Podcasts about Mayawati

FirstPersonSecondDraft: On Kanshi Ram's birth anniversary:Story of BSP founder who created Dalit politics, mentored Mayawati

This week on Hafta, Newslaundry's Abhinandan Sekhri, Manisha Pande, Raman Kirpal, and Anand Vardhan are joined by Dr Sumeet Mhaskar, professor of sociology at Jindal School of Government and Public Policy, and Ajoy Bose, veteran journalist and author of Behenji: The Rise and Fall of Mayawati.The panel first discusses the controversy triggered by Samajwadi Party legislator Abu Azmi's remarks on Aurangzeb while addressing the Mughal emperor's portrayal in the film Chhava.Sumeet provides historical context to the interpretation of Aurangzeb and Chhatrapati Sambhaji Maharaj's legacies in Maharashtra. Explaining how they are shaped by competing narratives, he says: “Much more communalised interpretation is projected through movies, history textbooks, and plays”. The return of Aurangzeb to headlines shows that we are using the present to judge the past, rather than letting history inform our present, he notes.Commenting on Aurangzeb's legacy, Manisha adds, “When you look at the Mughals, I would say Aurangzeb was the worst of them...He's an odd hill to die on, especially for current politicians.”The panel then analyses the “political decline” of Mayawati, and her decision to suspend nephew Akash Anand from the Bahujan Samaj Party.Ajoy terms the suspension as a “significant moment”. Commenting on Mayawati's “disruptive” thinking, he says: “If Kanshiram was the strategic genius who thought of using Dalits to become a political force, Mayawati was the person who delivered”. On where things went wrong for Mayawati, he remarks, “She got quite distracted by her prime ministerial dream being thrashed and made fundamental mistakes in handling the social alliance which brought her to power.”As Abhinandan and Sumeet point to BSP's cadre being the strength of the party, Anand underlines Mayawati's “lack of political agility” as one of the reasons for BSP's decline. This and a lot more. Tune in!We have a page for subscribers to send letters to our shows. If you want to write to Hafta, click here. Check out the Newslaundry store and flaunt your love for independent media. Download the Newslaundry app. Contribute to our latest NL Sena here.Timecodes00:00:00 – Introductions and announcements00:03:09 – Headlines 00:03:09 – Was history always controversial?00:17:24 – Aurangzeb's return to headlines 00:53:19 – Mayawati and the future of BSP01:32:03 – Sumeet's recommendation01:39:30 – Ajoy's recommendation01:51:06 – Letters 01:59:40 – Recommendations Check out previous Hafta recommendations, references, songs and letters Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Harsh Kumar and Sanjay Dixit break down Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta's sharp attack on Arvind Kejriwal. They also delve into the legal and political dimensions of the Sambhal Masjid dispute, analyzing its broader implications. The conversation further explores the evolving political landscape in Punjab, shedding light on key power shifts and strategies. Additionally, they preview Mayawati's plans for Uttar Pradesh—will she regain lost ground, or is BSP's influence fading?

Mayawati shows nephew Akash Anand the door as rift in BSP's first family widens   https://theprint.in/politics/mayawati-shows-nephew-akash-anand-the-door-as-rift-in-bsps-first-family-widens/2529082/

As Yogi Adityanath's popularity continues to rise, Akhilesh Yadav is seeking an alliance with Mayawati to counter the BJP in Uttar Pradesh. With shifting political equations, will the SP-BSP join hands once again? Meanwhile, Congress faces internal turmoil, with reports of tensions between Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi over the party's future direction. As the opposition struggles to find a strong footing, the BJP remains firmly in control.

Once barred from the national capital for four weeks over his protest against the CAA-NRC, Chandrashekhar Azad has returned to Delhi as the MP elect from Nagina in Uttar Pradesh. The Bhim Army chief and leader of Azad Samaj Party - Kanshi Ram secured the Lok Sabha seat with a victory margin of more than 1.5 lakh votes. In a conversation with Newslaundry, the first-time MP spoke about his future strategy, Mayawati, alliances, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. On his political trajectory, Azad said, “Society keeps changing from time to time. At one time, I was with Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar. After him, I was with the Congress under the leadership of Babu Jagjivan Ram. Then Kashiram ji, and then with behanji for a long time… Behanji is our leader and we have always received her blessings.”Tune in. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Reactions to the Lok Sabha 2024 election results. I talk in particular of UP, Bihar, Bengal, Telangana mainly & the missed opportunities of INDIA in MP, Odisha, etc. I also talk of the future of BSP, VBA & Ambedkarite leaders like Azad in era of "savarna social justice politics" & potential future of Modi-Shah & BJP.

The shifting allegiances of Dalit and Kurmi voters highlight the complexity of voting behaviour in UP.

First, Nandagopal Rajan, COO, The Indian Express Online is joined by Anand Trivedi,  Director, CyberProof, a UST company, to talk about the menace of deepfakes that has surfaced in the process of the Lok Sabha elections. Next, Indian Express' Asad Rehman talks to us about the influence that Bahujan Samaj Party and Mayawati have in Uttar Pradesh as the state approaches the sixth phase of Lok Sabha elections on 25th of May. (16:30)And in the end, we talk about Singapore Airlines aircraft that encountered turbulence so severe that it resulted in the death of a passenger. (23:31)Hosted by Niharika NandaProduced and written by Niharika Nanda and Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar

This week, Newslaundry's Abhinandan Sekhri and Raman Kirpal are joined by journalists Girish Kuber, Sunita Aron, and Sudipto Mondal. On Prime Minister Narendra Modi's speech accusing the Congress of receiving money from industrialists Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani, Sudipto says this news is not headline material but rather “gossip material”. He adds that the talk on the ground is “nahi mila kya is baar”, suggesting that the corporate houses put their weight behind the Congress in this election.On the elections in Maharashtra, Girish says, “There is no state-wide agenda in these polls. There are 48 constituencies and 48 election agendas.” Sunita points out the BJP's big challenge in UP. “The BJP has set a target of 75 seats, but after Rahul and Akhilesh came together, there is better chemistry and coordination [in INDIA bloc].”The panel then discusses the BSP's prospects and the sacking of its leader and Mayawati's nephew, Akash Anand, from the post of national coordinator. Sudipto counters Abhinandan's argument of the BSP being the BJP's B-team, saying it “doesn't come with a sensitivity” that the party represents a politics “different from all other parties” and represents “the most oppressed sections”. He adds, “The pragmatism that other parties show is appreciated a lot more than the pragmatism these parties [including the AIMIM and VBA] show.”This and a whole lot more. Tune in!We have a page for subscribers to send letters to our shows. If you want to write to Hafta, click here. Check out the Newslaundry store and flaunt your love for independent media. Download the Newslaundry app.General elections are here and Newslaundry and The News Minute have ambitious plans. Click here to support us.Timecodes00:06:27 - Modi's Adani-Ambani speech00: 16:20 - Headlines00: 24:04 - Maharashtra elections 00:29:49 - UP elections00: 35:54 - Akash Anand's sacking01:11:06 - Letters 01:30:12 - RecommendationsHafta letters, recommendations, songs and referencesCheck out our previous Hafta recommendations.Produced and recorded by Aryan Mahtta & Priyali Dhingra, edited by Hassan Bilal and Umrav Singh. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The dismissal of her nephew, Akash Anand as her successor and calling him 'immature', has raised questions about Mayawati's intentions for her party in UP politics. In episode 1446 of Cut The Clutter, Editor-in-Chief Shekhar Gupta, along with Dilip Mandal and ThePrint Political Editor DK Singh look at Mayawati's rampant political decisions and their implications for BSP in UP politics.

Mayawati removes nephew Akash Anand as political heir, national coordinator, AstraZeneca to withdraw Covid vaccine worldwide amid safety issues: Report, Kerala health department on alert as 3 districts report West Nile Virus cases, Sanju Samson's knock in vain as Delhi Capitals climb to fifth, Zendaya in blue, sparkling J Lo arrive at garden-themed Met Gala

This week, host Shivnarayan Rajpurohit is joined by independent journalist Astha Savyasachi and The Mooknayak's Arun Kumar Verma.Arun reported on the rise and fall of the Bahujan Samaj Party. He delves into the ups and downs of Mayawati's political career and explains how the BSP became sidelined. He also talks about the new leadership with Mayawati's nephew Akash Anand and what changes are expected from him to revive the party.Astha reported on how most Sainik schools across India are run by people with direct or indirect connections to the BJP or RSS. She explains how the central government essentially handed over 62 percent of new military schools to the Sangh Parivar, BJP politicians, and allies, bypassing eligibility criteria in the process.Tune in.Timecodes00:00:00 - Introduction00:02:28 - BSP's rise and fall00:10:41 - Sainik schools00:38:08 - RecommendationsRecommendationsArunAmar Singh ChamkilaAsthaCentre hands over 62% of new Sainik Schools to Sangh Parivar, BJP politicians and allies.ShivnarayanHow BJP ‘won' in Surat: Unravelling 24 hours of peculiaritiesProduced and edited by Saif Ali Ekram, recorded by Anil Kumar. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Is this the end game for Rahul Gandhi? Mayawati emerges as a frontrunner for the PM face of India, shaking up the political landscape. Explore Modi's reaction and the shifting dynamics in this intriguing development.

Over the last several decades, there have been monumental changes in the social, economic, and political lives of Dalits, who have historically been one of the most oppressed groups in all of South Asia.A new volume edited by three leading scholars of India—Dalits in the New Millennium—examines these changes, interrogates their impacts on Dalit lives, and traces the shift in Dalit politics from a focus on social justice—to a focus on development and socio-economic mobility.D. Shyam Babu, who along with Sudhai Pai and Rahul Verma, is one of the co-editors of this important new book joined Milan on the show this week to talk more about their findings. Shyam Babu is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi. His research focuses on how economic changes in India have been shaping social change and transformation for the benefit of marginalized sections, especially Dalits.The two discuss Dalits' shift toward the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the decline of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) of Mayawati, and what “Ambedkarization” has done for the Dalit community. Plus, the two discuss the shortcomings Dalits experience in their “social citizenship” and the successes and challenges of Dalit capitalism.Episode notes:1. Devesh Kapur, Chandra Bhan Prasad, Lant Pritchett, and D. Shyam Babu, “Rethinking Inequality: Dalits in Uttar Pradesh in the Market Reform Era,” Economic and Political Weekly 45, no. 35 (August 28-September 3, 2010): 39-49.2. Devesh Kapur, Chandra Bhan Prasad, and D. Shyam Babu, Defying the Odds: The Rise of Dalit Entrepreneurs (New Delhi: Vintage, 2014).3. D. Shyam Babu, “From empowerment to disenfranchisement: Lower caste mobilisation appears to have run its course,” Times of India, August 28, 2019.4. Chandra Bhan Prasad, “Fellow Dalits, open your own bank: If no one else, Dalit middle class can fund Dalit capitalism to produce Dalit billionaires,” Times of India, November 25, 2019.5. Devesh Kapur, “Fraternity in the making of the Indian nation,” Seminar 701 (2017).

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati Monday ruled out speculation that she was retiring from politics, and said she would only consider a post-poll alliance in the upcoming Lok Sabha election. In Ep 186 of Cut The Clutter, originally published on 7 June 2019, Editor-in-Chief Shekhar Gupta unpacks her party's 2019 performance, and discusses why the former Uttar Pradesh CM needs to reinvent her politics to be relevant.

In all likelihood, there won't be any action against Akram, as there is no law in Pakistan that penalises citizens for making such remarks. In India, things are way different.----more----Read full article here: https://theprint.in/opinion/wasim-akram-chamar-abuse-shows-one-thing-pakistan-never-had-an-ambedkar-or-mayawati/1817708/

SP, Congress, BJP & ASP plan outreach programmes for Dalit community. BSP chief Mayawati calls them ‘new well-wishers' of party founder, says 'posing for sake of votes' ahead of 2024.  

BSP chief & former UP CM Mayawati had said in 2021 that her political successor would be a Dalit, but she would not reveal the name as long as she was fit to lead the party.   https://theprint.in/politics/quasi-coronation-of-nephew-extra-sofa-on-mayawatis-dais-triggers-succession-buzz-in-bsp/1668233/   #ThePrintPod

PM Modi to take questions during press conference in the US, 'Too little, too late': Congress on Amit Shah's call for all-party meet on June 24 to discuss Manipur situation, 'Muh mein Ram, bagal mein…': Mayawati on opposition's Patna meet; RLD bails out and other top news in this bulletin.

Mayawati's brother and his wife got 261 flats at 46% discount: Report, Cyclone Biparjoy: Massive waves lash Daman seafront, First Hindu-American Summit Organised in US and other top news in this bulletin.

इस एपिसोड में सुनिए, ब्राह्मणों की भरपाई मुस्लिमों से करेंगी माया, निकाय चुनाव में उतारे 11 मेयर उम्मीदवार, कर्नाटक में येलो अलर्ट जारी, कई शहरों में बारिश की संभावना, बिहार-झारखंड के बीच भी चलेगी वंदेभारत ट्रेन, लाखों लोगों को होगा फायदा

In this episode of How To Citizen, Our hosts Meghnad & Shreya discuss a topic that has been a significant driving force of humanity throughout centuries - Women changing the World.  Our guest for this episode is Mahrukh Inayet, a former journalist. Her work as a journalist includes coverage of the Taj hotel attacks during the 26/11 Mumbai terror attacks for Times Now & much more.  We discuss the struggles that women have faced in the past and how they have fought for their rights and equality. We also dive into the achievements of women who have broken barriers and shattered stereotypes to make a significant impact in various fields.  Fun Part: This episode might just be the foundation of LADYLAND - A Government Party consisting of just Women & all things right. Tune in, & get your essential knowledge! References: - https://www.hindustantimes.com/ht-insight/economy/empowering-india-s-women-farmers-bridge-the-gap-101647511783243.html - https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/data-stories/data-focus/women-dominate-agri-workforce-but-for-lowages/article36333866.ec - https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2021/09/02/two-decades-later-the-enduring-legacy-of-9-11/ - https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20091228-2006-tamasha-tv-something-to-talk-about-741569-2009-12-17 - http://eands.dacnet.nic.in/AWIS.htmhttp://www.ras.org.in/wage_rates_in_agriculture NCERT 7th Grade Civics Textbook where you can find the chapter for an immersive experience : https://ncertbooks.solutions/ncert-books-class-7/civics/ Follow Mahrukh Inayet here: https://twitter.com/mahrukhinayet Follow Our host Meghnad here: https://twitter.com/Memeghnad Follow Our co-host Shreyas here: https://instagram.com/shreyas_manohar?igshid=YmMyMTA2M2Y= Find How To Citizen S1 here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCh2cneqv4O1OLvo8GiboFNg Connect with us at: allaboutnow@pratilipi.com          See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Aadit Kapadia is joined by a panel of Political Columnists and writers - Rohit Pathania, Lavanya Shivshankar and Nidhi Bahuguna as they discuss the controversial legacy of Mulayam Singh Yadav. From the 90s, to the communal legacy, to the guest house episode, Mayawati, Amar Singh, his stint as CM and the Rampur Tiraha Massacre.

Aadit Kapadia is joined by a panel of Political Columnists and writers - Rohit Pathania, Lavanya Shivshankar and Nidhi Bahuguna as they discuss the controversial legacy of Mulayam Singh Yadav. From the 90s, to the communal legacy, to the guest house episode, Mayawati, Amar Singh, his stint as CM and the Rampur Tiraha Massacre.

BSP chief Mayawati and scholar Sujat Ambedkar's critique of Congress on Mallikarjun Kharge's election as party president suggests non-BJP parties may have a reason to worry.----more----Read the article here: https://theprint.in/opinion/channi-to-kharge-congress-dalit-outreach-comes-during-crisis-bahujans-can-see-through-it/1176885/

वयं रक्षाम: में प्राग्वेदकालीन जातियों के सम्बन्ध में सर्वथा अकल्पित अतर्कित नई स्थापनाएं हैं , मुक्त सहवास है, विवसन विचरण है, हरण और पलायन ह। शिश्नदेव की उपासना है, वैदिक - अवैदिक अश्रुत मिश्रण है। नर - मांस की खुले बाजार में बिक्री है, नृत्य है, मद है, उन्मुख अनावृत यौवन है । इस उपन्यास में प्राग्वेदकालीन नर, नाग, देव, दैत्य-दानव, आर्य-अनार्य आदि विविध नृवंशों के जीवन के वे विस्तृत-पुरातन रेखाचित्र हैं, जिन्हें धर्म के रंगीन शीशे में देख कर सारे संसार ने अंतरिक्ष का देवता मान लिया था। मैं इस उपन्यास में उन्हें नर रूप में आपके समक्ष उपस्थित करने का साहस कर रहा हूँ। आज तक कभी मनुष्य की वाणी से न सुनी गई बातें, मैं आपको सुनाने पर आमादा हूँ।....उपन्यास में मेरे अपने जीवन-भर के अध्ययन का सार है।... आचार्य चतुरसेन उपन्यास - वयं रक्षाम: Novel - Vayam Rakshamah लेखक - आचार्य चतुरसेन शास्त्री Writer - Acharya Chatursen Shastri स्वर - समीर गोस्वामी Narration - Sameer Goswami https://kahanisuno.com/ http://instagram.com/sameergoswami_kahanisuno https://www.facebook.com/kahanisuno/ http://twitter.com/goswamisameer/ https://sameergoswami.com

भारतीय राजनीति की वो नेता, जो बनी यूपी की चार बार सी.एम और दलित राजनीति की आइकॉन

The rebel MLAs led by Eknath Shinde named their group as Shiv Sena Balasaheb, Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati will support Droupadi Murmu, Actor Ranbir Kapoor has spoken about his first paycheck of ₹250 and other top news in today's bulletin.

Former finance secretary Rajiv Kumar is set to take charge as the new chief election commissioner on Sunday (May 15), BSP supremo Mayawati came out in support of senior Samajwadi Party leader Azam Khan who is incarcerated on several charges including corruption, A mob set a house, two bikes, and a shop afire in retaliation to an alleged attack on a former village head and his brother, and other top news in this bulletin.

Amid power crisis, boiling heat, it's Centre vs Delhi on coal, Mayawati slams Akhilesh Yadav and says never dreamt of becoming country's president, Russia confirms air Strike on Kyiv during UN Chief's Visit and other top news in this bulletin.

What did Rahul Gandhi said about Mayawati and BSP on Uttar Pradesh assembly polls 2022? My Youtube Channel- bit.ly/2LiPAgC My Instagram Page - www.instagram.com/politicsarca/ My Facebook Page - www.facebook.com/politicsarca My Twitter Page- twitter.com/politicsarca #politicsarca #rahulgandhi #congress #mayawati #uttarpradesh --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/politicsarca/message

Akhilesh Yadav tweeted that his party has shown that the BJP's seats can be reduced, UP election result is a lesson for us: Mayawati as BSP wins 1 seat in UP, ex Punjab chief minister Amarinder Singh lashed out at the Congress and other top news in this bulletin.

As AAP sweeps Punjab and BJP sweeps UP with lead in all other states. Shekhar Gupta decodes the larger message and 7 writings on the wall from the significant results. What does Arvind Kejriwal in Punjab and Yogi Adityanath in Uttar Pradesh mean for larger national political discourse. We also look at Congress, SP, SAD and BSP as they stand on the edge of politics in episode 956 of #CutTheClutter Brought to you by @kiaind Read Shekhar Gupta's column here: https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/if-modi-wins-on-sunday/

This week on NL Hafta, Newslaundry's Abhinandan Sekhri and Raman Kirpal are joined by Nishtha Gautam, senior editor at the Quint, and Scroll.in journalist Arunabh Saikia.The discussion starts with the invasion of Ukraine which has been termed as a “special military operation” by Russia. The panel talks about US president Joe Biden's recent speech and threats of sanctions against the Russian government. Raman calls Vladimir Putin's orders the “work of a mad man”.The conversation shifts to polling in Uttar Pradesh as the panel discusses the role of caste. They speak about BSP chief Mayawati's impact despite her party being a weak opposition. “BSP supporters will vote for Mayawati regardless of the people in power,” Arunabh says.They also talk about the recent murder of a Bajrang Dal activist in Karnataka's Shivamogga district.This and a lot more, only on NL Hafta.To listen to the full episode, subscribe to Newslaundry. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

BSP could be hoping that it would repeat its electoral performance of 2007 when Brahmins had played a big role in bringing Mayawati to power. ----more---- https://theprint.in/opinion/bsp-going-solo-in-up-but-ticket-distribution-suggests-its-attempting-coalition-of-extremes/843141/

Support LCA – https://www.patreon.com/azadi ,https://lightscameraazadi.in/support-lca/Guest ProfileArvind Kumar is a PhD candidate with specific interest in electoral democracy and voting behaviour. His thesis- Caste, Inequality and Voting Behaviour in India explores the role caste and inequality in the rise of right-wing BJP in Indian democracy. His broader research interests include Caste/Ethnic Inequality, Political Behaviour, Party Politics, Political Economy, Political Theory, Judicial Politics and South Asian Politics.Prior to joining PhD, Arvind Kumar obtained BA(H) in Arabic, MA in Political Science and MPhil in Political Studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, and also taught as a Guest Lecturer of Political Science (2016-18) at the Department of Political Science, Satyawati College (M), University of Delhi, New Delhi, India.(Taken from the website of Royal Holloway) Follow Arvind KumarTwitter - https://twitter.com/arvind_kumar__Timestamps4:00 to 19:33Arvind's life journey 19:33 to 25:41Early life and challenges 25:41 to 27:54The philosopher who influenced Arvind's thinking the most 27:54 to 40:00Gandhi vs. Ambedkar 40:00 to 42:30Gandhi's varied position on caste 42:30 to 1:07:06Poona pact and separate electorate 1:07:06 to 1:23:30The debate of reservation 1:23:30 to 1:26:30Arvind's research on voting behavior 1:26:30 to 1:37:50The story of UP elections 1:37:50 to 1:39:36Samajwadi party's winning strategy 1:39:36 to 1:41:50The swing of Non-Yadav OBC1:41:50 to 1:50:45The tilt of and mood of UP 1:50:45 to 1:54:20Is BJP a default Dalit party? 1:54:20 to 1:59:00Is BJP a Brahminical party? 1:59:00 to 2:04:17The image of the Samajwadi Party and main issues of UP elections2:04:17 to 2:17:10How important is Development in elections2:17:10 to 2:22:00Hathras and its impact on elections2:22:00 to 2:30:42Impact of COVID on the elections 2:30:42 to 2:32:!5MLAs against Yogi Adityanath2:32:15 to 2:33:10Bhim Army and its chances 2:33:10 to endThe issue with BSP and the verdict on UPShow Notes https://www.livelaw.in/columns/neet-admissions-pg-courses-of-medical-sciences-anti-reservationists-https://theprint.in/opinion/kanshi-ram-ran-bsp-military-style-the-problem-is-mayawati-runs-it-like-a-bureaucracy/245354/

In this episode, Amil Bhatnagar speaks to host Snigdha Sharma about the significance of BSP and its chief Mayawati in the upcoming assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh.Next, Tora Agarwala gives us an insight into the Arunachal Pradesh-Assam border dispute.And finally, we go over details of the alleged attack on AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi.

Two recent opinion polls, one by TimesNow-Pollstrat and another by C-Voter predicts much smaller win but a win nonetheless for the BJP. While there are still three months to go for the elections, is the BJP really sitting that pretty? BusinessLine's political editor and Delhi bureau chief poornima Joshi travelled last week to the southern parts of western UP---districts like Mathura, Agra, and Hathras. This region traditionally used to be the Blue fortress, the home turf of BSP supremo Mayawati. But since 2014, it has begun to crumble spectacularly. For BSP to remain relevant, regaining control of this region is a non-negotiable. TR Vivek speaks to her on whether the braj bhoomi will sway once more to the Modi-Yogi jugalbandi. You can read part one of Poornima's excellent dispatches from the ground here: https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/national/dap-shortage-is-bjps-political-problem-in-ups-potato-belt/article37757880.ece --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/business-line/message

India Policy Watch #1: Nayi Umar Ki Purani Fasal Insights on burning policy issues in India— RSJPM Modi, in an address to the nation at 9 AM on Friday, repealed the three farm laws that had been pushed through in the parliament without any debate more than a year ago. Choosing the occasion of Guru Nanak Jayanti, the PM said his government was unable to convince the farmers about the benefits of the laws. We have written a few times earlier about our view on farm reforms and these three laws in particular (we have linked them at various places in this edition). This repeal might well mean farm sector reforms are dead and buried for a decade, if not more. This is going to be terrible for Indian agriculture in the long term. That apart, as public policy watchers, there are few important lessons to take away from the entire episode. Before we get onto what we learnt, a short summary of where we stand on the farm laws. Firstly, on any measure of outcomes, Indian agriculture is in a terrible state. Things are so bad that you can safely say there's no change that can make it any worse. In edition #70 (Section: No Looking Back on Agricultural Reforms), we wrote:The dismal state of Indian agriculture bears no repetition. The farm income growth has been stagnant for the last 6 years. The small and marginal farmers who constitute 86 per cent of India’s peasantry barely make a living out of farming with average per capita annual income below Rs. 100,000. About 45 farmers die by suicide on an average every day. The Food Corporation of India (FCI) buys the produce at the minimum support prices (MSP) from the mandis and distributes it at a subsidised rate through the public distribution system (PDS). This subsidy bill has grown to an unmanageable level.The FCI borrows from National Small Savings Funds (NSSF) to keep its operations going. It is estimated this loan will rise to Rs. 3.5 lakh crores in FY ‘21 from Rs. 2.5 lakh crores in FY ’20. Millions of ordinary Indians trust NSSF with their lifelong savings. It is anybody’s guess when FCI will be able to pay back NSSF. If this appears like a giant Ponzi scheme, that’s what it is. The food grains stocked at FCI are at an all-time high but there’s no market mechanism for its distribution when people needed it the most during the pandemic. They had to wait for the largesse of the state for the stored grains to reach them. This is a broken system. Even if you set out to create a dysfunctional system, you’d have struggled to reach here.Who in their right minds would want this structure to continue? Who has it helped except entrenched cartels and a few dynasties of ‘farmer leaders’ who have built a system of patronage? Agriculture contributes to about 17 per cent of India’s GDP and supports almost half of its 1.4 billion people. With that kind of skew, it is no surprise then that they live in poverty that’s comparable to sub-Saharan Africa. It will be useful to frame a simple model of agriculture productivity to appreciate the issues here. In modern states, land is a finite resource for most owners. Land cannot be annexed from others nor can you squat on a piece of land, mix your labour with the soil and then claim ownership of it. This means landholdings continue to get divided and smaller as they get passed onto the next generation. Smaller holdings are less productive and this sets in a cycle of impoverishment. Almost every nation that transitioned from a low-income economy to a middle income or beyond learnt this truth the hard way. At The Root Of ItThere are two simultaneous moves that an economy must make to solve this. First, enable the creation of a huge number of low or medium-skilled jobs that can attract labour to move out of agriculture. And second, increase productivity for those remaining in the farm sector to increase their incomes. To put it charitably, we have had moderate success doing the first. The three decades since 1991 have created more non-farm sector jobs than the four before. We could have done more. Much more. But at least we tried. On the second, we haven’t even done that. Despite the many committees that have diagnosed the problem and recommended specific measures, we have baulked at carrying out any serious agriculture reforms. Things continued to get worse while urban Indians read articles that romanticised the Indian farmer and his sacred relationship with the land. Ironically, while being driven by someone who might have quit farming, preferring to live in urban squalor than dying on his land.    The simple model of farm productivity then focuses on three drivers:Optimal decision making: Farming is about getting a few key decisions right - when to sow, what seeds to sow, the likely pests, blight or negative weather events that can be predicted and how to insure the downside of things going wrong? Farming is a high-risk venture and getting the many small decisions right is critical. There’s science behind making these decisions and with greater availability of data and better connectivity, the farmers can make better choices.Mechanisation: This is a no-brainer. A tractor-driven cultivator is about a hundred times more productive than an ox-driven one. Like this, across the farming supply chain, there are multiple opportunities for a machine to replace human labour. This and the use of ammonia-based fertilizers are what drove huge productivity jumps in farms in the western world in the early 20th century. Logistics: Farm produce is either perishable or vulnerable to infestation and spoilage. The ability to store and move the produce safely between farms and markets have an impact on productivityNow, for these three levers to be used effectively, there are two necessary conditions - the ability of the farmer to sell their produce freely to anyone and at a price they both agree on. This is important to appreciate. This freedom to choose who to sell to and the role of price as a signal are both important for any producer to work on improving their productivity. Distort this and you take away the incentives from the producers. This is a counterintuitive notion for most people. Our natural intuition is I will be better off if I know what price I will get for my product. So, most of us think fixing a price in advance is good. Unfortunately, this kind of a price cap or a floor, makes things worse as it has been seen in agriculture in India. Deadweight loss is real in most instances. Price is an outcome of millions of voluntary transactions between buyers and suppliers. Like Hayek wrote (see the original article in the HomeWork section of this edition):The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess. The economic problem of society is thus not merely a problem of how to allocate “given” resources—if “given” is taken to mean given to a single mind which deliberately solves the problem set by these “data.” It is rather a problem of how to secure the best use of resources known to any of the members of society, for ends whose relative importance only these individuals know. Or, to put it briefly, it is a problem of the utilization of knowledge which is not given to anyone in its totality.It is a terrible idea to fix prices as history has shown us over and over again. Instead of price caps, the answer to protecting against price fluctuations in any product is the creation of a futures market that provides a mechanism to protect the downside risk for the producers. The farm laws that have been repealed were a major step in going down this path of freedom for farmers. Any other alternative to these reforms must address these fundamental points. Else, it will not solve the productivity challenge in Indian agriculture. Before moving on to the lessons learnt, there’s one more point I’d like to tackle. A constant refrain I heard from those who opposed these reforms was that it will lead to ‘corporates’ (Ambani and Adani, for example) gaining control of Indian agriculture who will then exploit the farmers and eventually, the consumers with their exploitative terms. There are many things wrong here. The Indians who raise this spectre don’t have any problem with ‘corporates’  in their lives who offer them low priced connectivity, everyday discounts on groceries and vegetables and the general freedom they enjoy to freelance or sell their goods and services to them. But the same logic won’t hold good for farm produce, apparently. The seeds of statism sown in the 60s-70s have such deep roots that anything can be delegitimised in the name of corporate. The right thing to do, of course, is to ensure these reforms are pro-market and not pro-business. Instead, we choose not to do any reforms because we don’t understand the difference. Moving OnSo, what are the lessons we learnt from here?Firstly, even if the reforms have a sound basis and are consistent with the recommendations of the many committees of the past, it is important to think of both timing and the distributional consequences of those losing out. Like Pranay wrote in episode #90 (Section: Farmers’ Protest):Any reform that is even remotely seen to impact the MSP gravy train is bound to face opposition from a host of incumbent beneficiaries. One, the farmers growing the 22 crops backed by the MSP. Two, the traders getting a percentage of the MSP. And three, the state governments that make money by charging hefty commissions for the sale of produce at APMCs. None of this is surprising.That apart, [..] two critiques that merit serious attention: one, the timing of these reforms amidst the worst economic crisis in decades meant that the government needed to align the cognitive maps of those losing out. Two, the government fostered suspicions because the three farm laws said nothing about the impact on the existing procurement price mechanisms.This has meant real farm sector reforms are dead and buried for the foreseeable future. It is a tragedy. The lesson here is that there can be no policy without politics. And politics itself is hardly about winning at the spectator sport called elections, once every five years, something this dispensation has mastered. Farmers in the protesting areas were effectively government employees relying on a salary in the form of MSP for producing select grains for over half a century. To make any change to this status quo needed building trust, reaching out to the opposition and the farmer lobbies, and to state governments. The government did none of these before the laws were announced. Over the next few days, many commentators will use this repeal to repeat that “good economics is not good politics in India”, the actual lesson to be learnt is that policy is downstream of politics. Hubris prevented the government from seeing this point. Secondly, when faced with genuine criticism of the proposed reforms, there should be a good-faith discussion to improve the proposal. There were a few terrible clauses in the Farm Bill (as is often the case in any Bill) that could have been changed to accommodate the opposing concerns. I wrote about this in edition #94 (Section: Missing Artists in our Polity):Clauses that can only be called illiberal have seen their way through these laws including those where the executive is given powers to adjudicate with no remedial mechanism to appeal against the decision in civil courts. This won’t stand in any court of law.…. when confronted with the first signs of protests, the entire playbook of how not to manage protests was put into action. First, the police force was deployed to break the protests. Then the protesters were dismissed as rich farmers or middlemen protecting their turf. Finally, they were branded as Khalistani terrorists and anti-nationals before some mediation was attempted.Once you have gone down this path, there’s hardly any room for rapprochement. The government and its overzealous narrative machine must shoulder the blame for this one. Though a minor silver lining out of all of this is that there are limits to narrative building even for this government which is adept at it. Despite the many efforts to derail the protests through the media, it continued to thrive. Thirdly, policy reforms should be a low key affair. It should be done in the back rooms with discussions, drafting and redrafting of clauses and attempts at consensus. You shouldn’t expect to have everyone agree on reforms but doing it in a low key manner takes the sting away from anyone protesting against them. Instead, this government likes its ‘shock and awe’ approach to reforms despite evidence that it rarely works. Also, it is a fact that the protests were concentrated in a few regions of north India around NCR. There were barely any protests in non-BJP ruled states too that were of any consequence. This should have been easy to solve if there were real efforts made early on to use back channels to address the concerns of the farmers of Punjab, Haryana and western UP. But that was not to be. That aside there are other policy tools available to improve various sectors of the economy than a fundamental rewriting of laws. We have written before on how our over reliance on monetary policy and big reforms than using available fiscal policy tools and devolution of powers to states and local bodies is a lost opportunity. That should be the way forward for this government in these partisan times where its good policy proposals will also be opposed.Fourthly, the subsequent responses to the PM’s announcement are quite revealing. There’s only a very tiny section that’s lamenting the repeal of these laws for what can be called genuine reasons. A vast majority of the supporters of this government and the PM are seething with rage because of other reasons. One, it is difficult to walk back on your publicly stated positions. So, they are using the fig leaf of national security and furthering the narrative about Khalistani elements involved in these protests which isn’t what the PM said. But the other reason for their anger and their rhetorical questions about what next - CAA, Article 370? - is because in a way this repeal allows them to strengthen their myth about how deeply entrenched and powerful the left-liberal ‘enemy’ is and why there should be no letting down of the guards. This is being positioned as some kind of bowing down to the ‘mob’ of leftist malcontents and their technique of using street violence to meet their objectives. This will then be used to tar other protests against bad laws. Never again will we let this happen is the war cry now for them. This is also a useful strawman to forewarn any dilution on other ‘cultural’ issues by the government that are more dear to this lot than any real interest in farm sector reforms. That’s why you see this synchronised outrage against the decision that comes with a holier than thou attitude of see, we can criticise our own side. The running down of the minority protesters as undemocratic will be useful to strengthen majoritarian moves in future in the name of democracy. Also, there are equally pointless celebrations on the other side of the ideological divide. Apparently, this is a victory of democracy and the role of protests. Really? This is a pyrrhic victory at best for those who were supporting the protests. What next after the repeal? Is there a counter-proposal that actually helps the farm sector? Nothing. And to those who think this will give a fillip to other protests, you must be living in what Aristophanes called cloud cuckoo land. This wasn’t an acknowledgement of protests working in a democracy. This was about improving the odds of winning a few state elections in the coming months. You think that’s democracy working? Then you should accept all other polarising issues that will be used to win elections also as proof of democracy working. Lastly, what’s the real reason for repeal? If it was about farmers and their protests, it should not have taken a year of protests and many deaths to repeal these laws. And if it was indeed, maybe the cabinet should have joined the farmers at the protest site and repealed the laws that it had passed. Instead, it is the political expediency of winning more seats in the state elections that likely led to this. And that’s a huge disappointment for anyone who believes we can still get long-term structural and factor reforms done in this country.The ordinary Indian farmer will continue to toil in possibly the most oppressive farming system in the world. Meanwhile, partisans on both sides will continue to milk this for their benefit. Everything will either be a masterstroke or a disaster. Foretold. Divided by ideology, united by our collective stupidity. And all we can do is watch and write. But like Auden wrote in his poem, September 1, 1939:All I have is a voiceTo undo the folded lie     If you find the content here useful, consider taking a deep dive into the world of public policy. Takshashila’s PGP — a 48-week certificate course will allow you to learn public policy analysis from the best practitioners, academics, and teachers. And that too, while you continue to work. In other words, the opportunity costs are low and the benefits are life-changing. Do check out.India Policy Watch #2: North-South Divergence Insights on burning policy issues in India— Pranay KotasthaneThe sharp difference in the socioeconomic trajectories of states in northern and southern India is a subject of many a discussion. Casual conversations on the topic often end up identifying vague cultural differences as the root cause for this divergence. But if you’re looking for some serious, empirical work on this topic, check out this underrated 2015 book The Paradox of India's North–South Divide by Samuel Paul and Kala Sridhar. Here are my annotated notes on some counterintuitive points presented in the book.The Economic Divergence is of Recent OriginIn the book, the North is a shorthand for the four big states in north-central India, Rajasthan, UP, MP and Bihar while the South refers to the old Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka. First and foremost, the book points out that the economic divergence between the two regions is real and recent. It begins by highlighting that the direction of economic migration in the first three decades after independence was not what it is today. As the authors write:“Appleby's report on India's public administration in 1953 and 1957 identified UP (and Bihar) as the best governed states in the 1950s. In the first three decades since Independence, a significant number of people from the South went to the northern and western Indian cities in search of jobs. In many lower-level jobs, in both the private and public sector, large numbers of southerners could be found in cities such as Mumbai, Kolkata and Delhi. There was no such migration from the North to the South. For many observers, it was a clear signal that the South had limited employment opportunities, and that its people had lower standards of living, forcing them to go out of their region to improve their lot.”The rather recent divergence in economic outcomes is in sharp contrast to popular perceptions about the dominant social values in the two regions. For instance, Ambedkar had this to say in 1955 in Thoughts on Linguistic States:“There is a vast difference between the North and the South. The North is conservative. The South is progressive. The North is superstitious, the Southis rational. The South is educationally forward, the North is educationally backward. The culture of the South is modern. The culture of the North is ancient.”Either this cultural difference was exaggerated or this factor had only a cursory impact on economic performance, which started diverging only in the late 1980s. Size vs DensityA common perception in the South is that the North is way too crowded. While that is true in aggregate population terms, the population density figures tell another story. For instance, Kerala’s population density is higher than UP (2011 census). Moreover, the two other big states in the North, Rajasthan and MP are sparsely populated because of the Thar desert and dense forests respectively. The authors in fact speculate that the higher density might have made the compact southern states more governable. But they stop short of advising that northern states be split up into smaller units. This issue of size has made a comeback in recent months. Historian Ramachandra Guha argued in The Telegraph that the large electoral size of UP hands it a disproportionate and undesirable political influence in the Union. Guha cites the views of both KM Panikkar and BR Ambedkar, who separately came to the conclusion that the large size of UP would crowd out the concerns of the other states. I am sympathetic to this view. This is probably a less-worse idea than the calls obstructing the use of the latest census figures for delimiting constituencies. However, this idea needs to resonate with the people in different regions of UP. Apart from one half-hearted attempt by the Mayawati government, that does not seem to be the case. In absence of on-ground political champions, arguments from outside will have little effect. The Role of Human CapitalDifferences in human capital investment can have long term effects on economic performance. This is one point of convergence in the writings of Amartya Sen and Milton Friedman (Friedman’s memorandum to GoI in 1955 is linked in the Homework section). This effect also explains the regional disparities in Italy, where the North is far more prosperous than the South, arguably due to the variable adoption of Napoleonic educational reforms between 1801 and 1814! This seems to be the case in India as well. Regions in the South already had a lead on human development indicators at the time of independence. However, this did not result in immediate economic returns. In fact, the poverty rates of TN were worse than those of UP in the 1970s. The higher investment in human capital, particularly technical education, in the South finally started showing results when the state got out of the way as a result of liberalisation. The unlocking of human potential needed the locking down of state power over the economy. Interestingly, the human capital investment in the South had a far greater impact than public spending in the North. The authors find that per capita development spending was higher in the North than in the South in the early decades after Independence. But this changed once the South became richer after liberalisation, allowing the states to claw back a higher portion of the generated income toward development spending.Roving Bandits vs Stationary BanditsThe higher per capita development spending in the early years of independence in the North did not translate into better public goods provision. Political instability, corruption, and poor law and order conditions meant that the State behaved more like Mancur Olson’s roving bandit. Those in power were in a hurry to run away with the loot. In contrast, the State in the South was akin to Olson’s stationary bandit. Those in power did enrich themselves, but through seeking rents from generating economic value and providing some public goods. Speculating on the root cause of this difference, the authors argue that social movements in the South strengthened the demand for public goods and in turn led to the growth of education and the spread of entrepreneurship. Picture Abhi Baaki HaiBy 2021, the economic divergence between the two regions is apparent to most Indians. This has also led to glib assertions of some sort of cultural superiority in the South. To such people, the authors’ cautionary note is worth repeating in full:“Our reference to the better performance of the South should not be taken to mean that its development outcomes are of the highest order. No writer has made such a claim in the literature. The reference here is only to the relative positions of the regions involved in terms of development. It is not an invitation to the southern states to be complacent, and assume that they have reached a high level of development. India still remains a developing country, and even our better performing states are yet to reach a ‘middle-income country status’.”Not North vs South but North and South. We are in this together.HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters[Article] Friedrich Hayek’s essay “The Use of Knowledge in Society” in the American Economic Review, 1945. He used the example of the tin market to show how price communicates relevant information to buyers and producers.[Book] Centre for Civil Society’s compilation on Milton Friedman’s writings on India is a must-read. Friedman’s lucid prose and prescient insights are mind-blowing. [Podcast] A new Puliyabaazi on the political economy of 1991 reforms. Subscribe at publicpolicy.substack.com

Hindi News (हिंदी समाचार), Breaking News in Hindi: How strong is the Mayawati factor in the UP elections? बसपा प्रमुख मायावती ने क्यों कहा कि उनकी पार्टी अकेले ही चुनाव में उतरेगी? क्या सोशल इंजीनियरिंग का दांव काम करेगा? परिवारवाद पर क्या कहा मायावती ने? जानने के लिए पूरा एनालिसिस सुनें navbharatgold.com पर

The BJP has managed to stitch together an upper caste, non-Jatav Dalit and non-Yadav OBC coalition in UP. It is now eyeing the Jatav vote. ----more---- Read the full article here: https://theprint.in/politics/why-up-bjp-has-picked-this-woman-dalit-leader-to-challenge-mayawati-on-her-turf/742499/

First, Indian Express' Apurva Vishwanath talks about the ongoing standoff between the Supreme Court and the Centre over the vacancies in Tribunals, and the Tribunals Reforms Act 2021.Next, Indian Express' Parthasarthi Biswas talks about farm leader Anil Ghanwat, who was part of the Supreme Court appointment committee, writing a letter to the Chief Justice of India demanding that the report submitted by the committee should be made public (12:26).And in the end, a quick look at the statements made by Mayawati and Asaduddin Owaisi about the upcoming UP assembly elections (21:30).

Rakesh Tikait threatening to march to Lucknow, not telling the date. Akhilesh winning 400 seats. Mayawati wooing Brahmins. Priyanka Gandhi becoming CM face. Yogiji, meanwhile, is happily establishing himself as the scourge of criminals. It's all happening in UP and Sanjay Dixit has Dhirendra Pundir for the updates on the confusion.

Come UP elections, and Brahmin bashing turns into love for Brahmins. Sanjay Dixit traces the history of this odd phenomenon that once brought the Brahmin hating BSP into power on the strength of their support. Mayawati could not keep them because of her basic anti-Brahmin nature, and she hopes to use this 'kaath ki haandi' again.

* As a part of his 'Man Bhi Chowkidar' campaign, PM Narendra Modi addressed over 25 lakhs chowkidar across the country through a conference. He told them, “Chowkidars have been called chor, that is unfortunate...We have to be vigilant and do our duties.” * Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra hopped on the last boat on the last lap of her three-day election boat-rally. She got back at Modi for his jibes on dynastic politics. She said BJP has been “systematically attacking every institution in the last five years, including the media." * In Jammu and Kashmir After much deliberation, the Congress and National Conference (NC) on Wednesday, sealed an alliance in Jammu and Kashmir for the forthcoming Lok Sabha Polls. J&K will vote in five phases on April 11, 18, 23, 29 and May 6. * BSP chief Mayawati dropped a big news today, she said she will not be contesting the lok sabha elections but will only focus on campaigning.  * While on one hand the BJP is trying to win votes with the citizenship bill, Congress leader Rahul is trying to do the opposite. In an address in Tripura he said that the Congress delivered its promise and stopped the citizenship  amendment bill in the Lok Sabha, but if elected to power, his party will make sure that the bill is not passed.

Too many news updates since we've officially stepped into the election season! Tune in to the My Vote 2019 podcast - your one stop for the daily election-related developments. * Such a long wait for Priyanka Gandhi's first speech after she joined Congress and finally it's been delivered in Ahmedabad, in PM Modi's home state Gujarat.  * She was there to attend the Congress working committee which took place in Gujarat after 58 years. The meeting was held to give a final shape to its strategy for the 2019 General Elections. * Patidar leader Hardik Patel, who shot to fame by spearheading a quota stir in Gujarat also attended the meeting formally joined the Congress in CWC meeting.  * If the Congress did visited Sabarmati Ashram for the anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi's Dandi March in 1930, PM Modi wrote a blog attacking the Congress. He wrote, “Gandhi Ji understood the Congress culture very well, which is why he wanted the Congress disbanded.” He accused the party of being synonymous to corruption, creating caste divisions and practicing. * Mayawati put an end to all the "will she?", "won't she?" speculations and announced that her party BSP will not ally with Congress in any state. * And finally a day after the Congress said, will go it alone on all seven Lok Sabha seats in Delhi, in a press conference AAP Chief Arvind Kejriwal too confirmed that AAP candidates will go solo.