Podcasts about Jomo Kenyatta

“The writers of our time who used to criticise the government are no longer there.”Today on the podcast, Alan has the pleasure and privilege of speaking to one of Africa's great writers: the South Sudanese author Taban Lo Liyong.In the 1960s he rubbed shoulders with independence politicians like Jomo Kenyatta and Kwame Nkrumah and with giants of African literature like Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and Ngugi wa Thiong'o. He was taken to Uganda as a young child and spent his formative years there – but now lives in his native South Sudan. On today's podcast he discusses language, the impact of HIV Aids, and why he's not ready to stop work at the age of 93 years. He says he still has two more books in him…

On Dec. 12, 1964, Jomo Kenyatta was elected the first president of the newly independent Kenya, marking a historic milestone for the nation. Born Kamau wa Ngengi on Oct. 20, 1893, in British East Africa, Kenyatta rose to prominence as a champion for land rights after white settlers seized Kenyan territories. Kenyatta's political journey began with the East African Association, which led him to London to oppose British plans for an East African union. He spent 15 years abroad, studying and advocating for African rights. Kenyatta's influence endured, culminating in Kenya's independence in 1963 and his presidency until 1978, during which he played a pivotal role in shaping the nation's identity and governance. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Matangazo ya nusu saa kuhusu habari za mapema asubuhi pamoja na habari za michezo.

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Theo Williams' Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation (Verso, 2022) shows how black radicals transformed socialist politics in Britain in the years before decolonisation. A history that runs from 1929 to the years after WWII here we see a number of significant activists and intellectuals such as George Padmore, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta and Amy Ashwood Garvey, establish significant groups on the British Left and how they related to the dominant groups in this field, most notably the Communist Party of Great Britian (CPGB) and the Independent Labour Party (ILP). As Williams shows, while these activists continually emphasised the need to combine international socialism with colonial liberation, these other groups were often resistant to this, with the CPGB responding to the shifting demands of international communism and the ILP facing internal splits on the role of colonialism. Despite these frustrations, these activists develop a significant radical tradition which doesn't reject the British Left, but rather changes it, as the events during, and after WWII show. As our conversation discusses Williams is encouraging us to reconsider this history, not just in order to correct the historical record and more fully account for the place of this black radical tradition within the British left, but also to think about the continuing impacts of decolonisation and what this may mean for contemporary demands to ‘decolonise the university'. Your host Matt Dawson is Professor of Sociology at the University of Glasgow with research interests in social theory and the history of sociology. He is the author of a number of books, including G.D.H. Cole and British Sociology: A Study in Semi-Alienation (2024, Palgrave Macmillan) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

O Quénia enviou esta terça-feira, 25 de Junho, 400 polícias para o Haiti no âmbito de uma missão internacional de apoio à segurança, a pedido das autoridades haitianas e sob os auspícios das Nações Unidas. A decisão foi tomada em resposta à crise de segurança que o Haiti enfrenta. O professor universitário em Bordéus, de origem haitiana, Rafael Lucas, descreve um sentimento de esperança e de desconfiança por parte das população haitiana quanto à chegada da missão internacional. RFI: Quais são os objectivos desta missão e de que forma esses objectivos podem vir a ser alcançados?Rafael Lucas: Os objectivos são ajudar o governo haitiano a restabelecer a ordem, mas nem sempre corresponde à necessidade da população haitiana, que é eliminar os bandidos, porque a população, na sua maioria, não quer que os bandidos sejam julgados. Eles preferem que o contigente queniano os ajudem a impor tranquilidade e paz, sobretudo nas vias de circulação inter-urbanas porque os bandidos atacam veículos de transporte e também querem que as crianças possam ir à escola, que os veículos possam circular e que a vida económica possa ser retomada.Esta decisão foi tomada em resposta à crise, como explicou de segurança que o Haiti enfrenta e que se agravou desde o passado mês de Fevereiro, marcado por um aumento de violência entre gangues, sequestros e uma situação humanitária crítica Esta missão pretende restaurar a ordem, combater gangues, fornecer ajuda humanitária, É isso?Por enquanto, o contigente queniano vai garantir a possibilidade de proteger os prédios oficiais. A maioria desses prédios já foi assaltada pelos bandidos e a maior parte dos funcionários já fugiu desses prédios, incluindo os hospitais. Então, as forças quenianas têm como missão garantir a tranquilidade desses prédios. A questão dos prédios não constitui a prioridade da população.Qual é a prioridade da população?É primeiro a circulação e depois querem que o contigente possa eliminar os agrupamentos de bandidos porque eles já tinham começado há um ano, um ano e meio, mais ou menos uma operação para reduzir bandidos, chamada "linchamento", muitos bandidos foram linchados, foram queimados. É um método brutal e quase medieval, mas esse método deu resultados, pelo menos durante certo tempo, até que os bandidos se conseguiram adaptar e também mudar de estratégia.Que cooperação existe entre o contigente queniano e as forças haitianas locais, bem como outros contingentes internacionais presentes no terreno?Acho que o governo haitiano estava à procura de uma ajuda internacional que no princípio devia começar a partir dos países mais próximos. Só que os países da América Latina, a maior parte deles, recusaram aventurar-se no atoleiro haitiano. Os Estados Unidos, por razões históricas, a França também, e o Canadá e outros países como o Brasil, também recusaram. Eles foram buscar ajuda a África e o Presidente do Quénia propôs enviar um contigentePor que é que esses países todos recusaram ajudar e enviar polícias para o Haiti?Os Estados Unidos já tinham invadido e ocupado Haiti entre 1915 e 1934 e a ocupação americana deixou um verdadeiro traumatismo no Haiti. A França também, pelas mesmas razões depois, os outros países sabem que os bandidos podiam utilizar a presença deles como pretexto para se redimir e mostrar que lutavam contra a ocupação estrangeira. Mas com os africanos, eles não têm os mesmos argumentos.Existe a relação histórica entre o Quénia e o Haiti, apesar de ser limitado em termos de profundidade histórica e interacções directas. Os dois países partilham fortes laços simbólicos, como nações que lutaram pelas suas independências contra potências coloniais e contribuíram para o surgimento de movimentos de descolonização e cooperação internacional...Sim, é um argumento que eles utilizam, mas no Haiti a população não tem nenhuma referência a propósito do Quénia, tirando alguns filmes sobre animais, filmes dos anos 60 ou 80, eles não conhecem a história do Quénia, não ouviram falar do Jomo Kenyatta e da Revolta dos Mau-Mau.Quais são os principais desafios que o contigente queniano podem vir a enfrentar no Haiti?Para já, as infra-estruturas urbanas estão em péssimo estado. Depois vão intervir num país cuja cultura e língua não conhecem. Uma parte da população têm um certa esperança nessa intervenção porque eles sofreram demasiado com as crueldades dos bandidos e outra parte considera que é uma nova forma de ocupação porque as intervenções anteriores internacionais, nomeadamente as missões enviadas, como por exemplo a MINUSTAH [Missão das Nações Unidas para a estabilização no Haiti] não tiveram resultados. Há uma parte de desconfiança e outra parte de esperança, mas acho que a parte esperança, por enquanto, é maioritária. Se as primeiras acções, pelo menos simbólicas, forem acções eficazes, a parte da esperança vai crescer.A comunidade internacional, em particular as Nações Unidas, apoia o envolvimento do Quénia no Haiti, apesar de outros países não terem dado este passo. Como é que explica que a comunidade internacional queira apoiar o contigente queniano?Porque a situação no Haiti representa um descalabro total e porque as forças haitianas estão em número muito inferior às capacidades dos bandidos, em termos de número e em termos de armamento. A única solução, tirando as linchagens que não podem constituir uma solução viável. A última solução era uma intervenção exterior, com forças exteriores multinacionais, se possível.

Today Alan Kasujja sits down with Dr.Philbert Komu from the University of Dar es Salaam and Dr. Gideon Chitanga of the University of Johannesburg in South Africa. They are discussing the role of former liberation movements in Africa's contemporary politics. Is their performance in line with the expectations of their nations? The conversation was sparked by the dismal showing of the African National Congress in South Africa's May 2024 elections. Others like Zanu-PF in Zimbabwe have also lost support over the years, relying on rural votes to remain in power. Although icons like Jomo Kenyatta, Julius Nyerere and Samora Machel are still celebrated to this day, Alan attempts to understand if their ideas still work.

A common concern voiced by leaders in many developing nations is the deterioration of their road systems and the apparent hesitance of the international community to fund infrastructure improvements. In response, China launched the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. This sweeping project has facilitated investments in sectors such as transportation, infrastructure, telecommunications, logistics, energy, and oil and gas. While some African citizens and policymakers view the BRI as an opportunity to expand their policy space for development, opinions are divided. The presence of Chinese investments in Africa's infrastructure has ignited a multifaceted debate about the benefits of such partnerships versus the risks, including debt dependency, sustainability issues, and project prioritization that might not meet the wider needs of the population.Karuti Kanyinga is a Research Professor of Development Studies at the Institute for Development Studies (IDS), University of Nairobi, who has worked extensively on governance and development. @karutikkKey highlightsIntroduction – 00:24Public perceptions of recent infrastructure projects in Nairobi – 03:18Project modalities and demands for greater transparency – 08:09Negotiating better deals with external actors – 14:36The cost of politics – 22:16Expectations of idealism in politics – 28:37Strategies for combating corruption – 37:42 HostProfessor Dan Banik (@danbanik @GlobalDevPod)Apple Spotify YouTube Subscribe:https://in-pursuit-of-development.simplecast.comhttps://globaldevpod.substack.com/

Effective leadership is characterized by its ability to inspire collective action, foster inclusivity, and navigate the intricate dynamics of political, economic, and cultural landscapes to drive meaningful change. The challenge of leadership in the context of development is further complicated by the need for adaptability and resilience. Leaders must be capable of steering their communities through uncertainties and crises, demonstrating a commitment to long-term goals while addressing immediate needs. This balance requires a nuanced approach that values empathy, ethical governance, and the empowerment of local voices, ensuring that development initiatives are both participatory and reflective of the communities they aim to serve. In an era where global challenges are increasingly complex, the role of leadership in development extends beyond immediate problem-solving to envisioning a sustainable future. Willem Fourie is an Associate Professor at Stellenbosch University, South Africa. He has a joint appointment in the Stellenbosch Business School and in the School for Data Science and Computational Thinking. In Why Leaders Fail and What it Teaches Us About Leadership he delves into the critical factors that lead to leadership failure. These include a lack of awareness of one's own shortcomings, excessive belief in one's ability to sway others, harmful favoritism towards one's own group, a bad fit in an organization, and poor assessment of risks. @_Willem_Fourie Key highlightsIntroduction – 00:24What good leadership means – 03:25Meeting high expectations of followers – 10:02Understanding leadership failure – 14:40Leadership for longterm goals – 23:38Strategies for resolving crises – 34:22Corruption, integrity and leadership – 38:26  HostProfessor Dan Banik (@danbanik @GlobalDevPod)Apple Google Spotify YouTubeSubscribe: https://globaldevpod.substack.com/

Ce 12 décembre, le Kenya fête ses 60 ans d'indépendance. Suite de notre série autour des Mau Mau, ce mouvement d'insurrection qui s'est battu pour l'indépendance du Kenya dans les années 1950 et a été violemment réprimé par les colons britanniques. Soixante ans plus tard, la mémoire de cette période reste peu enseignée, au grand regret des historiens. De notre correspondante à Nairobi,Muhia Kamau connaît par cœur les chants des Mau Mau. Ce trentenaire est passionné par ces combattants. Déçu par l'information qu'il trouvait en ligne, il leur a même dédié une page Facebook. Il y décrypte des archives pour ses milliers d'abonnés.« C'est un pan de l'histoire qui est souvent refoulé. À l'école, on nous enseignait surtout l'histoire des six Kapenguria, six figures politiques qui ont été arrêtées lors de l'état d'urgence en 1952. Ces personnes ont été détenues pendant plusieurs années, puis Jomo Kenyatta est sorti de prison et est devenu le premier président. Mais sur les Mau Mau, on avait juste un petit paragraphe. D'ailleurs le commentaire que j'ai le plus sur ma page, c'est "Ah mais on ne nous a pas enseigné ça à l'école !" »Un mouvement illégal jusqu'en 2003 au KenyaÀ l'indépendance, beaucoup d'archives ont été détruites. D'autres emmenées à Londres et restées secrètes jusqu'à il y a une dizaine d'années. Surtout, il a fallu attendre 2003 pour que le mouvement Mau Mau ne soit plus considéré comme illégal au Kenya. Des aspects qui entravent la mémoire d'une période déjà controversée, explique Macharia Munene. Il est professeur d'histoire à l'université internationale des États-Unis à Nairobi.« Le mouvement Mau Mau a divisé des familles. Au sein du même foyer, il y avait des Mau Mau et il y avait des collaborateurs, ceux qu'on appelait les "home guards", qui ont trahi leurs proches. À l'indépendance, Jomo Kenyatta leur a dit d'éviter d'en parler, de ne pas faire remonter l'expérience traumatisante des années 50. C'était martelé et ça a créé une forme de silence, parce que c'était douloureux, parce que ça divisait la famille ou parce que ça pouvait apporter des ennuis. »La Constitution kényane de 2010 rend hommage à ceux qui se sont battus pour la liberté. Elle a instauré un jour férié dédié aux héros de l'indépendance, sans toutefois nommer les Mau Mau. De nombreux survivants aujourd'hui, ou leurs descendants, déplorent un manque de reconnaissance. Ils demandent toujours compensation, notamment pour la perte de leurs terres.« Lors des fêtes nationales, on se souvient des Mau Mau. C'est tout, fin de l'histoire. Ah et pendant les rassemblements politiques, on scande "On s'est battu !". En fait, les Mau Mau sont devenus un slogan politique qui ressort selon l'occasion. »Dans la capitale kényane, quelques initiatives tentent de faire perdurer la mémoire des Mau Mau, au travers de la photographie ou de la poésie.À lire aussiKenya: les Mau Mau, figures de l'indépendance du Kenya [1/3]

“The thoughts, the theories, the ideas are there. But how to reach them, we have to come up with our own method and strategy. And I think one of them is that we badly need consensus on what needs to be done. The time now is for consensus building.” In today's episode, Alan Kasujja sits down with Samia Nkrumah, the daughter of legendary Ghanaian politician, Kwame Nkrumah. They will be discussing the political icon's leadership style, his philosophy and personal life. They will also be drawing parallels between the struggles faced by Africans today and those who lived through past decades. Nkrumah, who is celebrated for leading Ghana to independence in the late 1950s, is one of a number of intellectual giants Africa produced in recent history. Others include Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Burkina Faso's Thomas Sankara, Andimba Toivo ya Toivo of Namibia and Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta. Alan will continue the conversation around Africa's visionary leaders with Ndileka Mandela, Nelson Mandela's granddaughter, in tomorrow's episode.

Florence Jacqueline Achieng ’Oloo es la ganadora del Premio Harambee 2023 a la Promoción e Igualdad de la Mujer Africana. Oloo es licenciada en Ciencias Químicas por la Universidad de Nairobi, en Filosofía y Ciencias de la Educación por la Universidad de Roma y doctora en Ciencias Químicas por la Universidad de Agricultura y Tecnología, Jomo Kenyatta de Kenya. La Dra. Oloo ha impulsado el Women Empowerment Program, Jakana – Kenyawegi para niñas y mujeres de diversos orígenes, todos ellos vulnerables, en el condado de Kisumu. Una zona colindante con la vecina Uganda en la que viven más de medio millón de mujeres muchas de las cuales se encuentran en un entorno de pobreza. La Iglesia en España pone en marcha el lunes 27 de marzo la campaña Xtantos 2023 con el lema “Por ellos, por ti, por tantos”. El objetivo es animar a la gente a marcar la casilla por la Iglesia en la declaración de la renta. El cierre de la campaña coincidirá con el final del periodo habilitado por la Agencia Tributaria, el 30 de junio, como último día para presentar la declaración.

Qualcuno di voi si domanderà a cosa mi riferisco con il titolo dell'episodio di oggi. Facciamo un'analisi di quanto accaduto negli ultimi 25 anni. “Quando sono arrivati qui i bianchi, avevano con loro soltanto la Bibbia, mentre noi avevamo le nostre terre. Ci hanno insegnato a pregare, con gli occhi chiusi: quando li abbiamo riaperti i bianchi avevano le nostre terre e noi avevamo la Bibbia.” Jomo Kenyatta, famoso politico keniota che divenne il leader della lotta contro il dominio coloniale britannico. Sigla di Eric Buffat Per chi vuole acquistare i libri, il cui ricavato andrà totalmente a favore dell'associazione Dravet Italia: https://www.amazon.it/kindle-dbs/entity/author/B08FF1ZFV9 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Kenya's Prime Cabinet Secretary, Musalia Mudavadi, has refuted reports that the families of former presidents Jomo Kenyatta and Daniel Moi were being targeted for tax evasion. Mr. Mudavadi says President William Ruto had not mentioned any names in his push for tax compliance and claimed the reports were inferences made by the media. He however insists that everyone must pay taxes to help the government run its activities. She added that she was ready to be investigated for tax evasion and would pay up any arrears if claims of unpaid taxes can be substantiated.This show is part of the Spreaker Prime Network, if you are interested in advertising on this podcast, contact us at https://www.spreaker.com/show/4090160/advertisement

*To recreate the effect of this sound installation, we strongly recommend listening through headphones.* The Well-Being Cities sound installation is an hour-long interactive tour across 31 countries, starting with the furthest from Buenos Aires in Seoul, with each destination one step closer until we arrive at our host city with the final recording. On one side of the installation space, you will hear an original field recording from that city, documenting a moment in its life. On the other side of the space, you will hear a reimagined composition built from that original recording, with each artist inspired by the source material and the question of what constitutes well-being in a city for them. The pieces change in sync, so the field recording and reimagined composition change to the next destination at precisely the same time.  By physically moving around the space, the listener is able to create his or her own sound mix by proximity to either set of speakers, focusing on the field recording, the composition, and how the two blend with and interact with one another. We invite the listener to participate by immersing themselves in the sound and exploring how 31 artists have reinterpreted the sounds of 31 cities.  The recordings and compositions you will hear are listed in the timecode below. TIMECODE: 0.00-1.02: Seoul, South Korea – Mullaedong machine shop (reimagined composition by Eulipion Corps) 1.02-1.50: Chengdu, China – Wenshuyuan temple (reimagined composition by Point/Call) 1.50-2.50: Fengyuan City, Taiwan – Fengdong twilight market (reimagined composition by Maribel Tafur) 2.50 -5.06: Ho Chi Min City, Vietnam – train station at night (reimagined composition by Stefan Klaverdal) 5.06-6.03: Bangkok, Thailand – Wat Pho temple (reimagined composition by Phexioenesystems) 6.03-7.30: Stockholm, Sweden – tourists at the royal palace (reimagined composition by Janae Jean) 7.30-8.51: Istanbul, Turkey – Tahiri Sali Pazari bazaar (reimagined composition by Akari Komura) 8.51-10.58: Warsaw, Poland – quiet streets during the Covid-19 lockdowns (reimagined composition by Arvik Torrenssen) 10.58-13.00: Adelaide, Australia – morning birdsong during the Covid-19 lockdowns (reimagined composition by Rob Law) 13.00-16.58: Copenhagen, Denmark – alert siren test (reimagined composition by Bill Stevens) 16.58-18.21: Skopje, North Macedonia – busy street life (reimagined composition by Nicolo Scolieri) 18.21-19.46: Berlin, Germany, Bellevue train station at night (reimagined composition by Cities and Memory) 19.46-21.15: Sarajevo, Bosnia – santur player outside a café  (reimagined composition by Thomas Ellison) 21.15-25.08: Zadar, Croatia – sea organ sound sculpture (reimagined composition by Andy Billington) 25.08-27.16: Amsterdam, Netherlands – pedestrian crossing outside Vrije Universitat (reimagined composition by Rob Knight) 27.16-28.03: Exeter, England – young people's climate protest, 2021 (reimagined composition by Ella Kay) 28.03-29.53: Nairobi, Kenya – inside Jomo Kenyatta airport (reimagined composition by Flora Zajicek and Cicely Fell) 29.53-31.50: Madrid, Spain – Plaza Cascorro during the Covid-19 lockdowns (reimagined composition by Mark Taylor) 31.50-36.13: Coimbra, Portugal – traditional fado performance from the A Capella fado house (reimagined composition by Moray Newlands) 36.13-38.56: Kigali, Rwanda – daily life in Gahanga market (reimagined composition by Cities and Memory) 38.56-41.30: Wellington, New Zealand – the Zealandia nature reserve (reimagined composition by Cristina Marras) 41.30-43.01: New York, USA – a busker plays John Coltrane on the High Line (reimagined composition by Wayne DeFehr) 43.01-44.02: Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso – local band playing in a bar (reimagined composition by Emmanuel Witzthum) 44.02-44.53: Mexico City, Mexico – band plays a traditional song in the street during the Covid-19 lockdowns (reimagined composition by Abhishek Sekhri) 44.53-46.01: St. Louis, Senegal – anti-Covid handwashing song plays on the radio (reimagined composition by Antriksh Bali) 46.01-47.54: Havana, Cuba – classic Cuban streetscape (reimagined composition by Wahinya Mwirikia with D-Empress Evoke) 47.54-49.40: Bogotá, Colombia – manifestants' protest denouncing corruption, 2019 (reimagined composition by Wijnand Bredewold) 49.40-50.49: Lima, Peru – city garden ambience (reimagined composition by Steffen Kirchhoff) 50.49-52.38: Rio de Janeiro, Brazil – pot-banging panelao protest against Bolsonaro (reimagined composition by Maddie Baird) 52.38-54.47: Santiago, Chile – chinchineros traditional street drumming performance (reimagined composition by Museleon) 54.47-56.14: Buenos Aires, Argentina – musical decontamination march (reimagined composition by Neil Spencer Bruce) Part of the Well-Being Cities project, a unique collaboration between Cities and Memory and C40, a global network of mayors of nearly 100 world-leading cities collaborating to deliver the urgent action needed right now to confront the climate crisis. The project was originally presented at the C40 Cities conference in Buenos Aires in 2022. Explore Well-Being Cities in full at https://citiesandmemory.com/wellbeing-cities/

Departures at Jomo Kenyatta airport, Nairobi, Kenya - you can hear among the normal sounds of bustle and shopping in the terminal the crackle of the security guards' radios and the feedback as they stand too close together. Sometimes the sound of a city's airport can tell you as much about that place as a recording from its historic city centre. Recorded by Giulia Biasibetti.   Part of the Well-Being Cities project, a unique collaboration between Cities and Memory and C40, a global network of mayors of nearly 100 world-leading cities collaborating to deliver the urgent action needed right now to confront the climate crisis. The project was originally presented at the C40 Cities conference in Buenos Aires in 2022. Explore Well-Being Cities in full at https://citiesandmemory.com/wellbeing-cities/

A collection of this week's Witness History programmes, presented by Max Pearson. The guest is Nicholas Smith, author of "Kicks: The Great American Story of Sneakers" and Presenter of the BBC's "Sneakernomics" podcast. He explains how footwear revolutionised sport and became high-fashion. In 1948, two brothers from a small German town called Rudi and Adi Dassler created the sportswear firms Puma and Adidas. Reena Stanton-Sharma hears from Adi Dassler's daughter, Sigi Dassler, who remembers her father's obsession with footwear and talks about her fondness for the rappers, Run-DMC, who paid tribute to her dad's shoes in a song. We also hear about one man's mission to castrate Pablo Escobar's hippos, the unpredictable rule of Kenya's former President, Jomo Kenyatta, the 'Japanese Schindler', and the raising of the 400-year-old Mary Rose. (Photo: Adi Dassler. Credit: Brauner/ullstein bild via Getty Images)

In the 1970s, Sharad Rao was Kenya's assistant director of public prosecutions, working closely with Kenyan leader Jomo Kenyatta who was seen as ruthless and unpredictable. Rao took the unusual step of defying Kenyatta's orders by refusing to jail students after they rioted about chapatis in 1972. Rao also tells Alex Collins how he witnessed Kenyatta chasing a British diplomat with a stick. (Photo: Jomo Kenyatta. Credit: BBC)

One of the most conspicuous distinctions between mammals and humans is that no animal sacrifices for abstract ideals. Many female mammals will imperil themselves to save their young. This is an instinct without which the species would not survive. But humans will sacrifice for a belief or an idea. Why, humans will even sacrifice their very children for an often bizarre and false idea. They will send their children to GIC's (Government Indoctrination Camps) where they not only fail to obtain an education but their bodies as well as their souls are endangered—This sacrifice of their children is done in the name of equity. They sacrifice their economy's viability in the name of climate change and environmentalism. Beware you Happy Warriors, do not fall victim to this kind of sacrificial ritual in your pursuit of excellence in your 5Fs, your Family, Faith, Finances, Fitness, and Friendships. Find out how you can learn more and subscribe to Thought Tools for free here: https://rabbidaniellapin.com/category/thought-tools/ In 1965 Barack Hussein Obama Sr. insulted Jomo Kenyatta, then president of Kenya. Fifty years later, in July 2015 his son, president of the United States, insulted Uhuru Kenyatta, Jomo's son. Like father like son. Dreams from his father. Africa's new colonial power and Africa's dominant faith-Christianity.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

One of the most conspicuous distinctions between mammals and humans is that no animal sacrifices for abstract ideals. Many female mammals will imperil themselves to save their young. This is an instinct without which the species would not survive. But humans will sacrifice for a belief or an idea. Why, humans will even sacrifice their very children for an often bizarre and false idea. They will send their children to GICs (Government Indoctrination Camps) where they not only fail to obtain an education but their bodies, as well as their souls, are endangered—This sacrifice of their children is done in the name of equity. They sacrifice their economy's viability in the name of climate change and environmentalism. Beware you Happy Warriors, do not fall victim to this kind of sacrificial ritual in your pursuit of excellence in your 5Fs, your Family, Faith, Finances, Fitness, and Friendships. Find out how you can learn more and subscribe to Thought Tools for free here: https://rabbidaniellapin.com/category/thought-tools/. In 1965 Barack Hussein Obama Sr. insulted Jomo Kenyatta, then president of Kenya. Fifty years later, in July 2015 his son, president of the United States, insulted Uhuru Kenyatta, Jomo's son. Like father like son. Dreams from his father. Africa's new colonial power and Africa's dominant faith-Christianity.

Political dynasties are an ongoing debate as Kenya elects a new president on August 9. President Uhuru Kenyatta will leave office after 10 years in power. He comes from a strong political legacy. His father was Kenya's first president after independence – Jomo Kenyatta. Among those vying to replace him are also familiar names on the Kenyan political scene. The main contenders are Raila Odinga, whose father, Oginga Odinga, was Kenya's first vice president. The other main man in pursuit of the higher office, William Ruto, has been President Kenyatta's deputy for 10 years. But on the continent, Kenya isn't alone or unique in having legacies and dynasties in politics. Today on Africa Daily, Ferdinand Omondi is discussing the influence of powerful political families on African democracies. Presenter: Ferdinand Omondi (@Ferdyomondi) Guests: Sylvanus Wekesa (@sylwekesa) and Nerima Wako (@NerimaW)

You can tell what kind of person someone was by seeing who attends their funeral. Pio Gama Pinto was buried at City Park Cemetery. On that day, the park was filled with people. Of course there were his friends from politics. Achieng Oneko, his friend from their days in detention on Manda Island. Bildad Kaggia, from their days routing weapons to Mau Mau forest fighters. Oginga Odinga, his staunchest supporter in government, with whom he fought to make Kenya a more equitable, socialist country. Joseph Murumbi, an old friend from Pinto's days working at the Desai Memorial Library. Fitz de Souza, the young Goan Pinto had welcomed to Nairobi and brought into Kenya's freedom fight. And many other politicians that, even if they often disagreed, never doubted that Pinto had a pure heart. But many, many ordinary people also came. Many poor people whom Pinto had helped in their time of need. Many elderly Kikuyu traveled to Nairobi from different parts of Central Province to bid farewell to a man who fought alongside them. It was a shock to the nation. Kenya had not even been an independent country for two years. And a freedom fighter was killed. He was killed by those who, only just a few years earlier, had fought with him against the British. Killed by his own government. So this would be how power would be wielded in our new Kenya. One very important person, a man who used to be a good friend of Pinto, a man whom Pinto had fought to be released from detention and who had visited him in Lodwar—this man was missing from the funeral. President Jomo Kenyatta. Kenyatta sent an ivory sculpture as a gift. But he did not come.

Titulaire de nombreux prix internationaux, né en 1938, est considéré comme le plus grand écrivain kényan et est régulièrement cité comme prix Nobel de Littérature potentiel. Son œuvre considérable (romans, nouvelles, essais, théâtre) reflète son engagement politique, payé d'un an de prison dans son pays et d'un long exil aux États-Unis. Défenseur des langues africaines, il écrit désormais ses romans dans son kikuyu natal et les traduit ensuite lui-même en anglais : un choix qu'il justifie dans Décoloniser l'esprit (La Fabrique, 2011). Auteur africain parmi les plus traduits dans le monde entier, il reste mal connu dans les pays francophones. «Rêver en temps de guerre», traduit de l'anglais (Kenya) par Jean-Pierre Orban et Annaëlle Rochard, premier volume de ses mémoires, est le meilleur moyen de le découvrir.  « Fais de ton mieux », dit la mère à l‘enfant. Se remémorant le petit garçon qu'il a été, l'immense écrivain Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o raconte comment, de son enfance à son adolescence, l'Histoire pénètre dans la cour familiale au Kenya, l'atteint et le change. La Seconde Guerre mondiale traverse sa vie, son pays se soulève contre le pouvoir colonial, la rébellion mau mau monte au cœur de sa région, les leaders – tels Jomo Kenyatta – naissent, ses frères sont divisés entre résistants et collaborateurs. Ce qui sauvera l'enfant de la tourmente, ce sont les veillées traditionnelles, les livres et l'école qui l'aidera à réaliser ses rêves. On pleure, on se révolte, on vibre au plus près des situations dramatiques et parfois cocasses. Et à partir d'un récit par petites touches, se révèle le terreau qui va nourrir l'œuvre du merveilleux conteur qu'est l'auteur." (Présentation des éditions Vents d'Ailleurs)   Écrivain et romancier, Jean-Pierre Orban est le traducteur et éditeur de «Rêver en temps de guerre», de Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, aux éditions Vents d'Ailleurs.

Merriam-Webster's Word of the Day for June 19, 2022 is: emancipation • ih-man-suh-PAY-shun • noun Emancipation is the act of freeing someone from the restraint, control, or power of another. It is especially used for the act of freeing someone from slavery. // Jomo Kenyatta played a key role in the emancipation of Kenya from European rule in the 1960s and became the first president of the newly independent nation. See the entry > Examples: "Juneteenth, also known as Freedom Day, Jubilee Day, Liberation Day, and Emancipation Day, is a nationwide celebration to commemorate the emancipation from slavery." — Jason Gonzalez, The Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), 15 May 2022 Did you know? The Emancipation Proclamation, issued by Abraham Lincoln on January 1, 1863, ordered that enslaved people living in rebellious territories be released from the bonds of ownership and made free people—their own masters. Though the proclamation's initial impact was limited, the order was true to the etymology of emancipation, which comes from a Latin word combining the prefix e-, meaning "away," and mancipare, meaning "to transfer ownership of.”

The Radio Boys (C.Truth, Kev Lawrence) talked to celebrity barber Jomo Kenyatta @JomoCuts). Jomo talked about the first artist he cut RhymeFest, learning how to set prices for his service, recognizing his specialty, life changing advice he got from a powerful record executive, staying mobile making house calls, being surprised by the entertainment work environment, the difference between working at a shop vs on location, getting more money in 1 week from celebrity cuts than in 3 years at a shop, developing relationships with celebrities like Swizz Beats and more.. For additional content go to: www.thermalsoundwaves.com Tweet: @thermalsoundwav IG: @thermalsoundwaves Facebook: @thermalsoundwaves --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/thermalsoundwaves/support

On March 16, 1989, Lloyd Witter and Jomo Kenyatta sustained several gunshot wounds at a residence in Jamaica, Queens.  Witter died from his injuries.  Paul Anderson, who also lived at the residence, was found handcuffed near Witter's body. Under questioning, both Kenyatta and Anderson provided at least a half dozen different versions of the story that finally landed on Carlton Roman as the gunman. Roman claimed he'd been with his girlfriend on the night of Witter's murder, an alibi that she corroborated. Nevertheless, he was charged with murder. Despite maintaining his innocence throughout the trial, and no forensic, ballistic, fingerprint, or DNA evidence tying him to the shooting, Roman was convicted and served 32 years until his exoneration in August 2021. Learn more and get involved at:  https://www.wrongfulconvictionpodcast.com/with-jason-flom Wrongful Conviction with Jason Flom is a production of Lava for Good™ Podcasts in association with Signal Co No1. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Afghanistan:  A Background Briefing This is the first podcast Briefing, focusing upon something in the headlines.  I would often do briefings such as this in a class, when some major event occurred.  Some of those classroom briefings were fairly short, maybe 15 minutes.  Others would last over an hour.   Students liked these.  The briefings linked analysis with the headlines. The goal of this podcast is to give you some context for what is happening in Afghanistan.  My version of context starts in the 1840s and extends up to the afternoon of August 26, 2021 when I recorded these thoughts.  As I recorded this, I had been listening to reports of the bombings in the Kabul airport where American soldiers were conducting evacuations. Someone else might have started context with Alexander the Great. I think simple explanations often go wrong.  History and politics and world struggle are too complex to be understood by a single explanation.  It's the oil.  It's the Zionists.  It's racism.  It's the military-industrial complex. Please.  Spare me.  If everything can be explained by one thing then you are listening to ideology, not insight or analysis. I remember hearing someone say, “The Arab world makes a serious mistake when they try to understand what the Americans are doing.  They assume we are smarter than we are.”  Afghanistan is not a part of the Arab world, but the point is still valid.  Sometimes our leaders are just not very bright.   Sometimes they get fixated on some way of thinking and just don't let their minds open up to alternate possibilities.  Sometimes they get locked into a policy and can't figure out a way to escape from it.  Sometimes they get charmed by an advisor and pay too much attention to that person's explanations and suggestions.  Sometimes they are just afraid of the voters.  I hope you will come out of this podcast with more questions than answers.  Even as I am posting it, I am second guessing myself. Have fun, and thanks for listening. Update on September1.  All of our troops are out and nearly 122,000 people were evacuated. The war is over.   Bravo! Some terms and names used, in case you don't recognize them. Mujahideen, Taliban, Madrasa, The Scramble for Africa, geopolitics, Jihad, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Malindi, Stinger missiles, Al Qaeda, ISIS, reconstruction, nation building, Doha Agreement of 2020, Pushtun, apartheid, Shia, Hazara, Ashura, Ali, Hassan, Hussein, Osama bin Laden,  William Casey, Rudyard Kipling,   Gorbachev, Brezhnev, Tony Blair, Abdul Ghani Baradar,  Secretary of State Pompeo, Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana,  Jomo Kenyatta, Nelson Mandela,  Najibullah.  Film OsamaBook: Ahmed Rashid, Taliban Book: Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower 

Shirika la Mpango wa Maendeleo la Umoja wa Mataifa UNDP nchini Kenya linaendesha programu ya majaribio ya kutumia roboti ili kupima afya za wasafiri wanaoingia na kutoka uwanja wa ndege wa kimataifa wa Jomo Kenyatta jijini Nairobi, pamoja na Hospitali Kuu ya Taifa ya Kenyatta, lengo likiwa ni kuongeza ufanisi na kuwapunguzia mzigo watendaji wa sekta ya afya. Leah Mushi anataarifa zaidi.    (Taarifa ya Leah Mushi) 

Jaridani Jumatano Agosti 4, 2021 Shirika la Mpango wa Maendeleo la Umoja wa Mataifa UNDP nchini Kenya linaendesha programu ya majaribio ya kutumia roboti ili kupima afya za wasafiri wanaoingia na kutoka uwanja wa ndege wa kimataifa wa Jomo Kenyatta jijini Nairobi, pamoja na Hospitali Kuu ya Taifa ya Kenyatta.

Today's story is "the gentleman of the jungle" by Jomo Kenyatta. It is set in an interesting jungle, where animals and human beings can talk to each other. The first time I read this story, I thought it was an interesting fable with some life lessons. However, after doing a little research online, I realised it is actually a much deeper story - very insightful political commentary in fact. 

South Africa Riots Racism in Football World's toughest dictators: Hitler, Saddam, Kagame, Kim Jong Un, Idi Amin #UhuruKenyatta #Museveni #Kagame

Figure indépendantiste du Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta est sur le plan politique un président autoritaire, en instaurant notamment un régime à parti unique. Malgré la multiplication des arrestations et des dérives dictatoriales, Jomo Kenyatta échappe aux critiques occidentales, la Grande-Bretagne le considérant comme le gardien des intérêts anglais.

La révolte des Mau-Mau, les paysans kikuyus dépossédés de leurs terres, aboutit le 12 décembre 1963 à l'indépendance du Kenya vis-à-vis de la Grande-Bretagne. Alors Premier ministre, Jomo Kenyatta accèdera à la tête de l'État, le 12 décembre de l'année suivante. 

Jomo Kenyatta, militant kényan indépendantiste et panafricaniste : «Lorsque les Blancs sont venus en Afrique, nous avions les terres, ils avaient la Bible. Ils nous ont appris à prier les yeux fermés. Lorsque nous les avons ouverts, les Blancs avaient la terre et nous la Bible.»

Set in the wake of the Mau Mau rebellion and on the cusp of Kenya's independence from Britain, A Grain of Wheat follows a group of villagers whose lives have been transformed by the 1952–1960 Emergency. At the center of it all is the reticent Mugo, the village's chosen hero and a man haunted by a terrible secret. As we learn of the villagers' tangled histories in a narrative interwoven with myth and peppered with allusions to real-life leaders, including Jomo Kenyatta, a masterly story unfolds in which compromises are forced, friendships are betrayed, and loves are tested. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/pbliving/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/pbliving/support

It’s Women’s History Month, and Dr. Venus is excited to celebrate Black Women Billionaires. Yes, there are other Black Women Billionaires besides Oprah, and now, becoming a Black Woman Billionaire is historical defiance. Back in the day, Black Women’s work purchased the American Dream and made others rich. Now, Black Women Billionaires PROVIDE the capital.   Dr. Venus spotlights four Black Women Billionaires, all-powerful and extremely diversified in their investments and sectors. She also discusses the painful historical relationship between capitalism and Black Women, and how we must change the narrative and work together to heal historical trauma, be ready to receive, and transcend to Billionaire status.   Key Takeaways: [6:30] Dr. Venus is DONE! White supremacy pollutes things, and she has chosen to put her energy and effort on to bigger and better things. She has gratitude for other things to focus on, such as her truth-teller tribe and the team behind her new tech company. [8:57] Dr. Venus walks back the relationship between Black Women and the pain associated with capitalism. Black Women in North America (and worldwide) were used just as bodies to produce and make others rich, their loved ones were sold, so it’s no wonder our relationship to money is messed up. [11:26] Being strong is not a character trait. It is a generationally passed down survival strategy that kept our ancestors alive. When it comes to making money, Black Women have been the work-horse for the American dream. Work has been associated with trading hours for dollars and being socially rewarded for being selfless and stoic. The challenge is to embrace a deep knowing that we have been quick to make other people rich, but we are beyond capable of making our own money, and it is our birthright to do so. [14:27] When we think about Black Women Billionaires, often the only person that comes to mind for us is Oprah. In order for there to be many more, we must give ourselves permission for this level of wealth and really know internally that we are ready to receive it. We also must rise above the feeling that we don’t deserve it because we didn’t work hard enough for it. [15:10] To become a billionaire, it’s a state of being, just like it is going from 5 to 6 figures. [15:57] The social currency of Black culture makes White billionaires, and Dr. Venus is ready for a change, and for Black Women to work together to make each other more prosperous. [17:25] When you are a billionaire, you have the power to deeply affect not just you, but your loved ones for generations to come. You can put money towards the politician you want, build a hospital in your community, or build your legacy in a way that is meaningful for you. In order to do that, you are going to have to grow out of providing only service-based business. [20:43] Ngina Kenyatta is the Former First Lady of Kenya and is the widow of the country's first president, Jomo Kenyatta, and also the mother of President Uhuru Kenyatta. Her empire includes real estate, hospitality, and owning thousands of acres of prime land in Kenya. She has an estimated net worth of $1 billion. [20:39] Folorunsho Alakija also sits on a net worth of $1 billion and a renowned Nigerian businesswoman who has established herself in the oil, printing, real estate, and fashion industries. She works as the managing director of the Rose of Sharon Group and serves as the executive vice-chairman of Famfa Oil Limited. [23:08] Isabel dos Santos, the richest woman in Africa, is an Angolan billionaire businesswoman who is also famous as the eldest child of the former Angolan President,  José Eduardo dos Santos. Her net worth is $1.7 billion, and she made the vast majority of her wealth by purchasing stakes in companies based in Angola. [25:013] Oprah Winfrey has a net worth of $2.6 Billion, and is dubbed the “Queen of All Media”. The popular talk show host, actress, philanthropist and producer is considered the wealthiest African American of the 20th century. The media magnate is the chairwoman and chief executive officer of Harpo Productions. [26:27] Dr. Venus loves the diversity of these amazing Black Women Billionaires. [27:55] Back in 1913, Sarah Rector became the richest Black girl in America, at only 11 years old. This is not something that is widely taught or talked about in schools today. We talk about Black people overcoming, but we were already wealthy. [30:31] It’s important that we celebrate us for all that we do and the complexity of all that we are. [32:27] Now is the time to get ahead of the AI curve and start to think about how to make money digitally.   Quotes:   “If you don’t know your worth, you will squander it, even if you are born into it.” “Even in Black history books, we don’t talk about money. It’s a big deal to me that in Women’s History Month that we look for ways that we’ve won.” “You aren’t an exception, you are an original. You come from a lineage of women that soared and it’s your birthright to have your own money and highways.” “When Black Women work together and have their own money we transform the world.”   Mentioned: Dr. Venus Website | Facebook | Twitter | Instagram  “Hot Mess Millionaire” Amazon Pilot  ”Hot Mess Millionaire” Complete Series (https://www.youtube.com/c/DrVenusOpalReese) Join the conversation! Hot Mess Millionaire Facebook Group Free Gift When You Join The Truth Tribe The Black Woman Millionaire Hot Mess Edition   ATTENTION CONTENT CREATORS, INFLUENCERS, ENTERPRISING ENTREPRENEURS & TV/FILM WRITERS:   I'm starting a tech company that features YOUR VOICE front and center! If you want to be THE FIRST to know about ALL things Dr. Venus’ tech start-up, fill out the form below for updates, launch dates, AND opportunities to be a part of history in the making!! http://bit.ly/DrVenusAppInfo   RESOURCES   Meet Some of the richest Black Women in the world Black Women Who Changed The World MEET SARAH RECTOR, THE 11-YEAR-OLD WHO BECAME THE RICHEST BLACK GIRL IN AMERICA IN 1913 #20 Folorunsho Alakija 18 Richest Black Billionaires And Their Net-Worth    

This is the fifth and final episode in a series on the political rise and policies of Jomo Kenyatta, the first President of Kenya.  This episode focuses in on the legacy of Jomo Kenyatta and the actions of his regime which ensures that history will remember him as a dictator.  The material covers the IB's topic of Independence Movements between 1800 and 2000.  

This is the fourth in a series on the political rise and policies of Jomo Kenyatta, the first President of Kenya.  This episode looks directly at the policies that Kenyatta pursued in his attempts to create a homogenous national culture.  The material covers the IB's topic of Independence Movements between 1800 and 2000.  

This is the third in a series on the political rise and policies of Jomo Kenyatta's path to becoming the first President of Kenya.  This episode begins with the arrest of Jomo Kenyatta and then examines the trial and evidence against him and the other members of the Kapenguria Six.  The beginnings of the 'cult of Jomo' are introduced before showcasing how the movement was able to 'Free Kenyatta.' The material covers the IB's topic of Independence Movements between 1800 and 2000).  Updated in 2022

This is the second in a five series on the political rise and policies of Jomo Kenyatta's path to becoming the first President of Kenya.  The Mau Mau revolt/revolution thrust Jomo Kenyatta into the spotlight as the supposed leader of the movement.  This podcast goes beyond Jomo Kenyatta to look at the movement as a whole; drawing heavily from the outstanding work of Caroline Elkin's Imperial Reckoning as well as other sources.  The material covers the IB's topic of Independence Movements between 1800 and 2000).  UPDATED in 2022

This is the first in a five part series on the political rise and policies of Jomo Kenyatta's path to becoming the first President of Kenya.  It begins with the colonization of Kenya by the British; which sets up the grievances that result in the Mau Mau revolt (the second episode in this series).  The material covers the IB's topic of Independence Movements between 1800 and 2000).  UPDATED IN 2022

Concentration Camps, Trials & Executions  In Nairobi | Britain's Shameful Colonial Past in Kenya AKA "The Emergency" (part 3)Let's talk about the  end of the KLFA rebellion, British withdrawal from Kenya, the rise of Jomo Kenyatta, General China, the fate of the Gikuyu and the trials and executions carried out by the British. This is part 3 of a 3 part history podcast series on how Kenya gained independence from England... I'm going to take us through the brutal end of the KLFA rebellion and the end to the British occupation of Kenya. We're talking about controversial stuff today including British re-education camps, the fate of the Gikuyu people and political organizing in Kenya until official independence from Britain. In this episode, I'll detail more about the concentration camps, re-education, the colonial government's destruction of the Kenyan state and the outcome of the KLFA rebellion.We get a relatively happy ending with Kenyan independence but the journey there has many twists and turns... This will be my first black history month doing this podcast... This is a 3 part series documenting the Kenyan emergency. My next episode will be on a relatively recent event influential in African American history.  I mention it at the end of this episode. Share this with your history class, cite me in a paper or better yet, email me. blackhistorypod@gmail.comFind me on social media and say hello.SUBSCRIBE and follow for a new weekly podcast.Find me on twitter:www.twitter.com/blkhistorypodSubscribe on Patreon:www.patreon.com/blackhistorypodALL music by rising star Pres Morris:Twitter: www.twitter.com/pres_morrisradiofreeglobe.bandcamp.comSOURCES:Facing Mount Kenya by Jomo KenyattaHow to pronounce Gikuyu: https://forvo.com/word/g%C4%A9k%C5%A9y%C5%A9/Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of an Empire by David Anderson  BBC news source: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138

Part 2 of a (now) THREE PART series. The Authoritarian Police State | Britain's Shameful Colonial Past in Kenya AKA "The Emergency" (part 2)Let's talk about the authoritarian police state and white nationalist response to Kenyan sovereignty. The Mau Mau rebellion, the Kenyan Land and Freedom Army,  Jomo Kenyatta, Nairobi, Gikuyu/Kikuyu history.  Part 2 of a 3 part history podcast series on how Kenya gained independence from England... Warning: it's unpleasant.I'm going to outline the stakes for Kenyan independence, the political issues faced by Africans and the W I L D behavior of the British (United Kingdom) colonial governments in African countries. In this episode, I'll detail more white nationalism, African nationalism and talk about the Lari Massacre, one of the most significant events in changing public opinion in favor of the colonial government (but not for the reason you think.) BACK from my hiatus and ready for black history month. This will be my first black history month doing this podcast... This is a 3 part series documenting the Kenyan emergency. The 3rd part will be here soon because I am finally back in my office and can record, write, and ruin everyone's day by constantly talking about obscure black history.  Yay! Find me on social media and say hello. Let me know if you cite this podcast in a class paper. Don't be shy. SUBSCRIBE and follow for a new weekly podcast.Find me on twitter:www.twitter.com/blkhistorypodSubscribe on Patreon:www.patreon.com/blackhistorypodALL music by the talented Pres Morris:Twitter: www.twitter.com/pres_morrisradiofreeglobe.bandcamp.comSOURCES:Facing Mount Kenya by Jomo KenyattaHow to pronounce Gikuyu: https://forvo.com/word/g%C4%A9k%C5%A9y%C5%A9/Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of an Empire by David Anderson  BBC news source: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138

Leave Kenya Alone! (Britain's Shameful Hidden Past AKA "The Emergency").  The Mau Mau rebellion, the Kenyan Land and Freedom Army,  Jomo Kenyatta, Nairobi, Gikuyu/Kikuyu history. A brief introduction into how Kenya gained independence from England. Warning: it's unpleasant.I'm going to outline the stakes for Kenyan independence, the political issues faced by Africans and the W I L D behavior of the British (United Kingdom) colonial governments in African countries.BACK from my hiatus and ready AF for black history month. My first black history month doing this podcast... This is a two part series documenting the Kenyan emergency. The second part will be much longer because I am finally back in my office and can record, write, and ruin everyone's day by constantly talking about obscure black history.  Yay! Find me on social media and say hello. Let me know if you cite this podcast in a class paper. Don't be shy. SUBSCRIBE and follow for a new weekly podcast.Find me on twitter:www.twitter.com/blkhistorypodSubscribe on Patreon:www.patreon.com/blackhistorypodALL music by the talented Pres Morris:Twitter: www.twitter.com/pres_morrisradiofreeglobe.bandcamp.comSOURCES:Facing Mount Kenya by Jomo KenyattaHow to pronounce Gikuyu: https://forvo.com/word/g%C4%A9k%C5%A9y%C5%A9/Histories of the Hanged: The Dirty War in Kenya and the End of an Empire by David AndersonBooks by David Anderson:https://www.google.com/search?q=david+anderson+author+histories+of+the+hanged&client=firefox-b-1-d&sxsrf=ALeKk03ag-gZOsng2oQreowMY_9zg2zxpw:1611951634035&source=univ&tbm=shop&tbo=u&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwizrKrk-8HuAhUzB50JHaiQBfsQ1TV6BAgJEGo&biw=1420&bih=950BBC news source: https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-12997138

If You Like what we do support us here, https://anchor.fm/pbliving/support Publisher : Michael O'Mara, 1998 Daniel arap Moi, the President of Kenya, is one of Africa's longest-serving and most controversial leaders. He has ruled the East African nation since the death of Jomo Kenyatta, the first President, in 1978 and has survived a coup attempt, tribal unrest and economic upheaval. In a country dominated by tribalism, he has managed to gather sufficient support from all areas not only to maintain power but also to preserve Kenya as one nation. Over the past three years, Andrew Morton has pieced together a portrait of Moi's extraordinary life. He has been granted unique access to interview Moi's family, his friends, his colleagues - and his enemies. Brimming with insight and revealing anecdote, and covering right up to the elections in December 1997, Moi's exceptional story forces the reader to look with new eyes at the man, his history and his nation. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/pbliving/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/pbliving/support

Devocional Cristiano para Jóvenes - PERSIGUE TUS SUEÑOS Fecha: 19-11-2020 Título: JOMO KENYATTA Autor: Dorothy E. Watts Locución: Ale Marín

PERSIGUE TUS SUEÑOS Devoción Matutina para Jóvenes 2020 Narrado por: Daniel Ramos Desde: Connecticut, Estados Unidos Una cortesía de DR'Ministries y Canaan Seventh-Day Adventist Church   19 DE NOVIEMBRE JOMO KENYATTA ¡Que todo el mundo me busque para la salvación!, porque yo soy Dios; no hay otro. Isaías 45:22. ¡Cómo picaban las niguas! Los diminutos insectos taladraron los pies de Kamau mientras caminaba por el pastizal. Luego, para calmar la picazón y el dolor remojó sus pies en agua y les dio masajes; pero no le sirvió de nada. Tras la picadura, vino la fiebre. Enfermo de gravedad, yacía en una estera de paja en la chocita de su madre y se debilitaba más cada día. -¡Mi hijo va a morir! ¡Mi hijo va a morir! -se lamentaba su mamá-. Los espíritus están enojados, Ngengi. En vista de la condición del jovencito, el padre de Kamau visitó la choza del hechicero, le llevó un obsequio de una oveja y le rogó que sanara a su hijo. -Has ofendido a tus espíritus ancestrales -declaró el anciano-. Debes ofrecer una gran fiesta donde haya cerveza, mucho baile, comida y bebida. Entonces se pondrán contentos los espíritus. Pero, a pesar de la oveja, la fiesta y el baile, la salud de Kamau empeoró. -He oído que el hombre blanco tiene medicina poderosa -sugirió la mamá de Kamau cuando todo parecía estar perdido y su hijo se hallaba al borde de la muerte-. No creo que sea malo llevarlo a la misión de los cristianos. Ngengi no quería ir, pero la mamá del muchacho presionó hasta que realizaron el viaje al Fuerte Hall, cerca de Nairobi. Allí lo acostaron en una cama con sábanas blancas, mientras los médicos lo examinaban. Ante la firme insistencia de su padre, Kamau tragó la extraña medicina que le daban los doctores. En poco tiempo, el muchacho estuvo completamente restablecido. -El Dios del hombre blanco es más poderoso que el hechicero -dijo Kamau con asombro- Es más poderoso que los espíritus malignos. Me quiero quedar, para aprender la magia del hombre blanco. Los padres de Kamau accedieron a dejarlo. Cuando culminó sus estudios en la escuela de la misión, había aprendido a amar a Jesús. Aunque aceptó al Dios del hombre blanco, no aceptó el gobierno blanco. Cuando llegó a la madurez, Kamau cambió su nombre por Jomo Kenyatta y guió a su pueblo en la lucha por la independencia de Kenya. Tal vez no simpatices con los sueños de Jomo Kenyatta, ni estés de acuerdo con el método usado para lograrlos, pero estoy segura de que estarás de acuerdo conmigo en que la decisión más sabia que tomó fue la de seguir a Jesús. ¿Has hecho tú lo mismo?

The 5th Pan-African Congress was held in Manchester in 1945 to shape the post-war struggle against colonialism and racial discrimination. Prominent black activists, intellectuals and trade union leaders from around the world attended the meeting - among them Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta, the future leaders of independent Ghana and Kenya. We delve into the archive to hear from one of the delegates, the late ANC activist and writer Peter Abrahams, and we speak to the historian Prof Hakim Adi from Chichester University about the significance of the meeting. Photo: The 5th Pan African Congress, 1945 (Manchester Libraries)

James Taylor reflects on the life of Jomo Kenyatta and explores how his life can teach us about undertaking Christian mission.

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo's book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo's book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya's first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It's a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya's colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University.

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo’s book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo’s book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It’s a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo’s book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo’s book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It’s a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Studying the role of institutions and their evolution often helps us better understand political and economic development in countries all over the world. And one such key institution is the legislature, which plays a critical role in democratic consolidation by providing a stable system of horizontal accountability. Legislatures craft legislation, pass laws, exercise oversight of the executive branch and thereby provide the institutional mechanism which allows societies to perform representative governance on a daily basis. Individual legislators articulate competing interests and try to influence the policymaking process. They also perform an important function – that of constituency service, i.e. they may regularly visit their constituencies and meet their constituents and address local needs and may even be involved in providing various types of public goods to their constituents through development projects. The extent of legislative capacity and power, of course, varies greatly from country to country. In some countries, the legislature remains relatively weak despite multiparty politics, regular elections and even when ruling parties lose elections. But in other countries, the legislature has functioned effectively as a check on the executive branch of government as well as provided important contributions to the policymaking and policy implementation processes. But legislatures and legislative capacity in developing countries have not received the kind of scholarly attention that they deserve. This is indeed surprising. In his brilliant book, Legislative Development in Africa: Politics and Postcolonial Legacies, published in 2019 by Cambridge University Press, Ken explores how the adaptation of inherited colonial legislative institutional forms and practices continue to structure and influence contemporary politics and policy outcomes in Africa. He contrasts the records of legislative performance and discusses why the legislatures in some emerging democracies have enhanced their capacity and power while those in others have not. Ken finds that the introduction of competitive multiparty electoral institutions strengthened the Kenyan legislature but not the Zambian one. He also examines how and under what conditions democratic legislatures emerge in countries that have had strong autocratic foundations. Ken’s book thus makes a strong case for strengthening legislatures in emerging democracies. He argues that attempts to strengthen legislatures in emerging democracies should not just be limited to technical assistance and organizational capacity building but also include the political empowerment of legislators. Ken Ochieng’ Opalo is an Assistant Professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. His research interests include legislative politics, subnational administration and local government, electoral politics, and the political economy of development in Africa.  Ken’s current research projects include studies of the politics of service provision and accountability under devolved government in Kenya, education sector reforms in Tanzania, inter-state relations in Africa, and executive-legislative relations in Kenya. His works have been published in the British Journal of Political Science, the Journal of Democracy, the Journal of Eastern African Studies, and Governance. He is a member of EGAP (Evidence in Governance and Politics), gui2de (Georgetown University Initiative on Innovation, Development, and Evaluation) and a non-resident fellow at Brookings Institution and the Center for Global Development. His research has been funded by the Luminate Group, the Susan Ford Dorsey Fellowship, and the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development (DFID). Ken earned his BA from Yale University and PhD from Stanford University. Resources:Follow Ken Opalo on TwitterFollow In Pursuit of Development on Twitter 

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo’s book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo’s book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It’s a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo’s book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo’s book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It’s a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Anais Angelo, postdoctoral researcher at the Institute for African Studies at the University of Vienna has written an exceptional book entitled Power and the Presidency in Kenya: The Jomo Kenyatta Years (Cambridge University Press) in CUP's prestigious African Studies Series. Angelo’s book analyses the little-studied institution of the Office of the President by studying its first postcolonial office-holder in Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta. Angelo’s book is also a study of postcolonial statebuilding, told through the process of negotiations that transformed Kenya into a presidential republic. Using extensive archival records, she finds that neither the Brits nor Kenyan political elites intended to create a presidential regime with near limitless executive power. The result is a political biography of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta. It’s a story of distant and discrete politician that also narrates Kenya’s colonial and postcolonial history. Susan Thomson is associate professor of peace and conflict studies at Colgate University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Episode ninety-eight of A History of Rock Music in Five Hundred Songs looks at "I've Just Fallen For Someone" by Adam Faith, and is our final look at the pre-Beatles British pop scene. Click the full post to read liner notes, links to more information, and a transcript of the episode.   Patreon backers also have a ten-minute bonus episode available, on "San Francisco Bay Blues" by Jesse Fuller. Tilt Araiza has assisted invaluably by doing a first-pass edit, and will hopefully be doing so from now on. Check out Tilt's irregular podcasts at http://www.podnose.com/jaffa-cakes-for-proust and http://sitcomclub.com/ ----more---- Resources As always, I've created a Mixcloud streaming playlist with full versions of all the songs in the episode.  This double-CD set contains all Adam Faith's early recordings. And Big Time: The Life of Adam Faith by David and Caroline Stafford is a delightfully-written, extremely quotable, and by all accounts accurate biography of Faith.   Patreon This podcast is brought to you by the generosity of my backers on Patreon. Why not join them? Errata I repeatedly mispronounce Faith's birth surname as “Nelham”. It was “Nelhams”, with an “s”. I also say that "Milk From the Coconut" by Johnny Gentle made the top thirty. It didn't -- I got this from an unreliable source. Transcript Today we're going to take our last look at the pre-Beatles British pop world, and we're going to look at a record that's far more important in retrospect than it seemed at the time. We're going to look at Adam Faith, and a track he recorded called "I've Just Fallen For Someone": [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "I've Just Fallen For Someone"] As is normal for British rock and roll stars of the fifties, Adam Faith was a pseudonym, in this case for someone whose birth name is the subject of some debate -- the registrar seems to have got a bit confused -- but who was known as Terry Nelhams, a five-foot-five singer with high cheekbones, a strong chin, and a weak voice. The crucial change in Nelhams' life had come at the cinema, when he had watched a film called Rebel Without A Cause, starring James Dean. Amazingly, I think we managed to get through the whole 1950s without mentioning Dean, but he was a massive figure in youth pop culture of the fifties, and his presence still resonated for decades afterwards. Dean only starred in three films, and only one, East of Eden, was released in his lifetime -- he died in a car crash while the other two were in post-production -- but his performance in the posthumously-released Rebel Without A Cause seemed to many teenagers of the time to encapsulate everything that they wanted to be.  And Terry Nelhams decided he wanted to be James Dean -- why not? He bore a slight resemblance to him. Terry was going to go into showbiz. There was a problem, though -- in the Britain of the fifties, acting was something that was largely the purview of the middle classes, and Terry was firmly working class. He lived on a council estate and went to a secondary modern -- the schools which, in the fifties UK education system, were designed for people who were considered unlikely to succeed academically. There was no way he was going to end up studying at RADA or any of the other ways one got into acting. So he decided that rather than become a film star, he would become a director. That was much easier to get into than acting was, in the British film industry of the fifties -- you got a job as a tea boy at a film studio, worked your way up into the editing suite, became an editor, and then became a director. There was a steady career path, and you had job security at every stage -- and Terry Nelhams was someone who always looked after his money. So that's what he did -- he got a job at the Rank organisation as a messenger, then moved across to a company that made commercials for the new commercial TV network ITV, where he was an assistant editor. But while he was working at Rank, Nelhams had joined a skiffle group, the Worried Men -- named after the skiffle standard -- who had been formed by some of the younger employees. They became the resident band at the 2is when the Vipers Skiffle Group went out on tour. Despite all the stories about other people who had been discovered at the 2is on their first gig, the Worried Men ended up performing there for months before any kind of success. But then they did get a certain amount of fame, when Six-Five Special did its single most famous episode -- a live outside broadcast from the 2is itself. As the house band, the Worried Men got to perform a few songs on that show, and they also got a couple of tracks on two Decca compilations, "Rockin' at the 2is" and "Stars of the Six-Five Special": [Excerpt: The Worried Men, "This Little Light"] But neither album sold particularly well, and the Worried Men slowly drifted apart -- one member joined the Vipers, and Nelhams left before the group got in a couple of people we've already seen a few times in our story -- both Tony Meehan, who would go on to join the Shadows, and Brian Bennett, who ended up replacing him, passed through the group. But while Nelhams had quit the Worried Men -- as much as anything else because holding down a day job while he also played for four hours at the 2is every night was starting to affect his health -- Jack Good remembered him from that one Six-Five Special appearance, and thought that his looks, if not his singing ability, gave him the potential to be a star.  Good changed Nelhams' name to Adam Faith, and gave him a solo spot on Six-Five Special, as well as getting him a contract with HMV, one of several record labels owned by the large conglomerate EMI. His first single on HMV was "(Got A) Heartsick Feeling", backed by Geoff Love and his Orchestra: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "(Got A) Heartsick Feeling"] That record was, of course, publicised on Six-Five Special, but the extent to which Faith's star potential was based on his looks rather than his singing ability can probably be seen from the fact that after his first appearance on the show he mimed rather than sing live, unlike all the other performers. The record was not a success, and nor was his second single, a cover of Jerry Lee Lewis' "High School Confidential": [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "High School Confidential"] Faith was unpopular, but he was able to give up his day job in the editing room to go on tour with a package based on Six-Five Special, at the bottom of the bill. And on that tour he became friendly with one of the other acts, John Barry, the trumpet playing leader of a group called the John Barry Seven. Barry had wanted to be an arranger for big bands, but when he realised that was no longer a viable career path, he'd formed his small group, who at the time were making records like "Zip Zip", which were fairly awful early British rock and roll efforts, but with slightly more interesting instrumental arrangements than the bulk of the work being put out in the UK at that point: [Excerpt: The John Barry Seven, "Zip Zip"] When Jack Good moved over to ITV to do Oh Boy!, he took Faith with him, but Faith's career was stagnating, and he quit performing altogether, and got another job as an assistant editor at Elstree studios, working on ATV shows like William Tell and The Invisible Man. But then Faith got a call from John Barry. The BBC were putting together a new show, Drumbeat, to compete with Oh Boy!, and they wanted their own star to compete with Cliff Richard and Marty Wilde. Would Adam be interested? He would -- though he was cautious enough after last time that he kept his day job. He'd bunk off work on Thursday and Friday afternoons to rehearse and record the show, and make the time up on Sundays. His workmates covered for him when he bunked off, and that worked until his boss' daughter mentioned to the boss that she'd seen Terry on the telly. He was told he had to choose between his pop career and a secure job, and he decided to make his pop career into a secure job, by getting a guaranteed six-month contract on Drumbeat before quitting Elstree. Drumbeat did little to make Faith's records sell any more, but it did lead to acting appearances -- as a biker in the police show No Hiding Place, and as a musician in a cheap exploitation film that was originally titled "Striptease Girl", before the censors made the film producers cut the nudity out (except for foreign markets) at which point it was retitled Beat Girl in the UK, and Wild For Kicks in the US. It was hardly Rebel Without a Cause, but it was definitely a step in the right direction. The music for that film was done by Adam's friend John Barry -- the very first film score Barry ever did: [Excerpt: The John Barry Seven, "Beat Girl"] But Adam Faith was still a pop star without a hit, and that was a situation that couldn't last. He was also temporarily without a record contract, but his new manager Eve Taylor managed to get him one with Parlophone, another EMI-owned label. And then his Drumbeat contacts came through in a big way.  One of the other acts who regularly appeared on the show was a group called the Raindrops, who featured a singer who had been born Yannis Skoradalides, but whose name had soon been anglicised to John Worsley. He'd then taken on the stage name Johnny Worth, which was the name he performed under, but he was also starting to write songs -- and because he was under contract as a recording artist, he took on yet another name as a songwriter to avoid any legal complications, so he was writing as Les Vandyke. It was under that name that he wrote a song called "What Do You Want?", which he played to Faith and Barry, his two colleagues on Drumbeat. They saw potential in it -- a lot of potential. And John Barry had an idea for an instrumental gimmick. We're now into 1959, and Buddy Holly's "It Doesn't Matter Any More" had just been a big posthumous hit for him: [Excerpt: Buddy Holly, "It Doesn't Matter Any More"] The pizzicato strings, in particular, had caught the ear of a lot of people, and Barry had already used them in the arrangement he'd written for "Be Mine", a record by the minor British pop star Lance Fortune: [Excerpt: Lance Fortune, "Be Mine"] That hadn't been released yet – it went top five when it eventually was – and Barry thought that it was worth repeating the trick, and so he came up with a pizzicato arrangement for the song Vandyke had written. And for a final touch, Faith received some vocal coaching from another Drumbeat performer, Roy Young, who taught him how to mangle his vowels so that he could sing in what was, to British ears, almost a convincing imitation of Buddy Holly's hiccupping vocal, particularly on the word "baby". The result was a huge hit, becoming the first number one single ever on the Parlophone label: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "What Do You Want?"] Faith was now a real pop star at last. "What Do You Want?" was also one of the very rare British records to actually get an American cover version -- Bobby Vee, the Buddy Holly soundalike, picked up on the record and issued his own version of it: [Excerpt: Bobby Vee, "What Do You Want?"] That wasn't a success, but as Vee became a star he would occasionally record versions of other songs Faith recorded. Faith's second Parlophone single was another number one, and another song written by Les Vandyke and arranged by John Barry. It was very much "What Do You Want?" part two, but there was an interesting musical figure Barry came up with in the intro: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "Poor Me"] In the 1990s, Barry used that as evidence in a court case over his claim to authorship of the piece of music with which he is most associated, a piece arranged and performed by Barry, but whose credited writer is Monty Norman. Compare and contrast "Poor Me": [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "Poor Me"] And the James Bond theme: [Excerpt: John Barry, "James Bond Theme"] For the next couple of years, Faith had a string of hits, mostly written by Vandyke and arranged by Barry, though no more number ones. By most metrics -- in hits, record sales, and fan appeal -- he was the second-biggest British pop star of the early sixties, after Cliff Richard.  He also became well known as a media personality, thanks in large part to his appearance on the interview show Face to Face. This was a TV programme that ran from 1959 through 1962 -- almost the precise same length as Faith's pop career -- and which had interviewer John Freeman sat with his back to the camera, while the studio was largely in darkness other than the face of the person he was interviewing. Freeman's questions seem in the modern media landscape to be remarkably gentle, but in the early sixties he was regarded as the most incisive and probing interviewer in the British media. He reduced at least one subject, Gilbert Harding, to tears, and his questioning of Tony Hancock is popularly supposed to have started Hancock into the spiral of questioning, self-doubt, and depression that led first to his career crashing and burning and eventually to his suicide. Most of the guests that Freeman had on the show were serious, important, highbrow people. The thirty-five episodes of the show included interviews with Bertrand Russell, Carl Jung, Adlai Stevenson, Henry Moore, Martin Luther King and Jomo Kenyatta. But occasionally there would be someone invited on from the world of sport or entertainment, and Faith was invited on to the show as a representative of youth culture and pop music. The questions asked on the show were clearly designed to make Faith -- a twenty-year-old pop singer who went to a secondary modern and still lived on a council estate even now he'd hit the big time -- seem a laughing stock, and to poke holes in his image. Everyone involved seems to have been surprised when he came across as a well-read, cultured, if rather mercenary, young man who could string three words together: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "Face to Face", interview questions about classical music and literature] As a result of that appearance, Faith was increasingly asked on to TV shows to be "the voice of the youth", particularly as he was the first pop star to admit to things like having sex before marriage. He debated with the Archbishop of York about religion on national TV, in a debate chaired by Ludovic Kennedy, and Faith was largely viewed as having come out better than the bishop. He also took at least one brave political stand in 1964. He had been booked to tour in South Africa, and agreed to do so only under the condition that he would perform only to integrated audiences. But when he got on stage for one show, he saw the police dragging two young girls out of an otherwise all-white audience, because they weren't white. He walked off stage, and refused to do the rest of the tour. The promoter demanded compensation, and Faith refused, saying he'd made clear that he was only going to play to integrated audiences. He tried to leave the country, booking plane tickets under his birth name to escape suspicion, but was dragged off the plane at gunpoint by South African police. Eventually the intervention of the chairman of EMI, the British Foreign Secretary, the general secretary of Equity, the actor's union, and several brave journalists who said that if Faith was imprisoned they would go to prison with him, meant that Faith was allowed to leave the country, though EMI paid the promoter's compensation and took it out of Faith's future royalties. Not that there were many royalties by that point. In early 1963, John Barry had stopped working with Faith to concentrate on his film music -- he'd just started working on the Bond films that would make his name -- and the hits dried up then, especially when musical styles suddenly changed in the middle of that year. But Faith had managed to parlay his looks into an acting career by that point, and over the next decade he appeared in several films, starred in the TV series Budgie, and toured in repertory theatre. He also became a manager and producer, managing Leo Sayer and producing Roger Daltrey's solo recordings. He would occasionally make the odd record himself, up to the nineties, with his final single being a duet with Daltrey on a cover version of "Stuck in the Middle With You": [Excerpt: Adam Faith and Roger Daltrey, "Stuck in the Middle With You"] But as someone who looked after his money, Faith had been far more canny than most of his fellow pop stars, and for much of his life he was a very wealthy man. While he continued performing, his main role in the eighties and nineties was as a financial journalist and investment advisor, writing columns on finance for the Daily Mail. He presented the BBC business show Working Lunch, the Channel 4 money show Dosh, and eventually started his own TV channel devoted to business, The Money Channel. Unfortunately for him, the Money Channel went down in the stock market crashes of the early 2000s, and Faith went bankrupt in 2002. He died in 2003, aged sixty-two. But you'll notice we haven't yet mentioned the song that this episode is about. That's because that song, "I've Just Fallen For Someone", was completely unimportant in Adam Faith's life. It was just a bit of album filler on his second album. But though Faith didn't know it, it was an important song in rock music history: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "I've Just Fallen For Someone"] Like Faith's hits, that was written by another performer, one who like Les Vandyke had a variety of different names. John Askew was one of Larry Parnes' stable of acts, and far from the most successful of them. He performed under the name Johnny Gentle, and didn't have a great deal of success. Askew's first single, "Wendy", was unsuccessful, but it was unusual among British singles of the period in that it was written by Askew himself: [Excerpt: Johnny Gentle, "Wendy"] His second, though, made the top thirty: [Excerpt: Johnny Gentle, "Milk From the Coconut"] That would be the most success Johnny Gentle ever had, and his live shows were made up entirely of cover versions of other people's records -- when he toured Scotland in 1960, for example, his setlist consisted of two Buddy Holly songs, and one each by Elvis, Ricky Nelson, Clarence "Frogman" Henry, Eddie Cochran, and Jim Reeves. But he was still writing songs on that tour, and he was working on one in a hotel in Inverness – one that clearly referenced “What Do You Want?” with its girl who doesn't want ermine and pearls – when he got stuck for a middle eight for the song, and mentioned it to the rhythm guitarist in his backing band. The guitarist came up with a new middle eight -- referencing a line from a favourite song of his, "Money" by Barrett Strong. Askew took that new middle eight, though didn't give the guitarist any songwriting credit -- Askew was an established songwriter, after all. He gave the song to Faith, who recorded it in late 1961, and released it in 1962: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, "I've Just Fallen for Someone"] That was on his second album, Adam Faith (his first album had been called Adam), and on an EP taken from the album. But Askew thought it had more potential, and he recorded his own version, as Darren Young -- by this point he'd decided that his old stage name was bringing him bad luck: [Excerpt: Darren Young, "I've Just Fallen for Someone"] That version wasn't successful either, and the song remained completely obscure until the mid-1990s. It was at that point that Askew started telling the story of how the song had been written. And suddenly the song was of a lot more interest, at least to some people, because that rhythm guitarist who wrote that middle eight was John Lennon, and Gentle's backing band on that tour was the Beatles. We've just heard the story of the first ever commercial recording of a John Lennon song. And we'll pick up on that next week...

Episode ninety-eight of A History of Rock Music in Five Hundred Songs looks at “I’ve Just Fallen For Someone” by Adam Faith, and is our final look at the pre-Beatles British pop scene. Click the full post to read liner notes, links to more information, and a transcript of the episode.   Patreon backers also have a ten-minute bonus episode available, on “San Francisco Bay Blues” by Jesse Fuller. Tilt Araiza has assisted invaluably by doing a first-pass edit, and will hopefully be doing so from now on. Check out Tilt’s irregular podcasts at http://www.podnose.com/jaffa-cakes-for-proust and http://sitcomclub.com/ —-more—- Resources As always, I’ve created a Mixcloud streaming playlist with full versions of all the songs in the episode.  This double-CD set contains all Adam Faith’s early recordings. And Big Time: The Life of Adam Faith by David and Caroline Stafford is a delightfully-written, extremely quotable, and by all accounts accurate biography of Faith.   Patreon This podcast is brought to you by the generosity of my backers on Patreon. Why not join them? Errata I repeatedly mispronounce Faith’s birth surname as “Nelham”. It was “Nelhams”, with an “s”. I also say that “Milk From the Coconut” by Johnny Gentle made the top thirty. It didn’t — I got this from an unreliable source. Transcript Today we’re going to take our last look at the pre-Beatles British pop world, and we’re going to look at a record that’s far more important in retrospect than it seemed at the time. We’re going to look at Adam Faith, and a track he recorded called “I’ve Just Fallen For Someone”: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “I’ve Just Fallen For Someone”] As is normal for British rock and roll stars of the fifties, Adam Faith was a pseudonym, in this case for someone whose birth name is the subject of some debate — the registrar seems to have got a bit confused — but who was known as Terry Nelhams, a five-foot-five singer with high cheekbones, a strong chin, and a weak voice. The crucial change in Nelhams’ life had come at the cinema, when he had watched a film called Rebel Without A Cause, starring James Dean. Amazingly, I think we managed to get through the whole 1950s without mentioning Dean, but he was a massive figure in youth pop culture of the fifties, and his presence still resonated for decades afterwards. Dean only starred in three films, and only one, East of Eden, was released in his lifetime — he died in a car crash while the other two were in post-production — but his performance in the posthumously-released Rebel Without A Cause seemed to many teenagers of the time to encapsulate everything that they wanted to be.  And Terry Nelhams decided he wanted to be James Dean — why not? He bore a slight resemblance to him. Terry was going to go into showbiz. There was a problem, though — in the Britain of the fifties, acting was something that was largely the purview of the middle classes, and Terry was firmly working class. He lived on a council estate and went to a secondary modern — the schools which, in the fifties UK education system, were designed for people who were considered unlikely to succeed academically. There was no way he was going to end up studying at RADA or any of the other ways one got into acting. So he decided that rather than become a film star, he would become a director. That was much easier to get into than acting was, in the British film industry of the fifties — you got a job as a tea boy at a film studio, worked your way up into the editing suite, became an editor, and then became a director. There was a steady career path, and you had job security at every stage — and Terry Nelhams was someone who always looked after his money. So that’s what he did — he got a job at the Rank organisation as a messenger, then moved across to a company that made commercials for the new commercial TV network ITV, where he was an assistant editor. But while he was working at Rank, Nelhams had joined a skiffle group, the Worried Men — named after the skiffle standard — who had been formed by some of the younger employees. They became the resident band at the 2is when the Vipers Skiffle Group went out on tour. Despite all the stories about other people who had been discovered at the 2is on their first gig, the Worried Men ended up performing there for months before any kind of success. But then they did get a certain amount of fame, when Six-Five Special did its single most famous episode — a live outside broadcast from the 2is itself. As the house band, the Worried Men got to perform a few songs on that show, and they also got a couple of tracks on two Decca compilations, “Rockin’ at the 2is” and “Stars of the Six-Five Special”: [Excerpt: The Worried Men, “This Little Light”] But neither album sold particularly well, and the Worried Men slowly drifted apart — one member joined the Vipers, and Nelhams left before the group got in a couple of people we’ve already seen a few times in our story — both Tony Meehan, who would go on to join the Shadows, and Brian Bennett, who ended up replacing him, passed through the group. But while Nelhams had quit the Worried Men — as much as anything else because holding down a day job while he also played for four hours at the 2is every night was starting to affect his health — Jack Good remembered him from that one Six-Five Special appearance, and thought that his looks, if not his singing ability, gave him the potential to be a star.  Good changed Nelhams’ name to Adam Faith, and gave him a solo spot on Six-Five Special, as well as getting him a contract with HMV, one of several record labels owned by the large conglomerate EMI. His first single on HMV was “(Got A) Heartsick Feeling”, backed by Geoff Love and his Orchestra: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “(Got A) Heartsick Feeling”] That record was, of course, publicised on Six-Five Special, but the extent to which Faith’s star potential was based on his looks rather than his singing ability can probably be seen from the fact that after his first appearance on the show he mimed rather than sing live, unlike all the other performers. The record was not a success, and nor was his second single, a cover of Jerry Lee Lewis’ “High School Confidential”: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “High School Confidential”] Faith was unpopular, but he was able to give up his day job in the editing room to go on tour with a package based on Six-Five Special, at the bottom of the bill. And on that tour he became friendly with one of the other acts, John Barry, the trumpet playing leader of a group called the John Barry Seven. Barry had wanted to be an arranger for big bands, but when he realised that was no longer a viable career path, he’d formed his small group, who at the time were making records like “Zip Zip”, which were fairly awful early British rock and roll efforts, but with slightly more interesting instrumental arrangements than the bulk of the work being put out in the UK at that point: [Excerpt: The John Barry Seven, “Zip Zip”] When Jack Good moved over to ITV to do Oh Boy!, he took Faith with him, but Faith’s career was stagnating, and he quit performing altogether, and got another job as an assistant editor at Elstree studios, working on ATV shows like William Tell and The Invisible Man. But then Faith got a call from John Barry. The BBC were putting together a new show, Drumbeat, to compete with Oh Boy!, and they wanted their own star to compete with Cliff Richard and Marty Wilde. Would Adam be interested? He would — though he was cautious enough after last time that he kept his day job. He’d bunk off work on Thursday and Friday afternoons to rehearse and record the show, and make the time up on Sundays. His workmates covered for him when he bunked off, and that worked until his boss’ daughter mentioned to the boss that she’d seen Terry on the telly. He was told he had to choose between his pop career and a secure job, and he decided to make his pop career into a secure job, by getting a guaranteed six-month contract on Drumbeat before quitting Elstree. Drumbeat did little to make Faith’s records sell any more, but it did lead to acting appearances — as a biker in the police show No Hiding Place, and as a musician in a cheap exploitation film that was originally titled “Striptease Girl”, before the censors made the film producers cut the nudity out (except for foreign markets) at which point it was retitled Beat Girl in the UK, and Wild For Kicks in the US. It was hardly Rebel Without a Cause, but it was definitely a step in the right direction. The music for that film was done by Adam’s friend John Barry — the very first film score Barry ever did: [Excerpt: The John Barry Seven, “Beat Girl”] But Adam Faith was still a pop star without a hit, and that was a situation that couldn’t last. He was also temporarily without a record contract, but his new manager Eve Taylor managed to get him one with Parlophone, another EMI-owned label. And then his Drumbeat contacts came through in a big way.  One of the other acts who regularly appeared on the show was a group called the Raindrops, who featured a singer who had been born Yannis Skoradalides, but whose name had soon been anglicised to John Worsley. He’d then taken on the stage name Johnny Worth, which was the name he performed under, but he was also starting to write songs — and because he was under contract as a recording artist, he took on yet another name as a songwriter to avoid any legal complications, so he was writing as Les Vandyke. It was under that name that he wrote a song called “What Do You Want?”, which he played to Faith and Barry, his two colleagues on Drumbeat. They saw potential in it — a lot of potential. And John Barry had an idea for an instrumental gimmick. We’re now into 1959, and Buddy Holly’s “It Doesn’t Matter Any More” had just been a big posthumous hit for him: [Excerpt: Buddy Holly, “It Doesn’t Matter Any More”] The pizzicato strings, in particular, had caught the ear of a lot of people, and Barry had already used them in the arrangement he’d written for “Be Mine”, a record by the minor British pop star Lance Fortune: [Excerpt: Lance Fortune, “Be Mine”] That hadn’t been released yet – it went top five when it eventually was – and Barry thought that it was worth repeating the trick, and so he came up with a pizzicato arrangement for the song Vandyke had written. And for a final touch, Faith received some vocal coaching from another Drumbeat performer, Roy Young, who taught him how to mangle his vowels so that he could sing in what was, to British ears, almost a convincing imitation of Buddy Holly’s hiccupping vocal, particularly on the word “baby”. The result was a huge hit, becoming the first number one single ever on the Parlophone label: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “What Do You Want?”] Faith was now a real pop star at last. “What Do You Want?” was also one of the very rare British records to actually get an American cover version — Bobby Vee, the Buddy Holly soundalike, picked up on the record and issued his own version of it: [Excerpt: Bobby Vee, “What Do You Want?”] That wasn’t a success, but as Vee became a star he would occasionally record versions of other songs Faith recorded. Faith’s second Parlophone single was another number one, and another song written by Les Vandyke and arranged by John Barry. It was very much “What Do You Want?” part two, but there was an interesting musical figure Barry came up with in the intro: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “Poor Me”] In the 1990s, Barry used that as evidence in a court case over his claim to authorship of the piece of music with which he is most associated, a piece arranged and performed by Barry, but whose credited writer is Monty Norman. Compare and contrast “Poor Me”: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “Poor Me”] And the James Bond theme: [Excerpt: John Barry, “James Bond Theme”] For the next couple of years, Faith had a string of hits, mostly written by Vandyke and arranged by Barry, though no more number ones. By most metrics — in hits, record sales, and fan appeal — he was the second-biggest British pop star of the early sixties, after Cliff Richard.  He also became well known as a media personality, thanks in large part to his appearance on the interview show Face to Face. This was a TV programme that ran from 1959 through 1962 — almost the precise same length as Faith’s pop career — and which had interviewer John Freeman sat with his back to the camera, while the studio was largely in darkness other than the face of the person he was interviewing. Freeman’s questions seem in the modern media landscape to be remarkably gentle, but in the early sixties he was regarded as the most incisive and probing interviewer in the British media. He reduced at least one subject, Gilbert Harding, to tears, and his questioning of Tony Hancock is popularly supposed to have started Hancock into the spiral of questioning, self-doubt, and depression that led first to his career crashing and burning and eventually to his suicide. Most of the guests that Freeman had on the show were serious, important, highbrow people. The thirty-five episodes of the show included interviews with Bertrand Russell, Carl Jung, Adlai Stevenson, Henry Moore, Martin Luther King and Jomo Kenyatta. But occasionally there would be someone invited on from the world of sport or entertainment, and Faith was invited on to the show as a representative of youth culture and pop music. The questions asked on the show were clearly designed to make Faith — a twenty-year-old pop singer who went to a secondary modern and still lived on a council estate even now he’d hit the big time — seem a laughing stock, and to poke holes in his image. Everyone involved seems to have been surprised when he came across as a well-read, cultured, if rather mercenary, young man who could string three words together: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “Face to Face”, interview questions about classical music and literature] As a result of that appearance, Faith was increasingly asked on to TV shows to be “the voice of the youth”, particularly as he was the first pop star to admit to things like having sex before marriage. He debated with the Archbishop of York about religion on national TV, in a debate chaired by Ludovic Kennedy, and Faith was largely viewed as having come out better than the bishop. He also took at least one brave political stand in 1964. He had been booked to tour in South Africa, and agreed to do so only under the condition that he would perform only to integrated audiences. But when he got on stage for one show, he saw the police dragging two young girls out of an otherwise all-white audience, because they weren’t white. He walked off stage, and refused to do the rest of the tour. The promoter demanded compensation, and Faith refused, saying he’d made clear that he was only going to play to integrated audiences. He tried to leave the country, booking plane tickets under his birth name to escape suspicion, but was dragged off the plane at gunpoint by South African police. Eventually the intervention of the chairman of EMI, the British Foreign Secretary, the general secretary of Equity, the actor’s union, and several brave journalists who said that if Faith was imprisoned they would go to prison with him, meant that Faith was allowed to leave the country, though EMI paid the promoter’s compensation and took it out of Faith’s future royalties. Not that there were many royalties by that point. In early 1963, John Barry had stopped working with Faith to concentrate on his film music — he’d just started working on the Bond films that would make his name — and the hits dried up then, especially when musical styles suddenly changed in the middle of that year. But Faith had managed to parlay his looks into an acting career by that point, and over the next decade he appeared in several films, starred in the TV series Budgie, and toured in repertory theatre. He also became a manager and producer, managing Leo Sayer and producing Roger Daltrey’s solo recordings. He would occasionally make the odd record himself, up to the nineties, with his final single being a duet with Daltrey on a cover version of “Stuck in the Middle With You”: [Excerpt: Adam Faith and Roger Daltrey, “Stuck in the Middle With You”] But as someone who looked after his money, Faith had been far more canny than most of his fellow pop stars, and for much of his life he was a very wealthy man. While he continued performing, his main role in the eighties and nineties was as a financial journalist and investment advisor, writing columns on finance for the Daily Mail. He presented the BBC business show Working Lunch, the Channel 4 money show Dosh, and eventually started his own TV channel devoted to business, The Money Channel. Unfortunately for him, the Money Channel went down in the stock market crashes of the early 2000s, and Faith went bankrupt in 2002. He died in 2003, aged sixty-two. But you’ll notice we haven’t yet mentioned the song that this episode is about. That’s because that song, “I’ve Just Fallen For Someone”, was completely unimportant in Adam Faith’s life. It was just a bit of album filler on his second album. But though Faith didn’t know it, it was an important song in rock music history: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “I’ve Just Fallen For Someone”] Like Faith’s hits, that was written by another performer, one who like Les Vandyke had a variety of different names. John Askew was one of Larry Parnes’ stable of acts, and far from the most successful of them. He performed under the name Johnny Gentle, and didn’t have a great deal of success. Askew’s first single, “Wendy”, was unsuccessful, but it was unusual among British singles of the period in that it was written by Askew himself: [Excerpt: Johnny Gentle, “Wendy”] His second, though, made the top thirty: [Excerpt: Johnny Gentle, “Milk From the Coconut”] That would be the most success Johnny Gentle ever had, and his live shows were made up entirely of cover versions of other people’s records — when he toured Scotland in 1960, for example, his setlist consisted of two Buddy Holly songs, and one each by Elvis, Ricky Nelson, Clarence “Frogman” Henry, Eddie Cochran, and Jim Reeves. But he was still writing songs on that tour, and he was working on one in a hotel in Inverness – one that clearly referenced “What Do You Want?” with its girl who doesn’t want ermine and pearls – when he got stuck for a middle eight for the song, and mentioned it to the rhythm guitarist in his backing band. The guitarist came up with a new middle eight — referencing a line from a favourite song of his, “Money” by Barrett Strong. Askew took that new middle eight, though didn’t give the guitarist any songwriting credit — Askew was an established songwriter, after all. He gave the song to Faith, who recorded it in late 1961, and released it in 1962: [Excerpt: Adam Faith, “I’ve Just Fallen for Someone”] That was on his second album, Adam Faith (his first album had been called Adam), and on an EP taken from the album. But Askew thought it had more potential, and he recorded his own version, as Darren Young — by this point he’d decided that his old stage name was bringing him bad luck: [Excerpt: Darren Young, “I’ve Just Fallen for Someone”] That version wasn’t successful either, and the song remained completely obscure until the mid-1990s. It was at that point that Askew started telling the story of how the song had been written. And suddenly the song was of a lot more interest, at least to some people, because that rhythm guitarist who wrote that middle eight was John Lennon, and Gentle’s backing band on that tour was the Beatles. We’ve just heard the story of the first ever commercial recording of a John Lennon song. And we’ll pick up on that next week…

In today’s episode, in honor of Bastille Day next week, and Fourth of July last week, I want to talk about the ongoing evolution in elitism, and the problem of how the emerging new elites can be better than the old ones being toppled.1/ Elites are a constant and arguably necessary presence in history. Political revolutions that try to do away with elites invariably seem to either fail quickly, or install new elites without meaning to. So the question for me is not how to get rid of elites, but how to try and ensure the ones we end up with are better than the last lot.2/ I’m going to sketch out a rough theory of elitism and its dynamics, and then get to posing the question itself, and then propose an answer, from the perspective of both the new TBD elites, and the masses they define, so let’s get started.3/ First, the concept of an elite is not dependent on a particular structure of society. Elites might be kings, nobles, elected leaders, bureaucrats, scholars, scientists, priests, cult leaders, media leaders, business executives, or subcultural inner circles. The prevailing idea of masses is induced by the prevailing idea of elites as a complement.4/ So there’s always a subset that regards itself, and is regarded as, entitled to a sustainably better than average human condition, with attendant privileges. And importantly, it is a stable equilibrium. Those who are worse off, the non-elites, and think the elites don’t deserve their better conditions, still live with it. The masses rarely disturb the peace unless they are under extreme stress.5/ Elitism and privilege go together of course. The word privilege literally means private law. Elites are a group for whom laws apply differently, or a different set of laws apply. In the most extreme case, they are formally above the law entirely. That’s the usual definition of a monarch and the dividing line between monarchs and ordinary nobles. 6/ The nobility might have a privileged code of law, but they are still governed by a rule of law, even if it’s not the same one as applies to non-elites. This special treatment has to be pretty special though, so I don’t use privilege in the broad social justice sense of the term, as in white privilege. That’s a different, more diffuse sense of privilege as a structural advantage. I’m talking narrow privilege where you can get exceptional, personalized treatment under whatever rule of law applies to you. 7/ For example, in medieval Europe, the nobility had hereditary property rights, governed by Church law, and the commoners mostly didn’t have the same sorts of property rights, only duties. But what made the law for the nobility special was that it was personally administered, with exceptions being more important. Laws honored in the breach rather than observance, as Shakespeare put it. 8/ So for example, there were laws against consanguinous marriages, but the Church did brisk business in allowing exceptions. Or you have indulgences absolving you of sins that are more easily available to nobility. Or in more modern times, draft exemptions. That’s what privilege looks like.9/ So one way or the other, some subset of humans will create not only better than average conditions for themselves through private laws, they will even get exceptional treatment under that private law. Or a position above the law entirely.10/ A big part of the stability of this condition is personal social capital: knowing the right people, with the right level of trust, to get rules bent or interpreted in your favor. Or being treated as an exception. Or in the extreme case, laws simply made to your specifications to benefit you and disadvantage others. In the most extreme case, they simply don’t apply to you.11/ If you ignore human fallibility and corruption, and look at this as a systems design, it is actually kinda smart to divide the world into 3 zones this way: a zone where the rules apply absolutely, a zone where they can be bent and exceptions are possible, and a zone outside the laws. It gives you a broad ability to evolve the system. 12/ It’s like how, in The Matrix, the architect declared that the city of Zion, Neo, and the Oracle were as much part of the design of the system as Agent Smith. You could even argue that though the architect was God, Neo was the emperor, the citizens of Zion, both red-pilled and native-born, were the nobility, the Oracle was the chief priestess, and the bots like Agent Smith and the blue-pilled people in the Matrix were the non-elites.13/ But back in our world, I asked my Twitter followers whether they consider themselves part of the current elites. Out of 468 respondents, 34% said yes, and 66% said no. Which seems about right since I write for a pretty privileged class of readers.14/ Okay, so with this definition, if you look back at history, it looks like a series of experiments in elitism rather than a series of experiments in governance. Some of them end well, some end badly. But all of them end. The conceptualization of an elite class is not stable.15/ Definitions of elites shift pretty slowly, and typically only move significantly when the technology of trust changes. It used to be about provably noble blood-lines. Then it was about visibly living by a particular code, noblesse oblige. Then it was about money, then it was about education. Maybe in the far future, it will be about being red-pilled out of an AI simulation, so the rules don’t apply to you.16/ Now, while a notion of elite is stable, there is what Vilfredo Pareto called circulation of elites. He traced how two kinds of elites, which he called lions and foxes based on earlier terminology from Machiavelli, tend to simply take turns being the elites. Foxes rule by the power of the pen, lions through the power of the sword. 17/ As I have said, the economy of elitism is sort of system independent, and is based on personal trust and social-capital based computing within a calculus of privileges — exemptions from the law. 18/ A good model of this calculus is Selectorate Theory, which is described in The Dictator’s Handbook, compares all kinds of political systems in terms of 3 groups: influentials, essentials, and interchangeables. Influentials are always elites, interchangeables are never elites, and some essentials are elites. It doesn’t matter whether it is a dictatorship or democracy. This is how governance by elites happens.19/ My final theoretical point is about knowledge. The relation among elites and masses is one usually based on what are called noble lies, where elites exploit their privileged access to ideas, information, and education, to craft false consciousnesses for the masses to inhabit. Think of them as blue pills. How you feel about these noble lies, or blue pills, is a big part of your philosophy of elitism.20/ You can distinguish two basic approaches of elitism. There is what is sometimes called Straussian elitism, which is generally conservative, but not always, and is based on the paternalistic belief that elites lying to the masses for their own good is a good thing. So you get a distinction between esoteric elite red-pill knowledge and exoteric, non-elite blue-pill knowledge meant for the general public.21/ The other approach, which you could broadly call pluralism, is more democratic in spirit, and eschews noble lying, at least conscious noble lying, based on the principle that even if it gets noisy, messy, uninformed, and ignorant, it’s a good thing to level the epistemic playing field, and not privilege some flavors of knowledge structurally. I’m pretty strongly in this camp. There is no blue versus red pill. Everything is available for anyone to learn.22/ Okay, now that we have this basic historical sense of what elitism is, and how it works, we can ask, what makes for good elites versus bad elites? It is important to keep a sense of the real history of elitism when you talk about this question, because it is easy to get caught up in theories. In the collage image accompanying this podcast, I’ve included several famous historical examples. 23/ The storming of the Bastille, the American Declaration of Independence, the Magna Carta, and Lee Kuan Yew, Nehru, and Jomo Kenyatta giving their famous speeches. I also included a picture of Muammar Qadaffi’s corpse after he was killed by a mob — it is important to remember that elitism can end like that. So this is the gestalt of what elitism as a historical practice is. Or to use an esoteric word, the praxis of elitism as a consciously held philosophy.24/ But we shouldn’t anchor too much on these iconic moments when one set of elites takes over from another, or when non-elites temporarily bring down elites altogether, creating a vacuum. The essence of elitism isn’t in these moments of creative destruction of elite power, but in quieter unaccountable workings away from public scrutiny.25/ So think of closed-door board meetings, experts in a committee meeting setting health standards, Congressional committees hashing out the details of a bill, lobbyists waiting to meet a senator to push some agenda, unaccountable editors in a press room deciding which public figure to attack. Unaccountable tech leaders deciding how an algorithm should work. That’s day-to-day elitism.26/ This unaccountability by the way, isn’t necessarily a bad thing. It is what it is. To the extent the elites are agents of the will of society at large, there is just so much detail involved in the exercise of actual power that there is no possible way all of it could be made transparent to everybody. At best you can be slightly less opaque and unaccountable than the last crowd.27/ There’s also a middle-class, provincial version I don’t want to discount too much, like a local city leader calling in a favor with the local police chief, or a powerful business person talking to a school principal about their child. Any behavior that exercises privilege is elite behavior. The defining bit is not amount or scale of power, but the fact that it is exercised in privileged ways — private law, with a degree of unaccountability and exceptionalism.28/ Now that I’ve painted a portrait, there’s a fork in the road. You can either accept that this is the way the world works and always will, or you can imagine some sort of utopia where there are no elites and no zone of society that operates on the basis of privilege. 29/ Whether you are a commune anarchist who believes direct democracy or consensus will get rid of elites, or a blockchain libertarian who thinks code-is-law will get rid of elites, down that road I think is mainly delusion. I’ll just point to a famous article, the Tyranny of Structurelessness and leave it at that. Getting rid of elites does not work.30/ One reason is of course that elites have power and they use that power to keep themselves in power even as structural definitions and models of elitism change, become more or less informal, and ideologically different and so on. Angry masses understand this aspect of the persistence of elites. But this is not the biggest reason.31/ The biggest reason, which revolutionaries routinely discount, is that humans seem to desperately want elites of some sort. Maybe not the current sort, or the current model, and definitely not the current specific people, but some elites. Maybe you want black instead of white, women instead of men, techies instead of lawyers, or trans instead of cis, the point is, you want elites.32/ There may be strong preferences for a system of choosing elites. That’s kinda what ideology is. Or looser preferences. For example, I tend to prefer fox elites over lion elites, a large selectorate to a small one, and pluralism over noble lies. I also prefer strong mid-level mini-oligarchic patterns of power to either imperially centralized patterns or extremely fragmented, decentralized patterns.33/ The psychological function of elites appears to be to model how life can and ought to be lived. But this is a pretty loose specification. Christians think in terms of What Would Jesus Do. Confucians in ancient China thought in terms of how to codify the will of the Emperor into law. Woke elites think in term of how to turn intersectional theory into prescription, and anti-Woke elites think in terms of making classical liberalism great again.34/ It’s important to keep your definition of elites broad. For example, many people pretend that people like court jesters (and people often classify me as one) are among the non-elite. Maybe formally, but informally, they wield power and privilege — in my sense of access to exceptional treatment — in ways that makes them elite. So today in the US, the cast of Saturday Night Live, stand-up comics, and people like Jon Stewart and Trevor Noah are definitely elites. 35/ Anti-elite philosophy and philosophers are also necessarily elite simply by virtue of how their influence operates. So whether you’re taking about the Taoist sage Zhuangzi in ancient China or important figures like Robert Anton Wilson in the Discordian subculture of modern America, they’re all elites. Just because you laugh at other elites with sticks up their asses doesn’t make you not elite.36/ There’s many theories of this psychological function. There is a basic ethics theory of people just wanting guidance on how to have a good life, and looking for teachers. There is the theory of elites as surrogate parental figures. There is the Girardian theory of mimetic envy. Each theory explains some aspects and some situations well, and others poorly, but the point is, that psychological function exists. Elites are models of how to live life.37/ Okay, so now that we know what elites are, who counts as elites, how elitism and privilege work, and why they are both psychologically necessary for societies and structurally hard to eliminate, you can finally ask, what makes for good elites.38/ It’s an important question to ask right now, because the current regime of elites is definitely nearing its end. Chris Hayes wrote a good book about this back in 2012, called Twilight of the Elites, and there’s been a lot of other writing about it, like Moses Naim’s End of Power, and Martin Gurri’s Revolt of the Public. 39/ The elites are of course not going quietly. My friend Nils Gilman wrote a great article about the reaction, called The Twin Insurgency, and there is in general a lot of attention on how the current elites are rapidly trying to secure what they have, and sort of batten down the hatches. 41/ But I think the old elites are kinda done for in the next decade. My hypothesis about this is a simple one about how elites fail. In general, elites fail when their relationships with each other become more important than their relationships with the world. Not just masses, the world. The inner reality of the elites absorbs all their attention: whether it is court intrigues, scholarly debates in journals, boardroom battles, product architecture arguments, rivalries among schools of economists, or media wars. 42/ Once an elite class has turned into this kind of inward-focused blackhole unmoored from the larger universe, it’s only a matter of time before it self-destructs. With or without help from the revolting masses. It doesn’t really matter how much power they have. Their hold on that power is a function of the strength of their connection to the world.43/ This is one reason the function of policing is in the spotlight, because the job of the police is to enforce a particular relationship between elites and masses. When this enforcement gets particularly one-sided, they turn into a Praetorian Guard like in ancient Rome. So calls to defund, deunionize, or demilitarize the police, and theories of how policing itself can be ended as a function, are also part of new experiments in elitism.44/ Whether it goes down in flames or more peacefully, change of some sort is coming. If my theories are correct, any non-elite period will be short-lived. The shorter, the bloodier. The current idea of power may be ending, but the role of elite power and privilege will not end. Policing as we know it may end, but some enforcement of elite-mass relationships will remain. It will simply take on a new form in the new medium.45/ Already you see weird kinds of new elites, like online personalities, offline protest coordinators, skilled hackers, and people who are good at crafting spectacles like videos of bad “Karen” behavior. Much of this gets labeled populism, but it’s important to note that each of these manifestations of so-called populism comes with its own breed of new elites, mostly descended from old elites.46/ I think the populist phase of the culture wars might even be over. The actual commoners are exhausted from decades of violence, both physical and cultural. They can at most come out to riot online and offline occasionally. The real battle now is between old and new elites, and within old and new group. And of course, it’s confused by lots of overlapping membership.47/ For example, in the last few weeks, an open battle has broken out between tech industry thought leaders and media leaders. And right now there’s a weird letter doing the rounds on Harpers magazine, signed by a bunch of old elites denouncing a bunch of the new elites. 48/ The elite wars have really gotten going now, because everybody senses old institutions are dying, and emerging ones are at the point in their evolution where they are ripe for capture by one faction of wannabe elites or another.49/ Basically, you could say a new era of experiments in elitism is about to get underway, with more or less blood on the streets around the world. The question again is, what experiments should you support? How can you minimize the bloodshed? How can you try and ensure the new elites are good. If you’re a candidate elite, how do you plan to be good?50/ I don’t know the general answers to these questions, but I suspect I have an approximately equal claim to being a D-list member of the elite in both the old and new worlds. So I can only share my answer. I think the key to being a good elite is to take your function — serving as a model of how life should be lived — seriously. This means thinking more about your connection to the world than your connection with other elites.51/ If you want to define this function more precisely, I think it has to do with the idea that humans are ideally the measure of the world, not the other way around, and privilege is about being among those who get to measure the world rather than being measured by it, and in doing so, create ways to measure non-elites. So if you voted to self-identify as an elite in my Twitter poll, ask yourself: how do I measure the world with my life. 52/ The price of your privilege — which, remember, is special, personalized treatment under private law via access to social capital — is that you are expected to be at the forefront of relating to the wider world, and taking its measure on behalf of all humans. Which means facing uncertainty, and taking on risks, physical, intellectual, and psychological. This is why there is a natural relationship between being a member of the elite, and being expected to lead in the fullest sense of the word. 53/ To lead is to ultimately function as a model to non-elites on how to live, and not just live, but live with, for want of a better word, courage. Since that’s what it means to be the measure of the world, take risks, and deal with uncertainty. Otherwise you’re just a parasite pretending to be a lordly predator. And there’s no real way to fake this. People can tell when you are living courageously.54/ To be non-elite in 2020, on the other hand, is to be measured in a hundred different industrial-bureaucratic ways. The world measures you. Height, weight, gender, wealth, skin color, zip code, credit score, criminal record, degrees, job titles, parentage, and so on. This is what makes you part of the industrial-age masses. This idea didn’t come from nowhere, and is only a century or so old. It’s the complement of the industrial age definition of elites.55/ Being utterly unique and specialized with your 100-dimensional address in society is pretty new. The Spanish philosopher Jose Ortega y Gasset studied how this industrial non-elite human differed from the peasants of the past. My gloss on his theory is that the masses were measured the way they were because the elites were measuring the world in a specific way: through science and rationality.56/ One of the main proposals for new elites on the table right now looks like an extreme form of industrial bureaucratism, namely intersectional bureaucratism. The other one looks like a throwback to agrarian feudal elitism, with nobility and peasantry. Both are of course lazy and lousy, and you can tell because neither is in the least bit courageous, and both involve an existing set of elites primarily dealing with each other rather than with the world.57/ If you think you aren’t elite now, or won’t be elite in the future, your part of the equation is to ask, first, whether you think elites are necessary, and if so what kind you want. A way to restate that question is to ask: how do you want to measure yourself against the world? The elites you want are the ones measuring the world itself in a complementary way.58/ Whatever it is, it is a particular model of courage that inspires you enough to follow. Your main challenge is spotting real courage facing the world, which does not lie in facing competing elites. If your chosen elites are elites primarily by virtue of battling or beefing with the elites you don’t choose, they are not good elites, and you are not choosing particularly good elites to define who you are. Both of you are going to be miserable.59/ The good news is, there’s never been such a culture of widespread experimentation in new modes of being elite, so you have a lot of choices. The bad news is, it’s going to get really ugly while it plays out. The future elites are going to be playing Game of Thrones for a while, and the future masses are going to be playing Hunger Games for a while.60/ So all I can say is, may the best elites win, and may the best measure of the masses prevail. Get full access to Breaking Smart at breakingsmart.substack.com/subscribe

Au Sénégal, sur l'île Gorée, au large de Dakar, la « place de l'Europe » devient désormais « la place de la Liberté et de la Dignité Humaine ». Une décision prise par le conseil municipal de ce site symbolique de la mémoire de l'esclavage et de la traite des Noirs. De son côté, le maire de la commune du Plateau, dans le centre-ville de Dakar, a proposé récemment de lancer une réflexion sur les noms des rues hérités de la colonisation. Michel Ben Arrous est géographe et chercheur. Il a co-écrit l’an dernier avec Liora Bigon une étude de l’IFAN, l’institut fondamental d’Afrique noire, « Les noms de rues à Dakar. Héritages (pré) coloniaux et temps présent ». RFI : Est-ce que vous êtes surpris par la relance de ce débat sur les noms de rue à Dakar dans le sillage du décès de George Floyd aux États-Unis ? Michel Ben Arrous : Pas vraiment, dans la mesure où c’est un débat qui ressurgit régulièrement dans la presse sénégalaise ou dans les médias sociaux. Ce qui est remarquable par contre, c’est justement le contexte et le télescopage de logiques assez différentes aux États-Unis, au Sénégal, en France ou ailleurs. Ce débat n’est pas nouveau, en quoi les noms des rues, cette toponymie coloniale est-elle symboliqu ? Les noms eux-mêmes, évidemment il y a un tas de noms coloniaux qui vont glorifier des administrateurs, des généraux, des militaires, tout ce qu’on veut… Mais l’ensemble de ces noms remplit quand même une fonction de prise de possession de Dakar. Ils sont concentrés dans une zone qui s’appelle « Le Plateau » qui reçoit une petite population française colonisatrice. Et on ne trouve ces noms-là qu’au Plateau qui représente à l’heure actuelle 3% de la population. La Médina qui a été créée dans le sillage de l’épidémie de peste de 1914 reçoit des numéros. Donc, les noms vont distinguer la ville coloniale de cette Médina qui, elle, est forcément mise à part dans la ville puisqu’elle n’est pas nommée. Et si l’on sort ensuite du Plateau, de la Médina et qu’on va vers la ville actuelle, la plupart des rues ne sont pas nommées du tout. L’objectif visé, c’est évidemment de faire œuvre idéologique : on va glorifier la France, on va glorifier ses serviteurs. Mais rien n’indique que cette visée idéologique fonctionne. Avant les colonisateurs , il y avait des villages qui ont été détruits, des villages lébous qui ont conservé leurs noms. Et les noms eux-mêmes se sont répartis dans la ville. Et on va retrouver ces noms-là , Soumbédioune, Kaye, Thann… à d’autres endroits de la ville. Ce sont ces noms-là que les populations continuent à utiliser. Ils n’utilisent pas les noms de rue coloniaux. À Dakar, certaines rues ont déjà changé de nom depuis l’indépendance. Comment est-ce que cela a évolué ? Quelles ont été les politiques des autorités successive ? Les premiers changements de nom ont eu lieu sous Senghor [Léopold Sédar Senghor, président de la République du Sénégal de 1960 à 1980]. La place Protet a été rebaptisée « place de l’Indépendance ». Gambetta a été rebaptisé « Lamine Gueye ». En même temps, il n’y a pas forcément volonté de rupture puisque [William] Ponty qui est un gouverneur colonial a été remplacé par [George] Pompidou, par ce même Senghor. Les premières renominations fortes ont été faites sous Abdou Diouf [président de 1981 à 2000] et se sont poursuivies sous [Abdoulaye] Wade [2000-2012] et à l’heure actuelle. Mais la chose la plus remarquable, ce n’est pas tellement le nom des rues qui changent, c’est qui a le pouvoir de nommer, qui a le pouvoir de changer ? Sous Senghor, tout se passer par décret présidentiel. Avec Diouf et avec Wade, on a une décentralisation qui commence et ce pouvoir de nommer ou de renommer est désormais dévolu aux communes. Et à l’heure actuelle, ce qu’on voit, c’est une revendication, je ne sais pas si on peut dire populaire parce qu’il faudrait voir dans quelles mesures elle est véritablement populaire, mais une revendication par le bas de pouvoir aussi intervenir dans cette question du nom des rues. Il y a une figure qui cristallise particulièrement, c’est celle de Faidherbe, ancien gouverneur de Saint-Louis. Il y a sa statue, un pont à son nom. Que pensez-vous de ces appels à déboulonner cette statue ? Faidherbe est d’abord un point de fixation dans un débat qui est beaucoup plus large. La question de fond, c’est le modèle commémoratif. On parle de Faidherbe, mais on pourrait parler de Jules Ferry. La rue Jules Ferry à Dakar, ce Jules Ferry qui était à la Chambre des députés parlait d’un « devoir de colonisation des races supérieures sur les races inférieure ». Ce nom de ferry est peut-être au moins significatif que celui de Faidherbe. On peut aller beaucoup plus loin. On a gardé les plaques bleues, les lettres blanches sur un fond bleu. C’est aussi une présence coloniale qui reste dans la ville. Ce qui est drôle à Dakar, c’est que l’une des rues qui ne pose absolument pas problème, c’est l’avenue de la République. On la conçoit tous comme la République sénégalaise alors que cette avenue de la République, c’était très clairement au moment de la nomination de la IIIe République française, qui était la République colonialiste par excellence. À titre de comparaison, comment cela a évolué dans d’autres pays du continent ? En sciences sociales, on a l’habitude de comparer Dakar à Nairobi, la capitale du Kenya étant le modèle absolu de décolonisation des noms de rue. Ce qu’on remarque, si on rentre dans le détail, c’est qu’effectivement tous les noms qui célébraient la colonisation britannique ont disparu, mais ils ont été remplacés à l’époque de [Jomo] Kenyatta [1894–1978] par des noms qui célébraient son propre parti politique, ses propres amis politiques et qui négligeaient totalement d’autres courants de la société kenyane. Dans un contexte différent, en Algérie, la plupart des noms de rue ont été remplacés dans un arabe très pur qui permettait aussi de passer sous silence la composante berbère de la population. Et ce que l’on remarque à l’heure actuelle, c’est que les jeunes générations sont celles qui utilisent le moins les noms officiels. Donc, il ne suffit pas de changer les noms si on reprend la même logique pour régler les problèmes. A côté de ça, au Maroc, on va trouver des plaques qui donnent des anciens noms et des plaques, juste en dessous ou au-dessus, qui donnent les nouveaux noms et qui coexistent sans que pratiquement personne ne les utilise d’ailleurs. À Dakar, quand je vais chez moi, je ne vais pas donner le numéro de la rue que personne ne connait. Je ne le sais même pas, c’est « AAB » quelque chose. Si je dis à un chauffeur de taxi de m’emmener là-bas il ne comprendra pas. Si je lui dis : amenez-moi à Amitié 2, c’est un nom de quartier. Et ça, c’est un point de repère qui est utilisé. Mais ces noms de rue curieusement polarisent un débat, fort, alors qu’ils sont relativement peu utilisés. Il y a ceux qui veulent déboulonner, il y a ceux qui veulent remplacer, il y a ceux qui veulent expliquer. Mais tout cela revient au fond à se poser la questio : à quoi veut-on que servent les noms de rue ? À quoi veut-on que servent les statues ?

Stötta gärna på patreon: https://www.patreon.com/yatzypodcast   Youtube:                  https://youtu.be/Fy3ajZUZbhw                  Jag, Isidor Olsbjörk och Clara Kristiansen spelar ett parti När & Fjärran som urartar till ett hyllningsavsnitt till Jomo Kenyatta, Kenyas första president

Jomo Kenyatta founded the Republic of Kenya in 1964 under a philosophy of Harambee or coming together. In this episode we explore how this philosophy and Chinese investment in African economies assists people with disabilities in giving them a voice. Check out the disability rights presentation I did at the International School of Kenya. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pH--mBJ9Bmw

host @theozlife guest @robertg.williams

Ah, chatting about the weather. A bit of timeworn small-talk, favored by fumbly podcast hosts everywhere. But that pleasant chill in the air in Nairobi in early summer; that is at the heart of everything we’re going to be talking about over the next weeks here in Kenya. That cool climate, it seems, was Nairobi’s original sin, the thing that first drew British civil engineers to build a rail depot here in 1899. Pity the poor colonizer, who had been trying to subjugate so many peoples in the unbearable heat. Here at more than 5800 feet above sea level—way higher even than Denver—the air is dewy and lovely and it makes perfect sense that it would make an appealing homebase for your average gin-soaked sadist from Old Blighty looking to queen over all of East Africa. So Nairobi was born as a European city, and this whole region of East Africa became known as the White Highlands, where the land was stolen from the Masai and Kikuyu with such vigor and arrogance that, well, you had the Nandi resistance and the Kolloa Massacre and the Mau Mau Uprising and finally a free Nairobi, capitol city of the independent Republic of Kenya. Its airport was built in part by Mau Mau prisoners held by the British in ghastly conditions, and today the airport is named after freedom fighter and first president Jomo Kenyatta. That’s just the first taste, for any arriving visitor, of the conflicting strands of DNA that weave around each other throughout this city. My first attempt to untangle it all starts with Wanuri Kahiu. When we put Nairobi on the calendar, she was the first person we thought of having on the show. When she said she lives in Karen, a particularly dewy and green district of Nairobi with a view of the Ngong Hills, that’s where I decided to stay. She is a leader that way, through her work and in person, she communicates this sense of humor and lightness mixed with intimate moral urgency, a push to see the world as she sees it, knows it, films it. If you are a fan of film and disturbed by censorship, you’ll know her film Rafiki, the first Kenyan film to screen at the Cannes Film Festival, even as it was it banned by the Kenyan authorities for reasons relating to, well, gay-ism. But as you’ll hear in this episode, the fights she fought with Rafiki are still ongoing, and so are her triumphs, which will be coming, with more of that quiet and effective force, to your favorite streaming platform soon. Welcome to Nairobi, this is first of five episodes from this city, each featuring a different interview with artists, filmmakers, journalists and musicians. Show notes:Rafiki trailer TEDx Wanuri Kahiu talkKenya Supreme Court Anti-Homosexuality RulingHajooj Kuka’s documentary Beats of the Antonov Afrobubblegum For more episodes of The Trip, visit luminary.link/thetrip

Ah, chatting about the weather. A bit of timeworn small-talk, favored by fumbly podcast hosts everywhere. But that pleasant chill in the air in Nairobi in early summer; that is at the heart of everything we’re going to be talking about over the next weeks here in Kenya. That cool climate, it seems, was Nairobi’s original sin, the thing that first drew British civil engineers to build a rail depot here in 1899. Pity the poor colonizer, who had been trying to subjugate so many peoples in the unbearable heat. Here at more than 5800 feet above sea level—way higher even than Denver—the air is dewy and lovely and it makes perfect sense that it would make an appealing homebase for your average gin-soaked sadist from Old Blighty looking to queen over all of East Africa. So Nairobi was born as a European city, and this whole region of East Africa became known as the White Highlands, where the land was stolen from the Masai and Kikuyu with such vigor and arrogance that, well, you had the Nandi resistance and the Kolloa Massacre and the Mau Mau Uprising and finally a free Nairobi, capitol city of the independent Republic of Kenya. Its airport was built in part by Mau Mau prisoners held by the British in ghastly conditions, and today the airport is named after freedom fighter and first president Jomo Kenyatta. That’s just the first taste, for any arriving visitor, of the conflicting strands of DNA that weave around each other throughout this city. My first attempt to untangle it all starts with Wanuri Kahiu. When we put Nairobi on the calendar, she was the first person we thought of having on the show. When she said she lives in Karen, a particularly dewy and green district of Nairobi with a view of the Ngong Hills, that’s where I decided to stay. She is a leader that way, through her work and in person, she communicates this sense of humor and lightness mixed with intimate moral urgency, a push to see the world as she sees it, knows it, films it. If you are a fan of film and disturbed by censorship, you’ll know her film Rafiki, the first Kenyan film to screen at the Cannes Film Festival, even as it was it banned by the Kenyan authorities for reasons relating to, well, gay-ism. But as you’ll hear in this episode, the fights she fought with Rafiki are still ongoing, and so are her triumphs, which will be coming, with more of that quiet and effective force, to your favorite streaming platform soon. Welcome to Nairobi, this is first of five episodes from this city, each featuring a different interview with artists, filmmakers, journalists and musicians. Show notes:Rafiki trailer TEDx Wanuri Kahiu talkKenya Supreme Court Anti-Homosexuality RulingHajooj Kuka’s documentary Beats of the Antonov Afrobubblegum For more episodes of The Trip, visit luminary.link/thetrip Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On August 22nd 1978, one of Kenya's founding fathers, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, passed away.  Kenyatta was one of the leaders who liberated Kenya from British Rule. He was a political activist, who traveled to the U.K. to protest the mistreatment of the Kikuyu people (ethnic group in Kenya) and all Kenyans.  He presented his case to Parliament but soon learned that he had to get within the system in order to change it. Once Kenya was liberated, Kenyatta become the first President (although he was PM while Kenya was under British Rule.) Popular for his progressiveness, vision and four wives, Kenyatta coined the term "Harambee" which still the phrase used for community.  On August 22nd 1989,  the founding fathers of the Black Panthers, Huey P. Newton dies in Oakland after being shot by a rival organization. Huey stood up against oppression and formed the Black Panthers Self Defense organization to inform black people of their rights and education black people all together.  Thank you for listening! please feel free to check us out @PopularEducationRadio or email us PopularEducationRadio@gmail.com Citing: KTN news, Wiki, CGTN, Kenyan government archives websit and the nairobian publication.

A story about a Kenyan Somali freedom fighter who gave everything to the quest for independence and how Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya's first president, treated him afterwards.

After Algeria gained its independence from France in 1962 Algiers became the de facto capital of anti-imperialism, anti-racism and world revolution, and a haven for visionaries and rebels such as Stokely Carmichael, Timothy Leary, Jomo Kenyatta and Eldridge Cleaver. Elaine Mokhtefi moved to Algiers during this extraordinary moment of hope, turmoil, dreams and disillusion, and her memoir of that time makes gripping reading. She was in conversation with Adam Shatz, a contributing editor at the LRB. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Following the Algerian war for independence and the defeat of France in 1962, Algiers became the liberation capital of the Third World. Here, Elaine Mokhtefi, who as a young American woman had worked with leaders of the Algerian Revolution, including Frantz Fanon, found a home. As a journalist and translator, she lived among guerrillas, revolutionaries, exiles and visionaries and was even present in the making of the groundbreaking film The Battle of Algiers. Mokhtefi crossed paths with some of the era’s brightest stars: Stokely Carmichael, Timothy Leary, Ahmed Ben Bella, Jomo Kenyatta and Eldridge Cleaver. She was instrumental in the establishment of the International Section of the Black Panther Party in Algiers and was close at hand as the group became involved in intrigue, murder and international hijackings. She traveled with the Panthers and organised Cleaver’s clandestine departure for France. Algiers, Third World Capital is an unforgettable story of an era of passion and promise. 

A conversation with Elaine Mokhtefi about the Algerian war for independence, the defeat of France in 1962, and its influence in liberation movements in the Third World. Guest: Elaine Mokhtefi is a journalist, translator, and author who was a witness to many historical political events. She crossed paths with some of the most important revolutionary leaders an thinkers of the time: Frantz Fanon, Stokely Carmichael, Timothy Leary, Ahmed Ben Bella, Jomo Kenyatta, and Eldridge Cleaver. She was instrumental in the establishment of the International Section of the Black Panther Party in Algiers. Mokhtefi is author of the book Algiers, Third World Capital: Freedom Fighters, Revolutionaries, Black Panthers.    The post The Algerian War for Independence and Its Influence in Liberation Struggles appeared first on KPFA.

Jomo Kenyatta da ke matsayin mahaifi ga shugaban kasar Kenya na yanzu Uhuru Kenyatta na daga cikin wadanda suka yi fafatukar samo 'yancin kasar, inda aka nada shi Firaminista na farko kafin daga bisani ya koma shugaban kasa.

RFI00:19:44

Tarihin Afirka, shiri ne da ke yin dubi a game da rayuwar fitattun mutane a nahiyar Afirka. Tare da Abdoulkarim Ibrahim, shirin na yau zai kasance ci gaba kuma kashi na biyu dangane da rayuwar tsohon shugaban kasar Kenya na farko bayan samun 'yanci wato Jomo Kenyatta.

Kenya’s future president, Jomo Kenyatta, sentenced to seven years’ hard labour.White Europeans controlled Kenya, like much of Africa, from the early 1900’s onward. (Kenya officially became a British colony in 1920) Tribal resentment of this grew until the country’s Kikuyu tribe launched a secret society and the Mau Mau movement in 1947. Eager to rid their country of the thousands of white settlers who had seized African land after World War II, the Mau Maus utilized such violent tactics that by 1952, the government found it necessary to declare a state of emergency. White authorities arrested hundreds of Mau Mau members, as well as Jomo Kenyatta, an individual whom many historians contend was not involved with the group. But during his trial, Kenyatta refused to denounce the Mau Mau’s actions. On April 8, 1953, he was found guilty and sentenced to seven years’ hard labour. He not only survived this, but two years after his release, became president of the Kenya African Union – and then, in June 1963, the country’s first prime minister. By 1964, Kenya had severed ties with the British monarchy and become a republic with Kenyatta as its president. The government of Kenya finally lifted the ban on the Mau Mau in 2003. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Untold History of Punk Rock John and Myself(Chris) join Nino and Rich to discuss Seven Seconds, Positive Force Records, Dischord Records, Bad Brains, Minor Threat, Georgetown University, Brian Baker, Bad Religion, Noam Chomsky, Anarchism, Jeff Nelson, Lyle Preslar, Sidwell Friends School, Henry Rollins: The Column! Henry Speaks On His Consciousness-Expanding Trip to the Library of Congress With Ian MacKaye, Janeane Garofalo, Joe Cole, Howard Stern, Raymond Pettibon, Rick Rubin, Ivor Hanson, Quaker Schools, Weather Underground, Ho Chi Min, London School of Economics, Anthony Sutton, Jomo Kenyatta, Tom Morello, Mary Morello, Ann Dunham, Frank Marshall Davis, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), Free Love, Communist Manifesto, Praxis, Government Spending, The Military.hoaxbusterscall.com Intro Music: Long Division by Fugazi