part of the episode, Marina tells us about her family history. We learn about how various family members have participated in the civil war and what their fate was in the post-war period, and generally how the story of her relatives is entangled with and mirrors the history of Spain during the last 80 years. ===== (Re)Sources Interview with F. Montseny (use auto translate subs) https://youtu.be/pV5Qbb7Im9c Juan Garcia Oliver in 1937, about Buenaventura Durruti https://youtu.be/SxBWAbKQfSE Valle de los Caídos / Valley of the Fallen https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2b/Valle_de_los_caidos.jpg Mass graves in Spain https://desmemoria.eldiario.es/mapa-fosas/ https://www.lasexta.com/noticias/nacional/mapa-verguenza-espana-todas-fosas-comunes-victimas-guerra-civil-franquismo_201902265c7553260cf2e60c4243c6c5.html G. Orwell. Homage to Catalonia (1938). https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/9646.Homage_to_Catalonia K. Loach. Land and Freedom (1995). https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0114671/ V. Aranda. Libertarias (1996). https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0113649/ M. Ackelsberg. Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for the Emancipation of Women (1991). https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/450577.Free_Women_of_Spain E. Goldman. Vision on Fire: Emma Goldman on the Spanish Revolution (1983). ed. D. Porter https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/239440.Vision_on_Fire P. Broué & É. Temime. The Revolution and the Civil War in Spain (1961). https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/1852121327?book_show_action=false&from_review_page=1 Ronald Fraser. The Blood of Spain (1979) https://www.goodreads.com/review/show/1700115928?book_show_action=false&from_review_page=1 D. Graeber. Debt : The first 5,000 years (2011) — R.I.P. David Graeber :( https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6617037-debt Selection of Spanish Revolution and Civil War songs (subscribe to our youtube please) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yo-49-d-7w4&list=PLze-Vv3Izj5mq72XpsX7hSXzU3C1pLq3p&ab_channel=Hellsy sloth metal riffs by zomfy artwork by Casandra Ciocian https://www.behance.net/casandra-ciocian intro/outro song: No Pasaran, (adapted) by Sofia Zadar open.spotify.com/artist/3F4Ec4iFdVp4Pmzhw2Zrd1 www.facebook.com/sofiazadar/ Recent developments https://english.elpais.com/spanish_news/2020-09-15/spain-drafts-bill-against-remaining-legacy-of-franco-era.html

How to deal with the legacy of the Civil War and the Franco dictatorship? 45 years after the dictator's death and the Pact of Forgetting, the calls to remember are getting louder. Carles Vallejo, tortured by Francoist police, gives his account. Lorcan Doherty is joined by Cristina Tomàs White and Alan Ruiz Terol to discuss the issues, from mass graves and Francoist symbols, to the annulment of crimes and how history is taught in schools.  For the latest news in Catalonia: CatalanNews.com Music used: Inspired by Kevin MacLeod [Creative Commons] 

In the last of our three part narrative of the Spanish Revolution and Civil War we reach the tragic and bloody end of the conflict in March 1939. After crushing the Anarchist Revolution in 1937 the Republican government of centrists and Stalinist backed Spanish Communists attempt to create a professional army to fight Franco but failed. Offensives in Aragon and Catalonia went nowhere and lead to the fall of Barcelona and a crushing series of defeats along the Ebro river in 1938. Finally, the Juan Negrín government fell to a military coup in March 1939 only for the remaining military leaders of the Republic to surrender to Franco on 31st March. For the hundreds of thousands of socialists that survived the final fall concentration camps, mass torture and mass graves awaited them in the one party personality cult that Spain was to remain for the next 40 years. In this episode we ask some fundamental questions about the entire conflict: could the revolution have been saved and the war won? Did the Anarchist movement alienate those on the fence by it's actions in 1936-1937? Should the war have been fought as a guerrilla war rather than a standard military conflict? Most importantly for the modern Anarchist movement we ask what can be learned from the failure of 1939? And how has the Spain of the 21st century come to terms with the legacy of the War and the Francoist dictatorship? Please find the following links for information on the period: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqlwMmbpwek&ab_channel=MilitaryMan https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6zy-A-SMsbk&ab_channel=MilitaryMan https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/can-europe-make-it/mortal-remains-spain-and-legacy-franco/ https://www.pri.org/stories/2020-03-18/shadow-franco-s-legacy-spain-faces-its-fascist-history

‘This past is a dimension of the present, without which the present is mutilated.’In Lord of all the Dead, Javier Cercas plunges back into his family history, revisiting Ibahernando, his parents' village in southern Spain, to discover the truth about his ancestor Manuel Mena, who died fighting on the Francoist side at the Battle of the Ebro. Who are we to judge the dead? How can we reconcile national and family history, the political and the domestic? Cercas was in conversation with Gaby Wood, journalist and literary director of the Booker Prize Foundation. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this episode, we offer a final addendum to our series on 20th century Spain. After 40 years of fascism under the rule of Francisco Franco, Spain looks to a young new leader, Adolfo Suárez, to take up the mantle and to lead Spain forward. Propped up by years of being a well-liked figure within the Francoist ranks, Suárez would seem to be the man for the job to carry the party into the future. But as the title of this episode suggests, his vision for Spain might not be what the old guard were expecting... Our interview with Chat History: https://chathistory.org/2020/03/06/chat-history-with-alex-and-peter-of-historys-most-podcast/ Footage of the 23-F coup: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pcc0_8i0CYs

After the outbreak of civil war in Spain in 1936 there was widespread support in Ireland for the Francoist insurgents rebelling against the Spanish government. The war was largely presented as a fight to preserve the Catholic religion in Spain from the ‘Reds' or communists. The Irish clergy and groups such as the Irish Christian Front staged rallies all over the country in support of Franco. Volunteers were sought to form an Irish Brigade to go to Spain. The Brigade was led by Eoin O'Duffy, the first leader of Fine Gael, former commissioner of the Gardaí and former leader of the Blueshirt movement. O'Duffy stated “It is not a conflict between fascism and anti-fascism but between Christ and anti-christ,”. Around 700 volunteers joined O'Duffy in Spain. The failure of the brigade to distinguish themselves in the field, combined with Spanish exasperation at their indiscipline, led to their eventual repatriation from Spain and ultimately the end of O'Duffy's political career in Ireland. John Dorney's article for the Irish Story covered the conflict here http://www.theirishstory.com/2018/10/24/gods-battle-oduffys-irish-brigade-in-the-spanish-civil-war/#.XZoGUUZKjIU

Since at least the 19th century, Badajoz Province was the classic example of Spain’s most grievous ills: a harsh landscape where poverty, unemployment and landlessness were endemic. Dave Henderson traces the failed efforts of successive governments to tackle these problems and then explains how the Franco regime sought to take a different approach centered on irrigation, social regulation and land grants to politically reliable farmers. Did the Francoist plan transform the landscape and society of Spain’s poorest region? Henderson argues that it did, but in a manner far different from what government planners had envisioned.

The SS commando Otto Skorzeny was the most notorious Nazi to hid out in Spain after the Second World War. Yet, far from staying hidden, Skorzeny made frequent appearances in the Spanish media through the Franco period. In this episode, part of our series on Nazis in Spain, Prof. Joshua Goode of Claremont Graduate University explores how Skorzeny was able to reinvent himself to stay in the public eye as the Franco regime evolved. In so doing, Goode challenges the view that after the World War II the Franco regime always hid its previous connections to the Nazis. He also considers how the Francoist portrayal of Nazism shaped Spain’s incomplete confrontation with the Holocaust in recent decades.

This paper is a study of transitional justice in Spain after the Francoist dictatorship, a process of reconciliation based on the denial of the regime’s genocidal violence.

Shirley takes a trip on the tram, from Sóller to the Port of Sóller, in the company of her friend and former tram conductor, Bartolomé Sastre, known to everyone simply as Tolo. Born in France to Sólleric parents, Tolo remembers well the tram – now among Mallorca’s most popular and celebrated tourist attractions – being used to transport munitions during the Francoist dictatorship. But he also remembers his grandparents using it to transport their vegetables to market, long before the tourists arrived in the Sóller valley. At times during this interview, there is background noise – the noise of the tram, of course - particularly at the beginning - but things settle down after a couple of minutes and this is a lovely interview that's well worth listening to. When not recording programmes for Boat Radio, Shirley is one of the driving forces behind SollerWeb.

By Gearóid Ó Colmáin; Global Research, June 15, 2013 In an interview with the French TV station LCP, former French minister for Foreign Affairs Roland Dumas said: ‘’ I’m going to tell you something. I was in England two years before the violence in Syria on other business. I met with top British officials, who confessed to me that they were preparing something in Syria. This was in Britain not in America. Britain was organizing an invasion of rebels into Syria. They even asked me, although I was no longer minister for foreign affairs, if I would like to participate. Naturally, I refused, I said I’m French, that doesn’t interest me.’’ Dumas went on give the audience a quick lesson on the real reason for the war that has now claimed the lives of tens of thousands of people. ‘’This operation goes way back. It was prepared, preconceived and planned… in the region it is important to know that this Syrian regime has a very anti-Israeli stance. Consequently, everything that moves in the region- and I have this from the former Israeli prime minister who told me ‘we’ll try to get on with our neighbours but those who don’t agree with us will be destroyed. It’s a type of politics, a view of history, why not after all. But one should know about it.’’ Dumas is a retired French foreign minister who is obliged to use discretion when revealing secrets which could affect French foreign policy. That is why he made the statement ‘I am French, that doesn’t interest me’.  He could not reveal France’s role in the British plan as he would be exposing himself to prosecution for revealing state secrets. There have been many disinformation agents in the British and French press, many of them well known ‘leftist’ war correspondents and commentators, who have tried to pretend that Israel secretly supports Assad.  Those who make such arguments are either stupid, ignorant or deliberate disinformation agents of NATO and Israel. Israel’s support for Al Qaeda militants in Syria has even been admitted by the mainstream press. For example, Germany’s Die Welt newspaper published a report on June 12th on Israel’s medical treatment of the Al Qaeda fighters. Israel planned this war of annihilation years ago in accordance with the Yinon Plan, which advocates balkanization of all states that pose a threat to Israel. The Zionist entity is using Britain and France to goad the reluctant Obama administration into sending more American troops to their death in Syria on behalf of Tel Aviv. Of all the aggressor states against Syria, Israel has been the quietest from the start. That is because Laurent Fabius, Francois Holland, William Hague and David Cameron are doing their bidding by attempting to drag Israel’s American Leviathan into another ruinous war so that Israel can get control of the Middle East’s energy reserves, eventually replacing the United States as the ruling state in the world. It has also been necessary for Tel Aviv to remain silent so as not to expose their role in the ‘revolutions’, given the fact that the Jihadist fanatics don’t realize they are fighting for Israel. This is the ideology of Zionism which cares no more for Jews than it does for its perceived enemies.   The Jewish colony is determined to become a ruling state in the Middle East in the insane delusion that this will enable it to replace the United States as a global hegemon, once the US collapses fighting Israel’s wars. Israeli Prime Minister once told American talk show host Bill Maher that the reason why Israel always wins short conflicts, while the United States gets bogged down in endless wars. ‘’ The secret is that we have America’’, he said. But Israel is itself slowly collapsing. If one excludes the enslaved Palestinian population, the Jewish state still has the highest level of poverty in the developed world with more and more Jews choosing to leave the ‘promised’ land, a garrison state led by mad men, an anti-Semitic entity threatening to engulf the world in war and destruction. Israel cares no more about its own working class Jews than any other ethnic community. In fact, if the Likudnik crooks running the Israeli colony get their way, working class Israelis will be among the first to pay as they are conscripted to fight terrorists created by their own government. With orthodox Jews protesting in the streets of New York against Israel and Haredi Jewish minority opposing Israel’s rampant militarism, Zionism is coming under increased attack from Jewish religious authorities and non-Zionist Jews both inside and outside of the occupied territories. This is not the first time that Roland Dumas has spoken out against wars of aggression waged by successive French regimes. In 2011 he revealed that he had been asked by the United States when he was foreign minister in the Mitterrand administration to organize the bombing of Libya. On that occasion the French refused to cooperate.  Dumas, a lawyer by profession, offered to defend Colonel Gaddafi, at the International Criminal Court in the event of his arrest by Nato. Dumas was also vocal in condemning France’s brutal neo-colonial bombing of the Ivory Coast earlier in 2011, were death squads and terrorists similar to those later deployed in Libya and Syria were unleashed upon the Ivoirian population in order to install a IMF puppet dictator Alassane Quattara in power. Gbagbo was described as one of the greatest African leaders of the past 20 years by Jean Ziegler, sociologist and former member of the Advisory Committee of the UN Human Rights Council. Gbagbo had plans to nationalize banks and wrest control of the country’s currency from the colonial finance institutions in Paris. He also wanted to roll back many of the worst effects of IMF restructuring by nationalizing industries and creating a functioning, universal free health service. All of this threatened the interests of French corporations in the former French colony. So, the Parisian oligarchy went to work to find a suitable replacement as caretaker of their Ivoirian colony. They sent in armed terrorist gangs, or ‘rebel’s in the doublespeak of imperialism, who murdered all before them while the French media blamed president Gbagbo for the violence that ensued. Gbagbo and Gaddafi had opposed Africom, the Pentagon’s plan to recolonize Africa. That was another reason for the  2011 bombing of their two African countries. The formula is always the same. Imperialism backs ‘rebels’, whenever its interests are threatened by regimes that love their country more than foreign corporations.  One should not forgot that during the Spanish Civil War of 1936, General Franco and his cronies were also ‘rebels’ and they, like their counterparts in Libya in 2011, were bombed to power by foreign powers, replacing a progressive, republican administration with fascism. There are pro-Israeli fanatics in France who have used the analogy of the Spanish Civil War as justification for intervention in Libya and Syria. The pseudo-philosopher Henry Bernard Levy is one of them.  Of course, the ignoramus Levy doesn’t realize that the reason France, England and the USA did not officially intervene in the Spanish Civil War is because they were covertly helping the ‘rebels’ from the start. They enabled arms shipments to the Francoist ‘rebels’ while preventing arms deliveries to the Spanish government, who, like Syria today, were helped by Moscow. Anyone who has studied the Spanish Civil War knows that all the imperialist countries wanted Franco as a bulwark against communism. There is nothing imperialism loves more than a rebel without a cause. What imperialism hates, however, are revolutionaries. That is why the ‘rebels’ which imperialism sends into other countries to colonize them on behalf of foreign banks and corporations, have to be marketed as ‘revolutionaries’ in order to assure the support of the Monty Python brigade of petty-bourgeois, ‘ leftist’ dupes such as Democracy Now! and their ilk. Dumas is not the only top French official to denounce the New World Order.  Former French ambassador to Syria Michel Raimbaud wrote a book in 2012  entitled ‘Le Soudan dans tous les états’, where he revealed how Israel planned and instigated a civil war in South Sudan in order to balkanize a country led by a pro-Palestinian government. He also exposed the pro-Israeli media groups and ‘human rights’ NGOS who created the ‘humanitarian’ narrative calling for military intervention by the United States in the conflict. The subject was covered extensively by African investigative journalist Charles Onana in his 2009 book, Al-Bashir & Darfour LA CONTRE ENQUÊTE. There are many more retired French officials who are speaking out about the ruinous policies of this French government, including the former head of French domestic intelligence Yves Bonnet. There have also been reports of dissent in the French armed forces and intelligence apparatus. After the assassination of Colonel Gaddafi in October 2011, the former French ambassador to Libya Christian Graeff told French radio station France Culture that it was responsible for the diffusion of lies and war propaganda on behalf of Nato throughout the war.  Graeff also warned the broadcasters that such disinformation could only work on the minds of serfs but not in a country of free minds. The power of the Israeli lobby in France is a subject rarely discussed in polite circles. In France there is a law against questioning or denial of the holocaust. However, denial of the Korean holocaust, Guatemalan holocaust, Palestinian holocaust, Indonesian holocaust and the dozens of other US/Israeli supported genocides is not only perfectly legal but is the respectable norm. The same lobby which introduced the Loi Gayssot in 1990, effectively ending freedom of expression in France, would also like to ban any independent investigations of genocides whose narratives they have written, such as the Rwanda genocide, where Israel played a key role in supporting the ‘rebels’ led by Paul Kagame, who invaded Rwanda from Uganda from 1991 to 1994, leading to the genocide of both Tutus and Tutsis. Many serious scholars have written about the Rwandan genocide, which the Israel lobby repeatedly uses as a case study to justify ‘humanitarian’ intervention by Western powers.  The Zionist thought police would like to see such authors prosecuted for ‘negating’ imperialism’s disgusting lies on African conflicts. Now, the Israeli Lobby is forcing the (their) French government to prosecute twitter messages which the lobby deems ‘anti-Semitic’. This is one further step towards the creation of a totalitarian state where any criticism of imperialism, foreign wars, racism, oppression, perhaps eventually capitalism itself could fall under the rubric of ‘anti-Semitism’. These people are sick, and those who cow down to them are sicker. Perhaps the etymology of sickness, a word cognate with the German Sicherheit (security) according to dictionary.com, is not a coincidence. For what is particularly sick about our society is the cult of security,  endless surveillance, ubiquitous cameras, the cult of the all seeing eye, the prurient gaze as part of the incessant discourse on terrorism by those who specialize in the training of the very terrorists they claim to be protecting us from.  Whether or not the words security and sickness are linguistically related, they are certainly cognate in a philosophical sense. Roland Dumas and others like him should be highly commended for having to guts to say what so many others are too morally corrupt, too weak and cowardly to admit. As the French government and its media agencies drum up hysteria for war on Syria, Roland Dumas, now in the twilight of his years, is warning people of the consequences of not understanding where Israel is leading  the world. Will enough people heed the warning? Thats All every body, thanks for listening. Goodnight and goodbye