Podcasts about vaal river

The recent water crisis in the Vaal River system has caused devastating losses for farmers, businesses, and residents who depend on this vital water source. It is imperative that the South African government takes full responsibility for the mismanagement that led to this disaster. Immediate financial assistance must be extended to all affected parties — especially our farmers, who are the backbone of the nation's food supply. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Department of Water and Sanitation (DWS) is urging is residents along the Vaal River to remove valuable equipment, movable infrastructure and livestock, and evacuate to avoid damage or loss of life when the riverbanks overtop. The Department has opened a fifth sluice gate at the Vaal Dam in order to manage the rapidly increasing water levels due to heavy rainfall overnight in the catchment area. The DWS says controlled water releases aim to safeguard the dam's infrastructure and maintain full storage capacity after the rainfall season. Sakina Kamwendo spoke to Water and Sanitation Spokesperson, Wisane Mavasa

This is episode 174. First off, a big thank you to all the folks who've supported me and for sharing so many personal stories of your ancestry. Particularly Jane who is a font of knowledge about the Williams family, and John who's been communicating about the Transkei. Please also sign up for the weekly newsletter by heading off to desmondlatham.blog - you can also email me from that site. When we left off episode 173, King Mswati the first was running out of patience with his elder brother Somcuba. Voortrekker leader Hendrick Potgieter had also left the area north of the Swazi territory, settling in the Zoutpansberg. It was his last trek. He'd signed a treaty with Bapedi chief Sekwati, which had precluded any proper agreement with the other Voortrekkers around Lydenburg. With Potgieter gone, however, things were about to change. We need to swing back across the vast land to the region south of the Vaal River because dramatic events were taking place in 1848 - clashes between the British empire and the trekkers. By now, the area between the Orange and the Vaal was an imbroglio, elements of every type of society that existed in southern Africa for millennia could be found scattered across the region. Hunters and gatherers, pastoralists, farmers, San, Khoesan, Khoekhoe, BaSotho, Afrikaners, Boers, mixed race Griqua and Koranna, and British settlers could be found here. In some cases different combinations of these peoples lived together cheek by jowel, many combinations of cultures, languages and political systems. A classic frontier situation, with intermingling and very little structured relationship charactersing the mingling. Some of the San, Khoekhoe and even Basotho were now incorporated as servants of the Boers, and each of those groups were divided into rival political commuties. Bands of San still hunted through this area, despite attempts to eradicate them, a kind of ethnic cleansing you've heard about. In the south east, on either side of the Caledon River, rival Sotho states existed, under Moshoeshoe, Moletsane, Sikonyela, and Moroka — each of these had their own tame missionary living alongside as an insurance policy against each other and the British and Boers. By 1848 the new Governor of the Cape, Sir Harry Smith, had begun to experiment with British expansionism that he'd observed in India, assuming British culture and traditions, the empire's institutions, were superior to all other. Smith loved to oversimplify complex problems, and the made him a natural expansionist and a man likely to make big mistakes. Within two months of arriving in Cape Town in December 1847, he had extended the frontiers of the Cape Colony to the Orange River in the arid north west of the Cape. This was between the area known as Ramah and the Atlantic Ocean. He'd annexed the land between the Keiskamma River and the Kraai River Basin in the east, booted out the amaXhosa, and annexed two contiguous areas as seperate British colonies — British Caffraria between the Keiskamma and the Kei River, and a second area that became known as the Orange River Sovereignty between the Orange and Vaal Rivers. Pretorius was so incensed that he began fanning the flames of anti-British opposition, or probably to be more accurate, anti-Smith opposition. This resentment boiled over in July 1848 when Pretorius with commandants Stander, Kock and Mocke led a powerful force of 200 Transvalers and about 800 Free Staters along with a 3 pounder artillery gun into Bloemfontein. The preamble to the Battle of Boomplaats had begun.

This is episode 174. First off, a big thank you to all the folks who've supported me and for sharing so many personal stories of your ancestry. Particularly Jane who is a font of knowledge about the Williams family, and John who's been communicating about the Transkei. Please also sign up for the weekly newsletter by heading off to desmondlatham.blog - you can also email me from that site. When we left off episode 173, King Mswati the first was running out of patience with his elder brother Somcuba. Voortrekker leader Hendrick Potgieter had also left the area north of the Swazi territory, settling in the Zoutpansberg. It was his last trek. He'd signed a treaty with Bapedi chief Sekwati, which had precluded any proper agreement with the other Voortrekkers around Lydenburg. With Potgieter gone, however, things were about to change. We need to swing back across the vast land to the region south of the Vaal River because dramatic events were taking place in 1848 - clashes between the British empire and the trekkers. By now, the area between the Orange and the Vaal was an imbroglio, elements of every type of society that existed in southern Africa for millennia could be found scattered across the region. Hunters and gatherers, pastoralists, farmers, San, Khoesan, Khoekhoe, BaSotho, Afrikaners, Boers, mixed race Griqua and Koranna, and British settlers could be found here. In some cases different combinations of these peoples lived together cheek by jowel, many combinations of cultures, languages and political systems. A classic frontier situation, with intermingling and very little structured relationship charactersing the mingling. Some of the San, Khoekhoe and even Basotho were now incorporated as servants of the Boers, and each of those groups were divided into rival political commuties. Bands of San still hunted through this area, despite attempts to eradicate them, a kind of ethnic cleansing you've heard about. In the south east, on either side of the Caledon River, rival Sotho states existed, under Moshoeshoe, Moletsane, Sikonyela, and Moroka — each of these had their own tame missionary living alongside as an insurance policy against each other and the British and Boers. By 1848 the new Governor of the Cape, Sir Harry Smith, had begun to experiment with British expansionism that he'd observed in India, assuming British culture and traditions, the empire's institutions, were superior to all other. Smith loved to oversimplify complex problems, and the made him a natural expansionist and a man likely to make big mistakes. Within two months of arriving in Cape Town in December 1847, he had extended the frontiers of the Cape Colony to the Orange River in the arid north west of the Cape. This was between the area known as Ramah and the Atlantic Ocean. He'd annexed the land between the Keiskamma River and the Kraai River Basin in the east, booted out the amaXhosa, and annexed two contiguous areas as seperate British colonies — British Caffraria between the Keiskamma and the Kei River, and a second area that became known as the Orange River Sovereignty between the Orange and Vaal Rivers. Pretorius was so incensed that he began fanning the flames of anti-British opposition, or probably to be more accurate, anti-Smith opposition. This resentment boiled over in July 1848 when Pretorius with commandants Stander, Kock and Mocke led a powerful force of 200 Transvalers and about 800 Free Staters along with a 3 pounder artillery gun into Bloemfontein. The preamble to the Battle of Boomplaats had begun.

Residents are concerned about a deluge of water lettuce in the Vaal River. The alien plant species is a threat to aquatic life and its leaves are often poisonous. Organisations says something must be done urgently to address it as these plants reproduce very quickly if the environment is conducive to that.The water lettuce started in 2021 during the floods and endless calls to the Department of Water and Sanitation & Rand Water have yielded no results. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Guest:  Dr Leslie Hoy – manager for Environmental Management Services at Rand WaterSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This is episode 144 and a momentous event is about to take place. One that will shape Boer Zulu relations for centuries to come. The Battle of Blood River - or Ncome River - is etched in the consciousness of South Africans. While the gory details are not contested, its historical significance has been seized on by different political factions since the 16th December 1838. The day itself is a public holiday which we now call the Day of Reconciliation. Before that it was known as Dingane's Day or the Day of the Covenant, or the Day of the Vow. Anything thought of as a covenant or a vow comes with baggage. Gert Maritz had died at the age of 41 on 23 September - suffering from dropsy, heart disease and half of the Voortrekkers had setup a second laager across the Little Thukela River, fearful of leaving their fort in case another Zulu army bushwhacked them. They had sent a deputation to elicit support from other trekkers in the transOrangia region, and in the highveld along the Vaal River. Only Karel Landman remained as a senior leader in Natal, but help was on its way in the form of a man who was half dragoon, part brigand, mostly hero. And that was Andries Pretorius. He was born in Graaff-Reinet and his family had prospered, owning several farms around the frontier town. He was fifth generation southern African, his ancestors dated back all the way to the early Dutch settlement in Table Bay. His ancestor, Johannes Pretorius was the son of Reverend Wessel Schulte of the Netherlands. Schulte had been a theology student at the University of Leiden when he changed his name to the Latin form of Schulte and therefore became Wesselius Praetorius, with an ae, then later Pretorius. His deep connection with Africa leant weight to his other important characteristics, an imposing man, tall and imbued with a captivating personality to boot. He was a skilled commander of men, adept at the irregular nature of frontier warfare.There was a lot of movement at the end of 1838, because not only had the British soldiers arrived in Port Natal and Pretorius' kommando had headed off to Dingane, but Prince Mpande was on the run from his half-brother Dingane as well. He wasn't alone - Mpande was joined by an estimated 17 000 of his followers after Dingane had made moves to assassinate his half-brother he regarded as an increasing threat to his rule. Dingane's actions followed the defeat of his army by the trekkers at Veglaer, weakening his power in the eyes of his subjects. On 6 December 1838, 10 days before the Battle of Blood River, Pretorius and his commando including Alexander Biggar as translator had a meeting with friendly Zulu chiefs at Danskraal, so named for the Zulu dancing that took place in the Zulu kraal that the Trekker commando visited. It was during this relatively friendly occasion that important information was passed along, and now Pretorius became aware of Prince Mpande's new refugee status, an important character in the coming power play. It was immediately apparent to Pretorius that the Zulu king was in a more precarious position than he had been a few months earlier.

This is episode 144 and a momentous event is about to take place. One that will shape Boer Zulu relations for centuries to come. The Battle of Blood River - or Ncome River - is etched in the consciousness of South Africans. While the gory details are not contested, its historical significance has been seized on by different political factions since the 16th December 1838. The day itself is a public holiday which we now call the Day of Reconciliation. Before that it was known as Dingane's Day or the Day of the Covenant, or the Day of the Vow. Anything thought of as a covenant or a vow comes with baggage. Gert Maritz had died at the age of 41 on 23 September - suffering from dropsy, heart disease and half of the Voortrekkers had setup a second laager across the Little Thukela River, fearful of leaving their fort in case another Zulu army bushwhacked them. They had sent a deputation to elicit support from other trekkers in the transOrangia region, and in the highveld along the Vaal River. Only Karel Landman remained as a senior leader in Natal, but help was on its way in the form of a man who was half dragoon, part brigand, mostly hero. And that was Andries Pretorius. He was born in Graaff-Reinet and his family had prospered, owning several farms around the frontier town. He was fifth generation southern African, his ancestors dated back all the way to the early Dutch settlement in Table Bay. His ancestor, Johannes Pretorius was the son of Reverend Wessel Schulte of the Netherlands. Schulte had been a theology student at the University of Leiden when he changed his name to the Latin form of Schulte and therefore became Wesselius Praetorius, with an ae, then later Pretorius. His deep connection with Africa leant weight to his other important characteristics, an imposing man, tall and imbued with a captivating personality to boot. He was a skilled commander of men, adept at the irregular nature of frontier warfare.There was a lot of movement at the end of 1838, because not only had the British soldiers arrived in Port Natal and Pretorius' kommando had headed off to Dingane, but Prince Mpande was on the run from his half-brother Dingane as well. He wasn't alone - Mpande was joined by an estimated 17 000 of his followers after Dingane had made moves to assassinate his half-brother he regarded as an increasing threat to his rule. Dingane's actions followed the defeat of his army by the trekkers at Veglaer, weakening his power in the eyes of his subjects. On 6 December 1838, 10 days before the Battle of Blood River, Pretorius and his commando including Alexander Biggar as translator had a meeting with friendly Zulu chiefs at Danskraal, so named for the Zulu dancing that took place in the Zulu kraal that the Trekker commando visited. It was during this relatively friendly occasion that important information was passed along, and now Pretorius became aware of Prince Mpande's new refugee status, an important character in the coming power play. It was immediately apparent to Pretorius that the Zulu king was in a more precarious position than he had been a few months earlier.

Unraveling the Mystery of Deformed Fish in the Vaal River by Radio Islam

When I started this series off a couple of years ago, it was a dive into the deep end — although it was the sixth podcast series I'd launched — this was the biggest gamble. But the wonderful response I've received overall has been a big surprise, a motivator so thank you for your comments. I have a website www.desmondlatham.blog, which is stuttering along and in the future, shall be more responsive as I incorporate some of the ideas sent through by listeners. Back to where we left off in episode 126 — as Gerrit Maritz and Hendrick Potgieter rolled south trying to get away from Mzilikazi Khumalo's amaNdebele warriors after their audacious raid on his main homestead in the Klein Marico valley. The main target of their raid, Mzilikazi, along with the man known as Kaliphi his 2 IC, were 50 miles north of Marico when they raided and avoided death by Voortrekker musket. The returning party of trekkers were exultant, having dealt the amaNdebele a severe blow, 107 horsemen made their way back along with 58 Baralong footmen carrying shields and assegais herding 6 500 cattle and thousands of sheep, two ox-wagons with the three American missionaries, their two wives, and two young children. The commando trekked through the entire first night away from Mosego in the Klein Marico valley without taking a break. They rested for an hour at 11 :00 the next morning, then trekked on until late the following night. It was imperative for Maritz and Potgieter's men to make it to the south side, so the trekkers built a raft of tree trunks to ferry the missionaries wagons across the river, everything was now wet, and just to add to their suffering, the drizzle turned to heavy rain. Wagons safely across, the commando stopped at Kommando Drift for a few days — it took that long to herd the remaining cattle across. Then just to celebrate, the burghers shot an ox to eat and hunted game to add to their meagre rations. A preliminary redistribution of the cattle was conducted at Kommando Drift with the Baralong, the Griqua and the Kora receiving their share of the spoils. The victorious raiders triumphant return was going well. The lion share of the raided livestock went to the trekkers, who began divvying up the loot at Blesberg. The Potgieter trek party believed they were owed a greater portion to compensate for the terrible losses at the Vaal River and Vegkop battles. As the bickering worsened, the demographics of this area began to change. A week or so after Potgieter trundled off to seek his fortune across the Vet River, something very important took place further south. On the 8th April 1837 Piet Retief crossed the Orange River leading a significant party of trekkers — 100 wagons with 120 men. Size matters folks, and when he heard about this, Maritz eagerly sought Retief's support. He knew that Retief was respected, a man who had the ear of even the British back in the Cape. Retief was 57 years old and while not being young, was restless. Retief eventually published a memorable document on 22nd January 1837, his manifesto which functioned as a kind of declaration of independence for the Voortrekker farmers. It has echoed over the ages, and as we cover various political moments in the coming episodes, you'll hear these echoes. Everything is connected.

When I started this series off a couple of years ago, it was a dive into the deep end — although it was the sixth podcast series I'd launched — this was the biggest gamble. But the wonderful response I've received overall has been a big surprise, a motivator so thank you for your comments. I have a website www.desmondlatham.blog, which is stuttering along and in the future, shall be more responsive as I incorporate some of the ideas sent through by listeners. Back to where we left off in episode 126 — as Gerrit Maritz and Hendrick Potgieter rolled south trying to get away from Mzilikazi Khumalo's amaNdebele warriors after their audacious raid on his main homestead in the Klein Marico valley. The main target of their raid, Mzilikazi, along with the man known as Kaliphi his 2 IC, were 50 miles north of Marico when they raided and avoided death by Voortrekker musket. The returning party of trekkers were exultant, having dealt the amaNdebele a severe blow, 107 horsemen made their way back along with 58 Baralong footmen carrying shields and assegais herding 6 500 cattle and thousands of sheep, two ox-wagons with the three American missionaries, their two wives, and two young children. The commando trekked through the entire first night away from Mosego in the Klein Marico valley without taking a break. They rested for an hour at 11 :00 the next morning, then trekked on until late the following night. It was imperative for Maritz and Potgieter's men to make it to the south side, so the trekkers built a raft of tree trunks to ferry the missionaries wagons across the river, everything was now wet, and just to add to their suffering, the drizzle turned to heavy rain. Wagons safely across, the commando stopped at Kommando Drift for a few days — it took that long to herd the remaining cattle across. Then just to celebrate, the burghers shot an ox to eat and hunted game to add to their meagre rations. A preliminary redistribution of the cattle was conducted at Kommando Drift with the Baralong, the Griqua and the Kora receiving their share of the spoils. The victorious raiders triumphant return was going well. The lion share of the raided livestock went to the trekkers, who began divvying up the loot at Blesberg. The Potgieter trek party believed they were owed a greater portion to compensate for the terrible losses at the Vaal River and Vegkop battles. As the bickering worsened, the demographics of this area began to change. A week or so after Potgieter trundled off to seek his fortune across the Vet River, something very important took place further south. On the 8th April 1837 Piet Retief crossed the Orange River leading a significant party of trekkers — 100 wagons with 120 men. Size matters folks, and when he heard about this, Maritz eagerly sought Retief's support. He knew that Retief was respected, a man who had the ear of even the British back in the Cape. Retief was 57 years old and while not being young, was restless. Retief eventually published a memorable document on 22nd January 1837, his manifesto which functioned as a kind of declaration of independence for the Voortrekker farmers. It has echoed over the ages, and as we cover various political moments in the coming episodes, you'll hear these echoes. Everything is connected.

Last episode we ended with Hendrick Potgieter and Sarel Cilliers riding to try and find a route to Delagoa Bay, and meeting up with Louis Trichardt. If you remember, Potgieter had warned his followers camped the Sand Rivier not to cross the Vaal River into Mzilikazi's territory, or they'd be attacked. We'll come back to what happened when a small group decided to ignore his orders in a moment. Some explanation is required about what the difference is between a trekboer, and a Voortrekker. The drosters, or raiders, had preceded the Voortrekkers, and in many ways, they had scarred the landscape and warped the perception of folks who dressed in trousers and carried muskets. The frontiers mixed race groups that had pushed out of the Cape starting early in the 18th Century, more than one hundred years before the Voortrekkers, had ploughed into the people's of inner southern Africa, and these same people were to become the agterryers of the Boers in the future. The Voortrekker Exodus was one of many early 19th Century treks out of the Cape by indigenous South Africans. There was a northern boundary and the Kora, Koranna, Griqua, basters and other mixed groups expanded this boundary, speaking an early form of Afrikaans, simplified Dutch, indigenised if you like. The Zulus and Ndebele, and others, who were going to face the new threat on the veld, did not have the long history of fighting the Dutch and the English and did not really understand how to avoid suicidal full frontal suicidal attacks on entrenched positions — they were machismo to the max — believing that a kind of furious sprint towards the enemy would overcome everything. The Boers had another system which was perfected on the open plains of southern Africa. They would ride out to within range of a large group of warriors, an ibutho, and fire on them while keeping a sharp eye out for possible outflanking manoeuvres. The warriors would persist in a massed frontal attack, and the Boers would ride in retreat in two ranks. The first would dismount, fire, remount and retire behind the next line of men who would repeat the action. They would load as they rode, some could do this in less than 20 seconds, or they would hand their rifles to their baster agterryers who would hand them their second musket, increasing the volume of fire. They would draw the enemy into the range of the rest of the Boers inside the laager, and these would open lay down a deadly fusillade, usually stalling the enemy's assault and demoralising the attackers. Sensing victory, the an assault force inside the laager would ride out, routing the enemy. The Voortrekkers departed from these eastern and north eastern locales in more cohesive groups, bound by religion. The differences that emerged the factions, were group based on the leadership of individuals, whereas the trekboers of earlier times had been far more isolated, small nuclear families roaming the vastnesses, the Karoo, the scrublands, the men often taking Khoi and Khoisan mistresses or wives. The earlier frontiersmen were like hillbillies facing off against each other sometimes — squabbling with neighbours. The new moral code that imbued the Voortrekker way demanded conformity, it knitted the Groups together, and there would be no compromise or adaption of the Khoe or Xhosa way of life that had characterised earlier trekkers. Meanwhile, carnage.

Last episode we ended with Hendrick Potgieter and Sarel Cilliers riding to try and find a route to Delagoa Bay, and meeting up with Louis Trichardt. If you remember, Potgieter had warned his followers camped the Sand Rivier not to cross the Vaal River into Mzilikazi's territory, or they'd be attacked. We'll come back to what happened when a small group decided to ignore his orders in a moment. Some explanation is required about what the difference is between a trekboer, and a Voortrekker. The drosters, or raiders, had preceded the Voortrekkers, and in many ways, they had scarred the landscape and warped the perception of folks who dressed in trousers and carried muskets. The frontiers mixed race groups that had pushed out of the Cape starting early in the 18th Century, more than one hundred years before the Voortrekkers, had ploughed into the people's of inner southern Africa, and these same people were to become the agterryers of the Boers in the future. The Voortrekker Exodus was one of many early 19th Century treks out of the Cape by indigenous South Africans. There was a northern boundary and the Kora, Koranna, Griqua, basters and other mixed groups expanded this boundary, speaking an early form of Afrikaans, simplified Dutch, indigenised if you like. The Zulus and Ndebele, and others, who were going to face the new threat on the veld, did not have the long history of fighting the Dutch and the English and did not really understand how to avoid suicidal full frontal suicidal attacks on entrenched positions — they were machismo to the max — believing that a kind of furious sprint towards the enemy would overcome everything. The Boers had another system which was perfected on the open plains of southern Africa. They would ride out to within range of a large group of warriors, an ibutho, and fire on them while keeping a sharp eye out for possible outflanking manoeuvres. The warriors would persist in a massed frontal attack, and the Boers would ride in retreat in two ranks. The first would dismount, fire, remount and retire behind the next line of men who would repeat the action. They would load as they rode, some could do this in less than 20 seconds, or they would hand their rifles to their baster agterryers who would hand them their second musket, increasing the volume of fire. They would draw the enemy into the range of the rest of the Boers inside the laager, and these would open lay down a deadly fusillade, usually stalling the enemy's assault and demoralising the attackers. Sensing victory, the an assault force inside the laager would ride out, routing the enemy. The Voortrekkers departed from these eastern and north eastern locales in more cohesive groups, bound by religion. The differences that emerged the factions, were group based on the leadership of individuals, whereas the trekboers of earlier times had been far more isolated, small nuclear families roaming the vastnesses, the Karoo, the scrublands, the men often taking Khoi and Khoisan mistresses or wives. The earlier frontiersmen were like hillbillies facing off against each other sometimes — squabbling with neighbours. The new moral code that imbued the Voortrekker way demanded conformity, it knitted the Groups together, and there would be no compromise or adaption of the Khoe or Xhosa way of life that had characterised earlier trekkers. Meanwhile, carnage.

The national government has approved a R5.1 million disaster relief grant for residents of Warrenton in the Northern Cape. The area had been without water since February after the Vaal River flooded and damaged their supply pipe. Last week, the African Christian Democratic Party, ACDP called on Government to intervene in the water crisis in Warrenton. For more on this, Elvis Presslin spoke to ACDP MP, Ms. Marie Sukers

Just a quick thank you to the folks at East coast Radio, Diane and DW, for promoting this podcast with listeners to that station, I'm honoured to have cracked the nod and been selected to be part of their ECR podcast platform. Also a big thank you to all the listeners who've reviewed this podcast on iTunes and elsewhere, it's pushed the series into the top 20 or so at least according to Apple, and there've been close to 800 000 listens. With that slightly self-serving service announcement, back to the real world of the third decade in the 19th Century. Last episode we heard how Harry Smith was busy ridiculing the amaXhosa culture and religion, and planning to destroy their chiefs in order to ensure they would be pliable to the British government's needs in the coming years. We'll get back to Colonel Smith in future episodes. Moshoeshoe's kingdom had taken shape, and to his north, the kingdom of the BaTlokwa, who were led by Sekhonyela, the son of MaNthatisi. While she had been regal, stately, and charming, he was equally tall, but was surly and aggressive where she had been tactful. He was a capable war leader however, and Moshoeshoe had never managed to defeat him - in fact he had forced the BaSotho leader to hand over Thaba Bosiu to him in 1824. In the continuous war between Moshoeshoe and Sekhonyela, the greatest treasure was the Caledon River Valley - a land of water, pasturage, and defensive buttes and other landscape strongholds. The Batlokwa ruled the upper valley, the north, and by 1835 Sekhonyela had emulated Moshoeshoe in forming alliances with the Drosters - the Griquas and other mixed race groups that were living along the western edge of his land. The Drosters had been repeatedly defeated by Mzilikazi and he stood menacingly in the path of the Trekkers pushing north across the Vaal River - a confrontation was unavoidable. It had been a remarkable journey for Mzilikazi from the area at the headwaters of the Black Mfolozi in north Western Zululand, up on the highveld to the Vaal River. As he roamed, he killed off all competitors, particularly members of his own family, similar to what Shaka and Dingane had done. He ran his kingdom as a Zulu, he also had age based regiments, he also forced his warriors to fight for him before they could marry, usually taking about 10 years, the unmarried men known as the amaJaha. The older men who were the members of the ibutho, had many wives and children, large herds, and took captives from war, who did the chores around the homestead, enslaved. By the early 1830s these Ndebele were happily ensconced north of the Magaliesburg mountains with its excellent water and pastures. And its warmer than other areas of the highveld, with its ridges covered in thick vegetation. Despite controlling territory all the way south of the Vaal and for hundreds of kilometers around this central point, Mzilikazi was paranoid about his safety. is diplomacy was specifically aimed at preventing others like the Drosters heading into his land from the Cape - and here he completely underestimated the Voortrekkers. They conformed to no treaty either, which is not what Mzilikazi had expected. Leading the most significant of these trek parties was Andries Hendrik Potgieter who was a farmer from the Cradock District who'd departed from his beloved Klein Karoo in December 1835. There were 49 armed men and teenage boys over 16, he led 50 wagons, and was joined by Charl or Sarel Cilliers as he became known, who lived near Colesberg. He had 25 adult men in his group, and included a ten year-old Paul Kruger as I've mentioned.

Just a quick thank you to the folks at East coast Radio, Diane and DW, for promoting this podcast with listeners to that station, I'm honoured to have cracked the nod and been selected to be part of their ECR podcast platform. Also a big thank you to all the listeners who've reviewed this podcast on iTunes and elsewhere, it's pushed the series into the top 20 or so at least according to Apple, and there've been close to 800 000 listens. With that slightly self-serving service announcement, back to the real world of the third decade in the 19th Century. Last episode we heard how Harry Smith was busy ridiculing the amaXhosa culture and religion, and planning to destroy their chiefs in order to ensure they would be pliable to the British government's needs in the coming years. We'll get back to Colonel Smith in future episodes. Moshoeshoe's kingdom had taken shape, and to his north, the kingdom of the BaTlokwa, who were led by Sekhonyela, the son of MaNthatisi. While she had been regal, stately, and charming, he was equally tall, but was surly and aggressive where she had been tactful. He was a capable war leader however, and Moshoeshoe had never managed to defeat him - in fact he had forced the BaSotho leader to hand over Thaba Bosiu to him in 1824. In the continuous war between Moshoeshoe and Sekhonyela, the greatest treasure was the Caledon River Valley - a land of water, pasturage, and defensive buttes and other landscape strongholds. The Batlokwa ruled the upper valley, the north, and by 1835 Sekhonyela had emulated Moshoeshoe in forming alliances with the Drosters - the Griquas and other mixed race groups that were living along the western edge of his land. The Drosters had been repeatedly defeated by Mzilikazi and he stood menacingly in the path of the Trekkers pushing north across the Vaal River - a confrontation was unavoidable. It had been a remarkable journey for Mzilikazi from the area at the headwaters of the Black Mfolozi in north Western Zululand, up on the highveld to the Vaal River. As he roamed, he killed off all competitors, particularly members of his own family, similar to what Shaka and Dingane had done. He ran his kingdom as a Zulu, he also had age based regiments, he also forced his warriors to fight for him before they could marry, usually taking about 10 years, the unmarried men known as the amaJaha. The older men who were the members of the ibutho, had many wives and children, large herds, and took captives from war, who did the chores around the homestead, enslaved. By the early 1830s these Ndebele were happily ensconced north of the Magaliesburg mountains with its excellent water and pastures. And its warmer than other areas of the highveld, with its ridges covered in thick vegetation. Despite controlling territory all the way south of the Vaal and for hundreds of kilometers around this central point, Mzilikazi was paranoid about his safety. is diplomacy was specifically aimed at preventing others like the Drosters heading into his land from the Cape - and here he completely underestimated the Voortrekkers. They conformed to no treaty either, which is not what Mzilikazi had expected. Leading the most significant of these trek parties was Andries Hendrik Potgieter who was a farmer from the Cradock District who'd departed from his beloved Klein Karoo in December 1835. There were 49 armed men and teenage boys over 16, he led 50 wagons, and was joined by Charl or Sarel Cilliers as he became known, who lived near Colesberg. He had 25 adult men in his group, and included a ten year-old Paul Kruger as I've mentioned.

The African Christian Democratic Party, ACDP will today meet with the Mayor of the Magareng Local Municipality about the water crisis in Warrenton, in the Northern Cape. The area of Warrenton has reportedly been without a stable water supply for almost four months. The ACDP delegation plans to visit the Vaal River bank as well as the Warrenton Wastewater Treatment Plant ahead of their meeting. For more on this, Elvis Presslin spoke to ACDP Member of Parliament, Marie Sukers

Last episode we heard how Jan Bloem and Kora leader Haip had launched a raid on Mzilikazi's Ndebele people arraigned along the southern reaches of the Vaal River in 1830 - and Mzilikazi's bloody response where he not only recovered his cattle but killed 50 Kora. This was the first of a series of incidents which convinced Griqua captain Barend Barends to put together a massive commando and deal with the Ndebele once and for all. Barends is regarded as the founder of Griqualand, he settled north of the Orange River early in the 19th Century - and was the first Griqua to do this. He was also more adventurous than his fellow people, and was a profoundly focused Griqua nationalist. His spirit still moves the people of Griqualand today - it is a fiercely independent folk who live around Kuruman, to Upington, Kimberley. The land there is fierce as well - only the hardiest people can take the splendid isolation of the searing summer temperates and the freezing winds in winter. Barend Barends had left the Cape because he disliked the Dutch and the colonists generally - and he refused to cooperate with authorities when they demanded he hand back escaped slaves. He was far away from their centre of power - who was going to try and stop him? He became known as a protector of runaway slaves, a man whose name was whispered amongst the slave community of Cape Town, his towns a place for the so-called Hottentots to reach if they could across the barren Namaqua wastes - and past the unfriendly Dutch farms. Barends was also a staunch paternalist when it came to the Tswana around him presuming that his people were a cut above - he was condescending at times. And he was luke-warm about Jan Bloem's first plan to raid Mzilikazi. Mzilikazi attacked Griqua hunting parties north of the Molopo River. Barends himself had hunted there, and he'd traded with the Hurutshe folk who by now had been turned into one of the Ndebele vassal peoples. Mzilikazi is also reported to have told Barend and his Griquas to steer clear of the Ndebele land which the Griqua had regarded as their ivory hunting grounds. This was not acceptable to the Griqua view of themselves as superiors to the Tswana, the Sotho, the Ndebele. By early 1831 Barend Barends began to talk in messianic terms - that he was sent by God to sweep Mzilikazi and his “gang of blood thirsty warriors from the fine pastures and glens of the Bakone country…” as Robert Moffat the missionary wrote in his book “Missionary Labours”. The Bakone country was the highveld just fyi. Barend said he wanted to emancipate the people of the region from Mzilikazi's thrall. I'll return to what Mzilikazi was up to by 1833 and it will be a story of blood, gore, pain and suffering, raiding, raping, pillaging and other inappropriate activities because now allow our gaze to swing south once more. Here the relationship between the missionaries, the amaXhosa and the settlers was growing more and more complex. The missionaries thought amaXhosa were living in sin and cursed by damnation, the amaXhosa thought the missionaries were borderline insane and I'll explain why - although its nicely summed up by one young woman quoted by the Scots missionaries of the time. “I am young, and in health, I have a husband and we possess corn, and cattle and milk. Why should I not be happy? Why do I need more?” Such disregard for the soul horrified the poor missionaries, so did just about everything about the amaXhosa, their nudity, the circumcision dances, and missionaries reporting that their land “… is filled with fornication, whoredom, and all uncleanness, witchcraft, their doctors, polygamy, conversations full of frivolousness and filth…”

Last episode we heard how Jan Bloem and Kora leader Haip had launched a raid on Mzilikazi's Ndebele people arraigned along the southern reaches of the Vaal River in 1830 - and Mzilikazi's bloody response where he not only recovered his cattle but killed 50 Kora. This was the first of a series of incidents which convinced Griqua captain Barend Barends to put together a massive commando and deal with the Ndebele once and for all. Barends is regarded as the founder of Griqualand, he settled north of the Orange River early in the 19th Century - and was the first Griqua to do this. He was also more adventurous than his fellow people, and was a profoundly focused Griqua nationalist. His spirit still moves the people of Griqualand today - it is a fiercely independent folk who live around Kuruman, to Upington, Kimberley. The land there is fierce as well - only the hardiest people can take the splendid isolation of the searing summer temperates and the freezing winds in winter. Barend Barends had left the Cape because he disliked the Dutch and the colonists generally - and he refused to cooperate with authorities when they demanded he hand back escaped slaves. He was far away from their centre of power - who was going to try and stop him? He became known as a protector of runaway slaves, a man whose name was whispered amongst the slave community of Cape Town, his towns a place for the so-called Hottentots to reach if they could across the barren Namaqua wastes - and past the unfriendly Dutch farms. Barends was also a staunch paternalist when it came to the Tswana around him presuming that his people were a cut above - he was condescending at times. And he was luke-warm about Jan Bloem's first plan to raid Mzilikazi. Mzilikazi attacked Griqua hunting parties north of the Molopo River. Barends himself had hunted there, and he'd traded with the Hurutshe folk who by now had been turned into one of the Ndebele vassal peoples. Mzilikazi is also reported to have told Barend and his Griquas to steer clear of the Ndebele land which the Griqua had regarded as their ivory hunting grounds. This was not acceptable to the Griqua view of themselves as superiors to the Tswana, the Sotho, the Ndebele. By early 1831 Barend Barends began to talk in messianic terms - that he was sent by God to sweep Mzilikazi and his “gang of blood thirsty warriors from the fine pastures and glens of the Bakone country…” as Robert Moffat the missionary wrote in his book “Missionary Labours”. The Bakone country was the highveld just fyi. Barend said he wanted to emancipate the people of the region from Mzilikazi's thrall. I'll return to what Mzilikazi was up to by 1833 and it will be a story of blood, gore, pain and suffering, raiding, raping, pillaging and other inappropriate activities because now allow our gaze to swing south once more. Here the relationship between the missionaries, the amaXhosa and the settlers was growing more and more complex. The missionaries thought amaXhosa were living in sin and cursed by damnation, the amaXhosa thought the missionaries were borderline insane and I'll explain why - although its nicely summed up by one young woman quoted by the Scots missionaries of the time. “I am young, and in health, I have a husband and we possess corn, and cattle and milk. Why should I not be happy? Why do I need more?” Such disregard for the soul horrified the poor missionaries, so did just about everything about the amaXhosa, their nudity, the circumcision dances, and missionaries reporting that their land “… is filled with fornication, whoredom, and all uncleanness, witchcraft, their doctors, polygamy, conversations full of frivolousness and filth…”

Last episode we heard how Jan Bloem and Kora leader Haip had launched a raid on Mzilikazi's Ndebele people arraigned along the southern reaches of the Vaal River in 1830 - and Mzilikazi's bloody response where he not only recovered his cattle but killed 50 Kora. This was the first of a series of incidents which convinced Griqua captain Barend Barends to put together a massive commando and deal with the Ndebele once and for all. Barends is regarded as the founder of Griqualand, he settled north of the Orange River early in the 19th Century - and was the first Griqua to do this. He was also more adventurous than his fellow people, and was a profoundly focused Griqua nationalist. His spirit still moves the people of Griqualand today - it is a fiercely independent folk who live around Kuruman, to Upington, Kimberley. The land there is fierce as well - only the hardiest people can take the splendid isolation of the searing summer temperates and the freezing winds in winter. Barend Barends had left the Cape because he disliked the Dutch and the colonists generally - and he refused to cooperate with authorities when they demanded he hand back escaped slaves. He was far away from their centre of power - who was going to try and stop him? He became known as a protector of runaway slaves, a man whose name was whispered amongst the slave community of Cape Town, his towns a place for the so-called Hottentots to reach if they could across the barren Namaqua wastes - and past the unfriendly Dutch farms. Barends was also a staunch paternalist when it came to the Tswana around him presuming that his people were a cut above - he was condescending at times. And he was luke-warm about Jan Bloem's first plan to raid Mzilikazi. Mzilikazi attacked Griqua hunting parties north of the Molopo River. Barends himself had hunted there, and he'd traded with the Hurutshe folk who by now had been turned into one of the Ndebele vassal peoples. Mzilikazi is also reported to have told Barend and his Griquas to steer clear of the Ndebele land which the Griqua had regarded as their ivory hunting grounds. This was not acceptable to the Griqua view of themselves as superiors to the Tswana, the Sotho, the Ndebele. By early 1831 Barend Barends began to talk in messianic terms - that he was sent by God to sweep Mzilikazi and his “gang of blood thirsty warriors from the fine pastures and glens of the Bakone country…” as Robert Moffat the missionary wrote in his book “Missionary Labours”. The Bakone country was the highveld just fyi. Barend said he wanted to emancipate the people of the region from Mzilikazi's thrall. I'll return to what Mzilikazi was up to by 1833 and it will be a story of blood, gore, pain and suffering, raiding, raping, pillaging and other inappropriate activities because now allow our gaze to swing south once more. Here the relationship between the missionaries, the amaXhosa and the settlers was growing more and more complex. The missionaries thought amaXhosa were living in sin and cursed by damnation, the amaXhosa thought the missionaries were borderline insane and I'll explain why - although its nicely summed up by one young woman quoted by the Scots missionaries of the time. “I am young, and in health, I have a husband and we possess corn, and cattle and milk. Why should I not be happy? Why do I need more?” Such disregard for the soul horrified the poor missionaries, so did just about everything about the amaXhosa, their nudity, the circumcision dances, and missionaries reporting that their land “… is filled with fornication, whoredom, and all uncleanness, witchcraft, their doctors, polygamy, conversations full of frivolousness and filth…”

We kick off this episode with Henry Francis Fynn, the trader who'd made his home in Port Natal and was part of a group of Englishmen who'd fought with Shaka against Sikhunyane of the Ndwande. By 1826 Fynn had been living basically as a Zulu at Mpendwini, near the Mbokodwe stream which is close to Isipingo south of Durban. Last week I explained how Shaka had donated three herds of cattle to Fynn so he could set up his important Umuzi. One of the herds was payment for helping defeat the Ndwandwe. Fynn by now was given a Zulu name, Mbuyazi – which means long-tailed finch, a bird, of the bay. One of his praise songs was all about the Finch, a fiscal shrike, which is particularly vicious in how it hunts – by impaling insects on thorns. Fynn was Shaka's favourite mercenary, a killer, and one of the few that Shaka allowed to kill people without his direct permission. Later Fynn's descendents would become known as iziNkumbi, the locusts. By 1826 Fynn had four, possibly five, Zulu wives. We don't know their names because these were never passed down in the usual Zulu oral tradition, not even his great wife. But we know quite about about his children. A son called Mpahlwa was born while Fynn was off fighting the NDwandwe, so he was conceived around December 1825. That was a few months after Fynn's umuzi had been setup. He adopted the Zulu custom of living, and would send for one of his wives every night, who would come to his hut at nightfall. Only poor men would creep around at dusk to visit their wives. Fynn had thrown off all pretenses of living like a European – unlike some of the other traders such as Maclean the youngster, or Farewell. So by 1826, Shaka was watching these traders with their guns and ships carefully. In the same year, the Zulu king decided to move his entire main umuzi closer to Port Natal – building his new residency on the site of an Umuzi long abandoned by the Cele chieftan Dibhandlela. We'll come back to what happened there next episode, right now lets swing to the north west deeper– because our old friend – who was actually still quite young by the name of, Mzilikazi of the Khumalo had been a very very busy young man. The remnants of Sikhuyane's Ndwandwe, shattered by Shaka, joined up with him in the area around the upper reaches of the Vaal River by the end of 1826. The erosion of power of the Buhurutshe people was taking place, the Mzilikazi was also incorporating refugees from the Tswana and Sotho chiefdoms as the area to the south and West of the Vaal became more unstable. The Pedi had also been defeated earlier by Zwide's Ndwandwe and now Mzilikazi was busy taking advantage of their defeat to raid their old stomping ground. The Khumalo people had become an agglomeration of their original clan from Zululand and the Tswana called them the Matabele – Nguni speakers called them the amaNdebele. amaNdebele means the Marauders. They were indeed, amaNdebele.

We kick off this episode with Henry Francis Fynn, the trader who'd made his home in Port Natal and was part of a group of Englishmen who'd fought with Shaka against Sikhunyane of the Ndwande. By 1826 Fynn had been living basically as a Zulu at Mpendwini, near the Mbokodwe stream which is close to Isipingo south of Durban. Last week I explained how Shaka had donated three herds of cattle to Fynn so he could set up his important Umuzi. One of the herds was payment for helping defeat the Ndwandwe. Fynn by now was given a Zulu name, Mbuyazi – which means long-tailed finch, a bird, of the bay. One of his praise songs was all about the Finch, a fiscal shrike, which is particularly vicious in how it hunts – by impaling insects on thorns. Fynn was Shaka's favourite mercenary, a killer, and one of the few that Shaka allowed to kill people without his direct permission. Later Fynn's descendents would become known as iziNkumbi, the locusts. By 1826 Fynn had four, possibly five, Zulu wives. We don't know their names because these were never passed down in the usual Zulu oral tradition, not even his great wife. But we know quite about about his children. A son called Mpahlwa was born while Fynn was off fighting the NDwandwe, so he was conceived around December 1825. That was a few months after Fynn's umuzi had been setup. He adopted the Zulu custom of living, and would send for one of his wives every night, who would come to his hut at nightfall. Only poor men would creep around at dusk to visit their wives. Fynn had thrown off all pretenses of living like a European – unlike some of the other traders such as Maclean the youngster, or Farewell. So by 1826, Shaka was watching these traders with their guns and ships carefully. In the same year, the Zulu king decided to move his entire main umuzi closer to Port Natal – building his new residency on the site of an Umuzi long abandoned by the Cele chieftan Dibhandlela. We'll come back to what happened there next episode, right now lets swing to the north west deeper– because our old friend – who was actually still quite young by the name of, Mzilikazi of the Khumalo had been a very very busy young man. The remnants of Sikhuyane's Ndwandwe, shattered by Shaka, joined up with him in the area around the upper reaches of the Vaal River by the end of 1826. The erosion of power of the Buhurutshe people was taking place, the Mzilikazi was also incorporating refugees from the Tswana and Sotho chiefdoms as the area to the south and West of the Vaal became more unstable. The Pedi had also been defeated earlier by Zwide's Ndwandwe and now Mzilikazi was busy taking advantage of their defeat to raid their old stomping ground. The Khumalo people had become an agglomeration of their original clan from Zululand and the Tswana called them the Matabele – Nguni speakers called them the amaNdebele. amaNdebele means the Marauders. They were indeed, amaNdebele.

We kick off this episode with Henry Francis Fynn, the trader who'd made his home in Port Natal and was part of a group of Englishmen who'd fought with Shaka against Sikhunyane of the Ndwande. By 1826 Fynn had been living basically as a Zulu at Mpendwini, near the Mbokodwe stream which is close to Isipingo south of Durban. Last week I explained how Shaka had donated three herds of cattle to Fynn so he could set up his important Umuzi. One of the herds was payment for helping defeat the Ndwandwe. Fynn by now was given a Zulu name, Mbuyazi – which means long-tailed finch, a bird, of the bay. One of his praise songs was all about the Finch, a fiscal shrike, which is particularly vicious in how it hunts – by impaling insects on thorns. Fynn was Shaka's favourite mercenary, a killer, and one of the few that Shaka allowed to kill people without his direct permission. Later Fynn's descendents would become known as iziNkumbi, the locusts. By 1826 Fynn had four, possibly five, Zulu wives. We don't know their names because these were never passed down in the usual Zulu oral tradition, not even his great wife. But we know quite about about his children. A son called Mpahlwa was born while Fynn was off fighting the NDwandwe, so he was conceived around December 1825. That was a few months after Fynn's umuzi had been setup. He adopted the Zulu custom of living, and would send for one of his wives every night, who would come to his hut at nightfall. Only poor men would creep around at dusk to visit their wives. Fynn had thrown off all pretenses of living like a European – unlike some of the other traders such as Maclean the youngster, or Farewell. So by 1826, Shaka was watching these traders with their guns and ships carefully. In the same year, the Zulu king decided to move his entire main umuzi closer to Port Natal – building his new residency on the site of an Umuzi long abandoned by the Cele chieftan Dibhandlela. We'll come back to what happened there next episode, right now lets swing to the north west deeper– because our old friend – who was actually still quite young by the name of, Mzilikazi of the Khumalo had been a very very busy young man. The remnants of Sikhuyane's Ndwandwe, shattered by Shaka, joined up with him in the area around the upper reaches of the Vaal River by the end of 1826. The erosion of power of the Buhurutshe people was taking place, the Mzilikazi was also incorporating refugees from the Tswana and Sotho chiefdoms as the area to the south and West of the Vaal became more unstable. The Pedi had also been defeated earlier by Zwide's Ndwandwe and now Mzilikazi was busy taking advantage of their defeat to raid their old stomping ground. The Khumalo people had become an agglomeration of their original clan from Zululand and the Tswana called them the Matabele – Nguni speakers called them the amaNdebele. amaNdebele means the Marauders. They were indeed, amaNdebele.

We kick off this episode with Henry Francis Fynn, the trader who'd made his home in Port Natal and was part of a group of Englishmen who'd fought with Shaka against Sikhunyane of the Ndwande. By 1826 Fynn had been living basically as a Zulu at Mpendwini, near the Mbokodwe stream which is close to Isipingo south of Durban. Last week I explained how Shaka had donated three herds of cattle to Fynn so he could set up his important Umuzi. One of the herds was payment for helping defeat the Ndwandwe. Fynn by now was given a Zulu name, Mbuyazi – which means long-tailed finch, a bird, of the bay. One of his praise songs was all about the Finch, a fiscal shrike, which is particularly vicious in how it hunts – by impaling insects on thorns. Fynn was Shaka's favourite mercenary, a killer, and one of the few that Shaka allowed to kill people without his direct permission. Later Fynn's descendents would become known as iziNkumbi, the locusts. By 1826 Fynn had four, possibly five, Zulu wives. We don't know their names because these were never passed down in the usual Zulu oral tradition, not even his great wife. But we know quite about about his children. A son called Mpahlwa was born while Fynn was off fighting the NDwandwe, so he was conceived around December 1825. That was a few months after Fynn's umuzi had been setup. He adopted the Zulu custom of living, and would send for one of his wives every night, who would come to his hut at nightfall. Only poor men would creep around at dusk to visit their wives. Fynn had thrown off all pretenses of living like a European – unlike some of the other traders such as Maclean the youngster, or Farewell. So by 1826, Shaka was watching these traders with their guns and ships carefully. In the same year, the Zulu king decided to move his entire main umuzi closer to Port Natal – building his new residency on the site of an Umuzi long abandoned by the Cele chieftan Dibhandlela. We'll come back to what happened there next episode, right now lets swing to the north west deeper– because our old friend – who was actually still quite young by the name of, Mzilikazi of the Khumalo had been a very very busy young man. The remnants of Sikhuyane's Ndwandwe, shattered by Shaka, joined up with him in the area around the upper reaches of the Vaal River by the end of 1826. The erosion of power of the Buhurutshe people was taking place, the Mzilikazi was also incorporating refugees from the Tswana and Sotho chiefdoms as the area to the south and West of the Vaal became more unstable. The Pedi had also been defeated earlier by Zwide's Ndwandwe and now Mzilikazi was busy taking advantage of their defeat to raid their old stomping ground. The Khumalo people had become an agglomeration of their original clan from Zululand and the Tswana called them the Matabele – Nguni speakers called them the amaNdebele. amaNdebele means the Marauders. They were indeed, amaNdebele.

Port Natal and Delagoa Bay are far away from Cape Town and appeared even further in the early 1820s. The Cape Governor was inevitably more concerned with what lay immediately beyond the colonial frontiers than in these distant ports. Much of what concerned Lord Charles Somerset – and had concerned his predecessors – already lay along the frontiers. The colony had thrown out an ever increasing fringe of loose cannons, skirmishers, traders, trek-boers, escaped slaves, and even rebellious missionaries. The flood of missionaries turned into a tsunami by the mid-1820s, the London Missionary Society was already at work as you know, and by now they were established along both sides of the Orange River and into the eastern Frontier. The Moravians had arrived and were carving out new parishers even further east, while the Wesleyans were already amongst the far-distant amaPondo people. The Zulu had been raiding these people from Shaka's centre of power as you know. There were a number of Scots from Glasgow who found living amongst the amaXhosa to their liking, and even missionaries from Germany showed up, particularly from Berlin, and they began living amongst the amaXhosa too. The Rhenish and Paris Evangelicals arrived too, one to work within the colony and the other headed north into Bechuanaland, and then to the Basutho. The LMS and Paris Evangelicals were moving along the first stage of what became known as the Missionary Road which led all the way from the Cape into Central Africa. By now the chiefdoms of the Caledon Valley and the open plains north of the Orange River had been squeezed between three expanding zones of instability and conflict. From the south and south west parties of Griqua, Kora and Boers were raiding for cattle and cheap labour. To the northwest, the rivalries of Batswana chiefdoms were spilling across the Vaal River. To the East, the fighting that had seen the AmaZulu and amaNdwandwe at war, as well as the amaMthethwa, had displaced groups as you've heard and some had headed across the Drakensberg. Then Lord Bathurst the Secretary of State set up an Advisory Council in Cape Town which consisted of the Governor, muttering under his bewigged breath, the Chief Justice, the colonial Secretary, the Officer commanding, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, the Auditor General and the Treasurer. The Council was to deal with quite an interesting proposal, and this was allowing the Eastern Cape to be represented by their own council, by some kind of representative assembly. They fired the first round in what was to become a long-sustained but ultimately unsuccessful battle for separation by Eastern Capers.

Port Natal and Delagoa Bay are far away from Cape Town and appeared even further in the early 1820s. The Cape Governor was inevitably more concerned with what lay immediately beyond the colonial frontiers than in these distant ports. Much of what concerned Lord Charles Somerset – and had concerned his predecessors – already lay along the frontiers. The colony had thrown out an ever increasing fringe of loose cannons, skirmishers, traders, trek-boers, escaped slaves, and even rebellious missionaries. The flood of missionaries turned into a tsunami by the mid-1820s, the London Missionary Society was already at work as you know, and by now they were established along both sides of the Orange River and into the eastern Frontier. The Moravians had arrived and were carving out new parishers even further east, while the Wesleyans were already amongst the far-distant amaPondo people. The Zulu had been raiding these people from Shaka's centre of power as you know. There were a number of Scots from Glasgow who found living amongst the amaXhosa to their liking, and even missionaries from Germany showed up, particularly from Berlin, and they began living amongst the amaXhosa too. The Rhenish and Paris Evangelicals arrived too, one to work within the colony and the other headed north into Bechuanaland, and then to the Basutho. The LMS and Paris Evangelicals were moving along the first stage of what became known as the Missionary Road which led all the way from the Cape into Central Africa. By now the chiefdoms of the Caledon Valley and the open plains north of the Orange River had been squeezed between three expanding zones of instability and conflict. From the south and south west parties of Griqua, Kora and Boers were raiding for cattle and cheap labour. To the northwest, the rivalries of Batswana chiefdoms were spilling across the Vaal River. To the East, the fighting that had seen the AmaZulu and amaNdwandwe at war, as well as the amaMthethwa, had displaced groups as you've heard and some had headed across the Drakensberg. Then Lord Bathurst the Secretary of State set up an Advisory Council in Cape Town which consisted of the Governor, muttering under his bewigged breath, the Chief Justice, the colonial Secretary, the Officer commanding, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, the Auditor General and the Treasurer. The Council was to deal with quite an interesting proposal, and this was allowing the Eastern Cape to be represented by their own council, by some kind of representative assembly. They fired the first round in what was to become a long-sustained but ultimately unsuccessful battle for separation by Eastern Capers.

Port Natal and Delagoa Bay are far away from Cape Town and appeared even further in the early 1820s. The Cape Governor was inevitably more concerned with what lay immediately beyond the colonial frontiers than in these distant ports. Much of what concerned Lord Charles Somerset – and had concerned his predecessors – already lay along the frontiers. The colony had thrown out an ever increasing fringe of loose cannons, skirmishers, traders, trek-boers, escaped slaves, and even rebellious missionaries. The flood of missionaries turned into a tsunami by the mid-1820s, the London Missionary Society was already at work as you know, and by now they were established along both sides of the Orange River and into the eastern Frontier. The Moravians had arrived and were carving out new parishers even further east, while the Wesleyans were already amongst the far-distant amaPondo people. The Zulu had been raiding these people from Shaka's centre of power as you know. There were a number of Scots from Glasgow who found living amongst the amaXhosa to their liking, and even missionaries from Germany showed up, particularly from Berlin, and they began living amongst the amaXhosa too. The Rhenish and Paris Evangelicals arrived too, one to work within the colony and the other headed north into Bechuanaland, and then to the Basutho. The LMS and Paris Evangelicals were moving along the first stage of what became known as the Missionary Road which led all the way from the Cape into Central Africa. By now the chiefdoms of the Caledon Valley and the open plains north of the Orange River had been squeezed between three expanding zones of instability and conflict. From the south and south west parties of Griqua, Kora and Boers were raiding for cattle and cheap labour. To the northwest, the rivalries of Batswana chiefdoms were spilling across the Vaal River. To the East, the fighting that had seen the AmaZulu and amaNdwandwe at war, as well as the amaMthethwa, had displaced groups as you've heard and some had headed across the Drakensberg. Then Lord Bathurst the Secretary of State set up an Advisory Council in Cape Town which consisted of the Governor, muttering under his bewigged breath, the Chief Justice, the colonial Secretary, the Officer commanding, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, the Auditor General and the Treasurer. The Council was to deal with quite an interesting proposal, and this was allowing the Eastern Cape to be represented by their own council, by some kind of representative assembly. They fired the first round in what was to become a long-sustained but ultimately unsuccessful battle for separation by Eastern Capers.

Port Natal and Delagoa Bay are far away from Cape Town and appeared even further in the early 1820s. The Cape Governor was inevitably more concerned with what lay immediately beyond the colonial frontiers than in these distant ports. Much of what concerned Lord Charles Somerset – and had concerned his predecessors – already lay along the frontiers. The colony had thrown out an ever increasing fringe of loose cannons, skirmishers, traders, trek-boers, escaped slaves, and even rebellious missionaries. The flood of missionaries turned into a tsunami by the mid-1820s, the London Missionary Society was already at work as you know, and by now they were established along both sides of the Orange River and into the eastern Frontier. The Moravians had arrived and were carving out new parishers even further east, while the Wesleyans were already amongst the far-distant amaPondo people. The Zulu had been raiding these people from Shaka's centre of power as you know. There were a number of Scots from Glasgow who found living amongst the amaXhosa to their liking, and even missionaries from Germany showed up, particularly from Berlin, and they began living amongst the amaXhosa too. The Rhenish and Paris Evangelicals arrived too, one to work within the colony and the other headed north into Bechuanaland, and then to the Basutho. The LMS and Paris Evangelicals were moving along the first stage of what became known as the Missionary Road which led all the way from the Cape into Central Africa. By now the chiefdoms of the Caledon Valley and the open plains north of the Orange River had been squeezed between three expanding zones of instability and conflict. From the south and south west parties of Griqua, Kora and Boers were raiding for cattle and cheap labour. To the northwest, the rivalries of Batswana chiefdoms were spilling across the Vaal River. To the East, the fighting that had seen the AmaZulu and amaNdwandwe at war, as well as the amaMthethwa, had displaced groups as you've heard and some had headed across the Drakensberg. Then Lord Bathurst the Secretary of State set up an Advisory Council in Cape Town which consisted of the Governor, muttering under his bewigged breath, the Chief Justice, the colonial Secretary, the Officer commanding, the Deputy-Quartermaster-General, the Auditor General and the Treasurer. The Council was to deal with quite an interesting proposal, and this was allowing the Eastern Cape to be represented by their own council, by some kind of representative assembly. They fired the first round in what was to become a long-sustained but ultimately unsuccessful battle for separation by Eastern Capers.

The quality of mine water discharge has improved significantly over the last decade, and research suggests that government could consider a transition away from current, active acid mine drainage (AMD) treatments, to a more passive approach. Council for Geoscience (CGS) environmental geosciences senior scientist Dr Godfrey Madzivire, speaking at the 2022 CGS Summit, explained that AMD is currently treated using High-Density Sludge (HDS) treatment plants, which are costly and energy intensive. Moreover, as the HDS plants are powered by coal-fired power stations, the current solution is, in essence, “shifting the burden from the hydrosphere to the atmosphere”. In his presentation on ‘Natural processes in pollution attenuation: case study for a long-term solution to mine water management in the Witwatersrand goldfields', he explained that AMD is characterised by two types of acidity – vestigial acidity and juvenile acidity. In an earlier presentation, CGS water and the environment specialist scientist Dr Henk Coetzee explained that vestigial acidity is generated by the initial flushing of solid oxidation products, that is, the soluble salts formed when pyrite is oxidised, which are “flushed out” as the water level rises. Vestigial acidity has high salinity and is of very poor quality, but is short-lived. Juvenile acidity, meanwhile, is the newly generated acidity, which is less contaminated and its rate of generation slows substantially after initial flooding. Madzivire explained that vestigial acidity is depleted after 20 to 40 years, while juvenile acidity continues “in perpetuity”. He stated that current AMD treatment methods resulted from the Inter-Ministerial Recommendations Committee Report, published in 2010, which used a model developed by the Department of Water and Sanitation, which “did not consider natural attenuation”. He commented that, when mining activity ceases and the water is allowed to rise – as the pumps that maintain the water level are shut off – the highly toxic “first flush” occurs, with the quality of the mine water discharge improving thereafter. He noted that the inter-Ministerial recommendations were based on results compiled between 2002 and 2010, during the first flush stage for a significant number of mines, and as a result the water had very high sulphate concentrations and pH values as low as 2. However, as early as 2010, the mine water pH had improved to between 5.5. and 6, and over the last decade, sulphate concentration in the mine discharge has declined by 30%, while iron concentration has declined by 50%. Given these improvements, Madzivire suggested that a shift toward more sustainable water management solutions in the Wits basin should be pursued, outlining scenarios for long-term mine water management such as completely flooding the mine void; using water to dilute vestigial pollution or passive treatment also known as natural attenuation. He cited preliminary results from the East Rand AMD treatment facilities, noting that when water is discharged from the mines, it has a sulphate concentration of 1 500 mg/l. “Just after, when it mixes with the water in the Blesbok, the concentration declines to 300 mg/l. We still need to explore if this is because of the dilution, or natural attenuation. As the water flows towards the Vaal River system, additional natural processes occur, and the sulphate concentration drops further to 200 mg/l, which is better than the recommended rate for potable water.” He commented that it is uncertain if entities can continually use HDS to treat the water in the mine void, and while the ideal solution is dilution, the dilution source can also be highly polluted, and the likelihood of experiencing “ideal” conditions is slim. As such, passive methods, in conjunction with controlled flooding, are the most feasible for longer-term mine water management. CONTROLLED FLOODING Coetzee, in his presentation on ‘Flooding of the Witwatersrand gold mines: the influence of to...

A whistleblower breaks ranks about the risk perched above the Vaal River and the people who live and farm there. We investigate the unfulfilled promises and neglect by a leading mining company...

BizNews community member Emile de Beer chats to Michael Appel after he visited the site of a massive diesel spill caused by criminals tampering with Transnet's multi product pipeline outside Harrismith. De Beer, who owns filling stations in and around Harrismith in the Free State, knows the damage a diesel spill can do to the environment and is greatly concerned by the thousands, if not tens of thousands of litres of diesel that has seeped into the Meul River - a tributary of the Wilge River, that ultimately flows into the Vaal River. Transnet says the focus, over the next few days, will be on containment and recovery of the product, after which full rehabilitation of the area will commence. Transnet says it's unable to quantify the cost of the diesel spill at the moment or what exactly the environmental impact is going to be. It says repair teams have completed work to the block valve chamber and the pipeline was brought back into service on Wednesday evening.

The Botes Family is offering a $50,000 reward for any information into the disappearance and murder of their beloved Yolandi, who went missing on a trip to visit her three children. Parts of Yolandi's dismembered body were found by fisherman in the Vaal River, not far from her last known whereabouts. Her killer(s) are still at large. If you have any information on this case, you're asked to contact Warrant Officer Theuns Fourie at 082-351-1622, you have the right to remain completely anonymous. 

Rand Water says maintenance on a major pipe-site is on schedule as planned. The bulk water supplier is doing upgrades on its pumps, which could leave Gauteng residents with water disruptions for 54 hours. However, Rand Water says this is not a complete shutdown, or a failure of its systems, but a planned outage. The utility is installing a new pipe that will increase the amount of water drawn from the Vaal River into its treatment plant and increase supply to local municipalities. Water expert from the Centre for Environmental Management at the University of the Free State, Professor Anthony Turton

The area stretching from Trompsburg to Griekwastad to Kimberley and beyond encompasses the South African diamond fields - the Gariep (Orange) River is joined by the Vaal River, and is an area incredibly rich in history. Diamonds are discovered in Hopetown, Adam Kok treks away, major battles are fought between Brit and Boer, and Kimberley is developed. And of course there is Orania..........The Road Trip SA app is available for downloadDo you want to explore South Africa? Touch Africa SafarisThis is a recording of a radio show - Radio Ecohealth

The area stretching from Trompsburg to Griekwastad to Kimberley and beyond encompasses the South African diamond fields - the Gariep (Orange) River is joined by the Vaal River, and is an area incredibly rich in history. Diamonds are discovered in Hopetown, Adam Kok treks away, major battles are fought between Brit and Boer, and Kimberley is developed. And of course there is Orania..........The Road Trip SA app is available for downloadDo you want to explore South Africa? Touch Africa SafarisThis is a recording of a radio show - Radio Ecohealth

The South African Human Rights Commission inquiry into the Vaal river system has concluded that the river system is polluted beyond acceptable standards due to untreated sewage flowing into the Vaal river. The commission released findings of its investigation into the sewage problem in the vaal river this morning. In 2018, the South African National Defence Force experts were brought in to assist in the rehabilitation of the river.

 My guest today is Rivoningo Khosa, she's from Limpopo, South Africa and now based in Johannesburg. In this episode, we learn how she got into the field of geology with the help of a friend, 10years later she has not looked back. Currently, she is a PhD student in geology at the Human Evolution Research Institute at the University of Cape Town. Her research work is a continuation of her Masters. The research focuses on trying to understand the erosion of fluvial systems in South Africa, particularly in the arid region. The Masters work focused on understanding the erosion rates between rocks along the Vaal River in the Vredefort Dome. The Vaal River flows into the Orange River (the biggest river in the country) and as a continuation study, she wants to investigate whether the results observed in the same fluvial basin are translated further down. Rivoningo tells us more about this work and the importance of linking to the United Nations sustainable development goals. We dig a little deeper about the field of geology to learn more about the best part of being in the field and the opportunities avaible which is more than "working in the mine".  Lastly, Rivoningo opens up and tells us about a time during her early academic career where she failed and had to start her degree from scratch. She attributes overcoming that failure and succeeding to the help of her family as they have been so important in her getting to this stage of her life. Tune in Buzzsprout - Let's get your podcast launched! Start for FREEDisclaimer: This post contains affiliate links. If you make a purchase, I may receive a commission at no extra cost to you.Support the show (https://paypal.me/RootofSciPod?locale.x=en_US)

Episode 139 is full of peace and a smattering of love as the Boers gather in Vereeniging to discuss the British terms of surrender. As you can well imagine, the moment is bitter sweet. Men who have not seen their children for years are reunited on May 15th, while further afield, in the prisoner-of-war camps, the news is greeted with both joy and sorrow. So here we are, in Vereeniging on May 15th 1902. It's a settlement our narrator Deneys Reitz passed on his way back from the Natal front “This is a small mining village on the banks of the Vaal River, where nearly two years before, I had watched the Irishmen burning the railway stores during the retreat from the south” he writes. Remember he's riding with Jan Smuts and the other representatives chosen by Boers in the Eastern Transvaal. There will be representatives from the Free State who will be housed in an array of British army tents along with the Transvaal emissaries, each region with its own section. The British had prepared this tented camp with precision. It was laid out in a square, with the delegates meeting in a large central marquees, mess tent on one side, toilets were long drops as they're known in South Africa – pit latrines. But where was the stern General Christiaan de Wet ? Also missing were a handful of the Free State Delegates. Eventually on the morning of the 15th May, the day of the meeting, de Wet and a few hardliners arrived – fashionably late. The other senior political and military leadership were already in Vereeniging, along with Commandant General Louis Botha and de la Rey, Vice President Burgher of the Transvaal, members of the two government and of course, Jan Smuts. Reitz senior was also present, with JB Krogh, LJ Meijer, LJ Jacobs. Each Boer Republic was represented by 30 delegates. For the Free State Judge Hertzog was present, along with Secretary of State WJB Brebner, commander in chief de Wet and CH Olivier. Missing was his the man who'd survived so many incidents and battles on the veld – President Steyn.

We're up to episode 138 and it's a week to go before the all-important Boer Conference in Vereeniging starting May 15th 1902. Lord Kitchener has ordered his men in all intents and purposes to stop chasing the Boers, stop the burning of farms and to wait for the Boers conference. We have heard how Jan Smuts and Louis Botha met in the Eastern Transvaal, chose their representatives and now were making their way to the South Eastern border down on the banks of the Vaal River. That was on the 4th May 1902. The western Transvaal Boers were doing the same, selecting 30 representatives who would debate the future of their people, so too were Free State's president Steyn and diehard General Christiaan de Wet – except for the outcome. They wanted the Boer conference to reject surrender and to push on to oblivion. Which is what awaited the hawks I'm afraid. Lord Milner the British High Commissioner also wanted the Boers to fight until they were totally crushed so that he could flood South Africa with English loyalists. In military terms, you know you're in trouble when your most hated adversary thinks your strategy should be to fight to an inevitable death. That's what the loyalists through South African wanted, the English speaking hard-core British iumperialists. Yes, they were shouting, keep it up Mr Boer until your terms of surrender at unconditional then you'll be all but extinct and we can just take over everything you've built. The most vocal jingos of the day were actually despised the professional British officer corps in South Africa. The war needed to end so that they could get on with their careers. Winston Churchill was one of those who found what were known as loyalists as deeply concerning. He'd survived a Boer prisoner of war camp and many close calls and respected his former captors, there was very little rancor. While the Boers and the British were framing their views and devising their negotiation strategies, an incident in Natal on May 6th was to sharpen everybody's minds. Some historians have suggested that what became known as the Holkrantz incident gave further impetus to the Peace Process and strengthened the hand of the moderate Boers like Smuts and Botha who wanted to end the war immediately. Steyn and de Wet on the other hand took the opposing view – fight on was their rallying call. Watching all of this closely was black South Africa. The massacre at Holkrantz shocked most Boers into accepting that the longer this war continued and the more unlawful the landscape would become.

This is episode 134 and its April 1902. The Boer military and political leadership has been permitted by the British to travel to Pretoria by train and will meet with Lord Kitchener to talk peace. All the fighting of the previous two years and 6 months have led both sides to this moment. And yet, there is one more major bloody battle left which is difficult to fathom – other than to say the Boers launched a cavalry charge that wouldn't have looked out of place in the Napoleonic era. It was a hugely courageous attack led by Commandant Potgieter and General Kemp on the 11th April that both surprised and was admired by the English troops who watched. Viewing the details of the Battle of Roodewal now you can understand Kemp and Potgieters' act as a brave yet suicidal final salvo from a pugnatous people. Roodewal means Red Valley and the valley surrounded by gentle slopes would be spattered with blood by the end of the day. It could have been worse, as we'll see, with Ian Hamilton doing a General Buller and hesitating when his foe was clearly defeated and the Mounted Infantry's woeful shooting. Roodewal is two hundred miles west of Pretoria and the very day that General de la Rey with Botha and De Wet steamed into the Transvaal Capital, his men were receiving a terrible hiding. The success was not so much the credit of Ian Hamilton, as to the officers and men of the thirteen columns who had finally caught up with a large Boer commando. It was perspiration, inspiration and sheer luck that caused the enemy to make a bad decision. Afterwards Hamilton and Kekewich called it a real soldiers' battle, fought out on the kind of terms that British Generals had despaired of every seeing again in their lifetime. As Thomas Packenham calls it, the final reassuring echo from the 19th Century. The British troops had been frustrated for 30 months as they marched up and down the veld, hunting the Boers who were like ghosts. The terrain didn't help. IT was half wilderness, these plains to the West of Johannesburg and Pretoria. A huge diamond shaped box enclosed by the lines between Lichtenburg, Klerksdorp, Vryburg and the Vaal River – two hundred miles of rolling sandy plains intersected by shallow meandering river valleys. They were mostly dry except in the rainy season. The news of this momentous battle reached Pretoria. It was the 12th April and the peace talks were about to start. As I explained last week, Kitchener had purposefully left Lord Milner out of the first round of negotiations because he wanted some kind of wriggle room – knowing of course that Milner was hoping to have complete control over South Africa in the future without interference from the troublesome Boers. President Burger of the Transvaal was gloomy as he sat down with Kitchener, remaining mostly silent after the Boers handed over their proposal to the British Army commanding officer. Kitchener was taken aback by the affrontery of the Boer demands. He expected them to address the elephant in the room – that is the continued independence of Boer Republics which was no longer viable.

There are a few more skirmishes and one more big battle after this period with its frustrations for the British and determination by the Boer die-hards or Bitter einders to continue their war against an empire at its zenith. We will hear about General Christiaan de Wet and Lord Kitchener who are closer physically than at virtually any other time in the war. Kitchener arrived in the Transvaal town of Klerksdorp on the 26th March, de Wet has evaded Kitchener's columns and blockhouses in the the Free State and is about to cross over the Vaal River to join General Koos de la Rey. More about that in a while. What these soldiers don't know is that there have been peace moves afoot internationally for some time. The Dutch Prime Minister, Abraham Kuyper, had sent a coded message to Lord Landsdowne, the British Foreign Secretary, on January 21st 1902. As was the case in those days, the language used was French - the language of diplomacy. And in his forthright way, The Hague was offering “en traite de paix” – a peace treaty between the British and Boers. The Dutch went one step further. They had already worked out a scenario. First the three members of the Boer Delegation which we heard about last year were still in the Netherlands. They would return to South Africa to confer with Boer leaders then return with an authorisation to conduct peace talks somewhere in the Netherlands. On the 29th January, Lord Landsdowne replied bluntly that the British government appreciated the humanitarian considerations that inspired the offer, but on principle declined the intervention of foreign powers in the South African war. Leyds, who was Paul Kruger's secretary in Holland, heard about Kuypers offer through the newspapers and was not amused. Why had the Dutch Prime Minister not bothered to confer with him or Kruger? What also angered the Boer emissaries in Europe was the tone adopted by the Netherlands missive. The letter which failed to call on the British to end an imperialist war nor did it mention the abuses being suffered by Boer women and children in the internment camps. The Dutch message implicitly urged the Boers to give up a hopeless cause. Worse, that response came at about the same time another arrived from America which was negative. President Roosevelt told the Boers that his predecessor, McKinley, had offered his services as a mediator and had been turned down flatly by the British. So Roosevelt said any attempt at intervention would be folly.

Its the end of May and the guerrilla war has turned nasty as the coldest winter of living memory has started - bringing gusts of freezing wind which whipped through the Concentration Camps with their exposed bell tents a threadbare protection for the women and children. Also chilled to the bone was Deneys Reitz and his four German comrades who were riding south from the western Transvaal, heading for the Vaal River. Their plan was to cross in the Free State, then continue the four hundred kilometres further southwards in order to invade the Cape Colony. As we heard last week, the entire plan had a Quixotic flavour with Reitz the canny veld-wise Boer and his friends - two students, a businessman and a farm hand. It was the farm hand , Heinrich Wiese who had the first major problem. After the little group had bungled an attempt at capturing a spy the previous day, they set off before first light towards the Vaal River. The country-side was alive with British troops moving about on one of their drives ordered by commander in chief Lord Kitchener. They were burning farms and rolling up the Boer citizens forcing them into the internment camps. General Louis Botha, in command of the Boers in the Transvaal, was growing more concerned by the misery these people were suffering. His own private view now was that the Boers could not win, but he would carry on fighting based on his honour code. But he reached out to Lord Kitchener as we heard in podcast 86, asking for permission to send emissaries to Paul Kruger in Holland. Kitchener was also keen on ending the guerrilla war as fast as possible. The costs continue to rise, he now had almost a quarter of a million men in South Africa and the war that was supposed to last one to three months had now stretched to nineteen. While Free State President Steyn had sent a withering reply to Botha and Jan Smuts suggestion that a cease fire be negotiated, the Transvaal leadership stubbornly persisted in their plan and if an emissary was not permitted, they'd send messages.

Welcome back to Hangout With Heather, and of course, all your best lifestyle and entertainment news, as well as goings-on in and around South Africa, and this week is SA Fashion Week, fashionistas! This week Heather chats exclusively with local clothing designers Manthso (by Palesa Mokubung) and also Judith Atelier about their Spring/Summer Collections as well as Mark Ross the GM of her new found gem staycation spot – the Riverside Sun Hotel (it's reaaaallly pretty there by the Vaal River

Stakeholders have agreed in their submissions to the Human Rights Commission of Inquiry into the state of the Vaal River that the crisis could have been avoided if authourities had taken action. Various non-governmental and environmental rights groups have told the HRC that they have been warning those in power of an impending disaster for more than a decade. Jamaine Krige was there.

The Department of Water and Sanitation says it has so far issued 11 notices to the Emfuleni instructing it to stop the pollution in the Vaal River but it has not been cooperating. Raw sewerage has been spilling into the river and is having a dire effect on many business owners who have built their lives and livelihoods there. Guesthouse owners, adventure tour companies and fishing expeditions who all rely on the river to attract tourists say people are hesitant to visit the area as they fear for their health and safety. The SABC's Jamaine Krige is following the story and Sakina Kamwendo spoke to the regional head of the Department of Water and Sanitation, Sbusiso Mthembu

In this episode General Buller makes a return and some of his slow moving tactics start paying off. Lord Kitchener complains after de Wet makes his escape with 2500 burghers, and the Canadians prepare to attack Louis Botha in the Eastern Transvaal. This war which was supposed to be over in a matter of weeks has now dragged on for 10 months and shows no signs of ending soon. This conflict is a precursor to many in the 20th Century where the civilians are part of the logistic support network for the defending national army. The Boers were receiving food, ammunition and transport from their countrymen and women across the length and breadth of South Africa Others, however, were cooperating with the British. Like Piet de Wet, Christiaan de Wet's brother. Christiaan was a hero in the eyes of the Boers determined to fight on, and had led his division of 2500 men across the Vaal River into the Transvaal Republic. General Kitchener and Hunter were tracking him down, while Lord Methuen's force was also searching for the fast moving Boer leader. The Canadians are attacked 11 times in 21 days east of Pretoria at a place called Nooitgedacht, and Louis Botha gets ready to relaunch his war against the British.

It's been a brutal seven months but for the English, they are beginning to see the light at the end of the tunnel. Or so it appears, because as the joke goes, the light at the end of the tunnel could be an oncoming train. The Boers are falling back across a broad front, to the East in Natal, General Redvers Buller finally has found his military mojo and is approaching the Boer lines across the Biggarsberg to the north of Ladysmith. This is where the Highveld or the high plains of South Africa lie, and between him and the plains are Boers ensconsed in the three main passes. In the centre, and about to cross the Vaal River, is Lord Roberts with his massive army of around 50 000 marching steadily towards Pretoria, and in the West, Lord Methuen's unit under Mahon is moving up towards Mafeking and Plumer is north of the same town - they plan to join up there with the Canadians who approached via Beira in Portuguese East Africa. Throughout South Africa, the British plan is finally falling into place. It has taken seven months to subdue the Boers and now for the first time in this conflict, the British Empire appears just that. If you can cast your mind back to October 1899 when the Anglo-Boer war burst onto the global consciousness, the British really believed they'd crush these insolent burghers in the space of a few weeks.

The ongoing march north by Lord Robert's army continues, and also swing around to Mafeking just before Plumer's relieving force arrives because the Boers have a surprise in store for the towns' commander in chief, Lord Baden-Powell. The British had accomplished half their journey to Pretoria, and it was obvious that on the south side of the Vaal no serious resistance awaited them. Burghers were freely surrendering themselves with their arms, and returning to their farms again. Although as we've already heard, many of these surrendered arms were delapidated single shot elephant guns or even muskets. Surrendering Boers were burying their valuable Mausers and ammunition and biding their time.   In the south-east Rundle and Brabant slowly advanced, while the Boers who faced them fell back towards the Vaal River. In the west, Hunter had crossed the Vaal at Windsorton, and Barton's Fusilier Brigade had fought a sharp action at Rooidam, while Mahon's Mafeking relief column had slipped past the Boer flank, escaping the observation of the British public, but certainly not that of the Boers themselves.   The casualties in the Rooidam action were nine killed and thirty wounded, but the advance of the Fusiliers was irresistible, and for once the Boer loss, as they were hustled from kopje to kopje, appears to have been greater than that of the British.   The Boer forces fell back after the action along the line of the Vaal, making for Christiana and Bloemhof in the far north of Orange Free State republic. Hunter entered into the Transvaal in pursuit of them, being the first to cross the border, with the exception of raiding Rhodesians early in the war. Meanwhile Methuen was following a course parallel to Hunter but south of him, Hoopstad being the immediate objective. As Arthur Conan-Doyle writes in his history of the Boer War, “The little union jacks which were stuck in the war maps in so many British households were now moving swiftly upwards.”

The Mpumalanga Department of Agriculture has culled over 20 thousand chickens from a farm in Villiers on the banks of Vaal River bordering the province with Free State. This after samples collected from the farm tested positive for a Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza, H5N8 also called bird flu virus. Dr Mpho Maja, Director of Animal Health at the Department of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries says in a bid to control the spread of the virus the department has decided to ban the sale of live chickens throughout the country. Meanwhile, in a statement the department says no human cases of infection with avian flu have been reported. Tsepiso Makwetla spoke to National Institute for Communicable Diseases' Senior Medical Scientist, Dr Florette Treurnicht

The department of water and sanitation has warned of possible flooding along the Vaal River as Vaal Dam reaches full capacity. The Vaal Dam, among other areas in Gauteng, reached 100 percent capacity for the first time in six years. The Water and Sanitation Department says it's started releasing water from Bloemhof dam and will do the same for the Vaal dam. The department has also announced that it is in the process of lifting water restrictions in the Gauted province. Nationwide restrictions were implemented last year after an El Nino weather pattern brought drought conditions to much of southern Africa. Tsepiso Makwetla spoke to Wits Professor and water expert Professor Mike Muller