Podcasts about Julius Nyerere

In den anti-kolonialen Befreiungskämpfen des 20. Jahrhunderts ging es vor allem um nationale Unabhängigkeit? Die Politikwissenschaftlerin Adom Getachew argumentiert, dass sie ein weitaus ambitionierteres Ziel anstrebten: eine wirklich egalitäre Weltordnung. Interview geführt von Sa'eed Husaini (16. Januar 2023): https://jacobin.de/artikel/anti-kolonialisten-wollten-eine-andere-welt-gestalten-postkolonialismus-antikolonialismus-internationalismus-adom-getachew Seit 2011 veröffentlicht JACOBIN täglich Kommentare und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, seit 2020 auch in deutscher Sprache. Die besten Beiträge gibt es als Audioformat zum Nachhören. Nur dank der Unterstützung von Magazin-Abonnentinnen und Abonnenten können wir unsere Arbeit machen, mehr Menschen erreichen und kostenlose Audio-Inhalte wie diesen produzieren. Und wenn Du schon ein Abo hast und mehr tun möchtest, kannst Du gerne auch etwas regelmäßig an uns spenden via www.jacobin.de/podcast. Zu unseren anderen Kanälen: Instagram: www.instagram.com/jacobinmag_de X: www.twitter.com/jacobinmag_de YouTube: www.youtube.com/c/JacobinMagazin Webseite: www.jacobin.de

President Sam Nujoma was nie net Namibië se stigterspresident nie, maar, was ook die laaste van die groot bevrydingstrydrosse. Sy naam word verbind met name soos Kenneth Kaunda, Julius Nyerere, Nelson Mandela en meer, sowel as met die dekolonisering van Afrika. Maar, professor Nixon Kariithi, ‘n kenner in Afrika-aangeleenthede sê die stryd vir vryheid is nie verby nie.

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/economics

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/politics-and-polemics

What really separates emancipatory thinking from its opposite? The prevailing Left defines itself against neoliberalism, conservative traditionalism, and fascism as a matter of course. The philosophical differences, however, may be more apparent than real.  The Right-Wing Mirror of Critical Theory: Studies of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, Strauss, and Rand (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023) argues that dominant trends in critical and radical theory inadvertently reproduce the cardinal tenets of the twentieth century's most influential right-wing philosophers. It finds the rejection of foundationalism, rationalism, economic planning, and vanguardism mirrored in the work of Schmitt, Oakeshott, Hayek, and Strauss. If it is to be more than merely an inverted image of the Right, critical theory must reevaluate its relationship to what Julius Nyerere once called “deliberate design” in politics. In the era of anthropogenic climate change, a substantial—not merely nominal—departure from right-wing talking points is all the more necessary and momentous. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th and 19th Century British Literature. YouTube channel. Twitter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

O *panafricanismo* é um movimento político, cultural e social que visa a união dos povos africanos e da diáspora africana, promovendo a solidariedade e a cooperação entre as nações africanas para enfrentar os desafios comuns, como o colonialismo, a opressão e o subdesenvolvimento. O movimento defende a autonomia, a autodeterminação e o fortalecimento das identidades africanas, rejeitando a exploração externa e promovendo o progresso do continente com base nos seus próprios recursos, tradições e valores. A importância de espalhar o *panafricanismo* para além das redes sociais está no facto de que, historicamente, o movimento foi construído com ações concretas no terreno. Grandes *panafricanistas*, como Kwame Nkrumah, Patrice Lumumba, Julius Nyerere e Thomas Sankara, lideraram verdadeiras revoluções em prol da emancipação africana, enfrentando regimes coloniais e estruturas de opressão que subjugavam os povos africanos. Muitos desses líderes pagaram com a vida pelo sonho de uma África unida e soberana, lutando em contextos muito mais desafiadores do que as condições atuais. Hoje em dia, com o surgimento das redes sociais, o *panafricanismo* parece, muitas vezes, ter perdido o seu foco no ativismo direto e prático, e transformou-se em debates virtuais, muitas vezes desligados das realidades do terreno. As redes sociais podem ser ferramentas úteis para disseminar informações, mas a luta real exige mais do que apenas palavras e discursos digitais. A função do *panafricanista* moderno deve ir muito além de apenas ditar ideias através de uma câmara. Ele deve engajar-se ativamente nas comunidades, trabalhar para a melhoria das condições socioeconómicas, educar as gerações futuras e participar no desenvolvimento de políticas públicas que beneficiem diretamente o povo africano. O *panafricanismo* sempre foi um movimento de ação, e não pode ser reduzido a uma mera plataforma de opiniões virtuais. Para que o *panafricanismo* seja eficaz, é crucial que os ativistas compreendam as particularidades de cada país africano e da sua diáspora, respeitando as suas condições sociais, políticas e culturais. Cada contexto exige uma abordagem específica, e apenas com um envolvimento direto e local é que o verdadeiro espírito do *panafricanismo* pode continuar a crescer e a transformar a realidade africana.

Today Alan Kasujja sits down with Dr.Philbert Komu from the University of Dar es Salaam and Dr. Gideon Chitanga of the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. They are discussing the role of former liberation movements in Africa's contemporary politics. Is their performance in line with the expectations of their nations? The conversation was sparked by the dismal showing of the African National Congress in South Africa's May 2024 elections. Others like Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe have also lost support over the years, relying on rural votes to remain in power. Although icons like Jomo Kenyatta, Julius Nyerere and Samora Machel are still celebrated to this day, Alan attempts to understand if their ideas still work.

After attaining independence in 1961, the United Republic of Tanzania became instrumental in liberation movements throughout Africa. Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's first president, established the ideology of Ujamaa (African socialism) as Tanzania's political, social, and economic ideology. At the time of independence, the US established diplomatic ties with Tanzania and Nyerere had a close relationship with President John F. Kennedy. Nyerere stepped down from his presidency in 1985 and subsequent presidents opened Tanzania to become more democratic politically and economically while maintaining a socialist philosophy further strengthening relations with the US. However, the presidency of the late President John Magufuli eroded some of the democratic strides that previous presidents had instilled, straining bilateral relations with the US while strengthening ties with China. Nonetheless, the current administration under the leadership of President Samia Suluhu Hassan has beckoned on the United States for an improved relationship and deeper bilateral economic ties. Mvemba is joined by Ambassador Michael Battle, United States Ambassador to Tanzania, to discuss the history and current state of U.S.- Tanzania bilateral relations. Ambassador Battle shares his hopes of transformed US-Tanzania relations from an aid and development assistance model to a trade and investment model.

Steed and Jrad and together at last to talk about about a statue of Julius Nyerere that people are complaining doesn't look enough like him in ‘Tanzania News', the worst statues of all time, the discovery of port wine, why the deerstalker hat might be the best hat for a dictator, Steed's controversial entry into a chili contest, screen blue light in ‘Steed Science', how Steed monitors a local daycare, the strangeness behind man camps, and a crazy honking car outside of Jrad's window.

Stefan Dercon is Professor of Economic Policy at Oxford University, where he also directs the Center for the Study of African Economics. The author of 5 books and many studies, Stefan has had a distinguished career as an academic and policy advisor on economic development. His accomplishments are many. To name just a few:  between 2011 and 2017, he was Chief Economist of the Department of International Development (DFID), the government department in charge with the UK's aid policy and spending; between 2020-2022, he was the Development Policy Advisor to successive Foreign Secretaries at the UK's Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office. Stefan is a virtuoso of development! His approach to our conversation was equal parts exciting and instructive, a style that also comes across in his writing, making his book very hard to put down. We start by learning about Stefan: his experience growing up in Belgium, being taught by Catholic priests about African socialism, Ujamaa and Julius Nyerere, and Marx and discovering his interest in economics as a means of pursuing development. His early career in Tanzania and Ethiopia highlighted the relationship between risk and poverty and the need to consider uncertainty when engaging in policy advice or research. We then shift to talking about the four propositions that compete as diagnoses of core problems of poverty and development that Stefan outlines in his book: poor initial endowments, market failures that trap the poor in poverty, market failures that are costly for poor countries, weak institutions. He gives us an overview and tells us why the propositions fall short on explaining the successes and failures of development. We also talk about the most important trends in development in recent decades: the dramatic decrease in poverty globally, the Africanization of poverty, and the increasing concentration of poverty in fragile states. The conversation then turns to the elites, what values drive them, and why would they gamble on a development bargain.  We talk about the role of natural resources, political systems, and how external actors can influence the emergence of development bargains. We also discuss the role of Western and Chinese elites in development bargains and what is good policy advice. ***** Stefan Dercon Website: https://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/people/stefan-dercon X: https://twitter.com/gamblingondev LinkedIn: https://uk.linkedin.com/in/stefan-dercon-45927b104 ***** Mihaela Carstei, Paul M. Bisca, and Johan Bjurman Bergman co-host F-World: The Fragility Podcast.  X: https://twitter.com/fworldpodcast Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/fworldpodcast/ Website: https://f-world.org Music: "Tornado" by Wintergatan. This track can be downloaded for free at www.wintergatan.net. Video editing by: Alex Mitran - x.com/alexmmitran, linkedin.com/in/alexmmitran EPISODE RESOURCES Stefan Dercon, “Gambling on Development: Why some Countries Win and Others Lose,” Hurst, London, 2022. https://www.gamblingondevelopment.com TIMESTAMPS: 00:00:00 Intro 00:01:24 Stefan's background 00:02:49 Economics of poverty 00:04:16 Connection between risk & poverty 00:08:16 Brief overview of development thinking 00:14:57 Recent trends in development 00:19:55 The Africanization of poverty & What is fragility 00:25:39 The problem of fixed mental models of fragility 00:28:47 Who are the elites 00:41:11 The gambling in development bargains 00:47:24 What values drive the elites 00:54:25 Natural resource & political systems in dev. bargains 00:58:51 The role of Western & Chinese elites in dev. bargains 01:09:14 Are the elite bargains in the West still dev. bargains 01:19:09 Citizens' role in dev. bargains 01:29:22 External actors & the emergence of dev. bargains 01:41:28 “Peace is ugly” – can international institutions accept it 01:51:20 Development is 50% history & 50% agency 02:00:40 Private sector role in the dev. bargain 02:09:48 What is good policy advice 02:19:56 Wrap-up

Happy Year of the Dragon, 新年快乐，龙年大吉! Just in time for the Lunar New Year here's, here's a look back at the 1960s when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the nation of Tanzania, and Mao's China were fully engaged and setting the pace for future Sino-African Relations.  This episode is useful in gaining a little context for today's China-Africa big picture. China's relationship with most African nations goes back to 1955. In this episode, the focus will be on PRC-Tanzania relations but from this relationship you can get a halfway decent big picture of the dynamic back in the Mao era. I hope you enjoy it.  I'm back from London, all tanned and rested. Be looking for the interview with Tilly Blyth and Abbie MacKinnon recorded lived at the London Science Museum. The China Global South Project https://chinaglobalsouth.com/ Clockwork Treasures from China's Forbidden City https://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/see-and-do/zimingzhong Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Happy Year of the Dragon, 新年快乐，龙年大吉! Just in time for the Lunar New Year here's, here's a look back at the 1960s when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the nation of Tanzania, and Mao's China were fully engaged and setting the pace for future Sino-African Relations.  This episode is useful in gaining a little context for today's China-Africa big picture. China's relationship with most African nations goes back to 1955. In this episode, the focus will be on PRC-Tanzania relations but from this relationship you can get a halfway decent big picture of the dynamic back in the Mao era. I hope you enjoy it.  I'm back from London, all tanned and rested. Be looking for the interview with Tilly Blyth and Abbie MacKinnon recorded lived at the London Science Museum. The China Global South Project https://chinaglobalsouth.com/ Clockwork Treasures from China's Forbidden City https://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/see-and-do/zimingzhong Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Happy Year of the Dragon, 新年快乐，龙年大吉! Just in time for the Lunar New Year here's, here's a look back at the 1960s when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the nation of Tanzania, and Mao's China were fully engaged and setting the pace for future Sino-African Relations.  This episode is useful in gaining a little context for today's China-Africa big picture. China's relationship with most African nations goes back to 1955. In this episode, the focus will be on PRC-Tanzania relations but from this relationship you can get a halfway decent big picture of the dynamic back in the Mao era. I hope you enjoy it.  I'm back from London, all tanned and rested. Be looking for the interview with Tilly Blyth and Abbie MacKinnon recorded lived at the London Science Museum. The China Global South Project https://chinaglobalsouth.com/ Clockwork Treasures from China's Forbidden City https://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/see-and-do/zimingzhong Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Happy Year of the Dragon, 新年快乐，龙年大吉! Just in time for the Lunar New Year here's, here's a look back at the 1960s when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the nation of Tanzania, and Mao's China were fully engaged and setting the pace for future Sino-African Relations.  This episode is useful in gaining a little context for today's China-Africa big picture. China's relationship with most African nations goes back to 1955. In this episode, the focus will be on PRC-Tanzania relations but from this relationship you can get a halfway decent big picture of the dynamic back in the Mao era. I hope you enjoy it.  I'm back from London, all tanned and rested. Be looking for the interview with Tilly Blyth and Abbie MacKinnon recorded lived at the London Science Museum. The China Global South Project https://chinaglobalsouth.com/ Clockwork Treasures from China's Forbidden City https://www.sciencemuseum.org.uk/see-and-do/zimingzhong Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

After Tanzania, then called Tanganyika, became independent from Britain in 1961, the country's leader, Julius Nyerere, made Swahili the national language to unite its people.Walter Bgoya tells Ben Henderson about his conversations with Nyerere and how the policy changed Tanzania.(Photo: Julius Nyerere. Credit: Keystone via Getty Images)

This week we welcome Dr. Shannen Dee Williams to the show to talk about her book Subversive Habits: Black Catholic Nuns in the Long African American Freedom Struggle. Tune in to find out how religious sisters went to Black Panther meetings, how Black sisters and the Civil Rights Movement called out segregation and racism in the Catholic Church, what US sisters were doing with Julius Nyerere in Tanzania, and more!Pick up Dr. Williams' book here: https://www.dukeupress.edu/subversive-habitsFollow her on twitter at: @BlkNunHistorianAnd check out her website for more here: https://www.shannendeewilliamsphd.com/Intro Music by Amaryah Armstrong  Outro music by theillogicalspoon https://theillalogicalspoon.bandcamp.com/track/hoods-up-the-low-down-technified-blues*Get Magnificast Merch*  https://www.redbubble.coy Thanks to our monthly supporters Lorena Rivera Soren Harward Christian Noakes David Wadstrup John Salcedo Courtney Lashar Austin Gallyer Harrison g Randall Katie Marascio Tyler E. Elias Jacob D Francisco Herrera John Michael Dimitras Jacob S Leigh Elliot Tyler Adair Catherine Harrison Zachary Elicker Kasey Erin Archambeault Mikegrapes Kate Alexander Calderon Alejandro Kritzlof Caleb Strom Shandra Benito Andrew McIntosh Peter Shaw Kerrick Fanning Josh Johnson Jonathan Taylor Jennifer Kunze Damon Pitiroi Trevon Tellor Yroffeiriad Matt Sandra Zadkovic Stephanie Heifner Patrick Sweeney Felicia Aaron Morrison lexiiii Leslie Rodriguez ES Sarah Clark Timothy Trout Kinsey Favre darcie wilder Name Colm Moran Stewart Thomas Lonnie Smith Brendan Fong Kylie Riley gayatri Darren Young Josh Kerley koalatee Tim Luschen Elizabeth Davis Lee Ketch Austin Cyphersmith Ashton Sims Fin Carter Ryan Euverman Tristan Turner Edwin Emily JCF Linzi Stahlecker Matthew Alhonte John Samson Fellows alex zarecki rob Kathryn Bain Stephen Machuga Connor Campbell zane big chungus Jen Jurgens Caitlin Spanjer Collin Majors Victor Williams Daniel Saunders David Huseth Andrew Brian Nowak erol delos santos Aaron Forbis-Stokes Josh Strassman Cal Kielhold Luke Stocking Sara Brian S. Ryan Brady drew k Matthew Darmour-Paul saheemax Adam Burke Peter Pinkney Zambedos Andrew Guthrie Adrian Kevin Hernandez Wilden Dannenberg Evan Ernst jessica frances Tucker Clyle Christopher RayAlexander Peter Adourian Dan Meyer Aaron Guro Benjamin Pletcher John Mattessich Caleb Cropper-Russel Tristan Greeno Steve Schiroo Robert Clelland Anastasia Schaadhardt Scott Pfeiffer Terry Craghead Josiah Daniels yames Thaddaeus Groat Elisabeth Wienß Hoss Tripp Fuller Avery Carrie Dez V Danny Zane Guevara Ivan Carter Ryan Plas Jofre Jonas Edberg Tom Tilden Jo Jonny Nickname Phil Lembo Matt Roney Stephen McMurtry otherstuffandthings Andrew Ness James Willard Noj Lucas Costello Dónal Emerson Robert Paquette Ashley Contreras Amaryah Shaye CommieChristian.com Frank Dina Mason Shrader Sabrina Luke Nye David Klassen Julia Schimanek Matthew Fisher Michael Vanacore Tom Nielsen Elinor Stephenson Max Bridges Joel Garver SibilantStar Devon Bowers Daniel David Erdman Madeleine E Guekguezian Tim Lewis Logan Daniel Daniel Saunders Big Dong Bill Jared Rouse Stanford McConnehey Dianne Boardman klavvin Angela Ben Molyneux-Hetherington Jared Hobbs Keith Wetzel Nathan Beam, Nazi Destroyer Dillon Moore Renee DeSpain HJ25 Abby Johnson Ibrahím Pedriñán Brando Geoffrey Thompson Some Dude Kevin M.N. Brock Barber Geoff Tock Kaya Oakes Ahar Tom Cannell Stephen Adkison Troy Andrews Andy Reinsch J Martel K. Aho Jimmy Melnarik Ian SG Daniel Rogers Caleb Ratzlaff emcanady

“The next building block should have been economic freedom. However, it is not his (Mandela's) fault that it was not done. It is the fault of the generation that followed him” In today's episode, Alan Kasujja sits down with Nelson Mandela's granddaughter, Ndileka Mandela. They discuss a variety of issues including things the world probably doesn't know about the global icon, his political thinking and how he felt about the state of South Africa. They also interrogate claims that Mandela ‘sold out' by prioritizing racial reconciliation at the expense of economic freedom for the black majority. This conversation forms part of a short series on Africa's intellectuals like Thomas Sankara, Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda. Yesterday Alan spoke to Kwame Nkrumah's daughter, Samia Nkrumah. Check it out if you haven't had a chance to listen to it.

The role of women in Africa's liberation movements is underrepresented. African Roots meets Josina Machel, a freedom fighter whose efforts reshaped Mozambique's liberation movement in exile, and Bibi Titi Mohammed, who arguably won the grassroots support that drove Julius Nyerere to power in Tanzania.

Listen to the Sun. May 14, 2023 special edition of the Pan-African Journal: Worldwide Radio Broadcast hosted by Abayomi Azikiwe, editor of the Pan-African News Wire. The program features our regular PANW report with dispatches on the continuing conflict in the Republic of Sudan where one of the latest victims of the violence is reknowned vocalist Shaden Gardood; 33 people have been reportedly killed in fighting in the West African state of Burkina Faso; Botswana has placed a ban on the export and import of grain and sorghum in this Southern Africa state; and in Ghana, the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) party has selected former President John Mahama as its candidate for the 2024 national elections. In the second hour we listen to a report on the controversy surrounding allegations made by the United States ambassador to South Africa claiming that the African National Congress (ANC) government is selling arms to the Russian Federation. We will also listen to an engagement by ANC President Cyril Ramaphosa with the party leadership in the KZN province. Finally, we continue our focus on the upcoming 60th anniversary of the founding of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor to the African Union (AU). We will feature a rare archival audio file from March 6, 1960 of a panel discussion with the leader of the Tanzania Revolution and future President Julius Nyerere along with Eleanor Roosevelt, Barbara Ward, Ralph Bunche and Erwin Canham at Brandeis University in Massachusetts.   

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/german-studies

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/environmental-studies

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/communications

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017.

How did the Serengeti become an internationally renowned African conservation site and one of the most iconic destinations for a safari? In Our Gigantic Zoo: A German Quest to Save the Serengeti (Oxford UP, 2020), Thomas M. Lekan illuminates the controversial origins of this national park by examining how Europe's greatest wildlife conservationist, former Frankfurt Zoo director and Oscar-winning documentarian Bernhard Grzimek, popularized it as a global destination. In the 1950s, Grzimek and his son Michael began a quest to save the Serengeti from modernization and "overpopulation" by remaking an imperial game reserve into a gigantic zoo for the earth's last great mammals. Grzimek, well-known to German audiences through his long-running television program, A Place for Animals, used the film Serengeti Shall Not Die to convince ordinary Europeans that they could save nature. Yet their message sidestepped the uncomfortable legacies of German colonial exploitation in the region that had endangered animals and excluded local people. After independence, Grzimek raised funds, brokered diplomatic favors, and convinced German tourists to book travel packages—all to persuade Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere that wildlife would fuel the young nation's economic development. Grzimek helped Tanzania to create almost a dozen new national parks by 1975, but wooing tourists conflicted with rights of the Maasai and other African communities to inhabit the landscape on their own terms. Grzimek's global priorities eventually clashed with Nyerere's nationalist ones, as a more self-assertive Tanzania resented conservationists' meddling and failed promises. A story that demonstrates the conflicts between international conservation, nature tourism, decolonization, and national sovereignty, Our Gigantic Zoo explores the legacy of the man who portrayed himself as a second Noah, called on a sacred mission to protect the last vestiges of paradise for all humankind. Eric Grube is a Visiting Assistant Professor in the Department of History at Boston College. He also received his PhD from Boston College in the summer of 2022. He studies modern German and Austrian history, with a special interest in right-wing paramilitary organizations across interwar Bavaria and Austria. "Casualties of War? Refining the Civilian-Military Dichotomy in World War I", Madison Historical Review, 2019. "Racist Limitations on Violence: The Nazi Occupation of Denmark", Essays in History, 2017. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/animal-studies

This week on African Revolutionaries series, Clement is joined by Pan African Movement and Humanitarian activist Emma Nyerere, where they explore legacy of the first president of Tanzania Julius Nyerere.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Big Cat People podcast! We're Jonathan and Angela Scott, award-winning wildlife photographers, authors and conservationists. We've have made our name documenting the lives of lions, leopards and cheetahs in the Masai Mara National Reserve in Kenya. Today's episode will be the third in a ten part series named 'Our Story: Becoming the Big Cat People'. This episode is named 'Wild Kingdom'. I reflect on two pivotal events that occurred in early 1977 just after I had come to live at Mara River Camp - Kenya banned trophy hunting and the sale of all wildlife products, and the President of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, closed the border with Kenya that did not reopen until 1983. This would see the Maasai Mara become the jewel in Kenya's tourism industry, leading to the proliferation of camps and lodges that today has reached crisis point. There are now 200 tourism facilities in and around the Reserve. People often ask how I came to be a television presenter. It wasn't to become famous. It was because I was doing something that people found interesting; I was passionate about wildlife and spent every minute I could in the company of the lions, leopards and cheetahs that I came to know as individuals, each with their own character. I read everything I could about animal behaviour, followed the work of the scientists and contributed my own findings to their work wherever possible. Television sought me out because - in the simplest terms - I knew what I was talking about and could communicate easily with the general public. There is nothing like passion and enthusiasm allied to knowledge. I was soon to learn that filming wildlife had its dark side. My experiences working with the long running American TV show Mutual of Omaha's Wild Kingdom opened my eyes to the tendency of some publishers and film makers to portray a false impression of untamed wilderness, and how the use of captive animals and set-up scenes were once the industry standard. This podcast series is a continuing effort to educate and inspire our audience. If you'd like to learn more about us, or to check out our latest collection of educational ebooks, please visit our website: www.bigcatpeople.com

The first leader of independent Tanzania grounds his socialist ideas in traditional African values.

When the winds of freedom from colonialism swept across Africa in the 1960s, new nations were tasked to develop into functioning democracies overnight - most without success. Cai and Laila profile two giants of the African independence era - who took radically different, but in some ways similar, paths.

Carolyn Harding with James Quilligan and Greg Pace, leaders with Economic Democracy Advocates, focusing on our Common Resources, our Water, Food and Energy Resources, for the good of all people. James Quilligan has been an analyst and administrator in the field of international development since 1975.He has served as policy advisor and writer for many international politicians and leaders, including Pierre Trudeau, François Mitterrand, Julius Nyerere, Olof Palme, Willy Brandt, Jimmy Carter, and Prince El Hassan. He has been a monetary consultant for government agencies in Mexico, Argentina, Ecuador, Brazil, Bolivia, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, Portugal, Germany, Austria, Norway, Sweden, Ivory Coast, Algeria, Tanzania, Kuwait, India, Thailand, Indonesia, South Korea, Japan, Australia, Canada, and the United States. In addition, Quilligan has served as an advisor for many United Nations programs and international organizations. He is presently Managing Director of Economic Democracy Advocates. Greg began his advocacy in 2005 studying the peak oil phenomenon with the Central Ohio Relocalization Effort (CORE). In 2008, he attended the Convention for the Global Commons in Berlin, Germany, as his focus became centered around commons-based solutions for resource management. As the hydrofracking boom came to Ohio in 2011, Greg became involved with holding the industry accountable in Ohio and eventually joined Carolyn Harding in helping to create ‘Columbus Community Bill of Rights',where he remains as webmaster and treasurer. In 2019, Greg also became part of the executive committee as treasurer of Economic Democracy Advocates, where he also is engaged with the state legislation team. He has been active in educating local high school students on sex trafficking through Shared Hope International, as well as being a member of the Friends Committee on National Legislation Central Ohio Advocacy Team where members of Congress are lobbied for issues FCNL selects each year to focus on. https://sustaineda.org GrassRoot Ohio - Conversations with everyday people working on important issues, here in Columbus and all around Ohio. Every Friday 5:00pm, EST on 94.1FM & streaming worldwide @ WGRN.org, Sundays at 2:00pm EST on 92.7/98.3 FM and streams @ WCRSFM.org, and Sundays at 4:00pm EST, at 107.1 FM, Wheeling/Moundsville WV on WEJP-LP FM. Contact Us if you would like GrassRoot Ohio on your local station. Check us out and Like us on Face Book: https://www.facebook.com/GrassRootOhio/ Check us out on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/grassroot_ohio/ If you miss the Friday broadcast, you can find it here: All shows/podcasts archived at SoundCloud! https://soundcloud.com/user-42674753 GrassRoot Ohio is now on Apple Podcast: https://podcasts.apple.com/.../grassroot-ohio/id1522559085 This GrassRoot Ohio interview can also be found on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCAX2t1Z7_qae803BzDF4PtQ/ Intro and Exit music for GrassRoot Ohio is "Resilient" by Rising Appalachia: https://youtu.be/tx17RvPMaQ8 There's a time to listen and learn, a time to organize and strategize, And a time to Stand Up/ Fight Back!

If you're interested in learning about the teacher turned politician who became the first president of Tanzania after it achieved independence, then my Julius Nyerere Black History Facts profile is for you.   Show notes and sources are available at http://noirehistoir.com/blog/julius-nyerere.

Much of this week's episode has been culled from a fantastic book called Iron Fist from the Sea, top secrete Seaborne Recce Operations 1978-1988 by Arne Soderlund and Douw Steyn. The South African Navy's reach in those years included all the way up to Cabinda in northern Angola on the west coast, to Dar es Salaam in Tanzania on the East. These days we're lucky if the patrols can stretch along our own border let alone further afield, but that's a topic for another time. The first Seaborne operations carried out by the SADF was in 1972, when it targeted Mozambique resistance movement FRELIMOs training camp in Dar es Salaam, which is over 1500 nauticul miles from Durban, just out of interest. Tanzania's president Julius Nyerere had offered FRELIMO support and the South Africans responded to a request by the Portuguese government to plan a clandestine operation. This was to support a Tanzanian foreign Minister called Oscar Kambona who'd fallen out of favour with Nyerere. They wanted to destabilise Tanzania and blame the violence on Nyerere, the targets low-value and injuries to citizens would be avoided. Eventually they decided that target would be a high value one – called the port of Dar es Salaam – which means “harbour of peace..”.

Much of this week's episode has been culled from a fantastic book called Iron Fist from the Sea, top secrete Seaborne Recce Operations 1978-1988 by Arne Soderlund and Douw Steyn. The South African Navy's reach in those years included all the way up to Cabinda in northern Angola on the west coast, to Dar es Salaam in Tanzania on the East. These days we're lucky if the patrols can stretch along our own border let alone further afield, but that's a topic for another time. The first Seaborne operations carried out by the SADF was in 1972, when it targeted Mozambique resistance movement FRELIMOs training camp in Dar es Salaam, which is over 1500 nauticul miles from Durban, just out of interest. Tanzania's president Julius Nyerere had offered FRELIMO support and the South Africans responded to a request by the Portuguese government to plan a clandestine operation. This was to support a Tanzanian foreign Minister called Oscar Kambona who'd fallen out of favour with Nyerere. They wanted to destabilise Tanzania and blame the violence on Nyerere, the targets low-value and injuries to citizens would be avoided. Eventually they decided that target would be a high value one – called the port of Dar es Salaam – which means “harbour of peace..”.

Who's that guy who led Tanganyika, then Tanzania, then did some socialism, then got nominated for sainthood? Oh yeah, it's Julius Nyerere, the subject of our podcast today!   Check us out on social media: Merch: https://www.teepublic.com/stores/teach-me-communism?ref_id=10068 Instagram: @teachmecommunism Twitter: @teachcommunism Gmail: teachmecommunism@gmail.com Patreon: Patreon.com/teachmecommunism  And like and subscribe to us at Teach Me Communism on YouTube!   Solidarity forever!

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

Thomas Sankara: A Revolutionary in Cold War Africa (Indiana University Press, 2021) by Brian J. Peterson is a thoroughly researched biography of Thomas Sankara, the revolutionary leader of Burkina Faso. Peterson sketches Sankara's rise to power in the early 1980s and focuses specifically on how his military experiences, educational background, and community of mentors, family, and friends shaped his radicalism. Peterson frames Sankara within a second-generation of anti-colonial radicals who both admired anti-colonial luminaries like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, but also refined their anti-colonial perspective to critique the limits of their leadership. We learn that during this moment of late-Cold War and decolonization, Sankara used his international platforms to resist and condemn neo-colonialism, imperialism, and European-American networks of surveillance and subterfuge while tackling corruption, poverty, gender discrimination, and environmental issues in Burkina Faso. Sankara's fierce commitment to revolutionary politics intimated the U.S. and French governments, Western-aligned African nations, and Burkinabé officials who ultimately conspired to assassinate him in 1987. Peterson's Thomas Sankara examines the powerful legacies of an incredible revolutionary figure and offers a foundation for understanding contemporary anti-imperialist politics in Burkina Faso and beyond. Amanda Joyce Hall is a Ph.D. Candidate in History and African American Studies at Yale University. She is writing an international history on the global movement against South African apartheid during the 1970s and 1980s. She tweets from @amandajoycehall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

On this date in 1961, Tanzania gained independence from Britain. In 1954, Julius Nyerere, a schoolteacher who was then one of only two Tanganyikans educated to university level, organized a political party—the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU)

An engaging conversation with Tristan, a thinker and activist from Jamaica as we speak about the things he is thinking through politically.    Tristan Graham was born on January 15, 2001, in Kingston, Jamaica. He is a Revolutionary Pan-Africanist and young author who specializes in African/African Diaspora history, Philosophy, Gender Studies, and Political Science.   Tristan is a well-read young scholar who has an insatiable yearning for knowledge. He currently divides his time amongst, reading articles/books, university, and his love of sports. The words of Malcolm X's - You Can't Hate The Roots of A Tree And Not Hate That Tree speech ignited a flame in his heart and mind at the age of 18. Since then, he has dedicated himself to rigid philosophical, historical, and political studies via his library of approximately 60 books. Among his main influences are Malcolm X, Kwame Nkrumah, Ahmed Sekou Toure, Julius Nyerere, Kwame Ture, Marcus Garvey, Thomas Sankara, Dr Yosef Ben Jochannan, Cheikh Anta Diop, Mumia Abu-Jamal, Clenora Hudson-Weems, Dr. Cornel West, Karl Marx, Socrates, and Lao Tzu.   I.G. @TheGambian Twitter: @MomodouTaal @TristanG300

“To be free is to be white, and to be white is to be free. In this reading, therefore, freedom and race are not just enemies but also allies”. That's my guest today, the historian Tyler Stovall on the idea that animates his new book White Freedom: The Racial History of an Idea. It was an idea, Tyler says, that “kept him awake at night”. We talk about whether the most important racial line is between white and others, or between Black and others; the startling true history of the Statue of Liberty (“the world's most prominent example of the racialization of modern ideas of freedom”, Tyler says); the controversy surrounding the 1619 Project and specifically the extent to which retaining slavery motivated some of the colonies in the War; the fight over school integration; the use of reason and rationality as gatekeepers to enlightenment ideas of liberalism; the decolonization movement; and the fights over both voting rights and Critical Race Theory; and much more besides. It's a topical conversation but also one that reaches across history. I found this a stimulating and challenging conversation. Tyler Stovall Dr. Tyler Stovall is a lauded historian of modern and twentieth-century France, with a specialization in transnational history, labor, colonialism, and race. His work has covered topics ranging from the suburbs of Paris to Black American expatriates in France and the French Caribbean. He has written numerous books, including the widely-popular “Paris Noir: African Americans in the City of Light.” This summer, Stovall was appointed as the Dean of Fordham's Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. Previously, he was the Dean of Humanities at UC-Santa Cruz and served as the President of the American Historical Association from 2017 to 2018. Stovall currently lives in Berkeley, California with his wife Dr. Denise Herd.  More Stovall In this episode, we discussed Stovall's new and thought-provoking book “White Freedom: The Racial History of an Idea” He recently wrote an article in The Nation titled “Liberty's Discontents” While serving as President of American Historical Association, Stovall gave an address on “White Freedom and the Lady of Liberty”. You can watch it here.  Also mentioned  Stovall mentioned the book “Men on Horseback”, written  by David Bell  We discussed the iconography of the broken chain on the Statue of Liberty  The hat that was given to former slaves in Ancient Rome is known as a ‘Pileus'  Stovall referred to the famous painting by Delacroix, “Liberty Leading the People” We discussed the New York Times 1619 project which you can learn more about here.  Stovall mentioned Crispus Attucks, an African American man killed during the Boston Massacre and believed to be the first casualty of the American Revolution.  Here's a clip of The Allman Brothers Band performing their song ‘Whipping Post'   We discussed Phyllis Schlafly and her role in opposing the Equal Rights Amendment In On Liberty, J.S. Mill wrote that “Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians, provided the end be their improvement, and the means justified by actually effecting that end.” (p. 19)  After WWI ended, Black American soldiers returned home to a violently racist society and were threatened with increasing riots, lynchings, and additional brutality.  Stovall mentioned Julius Nyerere, the former President of Tanzania.  A man in Texas, after waiting in line for hours, now faces a 40-year sentence for voting while on parole.  I referenced Amartya Sen on the concept of meritocracy and its central conflict of who gets to define merit. Read more of his work on this topic here.   In his book, “Excellence: Can We Be Equal and Excellent Too?”, John W. Gardner writes, “The society which scorns excellence in plumbing as a humble activity and tolerates shoddiness in philosophy because it is an exalted activity will have neither good plumbing nor good philosophy: neither its pipes nor its theories will hold water.” The Dialogues Team Creator: Richard Reeves Research: Ashleigh Maciolek Artwork: George Vaughan Thomas Tech Support: Cameron Hauver-Reeves Music: "Remember" by Bencoolen (thanks for the permission, guys!)

Sikiliza wosia wa Baba wa Taifa juu ya Demokrasia na Uhuru wa Mtanzania's --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/patrick-nhigula/support

This week on the podcast I read "Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism" by Julius Nyerere (as well as an Ohio Short Histories of Africa's "Julius Nyerere" by Paul Bjerk for historical context). In two weeks I'll be reading "Blanche on the Lam" by Barbara Neely.

Tanzania har fått sin första kvinnliga president, kommer landet vara öppnare och friare nu? Vi möter också Sveriges främsta korvkonstnär. Och fideikommiss vara eller icke vara är på tapeten igen. Tanzania har fått sin första kvinnliga president Samiia Suluhu sedan den tidigare presidenten plötsligt avlidit. Kommer hon att göra landet öppnare och friare? Tanzania var i över 50 år Sveriges favoritbiståndsland, landsfadern och presidenten Julius Nyerere hade ett nära förhållande till Tage Erlander och Olof Palme trots att Tanzania länge var en enpartistat. Vad kommer att hända nu? Vi pratar med vår Afrikakorrespondent Richard Myrenberg och gästas i studion av Ulf Källstig från SIDA. Vi har ju talat en del om det föreslagna korvmonumentet i Göteborg. Thomas tänkte att det är dags att kalla in Sveriges främsta korvkonstnär, Peter Johansson som använt mycket korv i sin konst. Äldste sonen i adelsfamiljer har i hundratalsår fått ärva slott och gårdar utan att dela dem med sina yngre syskon. I moden tid har fideikommiss förlängts från generation till generation till generation. Men nu har greven till Fullerö slott sökt om att Stefan Löfvens regering ska besluta om att fideikomiss ska få fortsätta för all framtid. Louise Epstein är sjuk i Covid-19 tyvärr, istället hoppar Nanna Olasdotter Hallberg in för henne. Vi hoppas på snabb återhämtning för Louise. Programledare: Thomas Nordegren Bisittare: Nanna Olasdotter Hallberg Producent: Marie Liljedahl Research: Deniz Merdol

Tanzania har fått sin första kvinnliga president, kommer landet vara öppnare och friare nu? Vi möter också Sveriges främsta korvkonstnär. Och fideikommiss vara eller icke vara är på tapeten igen. Tanzania har fått sin första kvinnliga president Samiia Suluhu sedan den tidigare presidenten plötsligt avlidit. Kommer hon att göra landet öppnare och friare? Tanzania var i över 50 år Sveriges favoritbiståndsland, landsfadern och presidenten Julius Nyerere hade ett nära förhållande till Tage Erlander och Olof Palme trots att Tanzania länge var en enpartistat. Vad kommer att hända nu? Vi pratar med vår Afrikakorrespondent Richard Myrenberg och gästas i studion av Ulf Källstig från SIDA. Vi har ju talat en del om det föreslagna korvmonumentet i Göteborg. Thomas tänkte att det är dags att kalla in Sveriges främsta korvkonstnär, Peter Johansson som använt mycket korv i sin konst. Äldste sonen i adelsfamiljer har i hundratalsår fått ärva slott och gårdar utan att dela dem med sina yngre syskon. I moden tid har fideikommiss förlängts från generation till generation till generation. Men nu har greven till Fullerö slott sökt om att Stefan Löfvens regering ska besluta om att fideikomiss ska få fortsätta för all framtid. Louise Epstein är sjuk i Covid-19 tyvärr, istället hoppar Nanna Olasdotter Hallberg in för henne. Vi hoppas på snabb återhämtning för Louise. Programledare: Thomas Nordegren Bisittare: Nanna Olasdotter Hallberg Producent: Marie Liljedahl Research: Deniz Merdol

This week on the podcast I read and talked about Rodney A. Brown's Typescenes. Links below to the poet's book, website and accompanying performance. https://www.unlikelystories.org/unlikely-books/typescenes https://typescenes.com/ https://typescenes.com/%20immediate-dances-score-3/ Next week I'm reading one book by Julius Nyerere and one book about Julius Nyerere.

Featuring the greatest quotes from some of our greatest leaders, including Julius Nyerere, Marcus Garvey, Martin Luther King Jnr, Elijah Muhummad and more.

In this episode we explore the history of Tanzania with East African historian, Dr Derek R Peterson of the University of Michigan. We start by looking at the early history of this East African state: from the ancient Swahili to the creation of the East African slave trade. We also compare the legacies of German and British colonization (including a discussion of the Maji Maji Rebellion). We also trace the development of the Tanganyika African National Union (or TANU). Ultimately, we consider the socialist policy (called Ujamaa) of Tanzania's first (and long-reigning) president, Julius Nyerere. What should we make of Nyerere's impact on Tanzania's development? Nyerere clearly has a contested legacy. Join our conversation to find out why.Find Dr Derek Peterson on twitter @Unseen_Archive. There is also more information on our website. Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=Q8KGSAT37YCPA&source=url)

In this episode, we're in Tanzania discussing its stint in socialism. The country's first post-independence President, Julius Nyerere, introduced the Arusha Declaration. A vital element of the declaration was the introduction of Ujamaa which means family-hood in Swahili. Ujamaa focused on freedom, equality and unity. He believed that colonialism had brought capitalism and individualistic thinking into Tanzania and across the African continent, and capitalism went against pre-colonial traditional African culture, which was more community-oriented. Nyerere was an iconic figure and was often considered to be Africa's conscience. Follow us on IG: itsacontinentpod and Twitter: itsacontinent. We're on buy me a coffee too: buymeacoffee.com/itsacontinent Hosts: Chinny: Twitter/IG: chindomiee Astrid: IG: astrid_monologuesx Music provided by Free Vibes: https://goo.gl/NkGhTg Warm Nights by Lakey Inspired: https://soundcloud.com/lakeyinspired/... Creative Commons — Attribution 3.0 Unported— CC BY 3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/... Sources for further reading: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Julius-Nyerere https://www.britannica.com/place/Tanganyika https://www.juliusnyerere.org/about/category/biography https://www.theguardian.com/news/1999/oct/15/guardianobituaries https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277734-e-473 http://www.africanfeministforum.com/bibi-titi-mohamed-tanzania/ https://newafricanmagazine.com/3234/ Political Thought and the public sphere in Tanzania: freedom, democracy and citizenship in the era of decolonisation by Emma Hunter Julius Nyerere's influence and legacy: From a proponent of familyhood to a candidate for sainthood by Simeon Mesaki and Mrisho Malipula Deconstructing Ujamaa: The Legacy of Julius Nyerere in the Quest for Social and Economic Development in Africa by Bonny Ibhawoh and J . I. Dibua Africa has forgotten the women leaders of its independence struggle

Jennifer D. Keene, Ph.D. is a professor of history and dean of the Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences at Chapman University. She is a specialist in war and society studies, and has written extensively on World War I, especially on race relations and African American soldiers’ experiences. A past-president of the Society for Military History, Dr. Keene is also the lead author for an American history textbook, Visions of America: A History of the United States that uses a visual approach to teaching students U.S. history.Stephanie Takaragawa is Associate Dean of the Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences, and Associate Professor of Sociology at Chapman University. She is a cultural anthropologist and her research areas examine race, visual media and American culture broadly, with an emphasis on Asian American and Japanese-American identity issues. She was the co-directorof the Engaging the World: Leading the Conversation on Race series.Prexy Nesbitt holds the position of Presidential Fellow in Peace Studies at Chapman University. Born on Chicago’s West Side, “Prexy” (Rozell W.) Nesbitt has spent more than five decades as an educator, activist, and speaker on Africa, foreign policy, and racism. Prexy has had the honor of knowing and working for the late Dr. Martin Luther King, Eduardo Mondlane, Samora Machel and Mayor Harold Washington. Additionally, he has worked closely with Amilcar Cabral, Julius Nyerere, Nelson Mandela, and Graca Machel.Engaging the World: Leading the Conversation on the Significance of Race is a ten-part podcast series of informed and enriching dialogues to help us better understand our world – how we got here, who we are, and where we are going as a society. This series engages in conversations with scholars, artists, filmmakers, and activists to investigate racial inequality, systemic racism, racial terrorism, and racial justice and reconciliation. Through education, art, and storytelling, we can all learn to be allies and engage the world to help evolve to a place of compassion and social equity.Guest: Jennifer D. Keene, Stephanie Takaragawa, and Prexy NesbittHost: Jon-Barrett IngelsProduced by Public Podcasting in partnership with Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences at Chapman University.

In this episode we interview Dr. Adom Getachew. Getachew is a political theorist with research interests in the history of political thought, theories of race and empire, and postcolonial political theory. Her work focuses on the intellectual and political histories of Africa and the Caribbean.  In this episode we discuss her 2019 book Worldmaking after Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination. In discussion she shares with us the historical development of the concept of Self-Determination and its relationship to anti-colonial movements as well as imperial projects. She touches on the work of George Padmore, CLR James, W.E.B. Du Bois, Eric Williams, Kwame Nkrumah, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Julius Nyerere, Michael Manley and others. Getachew shares contradictions within the concept of self-determination and how the worldmaking visions of anti-colonial nationalists attempted to repurpose institutions like the United Nations. She also discusses the elasticity of empire, and contradictions that arose in the late 1970’s which precipitated the decline of these worldmaking projects, and the onslaught of the global neoliberal order. Finally we discuss her concept of “unequal integration” and the modern institutional language of diversity, equity & inclusion.

Con motivo del cuarto aniversario de su desaparición física, queremos rendir tributo al líder que hizo de su vida un manual de militancia, sacrificio y abnegación; y renovar el compromiso y juramento con los mártires de la revolución. Mohamed Abdelaziz, hombre que esculpió su nombre en la memoria y corazones de todo nuestro pueblo, fue ejemplo de humildad, tenacidad y entrega hasta los últimos momentos de su existencia, como soldado fiel a los principios del pueblo saharaui. Como compañeros de combate, nuevas generaciones y creyentes en los principios de libertad, nos corresponde reafirmar que no hay otra alternativa que la de seguir los pasos de los hombres y mujeres que han dado su vida en el arduo camino que inició nuestro pueblo contra el colonialismo y la ocupación extrajera. Nuestra historia demostrará que somos un pueblo privilegiado al heredar el legado de hombres de la altura de Sidi Brahim Bassiri, Luali Mustafá Sayed, Mohamed Abdelaziz y muchos otros que han escrito su nombre en las páginas de glorias eternas. Por el año 1948, en la ciudad de Smara del Sahara occidental, entonces provincia número 53 de España, nació en el seno de una familia humilde y nómada, Mohamed Jalili Mohamed-Bachir, conocido con el nombre de guerra como Mohamed Abdelaziz. Los primero años de su vida se desarrollaron en la región noroeste saharaui dónde accedió a su primera formación en las escuelas coránicas. A finales de los años 50, la familia Jalili se trasladó al protectorado sur de España (Actual frontera política del sur  Marruecos), hecho que permitió a Mohamed Abdelaziz continuar su formación  y acceder a los estudios universitarios en la especialidad de Medicina, especialidad que  cursaría hasta tercer año, la cual tuvo que interrumpir por su alistamiento en las filas del Frente Polisario. Desde temprana edad, Mohamed Abdelaziz, había manifestado una conciencia política avanzada y nacionalista, la cual se demostró  con su participación en las primeras manifestaciones para retomar la lucha iniciada por Sidi Brahim Bassiri. En las manifestaciones  de marzo y mayo del año 1972 en Tan Tán, sur de Marruecos, fue detenido junto a varios compañeros. Tras su liberación decidió abandonar la universidad y unirse a varios jóvenes para iniciar los preparativos para la fundación y proclamación del Frente Popular para la Liberación de Saguia el Hamra y Rio de Oro, conocido como el Frente Polisario. A mediados de 1973, el 10 de mayo, participó en el primer congreso del Frente Polisario, donde seria electo como miembro del Buró Político. En los trabajos previos, Mohamed Abdelaziz, desempeño un papel clave en la sensibilización al entonces disperso pueblo saharaui en los países vecinos y en las extensas áreas del desierto. Pero su principal función y la de mayor relevancia fue la recogida  de armamentos para  fortalecer la lucha armada contra el colonialismo. Más tarde, su compañero y líder del movimiento de liberación, Luali Mustafá Sayed, le asignaría la responsabilidad de formar los grupos  de sensibilización y alistamiento de los militantes que se unían al Frente Polisario. Su primera aparición a nivel internacional fue a través del encuentro con el departamento argelino para  movimientos de liberación, Yal-lud Malaika. Un encuentro histórico que enterraría por siempre los argumentos y maniobras de Marruecos, que ya estaba preparando su invasión al territorio saharaui. Desde entonces Argelia reconoce al Frente Polisario como único y legítimo representante y a la República Árabe saharaui Democrática, una relación que se ha ido fortaleciendo con los años. En el segundo congreso del Frente Polisario, celebrado en 1974, presidió la comisión de bandera nacional. Desde finales de 1974 hasta mayo de 1975, encabezando el primer grupo en recibir formación militar en la vecina República de Argelia,  fue figura clave en la militancia, la difusión del pensamiento nacionalista saharaui  y la formación  de grupos clandestinos que demostrarían su fuerza en las manifestaciones iniciadas el 12 de mayo de 1975, coincidiendo con la visita de la primera misión de las naciones unidas al Sahara occidental. A finales de 1975, y con la invasión marroquí  al territorio, asumió la comandancia de la primera región militar (región norte). No tardó en a demostrar su destreza en el campo de combate,  llegando a dirigir las más grandes batallas contra el ejército real marroquí. Tras la caída en combate de Luali Mustafá Sayed en la batalla de Nuakchot, el 9 de junio de 1976, el Frente Polisario organizó su tercer congreso el 25 de agosto de 1976. Mohamed Abdelaziz, herido de guerra, es elegido secretario general del movimiento de liberación. Se convierte así en el tercer líder en tomar el mando para liderar una proeza de dimensiones internacionales. Tras asumir el cargo,  entre sus prioridades se destacan el fortalecimiento  de la unidad nacional y el inicio de la ofensiva militar.  Abdelaziz, en primera línea de batalla demostró su valor y capacidad de estratega militar, diversificó los frentes y abrió nuevas ofensivas político-militares para demostrar que las condiciones de la revolución emanaban del pueblo y sus justas aspiraciones. Su visión política y la experiencia acumulada hicieron que el pueblo saharaui acumulase importantes victorias a nivel internacional además de consolidar su lucha  en todos los continentes. Sus ideales panafricanistas en pos de un África libre, le hicieron luchar por la incorporación del Estado saharaui a la Organización de la Unidad Africana (OUA), algo que ocurrió en el año  1984, logrando así que Marruecos quedara aislado en el continente. Como líder del moviente de liberación en el norte de África dio impulso a las relaciones con los más gloriosos movimientos de liberación africanos. Las relaciones se tradujeron en apoyo militar y político a movimiento como  ANC (Sudáfrica),  Swapo (Namibia) FRELIMO (Mozambique). A todos ellos se les apoyo con armamento usurpado por el ejército saharaui al ejército de ocupación marroquí. Estrechó relaciones personales con los más importantes líderes del continente: Nelson Mandela, Julius Nyerere, Houari Bumedien, Sam Noujoma, Tomas Sankara, Mouamar Gadafi, Oliver Tambo, Kenneth David Kaunda, entre otros. Tras 16 años de cruenta guerra en la región, logró sentar a Marruecos en la mesa de negociaciones bajo auspicios de la ONU y la OUA,  y reconocer de forma pública al Frente Polisario como único interlocutor  válido y reconocido en el conflicto. Su experiencia militar y su característico traje verde olivo no fueron impedimento para que Mohamed Abdelaziz fuese catalogado a nivel internacional como “HOMBRE DE  PAZ” en el norte de África, ya que apostó con determinación por las vías pacíficas y políticas para   llegar a una solución al conflicto, teniendo siempre como condición el derecho de su pueblo a la autodeterminación. Reconocido con importantes premios internacionales por su apego a la paz en la región, Mohamed Abdelaziz entregó su vida al servicio de su pueblo, consciente siempre de que a los pueblo se les guía con el ejemplo y que el liderazgo solo será digno el día que seamos conscientes  de que somos un instrumento para  los demas y a través de ellos conseguir el anhelado sueño de todo un pueblo a ser libre. Fuente: https://frentepolisario.es/

In the late 1960s Tanzania's first post-independence president, the charismatic Julius Nyerere, believed that endemic poverty in rural areas could only be addressed if peasant farmers relocated to larger villages and worked collectively. It was part of a new experimental form of socialism, known as Ujamaa. In 2016 Rob Walker spoke to two Tanzanians who remember it well. This programme is a rebroadcast. Photo: Tanzanian women cultivating the soil (AFP/Getty Images)

[ENG] Our walking encyclopedia Edwin Sosthenes is back and presents to us in great detail his home country Tanzania. Especially for the German listeners, this episode offers important insights on the time of “Deutsch Ost-Afrika” as well as parallels between modern-day Tanzania & Germany. But furthermore, this informative interview leaves no Tanzanian topic untouched: Being it the diverse ethnic and geographic composition (e.g. Kilimanjaro), the union between Tanganyika & Zanzibar or the legacy of the first president Julius Nyerere (see picture) who had a long-lasting impact on many African independence movements. To fully grasp this extended conversation use the provided timeline to switch between topics: 0:03:00 Geography & Population0:25:00 Early History0:37:45 (German) Colonialism0:59:35 Julius Nyerere & Post-independence1:30:15 Political System1:45:35 Decentralization & Minority Rights1:57:05 Economic Situation --- Bei Afrika für Almans bekommt jeder afrikanische Staat von A-Z seine eigene Episode. Alle Infos zu unserem Projekt unter https://afrikafueralmans.de Dir gefällt AfA? Dann unterstütze uns! ♥ Steady Crowdfunding https://steadyhq.com/afrikafueralmans ♥ Paypal Spenden https://paypal.me/afrikafueralmans Abonniere AfA und verpasse keine Folge mehr!

This conversation between Walter Bgoya and Margarida Waco reflects on the notion of progressive publishing in a post-colonial African context. Advocating for literature as a weapon of liberation, Bgoya examines three key moments in Tanzania's modern history: colonialism, independency, and neoliberalism. In his account of the political framework, from the structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF in the 80's forcing the country on its knees, via the socialist policies deployed by the founding father of the Republic of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, to the struggles of ideas that emerged during independency and until today still perpetuate the political landscape, Bgoya has devoted a life-long commitment to the questions of North-South relations in terms of knowledge production and dissemination. If imperialism created the structures of self-sustained ideologies which have been preached by Africans in scholarly environments, knowledge production that endeavors to be independent and give room for Indigenous voices aspires to be the weapon for a second liberation. From such a perspective, progressive publishing represents a worldview that is informed by literature that helps Africans understand their political realities and to struggle against those realities. In short, a literature that is liberating. Walter Bgoya is a publisher, author and the General Manager of Mkuki na Nyota, an independent publishing house based in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania, which he founded in 1991 as a response to the absence of scholarly publishing in Tanzania. https://thefunambulist.net/podcast/walter-bgoya-panafrican-publishing-struggling-for-a-second-liberation

The inaugural Season 3 kicks off with Dr. Christopher Daniels on the topic of Black Travel. Dr. Christopher L. Daniels is an American academic, currently a Professor at Florida Agricultural and Mechanical University (FAMU) in the Center for Global Security and International Affairs. He is also the Co-Founder of Motherland Connect. Motherland Connect is a premier student travel company empowering HBCU students, Alum, and Friends to travel back to Africa and the World. Follow Motherland Connect: FB & IG: @MotherlandConnect_ ;  https://www.motherlandconnect.org Mentioned in the episode: "The Green Book" by Muammar Gaddafi "Cannabis & Sustainable Development" by Kenzi Riboulet-Zemouli, Simon Anderfuhren-Biget Ph.D, Martin Díaz Velásquez and Michael Krawitz Books on socialism by Former Tanzanian President, Julius Nyerere. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/askablackwoman/message

Show Notes This week, we recap, review, and analyze Mobile Suit Zeta Gundam (機動戦士Ζガンダム) episode 36 - "Forever Four" (永遠のフォウ), discuss our first impressions, and provide commentary and research on the Tanzania, Mt. Kilimanjaro, and a language note about the name "Bidan." - Jisho.org online Japanese dictionary search results for "Bidan."- Wikipedia pages for background the history of Tanzania, the "scramble for Africa," German East Africa, League of Nations mandates, and Julius Nyerere.- Britannica biography of Julius Nyerere. - Notes on the origin of the name Kilimanjaro:J. A. Hutchinson, The Meaning of Kilimanjaro. Tanganyika Notes and Records (1965). Available at https://web.archive.org/web/20071006111206/http://www.ntz.info/gen/b00769.html- A brief biography of the German military commander in German East Africa during World War I: Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck.- A brief history of Tanzania's road to independence from South African History Online.- A more detailed political history of the rise of Tanzanian nationalism in the mid-20th century, from the African Democracy Encyclopaedia Project.- Vatican News profile on Julius Nyerere, including mention of a campaign to beatify him:Paul Samusumo, The Legacy of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere. Available at https://www.vaticannews.va/en/africa/news/2019-11/the-legacy-of-mwalimu-julius-kambarage-nyerere.html- An alternative take on Nyerere from marxists.org:Biography : Julius Kambarage Nyerere, available at https://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/nyerere/biography.htm.- Nyerere's social policies:Andrew M. Ivaska, 'Anti-Mini Militants Meet Modern Misses': Urban Style, Gender and the Politics of 'National Culture' in 1960s Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Gender & History, Vol. 14 No. 3 November 2002, pp. 584-607.Michael Drewett and Martin Cloonan, Popular Music Censorship in Africa. Ashgate (2006). - Wikipedia pages for Diogenes and the Nile.- A lot of the sources available in English that discuss Kilimanjaro, as well as myths, legends, and beliefs about the peaks, are from trekking companies that organize climbing expeditions (or first-hand accounts by English speakers who have done a trek and heard the stories from locals they met). One such trekking company, Thomson Treks, was the source for some of my information on Kilimanjaro as the suspected source of the Nile, the story of how Kibo and Mawenzi came apart, the mythical elephant graveyard of Kilimanjaro, and the myth that the top of Kilimanjaro is where the gates to the afterlife/underworld are located.- Article in a geography periodical discussing the ongoing debate over the "source" of the Nile.- Book that recounts the story of how the mountains came to be. Content Warning: while this book offers a good re-telling of story, the other parts of the book that I read (not very much, but still) seemed racist and dismissive towards the Chagga people:Dundas, Charles. Kilimanjaro and Its People: a History of the Wachagga, Their Laws, Customs and Legends, Together with Some Account of the Highest Mountain in Africa. Routledge, 1968. Access it on Google Books here.- Another trekking company (Secret Compass) overview of the Kilimanjaro region. Page briefly covers local folklore, including the creation of the mountain, the scarring of Mawenzi, the elephant graveyard, and the Wakonyingo.- Travelogue-style book, with a longer and more detailed version of the story of how Mawenzi became so scarred:Newsham, Brad. Take Me with You: a Round-the-World Journey to Invite a Stranger Home. Bantam, 2002. Access it on Google books here.- The music used in the TNN is "New York City (instrumental)" by spinningmerkaba. Available at http://dig.ccmixter.org/files/jlbrock44/30389. The music used in the tribute to Four Murasame is Rains Will Fall by Kevin MacLeod (https://incompetech.filmmusic.io/song/4262-rains-will-fall) and Sovereign Quarter by Kevin MacLeod (https://incompetech.filmmusic.io/song/4396-sovereign-quarter). All three songs are licensed pursuant to a Creative Commons 4.0 Attribution License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/- The translation of Ōta Dokān's death poem can be found in _Japanese Death Poems: Written by Zen Monks and Haiku Poets on the Verge of Death_. Trans. Yoel Hoffmann. Charles E. Tuttle (Tokyo 1986). You can subscribe to the Mobile Suit Breakdown for free! on fine Podcast services everywhere and on YouTube, follow us on twitter @gundampodcast, check us out at gundampodcast.com, email your questions, comments, and complaints to gundampodcast@gmail.com.Mobile Suit Breakdown wouldn't exist without the support of our fans and Patrons! You can join our Patreon to support the podcast and enjoy bonus episodes, extra out-takes, behind-the-scenes photo and video, MSB gear, and much more!The intro music is WASP by Misha Dioxin, and the outro is Long Way Home by Spinning Ratio, both licensed under Creative Commons CC BY 4.0 license. Both have been edited for length. Mobile Suit Breakdown provides critical commentary and is protected by the Fair Use clause of the United States Copyright law. Gundam content is copyright and/or trademark of Sunrise Inc., Bandai, Sotsu Agency, or its original creator. Mobile Suit Breakdown is in no way affiliated with or endorsed by Sunrise, Bandai, Sotsu, or any of their subsidiaries, employees, or associates and makes no claim to own Gundam or any of the copyrights or trademarks related to it. Copyrighted content used in Mobile Suit Breakdown is used in accordance with the Fair Use clause of the United States Copyright law. Any queries should be directed to gundampodcast@gmail.comFind out more at http://gundampodcast.com

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 2nd 2019, Episode number 17 Shaft Stache Shownotes Robert Townsend (actor) - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 13:13 American actor Robert Townsend (born February 6, 1957) is an American actor, director, comedian, and writer.[1][2] Townsend is best known for directing the films Hollywood Shuffle (1987), Eddie Murphy Raw (1987), The Meteor Man (1993), The Five Heartbeats (1991) and various other films and stand-up specials. He is especially known for his eponymous self-titled character, Robert Peterson as the starring role as on The WB sitcom The Parent 'Hood (1995''1999), a series which he created and of which directed select episodes. Townsend is also known for his role as Donald "Duck" Matthews in his 1991 film The Five Heartbeats.[3] He later wrote, directed and produced Making The Five Heartbeats (2018), a documentary film about the production process and behind the scenes insight into creating the film. Townsend is also known for his production company Townsend Entertainment [4] which has produced films Playin' for Love,[5] In the Hive and more. During the 1980s and early''1990s, Townsend gained national exposure through his stand-up comedy routines and appearances on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Townsend has worked with talent including Halle Berry, Morgan Freeman, Chris Tucker, Beyonc(C), Denzel Washington and many more.[6][7][8] Early life and career [ edit ] Townsend was born in Chicago, Illinois, the second of four children[9] to Shirley (n(C)e Jenkins) and Ed Townsend. His mother ended up raising him and his three siblings as a single parent. Growing up on the city's west side, Townsend attended Austin High School; graduating in 1975.[10] He became interested in acting as a teenager. During a reading of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in high school, Townsend captured the attention of Chicago's X Bag Theatre, The Experimental Black Actors Guild. Townsend later auditioned for parts at Chicago's Experimental Black Actors' Guild and performed in local plays studying at the famed Second City comedy workshop for improvisation in 1974. Townsend had a brief uncredited role in the 1975 movie Cooley High. After high school, Townsend enrolled at Illinois State University, studied a year and later moved to New York to study at the Negro Ensemble Company. Townsend's mother believed that he should complete his college education, but he felt that college took time away from his passion for acting, and he soon dropped out of school to pursue his acting career full-time. Career [ edit ] Townsend auditioned to be part of Saturday Night Live's 1980''1981 cast, but was rejected in favor of Eddie Murphy. In 1982, Townsend appeared as one of the main characters in the PBS series Another Page, a program produced by Kentucky Educational Television that taught literacy to adults through serialized stories. Townsend later appeared in small parts in films like A Soldier's Story (1984), directed by Norman Jewison, and after its success garnered much more substantial parts in films like The Mighty Quinn (1989) with Denzel Washington.[11][12][13] In 1987, Townsend wrote, directed and produced Hollywood Shuffle, a satire based on the hardships and obstacles that black actors undergo in the film industry. The success of his first project helped him establish himself in the industry.[6][14] Another of his films was The Five Heartbeats based on 1960s R&B male groups and the tribulations of the music industry. Townsend created and produced two television variety shows'--the CableACE award''winning Robert Townsend and His Partners in Crime for HBO, and the Fox Television variety show Townsend Television (1993). He also created and starred in the WB Network's sitcom The Parent 'Hood which originally ran from January 1995 to July 1999. In 2018, Townsend also directed 2 episodes for the B.E.T. Series American Soul which began airing in 2019. The show is about Don Cornelius and Soul Train. Townsend was programming director at the Black Family Channel, but the network folded in 2007. Townsend created The Robert Townsend Foundation, a nonprofit organization whose mission is to introduce and help new unsigned filmmakers. Awards and other credits [ edit ] Townsend directed the 2001 TV movie, Livin' for Love: The Natalie Cole Story for which Cole won the NAACP Image Award as Outstanding Actress in a Television Movie, Mini-Series or Dramatic Special. Townsend also directed two television movies in 2001 and 2002 respectively, Carmen: A Hip Hopera and 10,000 Black Men Named George. In 2013 Townsend was nominated for an Ovation Award in the category of "Lead Actor in a Musical" for his role as Dan in the La Mirada Theatre for the Performing Arts production of Next to Normal.[15] Personal life [ edit ] Townsend was married to Cheri Jones[16] from September 15, 1990, to August 9, 2001.[17] Together they have two daughters, Sierra and Skylar (Skye Townsend), both entertainers, and a son, Isiah.[6] Filmography [ edit ] Further reading [ edit ] Alexander, George. Why We Make Movies: Black Filmmakers Talk About the Magic of Cinema. Harlem Moon. 2003.Collier, Aldore. "Robert Townsend: a new kind of Hollywood dreamer. Actor-producer-director plans to make films that uplift and transform Black audiences". Ebony Magazine. 1 June 1991.Rogers, Brent. Robert Townsend Article in Perspectives. Sustaining Digital History, 12 November 2007.References [ edit ] ^ "Robert Townsend". The New York Times. ^ "As Robert Townsend Sees It : He's Fighting Stereotypes With 'Meteor Man' and New TV Show". Los Angeles Times . Retrieved 2010-10-10 . ^ The Five Heartbeats , retrieved 2019-09-16 ^ "Townsend Entertainment - IMDbPro". pro.imdb.com . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ "Playin' For Love". Black Cinema Connection. 2014-11-05 . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ a b c "About". Robert Townsend. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. ^ "Carmen: A Hip Hopera", Wikipedia, 2019-08-09 , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ B*A*P*S , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "Townsend, Robert (1957-)". BlackPast.Org. 2008 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "1975 Austin High School Yearbook (Chicago, Illinois)". Classmates.com. 1975 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Vincent Canby, "Review/Film; Tropical Murder", The New York Times, February 17, 1989. ^ The Mighty Quinn , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ A Soldier's Story , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ Hollywood Shuffle , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "2013 Ovation Awards Nominees '-- South by Southeast". thisstage.la. LA STAGE Alliance. September 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2017-04-21 . ^ "The Week's Best Photo". Google Books. JET Magazine. March 25, 1991 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Gimenes, Erika (2001). "Robert Townsend to divorce". Hollywood.com . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "Jackie's Back! (1999)" at IMDb. External links [ edit ] Robert Townsend on IMDbRobert Townsend (Official Website) (9) Charles Woods (The Professor) - Hollywood's Tricknology: Mandingo To Malcolm X - YouTube Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:59 Tyler Perry Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:57 Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Tyler Perry's Story Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Read His Story Outreach Since 2006, The Perry Foundation's aim has been to transform tragedy into triumph by empowering the economically disadvantaged to achieve a better quality of life. We focus on health and clean water, education and technology, arts and culture, and globally-sustainable economic development. Get Involved Visit Website You are viewing Tyler Perry Entertainment. If you'd like to view the Tyler Perry Studios, click here. Black writers courageously staring down the white gaze '' this is why we all must read them | Stan Grant | Opinion | The Guardian Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:46 The white gaze '' it is a phrase that resonates in black American literature. Writers from WEB Du Bois to Ralph Ellison to James Baldwin and Toni Morrison have struggled with it and railed against it. As Morrison '' a Nobel Laureate '' once said: Our lives have no meaning, no depth without the white gaze. And I have spent my entire writing life trying to make sure that the white gaze was not the dominant one in any of my books. The white gaze: it traps black people in white imaginations. It is the eyes of a white schoolteacher who sees a black student and lowers expectations. It is the eyes of a white cop who sees a black person and looks twice '' or worse, feels for a gun. Du Bois explored this more than a century ago in his book The Souls of Black Folk, reflecting on his conversations with white people and the ensuing delicate dance around the ''Negro problem''. Between me and the other world there is an ever unasked question'.... All, nevertheless, flutter around it ... Instead of saying directly, how does it feel to be a problem? They say, I know an excellent coloured man in my town ... To the real question '... I answer seldom a word. Baldwin was as ever more direct and piercing, writing in his book Nobody Knows My Name. I have spent most of my life ... watching white people and outwitting them so that I might survive. The flame has passed to a new generation. In 2015 three more black writers have stared down the white gaze. In their own ways Ta-Nehisi Coates, Claudia Rankine and George Yancy have held up a mirror to white America. These are uncompromising and fearless voices. Coates' searing essay Between The World And Me critiques America against a backdrop of black deaths at the hands of police. He says the country's history is rooted in slavery and the assault against the black body. In the form of a letter to his son, Coates writes: Here is what I would like for you to know: In America it is traditional to destroy the black body '' it is heritage. In Citizen '' An American Lyric, poet Rankine reflects on the black experience from the victims of Hurricane Katrina, or Trayvon Martin, a 17 year-old black youth shot dead by a neighbourhood watch volunteer who was acquitted, or black tennis star Serena Williams. In each case Rankine sees lives framed by whiteness. She writes: Because white men can't police their imagination, black men are dying. Philosophy Professor George Yancy just last week penned a letter in the New York Times addressed to ''Dear White America''. He asks his countrymen to listen with love, and to look at those things that might cause pain and terror. All white people, he says, benefit from racism and this means each, in their own way, are racist. '...don't run to seek shelter from your own racism'...practice being vulnerable. Being neither a ''good'' white person, nor a liberal white person will get you off the proverbial hook. Their unflinching work is not tempered by the fact a black man is in the White House '' that only makes their voices more urgent. Coates, Rankine, Yancy '' each has been variously praised and awarded, yet each has been pilloried as well. This is inevitable when some people don't like what the mirror reflects. It takes courage for a black person to speak to a white world, a world that can render invisible people of colour, unless they begin to more closely resemble white people themselves '' an education, a house in the suburbs, a good job, lighter skin. In Australia, too, black voices are defying the white gaze. We may not have the popular cut through of a Morrison or a Baldwin or a Coates, but we have a proud tradition '' Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Kevin Gilbert, Ruby Langford or more recently Kim Scott, Alexis Wright, Anita Heiss. I have spent some time recently reading some of the most powerful works of Indigenous writers. Their styles and genres are many and varied but there is a common and powerful theme of defiance and survival. This is a world so instantly recognisable to us '' Indigenous people '' but still so foreign to white Australia. Natalie Harkin's book of poetry, Dirty Words, is a subversive dictionary that turns English words back on their users: A is apology, B is for Boat People '... G is for Genocide ... S for Survival. ''How do you dream,'' she writes, ''When your lucky country does not sleep''. Bruce Pascoe's Dark Emu challenges the white stereotype of the ''primitive hunter gatherer''. He says the economy and culture of Indigenous people has been grossly undervalued. He cites journals and diaries of explorers and colonists to reveal the industry and ingenuity of pre-colonial Aboriginal society. He says it is a window into a world of people building dams and wells and houses, irrigating and harvesting seed and creating elaborate cemeteries. Pascoe's work demands to be taught in our schools. Tony Birch is an acclaimed novelist and his latest Ghost River is remarkable. It is the story of two friends navigating the journey into adulthood guided by the men of the river '' men others may see as homeless and hopeless. It is a work infused with a sense of place and belonging. Ellen Van Neerven's Heat and Light is a genre-busting mystical journey into identity: sexual, racial and national. It is provocative and challenging and mind bending, and altogether stunning. You won't find many of these titles in the annual best book lists. Occasionally they pop up, but not as often as they deserve. You probably won't hear much of Samuel Wagan Watson's Love Poems and Death Threats, or Ken Canning's Yimbama, or Lionel Fogarty's Eelahroo (Long Ago) Nyah (Looking) Mobo-Mobo (Future). That these works are not more widely read is a national shame. In our busy lives, try to find time for some of these books in 2016 '' read with the courage of these writers. George Yancy asks white Americans to become ''un-sutured'', to open themselves up and let go of their white innocence. Why is this important? Well, for white people it may simply be a matter of choice '' the fate of black people may not affect them. For us it is survival '' the white gaze means we die young, are locked up and locked out of work and education. We hear a lot about recognition '' acknowledging Indigenous people in the Australian constitution. But there is another recognition '' recognising the pervasive and too often destructive role of race in our lives, and the need to lift our gaze above it. Queen | Definition of Queen by Merriam-Webster Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:40 To save this word, you'll need to log in. ËkwÄ'n 1 a : the wife or widow of a king b : the wife or widow of a tribal chief 2 a : a female monarch b : a female chieftain 3 a : a woman eminent in rank, power, or attractions a movie queen b : a goddess or a thing personified as female and having supremacy in a specified realm c : an attractive girl or woman especially : a beauty contest winner 4 : the most privileged piece of each color in a set of chessmen having the power to move in any direction across any number of unoccupied squares 5 : a playing card marked with a stylized figure of a queen 6 : the fertile fully developed female of social bees, ants, and termites whose function is to lay eggs 7 : a mature female cat kept especially for breeding 8 slang , often disparaging : a male homosexual especially : an effeminate one queened ; queening ; queens intransitive verb 1 : to act like a queen especially : to put on airs '-- usually used with it queens it over her friends 2 : to become a queen in chess the pawn queens Pan-Africanism - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:37 Worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all people of African descent Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of African descent. Based on a common goal dating back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada and Europe.[1][2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all African people and countries[clarification needed ] are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that ''African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4] Pan-Africanist intellectual, cultural, and political movements tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single "race" and sharing cultural unity. Pan-Africanism posits a sense of a shared historical fate for Africans in the Americas, West Indies, and, on the continent itself, has centered on the Atlantic trade in slaves, African slavery, and European imperialism.[5] The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[6] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand. Overview [ edit ] Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[7] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed S(C)kou Tour(C), Kwame Nkrumah, King Sobhuza II, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[8][9][10] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally. The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[11] Advocates of Pan-Africanism'--i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"'--often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[11] History [ edit ] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[8] Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 19th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[12] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[13][14][15] With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[16] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[17] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[17] Nkrumah's pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [18] In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. This Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[18] This Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[19] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[20] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to establish an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[20] In 1959, Nkrumah, President S(C)kou Tour(C) of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[21][22] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States. In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[23] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[24] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah's call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[25] In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN's armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa's role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[26] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[27] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria's President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[26] In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[28] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a ''beacon of African and Third-World militancy,''[28] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[28] The Festival further strengthened Algeria's President, Boumediene's standing in Africa and the Third World.[28] After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, like Nkrumah before him '' for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[29] In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[30] Concept [ edit ] As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians[who? ] credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[31] During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include L(C)opold S(C)dar Senghor's N(C)gritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticit(C). An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism. In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[32] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[33]Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[34] Pan-African colors [ edit ] The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[35] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[36] The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[37] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[38][39] Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts. Maafa studies [ edit ] Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[40][41] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[42] Political parties and organizations [ edit ] In Africa [ edit ] Organisation of African Unity, succeeded by the African UnionAfrican Unification FrontRassemblement D(C)mocratique AfricainAll-African People's Revolutionary PartyConvention People's Party (Ghana)Pan-African Renaissance[43]Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa)Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa)In the Caribbean [ edit ] The Pan-African Affairs Commission for Pan-African Affairs, a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados.[44]African Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa (Guyana)Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement (Antigua and Barbuda)Clement Payne Movement (Barbados)Marcus Garvey People's Political Party (Jamaica)Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Jamaica)In the United Kingdom [ edit ] Pan-African FederationIn the United States [ edit ] The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[45] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[45] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903''70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[46]The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[47]Pan-African concepts and philosophies [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[48] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism. Kawaida [ edit ] Hip hop [ edit ] Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[49] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[50] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve. Pan-African art [ edit ] Further information on pan-African film festivals see: FESPACO and PAFFSee also [ edit ] Literature [ edit ] Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.References [ edit ] ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516''539 . Retrieved March 30, 2019 . ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age. ^ New Dictionary of the History of Ideas. The Gale Group, Inc. 2005. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament '' 2014 and beyond. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71''72. ISBN 1135005192 . Retrieved September 26, 2015 . ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250''278. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org . Retrieved February 16, 2017 . ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme). ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana's first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97''98. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of N(C)gritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF) . The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link) ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu . Retrieved October 15, 2015 . ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations . Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538 . Retrieved October 7, 2014 . ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF) . Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171''192. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007). ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga. ^ Ogunleye, Tolagbe (1997). "African American Folklore: Its Role in Reconstructing African American History". Journal of Black Studies. 27 (4): 435''455. ISSN 0021-9347. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance". ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99''102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296''97. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346''58. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Pan-Africanism'--Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outAfrican UnionAfrican Code Unity Through DiversityA-APRP WebsiteThe Major Pan-African news and articles siteProfessor David Murphy (November 15, 2015). "The Performance of Pan-Africanism: performing black identity at major pan-African festivals, 1966''2010" (Podcast). The University of Edinburgh . Retrieved January 28, 2016 '' via Soundcloud. Ebro Darden - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:36 Ebro Darden BornIbrahim Jamil Darden ( 1975-03-17 ) March 17, 1975 (age 44) NationalityAmericanOccupationMedia executiveradio personalityYears active1990''presentKnown forHot 97 radio personalityBeats1 DJChildren1Websitewww.EbroDarden.comIbrahim "Ebro" Darden (born March 17, 1975) is an American media executive and radio personality. Until 2014, he was Vice President of Programming for Emmis Communications' New York contemporary urban station WQHT (Hot 97). He is currently a co-host on the Hot 97 morning show, Ebro in the Morning, alongside Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As of 2015, Darden also hosts a hip hop music-based radio show on Beats 1. Early life [ edit ] Darden was born to a black father and a Jewish mother. He attended a Pentecostal church and Hebrew school while growing up in Oakland and Sacramento.[1] Career [ edit ] Start in radio [ edit ] Darden began his career in radio in 1990 at KSFM in Sacramento, California, while he was still a teenager. At KSFM he worked in research and as a sales runner until moving into programming as an intern, and later co-hosting for KSFM's night and morning shows. In 1997, he worked at KBMB in Sacramento as Programming and Music Director, as well as an afternoon host. Eventually, Darden became Operations Manager at KBMB, while also co-hosting mornings at KXJM in Portland, Oregon, in 1999. Hot 97 [ edit ] In 2003, Darden became Music Director for WQHT, ultimately becoming the Program Director for the station in 2007.[2][3][4] Darden worked alongside several past WQHT Hot 97 morning show co-hosts including Star and Bucwild, Miss Jones, DJ Envy, Sway, and Joe Budden from 2004 to 2007, and introduced Cipha Sounds and Peter Rosenberg to the AM drive in 2009. He rejoined the Hot 97 Morning Show in 2012, alongside Cipha Sounds, Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As Programming Director and on-air host, Darden was the main voice of several events at Hot 97 including Nicki Minaj's relationship with the station, and her alleged sexual relationship with the host; Hurricane Sandy; and Mister Cee's personal life.[5] In 2014, VH1 announced a new unscripted comedy series, This Is Hot 97, which featured Darden and fellow hosts including Angie Martinez, Funkmaster Flex, Peter Rosenberg, Cipha Sounds, Miss Info, and Laura Stylez.[6] Beats 1 [ edit ] In addition to his current on-air role at Hot 97, Darden is now one of three anchor DJs on Beats 1, an Internet radio service from Apple Music. Feuds and controversy [ edit ] A comedic rivalry between Darden and fellow accomplished radio personality Charlamagne Tha God of Power 105.1 has been ongoing for years. In May 2017, Darden clarified their relationship, stating, "The stuff we do on the radio is stupid. It's for fun. I make fun of you for fun. That's it. It's not that deep... me and that dude don't have a personal problem... a personal relationship".[7] Darden was mentioned in Remy Ma's "shETHER" diss track, on which Ma insinuated that he slept with Nicki Minaj by stating "Coke head, you cheated on your man with Ebro". After jokingly going back and forth with both Ma and her husband Papoose on social media, Darden denied the rumors, stating that he and Minaj had only a professional relationship.[8] Ebro has been in an ongoing feud with Brooklyn artist 6ix9ine. Ebro made fun of 6ix9ine as looking like a clown and criticized him for bragging about streaming numbers,[9] and 6ix9ine responded on the song "Stoopid" with the line "That nigga Ebro, he a bitch/Just another old nigga on a young nigga dick." [10] Personal life [ edit ] Darden has a daughter, Isa, who was born in 2014.[11] Recognition [ edit ] In 2013, he was recognized by Radio Ink as a future African American leader.[12] Filmography [ edit ] References [ edit ] Queen & Slim (2019) - IMDb Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:13 3 nominations. See more awards >> Learn more More Like This Comedy | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A detective investigates the death of a patriarch of an eccentric, combative family. Director:Rian Johnson Stars:Daniel Craig,Chris Evans,Ana de Armas Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.6 / 10 X An embattled NYPD detective is thrust into a citywide manhunt for a pair of cop killers after uncovering a massive and unexpected conspiracy. Director:Brian Kirk Stars:Chadwick Boseman,Sienna Miller,J.K. Simmons Action | Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X The extraordinary tale of Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery and transformation into one of America's greatest heroes, whose courage, ingenuity, and tenacity freed hundreds of slaves and changed the course of history. Director:Kasi Lemmons Stars:Cynthia Erivo,Leslie Odom Jr.,Joe Alwyn Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.9 / 10 X Based on the true story of a real-life friendship between Fred Rogers and journalist Tom Junod. Director:Marielle Heller Stars:Tom Hanks,Matthew Rhys,Chris Cooper Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.2 / 10 X A young actor's stormy childhood and early adult years as he struggles to reconcile with his father and deal with his mental health. Director:Alma Har'el Stars:Shia LaBeouf,Lucas Hedges,Noah Jupe Drama | Romance | Sport 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.7 / 10 X Traces the journey of a suburban family - led by a well-intentioned but domineering father - as they navigate love, forgiveness, and coming together in the aftermath of a loss. Director:Trey Edward Shults Stars:Taylor Russell,Kelvin Harrison Jr.,Alexa Demie Comedy | Drama | War 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A young boy in Hitler's army finds out his mother is hiding a Jewish girl in their home. Director:Taika Waititi Stars:Roman Griffin Davis,Thomasin McKenzie,Scarlett Johansson Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5.7 / 10 X A rookie New Orleans police officer is forced to balance her identity as a black woman after she witnesses two corrupt cops committing murder. Director:Deon Taylor Stars:Naomie Harris,Frank Grillo,Mike Colter Biography | Drama | History 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.3 / 10 X A corporate defense attorney takes on an environmental lawsuit against a chemical company that exposes a lengthy history of pollution. Director:Todd Haynes Stars:Anne Hathaway,Mark Ruffalo,William Jackson Harper Drama | Fantasy | Horror 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.3 / 10 X Two lighthouse keepers try to maintain their sanity while living on a remote and mysterious New England island in the 1890s. Director:Robert Eggers Stars:Willem Dafoe,Robert Pattinson,Valeriia Karaman Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X Consummate con man Roy Courtnay has set his sights on his latest mark: the recently widowed Betty McLeish, worth millions. But this time, what should have been a simple swindle escalates into a cat-and-mouse game with the ultimate stakes. Director:Bill Condon Stars:Helen Mirren,Ian McKellen,Russell Tovey Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.1 / 10 X In 1950s New York, a lonely private detective afflicted with Tourette's Syndrome ventures to solve the murder of his mentor and only friend. Director:Edward Norton Stars:Edward Norton,Gugu Mbatha-Raw,Alec Baldwin Edit Storyline Slim and Queen's first date takes an unexpected turn when a policeman pulls them over for a minor traffic violation. When the situation escalates, Slim takes the officer's gun and shoots him in self-defence. Now labelled cop killers in the media, Slim and Queen feel that they have no choice but to go on the run and evade the law. When a video of the incident goes viral, the unwitting outlaws soon become a symbol of trauma, terror, grief and pain for people all across the country Written bystmc-25959 Plot Summary | Add Synopsis Motion Picture Rating (MPAA) Rated R for violence, some strong sexuality, nudity, pervasive language, and brief drug use. | See all certifications >> Edit Details Release Date: 27 November 2019 (USA) See more >> Edit Box Office Opening Weekend USA: $11,700,000, 1 December 2019 Gross USA: $15,810,000 Cumulative Worldwide Gross: $15,810,000 See more on IMDbPro >> Company Credits Technical Specs Runtime: 131 min Aspect Ratio: 2.39 : 1 See full technical specs >> Edit Did You Know? Trivia First feature film to be directed by Melina Matsoukas, who has previously only directed music videos and TV episodes. See more >> Quotes Slim :Are you tryin' to die? Queen :No. I just always wanted to do that. Slim :Well, don't do it while I'm drivin' Queen :You should try it. Slim :Nah, I'm good. Queen :Pull over. Slim :Na-ah. Queen :Come on! Pull over. Pull over! Slim :If I do, would you please, let me drive the rest of the way it is? Queen :Swear to God. [...] See more >> Explore popular and recently added TV series available to stream now with Prime Video. Start your free trial Music in this episode Intro: Puff Daddy - It's all about the benjamins Outro: Blue Magic - Sideshow Donate to the show at moefundme.com Search for us in your podcast directory or use this link to subscribe to the feed Podcast Feed For more information: MoeFactz.com

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 2nd 2019, Episode number 17 Shaft Stache Shownotes Robert Townsend (actor) - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 13:13 American actor Robert Townsend (born February 6, 1957) is an American actor, director, comedian, and writer.[1][2] Townsend is best known for directing the films Hollywood Shuffle (1987), Eddie Murphy Raw (1987), The Meteor Man (1993), The Five Heartbeats (1991) and various other films and stand-up specials. He is especially known for his eponymous self-titled character, Robert Peterson as the starring role as on The WB sitcom The Parent 'Hood (1995''1999), a series which he created and of which directed select episodes. Townsend is also known for his role as Donald "Duck" Matthews in his 1991 film The Five Heartbeats.[3] He later wrote, directed and produced Making The Five Heartbeats (2018), a documentary film about the production process and behind the scenes insight into creating the film. Townsend is also known for his production company Townsend Entertainment [4] which has produced films Playin' for Love,[5] In the Hive and more. During the 1980s and early''1990s, Townsend gained national exposure through his stand-up comedy routines and appearances on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Townsend has worked with talent including Halle Berry, Morgan Freeman, Chris Tucker, Beyonc(C), Denzel Washington and many more.[6][7][8] Early life and career [ edit ] Townsend was born in Chicago, Illinois, the second of four children[9] to Shirley (n(C)e Jenkins) and Ed Townsend. His mother ended up raising him and his three siblings as a single parent. Growing up on the city's west side, Townsend attended Austin High School; graduating in 1975.[10] He became interested in acting as a teenager. During a reading of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in high school, Townsend captured the attention of Chicago's X Bag Theatre, The Experimental Black Actors Guild. Townsend later auditioned for parts at Chicago's Experimental Black Actors' Guild and performed in local plays studying at the famed Second City comedy workshop for improvisation in 1974. Townsend had a brief uncredited role in the 1975 movie Cooley High. After high school, Townsend enrolled at Illinois State University, studied a year and later moved to New York to study at the Negro Ensemble Company. Townsend's mother believed that he should complete his college education, but he felt that college took time away from his passion for acting, and he soon dropped out of school to pursue his acting career full-time. Career [ edit ] Townsend auditioned to be part of Saturday Night Live's 1980''1981 cast, but was rejected in favor of Eddie Murphy. In 1982, Townsend appeared as one of the main characters in the PBS series Another Page, a program produced by Kentucky Educational Television that taught literacy to adults through serialized stories. Townsend later appeared in small parts in films like A Soldier's Story (1984), directed by Norman Jewison, and after its success garnered much more substantial parts in films like The Mighty Quinn (1989) with Denzel Washington.[11][12][13] In 1987, Townsend wrote, directed and produced Hollywood Shuffle, a satire based on the hardships and obstacles that black actors undergo in the film industry. The success of his first project helped him establish himself in the industry.[6][14] Another of his films was The Five Heartbeats based on 1960s R&B male groups and the tribulations of the music industry. Townsend created and produced two television variety shows'--the CableACE award''winning Robert Townsend and His Partners in Crime for HBO, and the Fox Television variety show Townsend Television (1993). He also created and starred in the WB Network's sitcom The Parent 'Hood which originally ran from January 1995 to July 1999. In 2018, Townsend also directed 2 episodes for the B.E.T. Series American Soul which began airing in 2019. The show is about Don Cornelius and Soul Train. Townsend was programming director at the Black Family Channel, but the network folded in 2007. Townsend created The Robert Townsend Foundation, a nonprofit organization whose mission is to introduce and help new unsigned filmmakers. Awards and other credits [ edit ] Townsend directed the 2001 TV movie, Livin' for Love: The Natalie Cole Story for which Cole won the NAACP Image Award as Outstanding Actress in a Television Movie, Mini-Series or Dramatic Special. Townsend also directed two television movies in 2001 and 2002 respectively, Carmen: A Hip Hopera and 10,000 Black Men Named George. In 2013 Townsend was nominated for an Ovation Award in the category of "Lead Actor in a Musical" for his role as Dan in the La Mirada Theatre for the Performing Arts production of Next to Normal.[15] Personal life [ edit ] Townsend was married to Cheri Jones[16] from September 15, 1990, to August 9, 2001.[17] Together they have two daughters, Sierra and Skylar (Skye Townsend), both entertainers, and a son, Isiah.[6] Filmography [ edit ] Further reading [ edit ] Alexander, George. Why We Make Movies: Black Filmmakers Talk About the Magic of Cinema. Harlem Moon. 2003.Collier, Aldore. "Robert Townsend: a new kind of Hollywood dreamer. Actor-producer-director plans to make films that uplift and transform Black audiences". Ebony Magazine. 1 June 1991.Rogers, Brent. Robert Townsend Article in Perspectives. Sustaining Digital History, 12 November 2007.References [ edit ] ^ "Robert Townsend". The New York Times. ^ "As Robert Townsend Sees It : He's Fighting Stereotypes With 'Meteor Man' and New TV Show". Los Angeles Times . Retrieved 2010-10-10 . ^ The Five Heartbeats , retrieved 2019-09-16 ^ "Townsend Entertainment - IMDbPro". pro.imdb.com . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ "Playin' For Love". Black Cinema Connection. 2014-11-05 . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ a b c "About". Robert Townsend. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. ^ "Carmen: A Hip Hopera", Wikipedia, 2019-08-09 , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ B*A*P*S , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "Townsend, Robert (1957-)". BlackPast.Org. 2008 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "1975 Austin High School Yearbook (Chicago, Illinois)". Classmates.com. 1975 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Vincent Canby, "Review/Film; Tropical Murder", The New York Times, February 17, 1989. ^ The Mighty Quinn , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ A Soldier's Story , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ Hollywood Shuffle , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "2013 Ovation Awards Nominees '-- South by Southeast". thisstage.la. LA STAGE Alliance. September 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2017-04-21 . ^ "The Week's Best Photo". Google Books. JET Magazine. March 25, 1991 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Gimenes, Erika (2001). "Robert Townsend to divorce". Hollywood.com . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "Jackie's Back! (1999)" at IMDb. External links [ edit ] Robert Townsend on IMDbRobert Townsend (Official Website) (9) Charles Woods (The Professor) - Hollywood's Tricknology: Mandingo To Malcolm X - YouTube Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:59 Tyler Perry Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:57 Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Tyler Perry's Story Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Read His Story Outreach Since 2006, The Perry Foundation's aim has been to transform tragedy into triumph by empowering the economically disadvantaged to achieve a better quality of life. We focus on health and clean water, education and technology, arts and culture, and globally-sustainable economic development. Get Involved Visit Website You are viewing Tyler Perry Entertainment. If you'd like to view the Tyler Perry Studios, click here. Black writers courageously staring down the white gaze '' this is why we all must read them | Stan Grant | Opinion | The Guardian Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:46 The white gaze '' it is a phrase that resonates in black American literature. Writers from WEB Du Bois to Ralph Ellison to James Baldwin and Toni Morrison have struggled with it and railed against it. As Morrison '' a Nobel Laureate '' once said: Our lives have no meaning, no depth without the white gaze. And I have spent my entire writing life trying to make sure that the white gaze was not the dominant one in any of my books. The white gaze: it traps black people in white imaginations. It is the eyes of a white schoolteacher who sees a black student and lowers expectations. It is the eyes of a white cop who sees a black person and looks twice '' or worse, feels for a gun. Du Bois explored this more than a century ago in his book The Souls of Black Folk, reflecting on his conversations with white people and the ensuing delicate dance around the ''Negro problem''. Between me and the other world there is an ever unasked question'.... All, nevertheless, flutter around it ... Instead of saying directly, how does it feel to be a problem? They say, I know an excellent coloured man in my town ... To the real question '... I answer seldom a word. Baldwin was as ever more direct and piercing, writing in his book Nobody Knows My Name. I have spent most of my life ... watching white people and outwitting them so that I might survive. The flame has passed to a new generation. In 2015 three more black writers have stared down the white gaze. In their own ways Ta-Nehisi Coates, Claudia Rankine and George Yancy have held up a mirror to white America. These are uncompromising and fearless voices. Coates' searing essay Between The World And Me critiques America against a backdrop of black deaths at the hands of police. He says the country's history is rooted in slavery and the assault against the black body. In the form of a letter to his son, Coates writes: Here is what I would like for you to know: In America it is traditional to destroy the black body '' it is heritage. In Citizen '' An American Lyric, poet Rankine reflects on the black experience from the victims of Hurricane Katrina, or Trayvon Martin, a 17 year-old black youth shot dead by a neighbourhood watch volunteer who was acquitted, or black tennis star Serena Williams. In each case Rankine sees lives framed by whiteness. She writes: Because white men can't police their imagination, black men are dying. Philosophy Professor George Yancy just last week penned a letter in the New York Times addressed to ''Dear White America''. He asks his countrymen to listen with love, and to look at those things that might cause pain and terror. All white people, he says, benefit from racism and this means each, in their own way, are racist. '...don't run to seek shelter from your own racism'...practice being vulnerable. Being neither a ''good'' white person, nor a liberal white person will get you off the proverbial hook. Their unflinching work is not tempered by the fact a black man is in the White House '' that only makes their voices more urgent. Coates, Rankine, Yancy '' each has been variously praised and awarded, yet each has been pilloried as well. This is inevitable when some people don't like what the mirror reflects. It takes courage for a black person to speak to a white world, a world that can render invisible people of colour, unless they begin to more closely resemble white people themselves '' an education, a house in the suburbs, a good job, lighter skin. In Australia, too, black voices are defying the white gaze. We may not have the popular cut through of a Morrison or a Baldwin or a Coates, but we have a proud tradition '' Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Kevin Gilbert, Ruby Langford or more recently Kim Scott, Alexis Wright, Anita Heiss. I have spent some time recently reading some of the most powerful works of Indigenous writers. Their styles and genres are many and varied but there is a common and powerful theme of defiance and survival. This is a world so instantly recognisable to us '' Indigenous people '' but still so foreign to white Australia. Natalie Harkin's book of poetry, Dirty Words, is a subversive dictionary that turns English words back on their users: A is apology, B is for Boat People '... G is for Genocide ... S for Survival. ''How do you dream,'' she writes, ''When your lucky country does not sleep''. Bruce Pascoe's Dark Emu challenges the white stereotype of the ''primitive hunter gatherer''. He says the economy and culture of Indigenous people has been grossly undervalued. He cites journals and diaries of explorers and colonists to reveal the industry and ingenuity of pre-colonial Aboriginal society. He says it is a window into a world of people building dams and wells and houses, irrigating and harvesting seed and creating elaborate cemeteries. Pascoe's work demands to be taught in our schools. Tony Birch is an acclaimed novelist and his latest Ghost River is remarkable. It is the story of two friends navigating the journey into adulthood guided by the men of the river '' men others may see as homeless and hopeless. It is a work infused with a sense of place and belonging. Ellen Van Neerven's Heat and Light is a genre-busting mystical journey into identity: sexual, racial and national. It is provocative and challenging and mind bending, and altogether stunning. You won't find many of these titles in the annual best book lists. Occasionally they pop up, but not as often as they deserve. You probably won't hear much of Samuel Wagan Watson's Love Poems and Death Threats, or Ken Canning's Yimbama, or Lionel Fogarty's Eelahroo (Long Ago) Nyah (Looking) Mobo-Mobo (Future). That these works are not more widely read is a national shame. In our busy lives, try to find time for some of these books in 2016 '' read with the courage of these writers. George Yancy asks white Americans to become ''un-sutured'', to open themselves up and let go of their white innocence. Why is this important? Well, for white people it may simply be a matter of choice '' the fate of black people may not affect them. For us it is survival '' the white gaze means we die young, are locked up and locked out of work and education. We hear a lot about recognition '' acknowledging Indigenous people in the Australian constitution. But there is another recognition '' recognising the pervasive and too often destructive role of race in our lives, and the need to lift our gaze above it. Queen | Definition of Queen by Merriam-Webster Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:40 To save this word, you'll need to log in. ËkwÄ'n 1 a : the wife or widow of a king b : the wife or widow of a tribal chief 2 a : a female monarch b : a female chieftain 3 a : a woman eminent in rank, power, or attractions a movie queen b : a goddess or a thing personified as female and having supremacy in a specified realm c : an attractive girl or woman especially : a beauty contest winner 4 : the most privileged piece of each color in a set of chessmen having the power to move in any direction across any number of unoccupied squares 5 : a playing card marked with a stylized figure of a queen 6 : the fertile fully developed female of social bees, ants, and termites whose function is to lay eggs 7 : a mature female cat kept especially for breeding 8 slang , often disparaging : a male homosexual especially : an effeminate one queened ; queening ; queens intransitive verb 1 : to act like a queen especially : to put on airs '-- usually used with it queens it over her friends 2 : to become a queen in chess the pawn queens Pan-Africanism - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:37 Worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all people of African descent Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of African descent. Based on a common goal dating back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada and Europe.[1][2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all African people and countries[clarification needed ] are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that ''African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4] Pan-Africanist intellectual, cultural, and political movements tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single "race" and sharing cultural unity. Pan-Africanism posits a sense of a shared historical fate for Africans in the Americas, West Indies, and, on the continent itself, has centered on the Atlantic trade in slaves, African slavery, and European imperialism.[5] The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[6] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand. Overview [ edit ] Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[7] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed S(C)kou Tour(C), Kwame Nkrumah, King Sobhuza II, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[8][9][10] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally. The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[11] Advocates of Pan-Africanism'--i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"'--often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[11] History [ edit ] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[8] Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 19th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[12] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[13][14][15] With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[16] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[17] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[17] Nkrumah's pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [18] In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. This Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[18] This Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[19] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[20] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to establish an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[20] In 1959, Nkrumah, President S(C)kou Tour(C) of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[21][22] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States. In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[23] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[24] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah's call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[25] In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN's armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa's role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[26] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[27] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria's President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[26] In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[28] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a ''beacon of African and Third-World militancy,''[28] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[28] The Festival further strengthened Algeria's President, Boumediene's standing in Africa and the Third World.[28] After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, like Nkrumah before him '' for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[29] In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[30] Concept [ edit ] As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians[who? ] credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[31] During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include L(C)opold S(C)dar Senghor's N(C)gritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticit(C). An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism. In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[32] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[33]Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[34] Pan-African colors [ edit ] The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[35] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[36] The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[37] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[38][39] Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts. Maafa studies [ edit ] Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[40][41] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[42] Political parties and organizations [ edit ] In Africa [ edit ] Organisation of African Unity, succeeded by the African UnionAfrican Unification FrontRassemblement D(C)mocratique AfricainAll-African People's Revolutionary PartyConvention People's Party (Ghana)Pan-African Renaissance[43]Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa)Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa)In the Caribbean [ edit ] The Pan-African Affairs Commission for Pan-African Affairs, a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados.[44]African Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa (Guyana)Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement (Antigua and Barbuda)Clement Payne Movement (Barbados)Marcus Garvey People's Political Party (Jamaica)Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Jamaica)In the United Kingdom [ edit ] Pan-African FederationIn the United States [ edit ] The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[45] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[45] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903''70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[46]The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[47]Pan-African concepts and philosophies [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[48] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism. Kawaida [ edit ] Hip hop [ edit ] Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[49] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[50] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve. Pan-African art [ edit ] Further information on pan-African film festivals see: FESPACO and PAFFSee also [ edit ] Literature [ edit ] Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.References [ edit ] ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516''539 . Retrieved March 30, 2019 . ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age. ^ New Dictionary of the History of Ideas. The Gale Group, Inc. 2005. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament '' 2014 and beyond. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71''72. ISBN 1135005192 . Retrieved September 26, 2015 . ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250''278. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org . Retrieved February 16, 2017 . ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme). ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana's first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97''98. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of N(C)gritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF) . The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link) ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu . Retrieved October 15, 2015 . ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations . Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538 . Retrieved October 7, 2014 . ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF) . Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171''192. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007). ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga. ^ Ogunleye, Tolagbe (1997). "African American Folklore: Its Role in Reconstructing African American History". Journal of Black Studies. 27 (4): 435''455. ISSN 0021-9347. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance". ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99''102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296''97. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346''58. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Pan-Africanism'--Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outAfrican UnionAfrican Code Unity Through DiversityA-APRP WebsiteThe Major Pan-African news and articles siteProfessor David Murphy (November 15, 2015). "The Performance of Pan-Africanism: performing black identity at major pan-African festivals, 1966''2010" (Podcast). The University of Edinburgh . Retrieved January 28, 2016 '' via Soundcloud. Ebro Darden - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:36 Ebro Darden BornIbrahim Jamil Darden ( 1975-03-17 ) March 17, 1975 (age 44) NationalityAmericanOccupationMedia executiveradio personalityYears active1990''presentKnown forHot 97 radio personalityBeats1 DJChildren1Websitewww.EbroDarden.comIbrahim "Ebro" Darden (born March 17, 1975) is an American media executive and radio personality. Until 2014, he was Vice President of Programming for Emmis Communications' New York contemporary urban station WQHT (Hot 97). He is currently a co-host on the Hot 97 morning show, Ebro in the Morning, alongside Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As of 2015, Darden also hosts a hip hop music-based radio show on Beats 1. Early life [ edit ] Darden was born to a black father and a Jewish mother. He attended a Pentecostal church and Hebrew school while growing up in Oakland and Sacramento.[1] Career [ edit ] Start in radio [ edit ] Darden began his career in radio in 1990 at KSFM in Sacramento, California, while he was still a teenager. At KSFM he worked in research and as a sales runner until moving into programming as an intern, and later co-hosting for KSFM's night and morning shows. In 1997, he worked at KBMB in Sacramento as Programming and Music Director, as well as an afternoon host. Eventually, Darden became Operations Manager at KBMB, while also co-hosting mornings at KXJM in Portland, Oregon, in 1999. Hot 97 [ edit ] In 2003, Darden became Music Director for WQHT, ultimately becoming the Program Director for the station in 2007.[2][3][4] Darden worked alongside several past WQHT Hot 97 morning show co-hosts including Star and Bucwild, Miss Jones, DJ Envy, Sway, and Joe Budden from 2004 to 2007, and introduced Cipha Sounds and Peter Rosenberg to the AM drive in 2009. He rejoined the Hot 97 Morning Show in 2012, alongside Cipha Sounds, Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As Programming Director and on-air host, Darden was the main voice of several events at Hot 97 including Nicki Minaj's relationship with the station, and her alleged sexual relationship with the host; Hurricane Sandy; and Mister Cee's personal life.[5] In 2014, VH1 announced a new unscripted comedy series, This Is Hot 97, which featured Darden and fellow hosts including Angie Martinez, Funkmaster Flex, Peter Rosenberg, Cipha Sounds, Miss Info, and Laura Stylez.[6] Beats 1 [ edit ] In addition to his current on-air role at Hot 97, Darden is now one of three anchor DJs on Beats 1, an Internet radio service from Apple Music. Feuds and controversy [ edit ] A comedic rivalry between Darden and fellow accomplished radio personality Charlamagne Tha God of Power 105.1 has been ongoing for years. In May 2017, Darden clarified their relationship, stating, "The stuff we do on the radio is stupid. It's for fun. I make fun of you for fun. That's it. It's not that deep... me and that dude don't have a personal problem... a personal relationship".[7] Darden was mentioned in Remy Ma's "shETHER" diss track, on which Ma insinuated that he slept with Nicki Minaj by stating "Coke head, you cheated on your man with Ebro". After jokingly going back and forth with both Ma and her husband Papoose on social media, Darden denied the rumors, stating that he and Minaj had only a professional relationship.[8] Ebro has been in an ongoing feud with Brooklyn artist 6ix9ine. Ebro made fun of 6ix9ine as looking like a clown and criticized him for bragging about streaming numbers,[9] and 6ix9ine responded on the song "Stoopid" with the line "That nigga Ebro, he a bitch/Just another old nigga on a young nigga dick." [10] Personal life [ edit ] Darden has a daughter, Isa, who was born in 2014.[11] Recognition [ edit ] In 2013, he was recognized by Radio Ink as a future African American leader.[12] Filmography [ edit ] References [ edit ] Queen & Slim (2019) - IMDb Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:13 3 nominations. See more awards >> Learn more More Like This Comedy | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A detective investigates the death of a patriarch of an eccentric, combative family. Director:Rian Johnson Stars:Daniel Craig,Chris Evans,Ana de Armas Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.6 / 10 X An embattled NYPD detective is thrust into a citywide manhunt for a pair of cop killers after uncovering a massive and unexpected conspiracy. Director:Brian Kirk Stars:Chadwick Boseman,Sienna Miller,J.K. Simmons Action | Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X The extraordinary tale of Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery and transformation into one of America's greatest heroes, whose courage, ingenuity, and tenacity freed hundreds of slaves and changed the course of history. Director:Kasi Lemmons Stars:Cynthia Erivo,Leslie Odom Jr.,Joe Alwyn Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.9 / 10 X Based on the true story of a real-life friendship between Fred Rogers and journalist Tom Junod. Director:Marielle Heller Stars:Tom Hanks,Matthew Rhys,Chris Cooper Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.2 / 10 X A young actor's stormy childhood and early adult years as he struggles to reconcile with his father and deal with his mental health. Director:Alma Har'el Stars:Shia LaBeouf,Lucas Hedges,Noah Jupe Drama | Romance | Sport 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.7 / 10 X Traces the journey of a suburban family - led by a well-intentioned but domineering father - as they navigate love, forgiveness, and coming together in the aftermath of a loss. Director:Trey Edward Shults Stars:Taylor Russell,Kelvin Harrison Jr.,Alexa Demie Comedy | Drama | War 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A young boy in Hitler's army finds out his mother is hiding a Jewish girl in their home. Director:Taika Waititi Stars:Roman Griffin Davis,Thomasin McKenzie,Scarlett Johansson Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5.7 / 10 X A rookie New Orleans police officer is forced to balance her identity as a black woman after she witnesses two corrupt cops committing murder. Director:Deon Taylor Stars:Naomie Harris,Frank Grillo,Mike Colter Biography | Drama | History 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.3 / 10 X A corporate defense attorney takes on an environmental lawsuit against a chemical company that exposes a lengthy history of pollution. Director:Todd Haynes Stars:Anne Hathaway,Mark Ruffalo,William Jackson Harper Drama | Fantasy | Horror 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.3 / 10 X Two lighthouse keepers try to maintain their sanity while living on a remote and mysterious New England island in the 1890s. Director:Robert Eggers Stars:Willem Dafoe,Robert Pattinson,Valeriia Karaman Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X Consummate con man Roy Courtnay has set his sights on his latest mark: the recently widowed Betty McLeish, worth millions. But this time, what should have been a simple swindle escalates into a cat-and-mouse game with the ultimate stakes. Director:Bill Condon Stars:Helen Mirren,Ian McKellen,Russell Tovey Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.1 / 10 X In 1950s New York, a lonely private detective afflicted with Tourette's Syndrome ventures to solve the murder of his mentor and only friend. Director:Edward Norton Stars:Edward Norton,Gugu Mbatha-Raw,Alec Baldwin Edit Storyline Slim and Queen's first date takes an unexpected turn when a policeman pulls them over for a minor traffic violation. When the situation escalates, Slim takes the officer's gun and shoots him in self-defence. Now labelled cop killers in the media, Slim and Queen feel that they have no choice but to go on the run and evade the law. When a video of the incident goes viral, the unwitting outlaws soon become a symbol of trauma, terror, grief and pain for people all across the country Written bystmc-25959 Plot Summary | Add Synopsis Motion Picture Rating (MPAA) Rated R for violence, some strong sexuality, nudity, pervasive language, and brief drug use. | See all certifications >> Edit Details Release Date: 27 November 2019 (USA) See more >> Edit Box Office Opening Weekend USA: $11,700,000, 1 December 2019 Gross USA: $15,810,000 Cumulative Worldwide Gross: $15,810,000 See more on IMDbPro >> Company Credits Technical Specs Runtime: 131 min Aspect Ratio: 2.39 : 1 See full technical specs >> Edit Did You Know? Trivia First feature film to be directed by Melina Matsoukas, who has previously only directed music videos and TV episodes. See more >> Quotes Slim :Are you tryin' to die? Queen :No. I just always wanted to do that. Slim :Well, don't do it while I'm drivin' Queen :You should try it. Slim :Nah, I'm good. Queen :Pull over. Slim :Na-ah. Queen :Come on! Pull over. Pull over! Slim :If I do, would you please, let me drive the rest of the way it is? Queen :Swear to God. [...] See more >> Explore popular and recently added TV series available to stream now with Prime Video. Start your free trial Music in this episode Intro: Puff Daddy - It's all about the benjamins Outro: Blue Magic - Sideshow Donate to the show at moefundme.com Search for us in your podcast directory or use this link to subscribe to the feed Podcast Feed For more information: MoeFactz.com