Podcast appearances and mentions of min aung hlaing

This week on Hold Your Fire!, Richard speaks with Crisis Group's Myanmar expert Richard Horsey about the devastating earthquake that struck Myanmar last week, challenges facing relief efforts and implications for the country's civil war and its military leaders.In this episode of Hold Your Fire!, Richard is joined by Crisis Group's Myanmar expert Richard Horsey to discuss the aftermath of the earthquake that struck central Myanmar last Friday. They examine the devastation in Myanmar's second largest city, Mandalay, and other hard-hit areas, how U.S. aid cuts have hampered the emergency response and the extent to which China and others have stepped in. They explore how Myanmar's civil war complicates relief efforts, with the army largely absent from rescue operations, and whether the disaster might impact military leader Min Aung Hlaing's grip on power. They also unpack the evolving policies of Myanmar's big neighbours, China and India, and what might break a stalemate in an increasingly intractable and neglected crisis.Click here to listen on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. For more, check out our recent Q&A “Support Vital for Myanmar's Quake Victims, Despite Military Obstacles”, our briefing “Disquiet on the Western Front: A Divided Resistance in Myanmar's Chin State” and our Myanmar country page. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

救援队伍和物资紧急驰援缅甸地震灾区 China has ramped up efforts to assist Myanmar in its rescue and relief operations, sending supplies and rescue teams to disaster-affected areas, after a magnitude 7.9 earthquake struck the Southeast Asian country on Friday, followed by multiple aftershocks.在上周五7.9级强震和多次余震袭击缅甸后，中国加大对缅甸救灾援助力度，向灾区派出物资和救援队。 President Xi Jinping extended condolences on Saturday to Myanmar's leader Min Aung Hlaing. In his message, Xi said he was shocked to learn of the strong earthquake, which resulted in heavy casualties and extensive loss of property in Myanmar.习近平主席周六向缅甸领导人敏昂莱致慰问电。他表示，惊悉缅甸发生强烈地震，造成重大人员伤亡和大量财产损失。 On behalf of the Chinese government and people, Xi mourned the deceased, extended sincere condolences to their bereaved families, and offered sincere sympathies to the injured and others affected by the disaster.习近平代表中国政府和人民，对遇难者表示沉痛哀悼，向遇难者家属致以诚挚慰问，向伤者和其他受灾群众致以诚挚慰问。 China and Myanmar are a community of shared future, sharing weal and woe, and the two peoples have a profound fraternal friendship, Xi said, adding that China is ready to provide more assistance and continue to support efforts to help Myanmar overcome the disaster and rebuild homes at an early date.习近平表示，中缅是休戚与共的命运共同体，两国人民情谊深厚。中方愿继续提供更多援助，继续支持缅方战胜灾情、早日重建家园。 Premier Li Qiang also extended his condolences on Saturday to Min Aung Hlaing over the earthquake.国务院总理李强同日也向敏昂莱表示慰问。 As of noon on Sunday, the death toll in Myanmar had climbed to about 1,700, with another 3,400 people injured and 300 missing, according to the country's State Administration Council.据缅甸国家管理委员会称，截至周日中午，缅甸死亡人数已升至约 1700 人，另有 3400 人受伤，300 人失踪。 The areas most severely hit by the earthquake and its aftershocks, including Myanmar's second-largest city, Mandalay, and the country's capital, Nay Pyi Daw, have seen widespread damage to infrastructure, with hundreds of buildings reduced to rubble, according to reports.据报道，地震和余震最严重的地区，包括缅甸第二大城市曼德勒和首都内比都，基础设施遭到大面积破坏，数百栋建筑被夷为平地。 At 7:38 pm on Sunday, a China International Search and Rescue team, comprising 118 personnel and six rescue dogs, departed from Beijing for Nay Pyi Daw to assist in disaster relief efforts, according to the Chinese Ministry of Emergency Management.据中国应急管理部称，中国国际救援队于周日19时38分从北京出发前往内比都协助救灾工作。该支救援队由 118 名人员和 6 只搜救犬组成。 The team, equipped with two rescue vehicles and 634 pieces of rescue equipment, as well as medical supplies, is scheduled to head to other areas struck by the earthquake from Nay Pyi Daw.该救援队携带两辆救援车、634 件救援设备以及医疗用品，计划从内比都出发前往其他地震灾区。 On Saturday morning, a 37-member rescue and medical team from China's Yunnan province, which borders Myanmar and was also hit by the earthquake, arrived in Yangon, Myanmar's largest city, with emergency relief equipment. It was the first international team to reach Myanmar.周六上午，一支由 37 名成员组成的中国云南省救援和医疗队携带紧急救援设备抵达缅甸最大城市仰光。云南省与缅甸接壤，也遭受了地震袭击。这是首支抵达缅甸的国际救援队。 The team proceeded to Nay Pyi Daw, where it joined rescue operations alongside local emergency responders at 6:30 pm on Saturday. After overnight efforts, at 5 am on Sunday, the team rescued an elderly man who was trapped under the rubble of a local hospital for nearly 40 hours.救援队随后前往内比都，并于于周六18时30分与当地紧急救援人员共同参与救援行动。经过一夜的努力，周日凌晨 5 点，救援队救出了一名被困在当地一家医院废墟下近 40 小时的老人。 Several other groups from China, including an 82-member national team, three civil teams and a team from the Red Cross Society of China, joined the search and rescue operations in Myanmar over the weekend.上周末，中国其他几支救援队也陆续加入了缅甸的搜救行动，包括一支 82 人的国家救援队、三支民间救援队和一支中国红十字会救援队。 On Sunday afternoon, Yunnan sent approximately 7.3 metric tons of daily necessities and rescue supplies, including instant noodles, clothes, medicines and tents, which were transported by air from the provincial capital of Kunming to Yangon.周日下午，云南省向缅甸提供了约7.3吨的生活必需品和救援物资，包括方便面、衣物、药品和帐篷，这些物资已从省会昆明空运至仰光。 Li Ming, spokesman for the China International Development Cooperation Agency, said on Saturday that the Chinese government has pledged 100 million yuan ($13.77 million) in emergency humanitarian aid to support earthquake relief efforts at the request of Myanmar's government.中国国际发展合作署发言人李明周六表示，应缅甸政府请求，中国政府已承诺提供1亿元人民币（1377万美元）的紧急人道主义援助，以支持缅甸抗震救灾工作。 China will provide urgently needed supplies including tents, blankets, first-aid kits, food and drinking water, which were scheduled for delivery on Monday. Further assistance will be provided based on Myanmar's needs, Li added.中国将提供急需的物资，包括帐篷、毛毯、急救包、食物和饮用水，这些物资计划于周一送达。李明补充说，未来中方将根据缅甸需求提供进一步的援助。 Meanwhile, a magnitude 7.3 earthquake struck Tonga, an island nation in the southwestern Pacific Ocean, at 1:18 am on Monday local time, according to the China Earthquake Networks Center.与此同时，据中国地震台网中心称，北京时间周一凌晨1时18分，西南太平洋岛国汤加发生7.3级地震。 disaster-affected areas灾区aftershock余震condolencen. 慰问bereavedadj. 丧失亲人的share weal and woe休戚与共，福祸相依fraternalAdj. 兄弟般的rubblen. 碎石，瓦砾

缅甸强震已在当地造成1644人遇难 A total of 1,644 people died, 3,408 were injured, and 139 remained missing in a powerful earthquake in Myanmar, according to the Information Team of the State Administration Council on Saturday night.缅甸国家行政委员会新闻组周六晚间报道称，缅甸强烈地震共造成 1,644 人死亡，3,408 人受伤，139 人失踪。 The 7.7-magnitude earthquake hit the southeast Asian country on Friday, with Mandalay, Bago, Magway, the northeastern Shan state, Sagaing, and Nay Pyi Taw among the hardest-hit regions.周五，这场 7.7 级地震袭击了这个东南亚国家，其中曼德勒、勃固、马圭、掸邦东北部、实皆和内比都受灾最为严重。 Myanmar's State Administration Council Chairman Senior General Min Aung Hlaing arrived in Mandalay by helicopter on Saturday morning to inspect the severely affected area, according to Myanmar Radio and Television. Min Aung Hlaing called for international assistance on Friday.据缅甸广播电视台报道，缅甸国家行政委员会主席、高级将军敏昂莱周六上午乘直升机抵达曼德勒，视察受灾严重地区。敏昂莱于周五呼吁国际社会提供援助。 State Administration Council国家行政委员会magnituden. 重要性，巨大inspectv. 视察

Myanmar's military leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has made a rare request for international help after a powerful earthquake hit the centre of the country, flattening buildings and bridges.The US vice president, JD Vance, has accused Denmark of underinvesting in the security of Greenland and leaving it vulnerable.And Rahul Tandon will discuss how Dua Lipa has won the dismissal of a lawsuit that accused her of copying her hit single Levitating from two other songs.We will be joined throughout the programme by two guests on opposite sides of the world – From the US, Andy Uhler, Journalism fellow at the University of Texas Energy Institute and Columbia University's Centre on Global Energy Policy – and Nga Pham, a journalist based in Taiwan.

Myanmar's military leader, Min Aung Hlaing, has made a rare request for international help after a powerful earthquake hit the centre of the country, flattening buildings and bridges. The US vice president, JD Vance, has accused Denmark of underinvesting in the security of Greenland and leaving it vulnerable. The Canadian prime minister, Mark Carney, says he has told Donald Trump that Ottawa will impose retaliatory tariffs on American goods from early April.

VOV1 - Truyền thông Myanmar ngày 8/3 dẫn lời Thống tướng Min Aung Hlaing cho biết, nước này sẽ tổ chức tổng tuyển cử muộn nhất vào tháng 12/2025 hoặc tháng 1/2026.

Presque quatre ans après le coup d'État militaire qui a renversé le gouvernement élu, ce grand pays d'Asie orientale sombre dans la guerre civile, le chaos social et l'une des pires crises humanitaires de son histoire. Pourtant, les insurrections armées progressent. Cyril Payen, peut-on, d'ores-et-déjà, parler d'un tournant ? Ce qui est certain, c'est que la longue marche vers la victoire contre la dictature militaire a commencé avec, pour horizon, l'année 2025. Organisée et structurée, l'opposition pro-démocratique civile et armée opère une montée en puissance qui semble de plus en plus implacable, et ce aux quatre coins de cet immense territoire, carrefour entre l'Asie du Sud-Est et l'Inde.Le pouvoir central perd du terrainSelon le gouvernement parallèle, né clandestinement après le coup d'État de février 2021, près des deux tiers du pays ne sont plus contrôlés par le pouvoir central, alors que régions et garnisons militaires tombent une à une, du lointain état d'Arakan à la frontière, du Bangladesh aux sanctuaires de la guérilla kachin aux confins du Triangle d'Or, sans oublier les traditionnels bastions karens, plein est, sur la frontière thaïlandaise où, symbole parmi les symboles, l'ancien quartier général de Manerplaw, tombé en 1994, a été repris cette semaine.Signe des temps : un an après être officiellement passé d'une tactique de guérilla à une offensive conventionnelle tous azimuts, une grande partie des responsables du NUG, le Gouvernement d'union nationale, a annoncé sortir de la clandestinité pour rejoindre la Birmanie dès janvier 2025.À lire aussiBirmanie: la junte militaire au pouvoir continue de subir les revers des groupes rebellesUne grande fébrilité dans la junte militaire et chez ses alliésDu côté de la Tatmadaw, l'armée birmane, il y a bien entendu les pertes, de plus en plus importantes, qui permettent aux rebelles de se constituer d'impressionnants arsenaux, mais il y a aussi les défections. Sentant le vent tourner ou écœurés par les méthodes d'une armée souvent accusée d'être en guerre contre sa propre population, des milliers de soldats sont passés dans le camp des rebelles, et de vastes purges ont eu lieu au sein d'un état-major que l'on sait infiltré par les insurgés.Plus isolés que jamais, les chefs de la junte birmane ne survivent que grâce à leurs parrains chinois, russes ou nord-coréens, pour ne citer que les plus visibles, l'indifférence coupable de la communauté internationale faisant le reste. Mais là aussi, la nervosité du gouvernement chinois face à l'instabilité chez le voisin birman, ou les déboires de Moscou au Proche-Orient, pourraient faire changer les orientations de cette guerre par procuration asiatique.À lire aussiBirmanie: l'impossible démocratieLe chef de l'armée putschiste dans le collimateur de la CPILes soucis, c'est bien connu, volant souvent en escadrille, le karma politique du chef de la junte militaire s'est encore un peu plus assombri le 27 novembre 2024, à des milliers de kilomètres de son bunker de Naypidaw, à La Haye où siège la Cour pénale internationale.Premier mandat d'arrêt requis par le procureur : le vieux dossier du massacre de la minorité musulmane des rohingyas est exhumé. Le général Min Aung Hlaing y est accusé de crimes, de déportation et de persécutions, des actes qualifiés de crimes contre l'humanité. Les premières audiences pourraient avoir lieu en 2025. Une année donc décisive pour le destin pro-démocratique de la Birmanie.À lire aussiBirmanie, le rêve d'une union fédérale gagne du terrain

durée : 00:58:12 - Cultures Monde - par : Julie Gacon, Margaux Leridon - Fin novembre, Karim Khan, le procureur de la Cour pénale internationale, déposait une demande de mandat d'arrêt contre le chef de la junte birmane, Min Aung Hlaing. Après des années de persécution de la minorité rohingya, le dossier trouve enfin le chemin de la justice internationale. - réalisation : Margot Page - invités : Yann Jurovics Maître de conférences en droit international à Paris Saclay, ancien juriste auprès de la chambre d'appel des tribunaux pénaux internationaux pour l'ex-Yougoslavie et le Rwanda ; Eugénie Mérieau Maitresse de conférences en droit public à l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne.; Raphaël Maurel Maître de conférences en droit international à l'Université de Bourgogne

Il generale Min Aung Hlaing è accusato di crimini contro l'umanità nei confronti della minoranza rohingya. Con Cecilia Brighi, segretaria generale dell'associazione Italia-Birmania insieme.Dopo la vittoria di Trump alle presidenziali statunitensi la criptovaluta bitcoin ha raggiunto un valore di mercato record. Con Alessandro Lubello, editor di economia di Internazionale.Oggi parliamo anche di:Scienza • “Con i corvi non si scherza” di Thomas Fullerhttps://www.internazionale.it/magazine/thomas-fuller/2024/11/28/con-i-corvi-non-si-scherzaLibro • Sally Rooney, Intermezzo (Einaudi)Ci piacerebbe sapere cosa pensi di questo episodio. Scrivici a podcast@internazionale.it o manda un vocale a +39 3347063050Se ascolti questo podcast e ti piace, abbonati a Internazionale. È un modo concreto per sostenerci e per aiutarci a garantire ogni giorno un'informazione di qualità. Vai su internazionale.it/abbonatiConsulenza editoriale di Chiara NielsenProduzione di Claudio Balboni e Vincenzo De SimoneMusiche di Tommaso Colliva e Raffaele ScognaDirezione creativa di Jonathan Zenti

The International Criminal Court has requested an arrest warrant for Myanmar's military leader. The ICC's chief prosecutor says there are reasonable grounds to believe Min Aung Hlaing bears criminal responsibility for the persecution and deportation of Rohingyas to neighbouring Bangladesh. - Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof hat einen Haftbefehl gegen den Militärchef Myanmars Min Aung Hlaing beantragt. Der Chefankläger des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs gibt an, es gebe hinreichende Gründe für die Annahme, dass der General für die Verfolgung und Deportation der Rohingyas ins benachbarte Bangladesch verantwortlich ist.

Người tị nạn Rohingya ở Bangladesh đã hoan nghênh quyết định của Tòa án Hình sự Quốc tế, yêu cầu lệnh bắt giữ đối với nhà lãnh đạo quân sự Myanmar. Lệnh bắt giữ này là vì những tội ác chống lại loài người, bị cáo buộc đối với người Hồi giáo Rohingya. Công tố viên trưởng của ICC cho biết có căn cứ hợp lý để tin rằng, Min Aung Hlaing phải chịu trách nhiệm hình sự về hành vi đàn áp và trục xuất người Rohingya sang nước láng giềng Bangladesh.

Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have welcomed a decision by the International Criminal Court to request an arrest warrant for Myanmar's military leader. The warrant is for alleged crimes against humanity committed against Rohingya Muslims.The ICC's chief prosecutor says there are reasonable grounds to believe Min Aung Hlaing bears criminal responsibility for the persecution and deportation of Rohingyas to neighbouring Bangladesh.

World news in 7 minutes. Thursday 28th November 2024.Today: ICC Min Aung Hlaing. Pakistan arrests. Bangladesh arrests. Philippine VP complaint. Albania Berisha released. Belarus elections. Nigeria boat accident. WFP Sudan aid. Brazil Bolsonaro evidence. Mexico Sheinbaum tariffs. UN Haiti evacuation. Argentina pudu fawn.With Juliet MartinSEND7 is supported by our amazing listeners like you.Our supporters get access to the transcripts written by us every day.Our supporters get access to an English worksheet made by us once per week. Our supporters get access to our weekly news quiz made by us once per week. We give 10% of our profit to Effective Altruism charities. You can become a supporter at send7.org/supportContact us at podcast@send7.org or send an audio message at speakpipe.com/send7Please leave a rating on Apple podcasts or Spotify.We don't use AI! Every word is written and recorded by us!Since 2020, SEND7 (Simple English News Daily in 7 minutes) has been telling the most important world news stories in intermediate English. Every day, listen to the most important stories from every part of the world in slow, clear English. Whether you are an intermediate learner trying to improve your advanced, technical and business English, or if you are a native speaker who just wants to hear a summary of world news as fast as possible, join Stephen Devincenzi, Ben Mallett and Juliet Martin every morning. Transcripts, worksheets and our weekly world news quiz are available for our amazing supporters at send7.org. Simple English News Daily is the perfect way to start your day, by practising your listening skills and understanding complicated stories in a simple way. It is also highly valuable for IELTS and TOEFL students. Students, teachers, TEFL teachers, and people with English as a second language, tell us that they use SEND7 because they can learn English through hard topics, but simple grammar. We believe that the best way to improve your spoken English is to immerse yourself in real-life content, such as what our podcast provides. SEND7 covers all news including politics, business, natural events and human rights. Whether it is happening in Europe, Africa, Asia, the Americas or Oceania, you will hear it on SEND7, and you will understand it.For more information visit send7.org/contact or send an email to podcast@send7.org

Episode #274: Kyaw San Han, a former police captain turned dissident, offers a stark narrative of courage amid systemic oppression. Fleeing Myanmar with his family, he now lives in Japan, where he continues to advocate for democracy and resistance against the military junta. His journey began in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis, a natural disaster that exposed the military's indifference to civilian suffering. Motivated by a desire to help, he joined the police force, only to encounter a regime intent on perpetuating fear and corruption. The police training he underwent was akin to prison, filled with physical abuse and brainwashing, designed to mold officers into instruments of oppression. Despite these challenges, Kyaw San Han remained steadfast in his commitment to justice. His pivotal role in aiding the Australian economic adviser, Professor Sean Turnell, underscores this dedication. Facing threats from superiors and navigating a treacherous escape to Thailand and then Japan, his story is a testament to resilience. In Japan, Kyaw San Han now collaborates with the National Unity Government, tirelessly advocating for international support against the junta. His narrative illuminates the profound courage required to stand against tyranny and the unyielding hope for a democratic future in Myanmar. “I would like all of you understand the brutality of the Myanmar junta and Min Aung Hlaing,” he says. “He is using his last strategy to make civilians fight each other! So, please, share my voice and my message to your friends and your family and everyone you know. If there is no dictator Min Aung Hlaing and his brutal regime, Myanmar will be a beautiful a peaceful country as we used to be in the past. Now the people of Myanmar are suffering a lot from the dictator Min Aung Hlaing. But the people of Myanmar, actually, we are kind and we are very friendly. So, now we need help from all of us from all of you.”

Pour la sixième fois consécutive depuis le putsch du 1er février 2021, la junte militaire birmane vient de prolonger de six mois l'état d'urgence alors que le pays continue de sombrer dans une guerre civile à huis clos. Cependant, l'insurrection pro-démocratie continue de gagner du terrain sur plusieurs fronts. Décryptage des raisons d'une telle progression.  Il y a dix jours, le général putschiste Min Aung Hlaing s'autoproclamait président. Dans une nation tenue d'une main de fer par ce général, dont la fuite en avant a plongé l'une des jeunes et prometteuses démocraties d'Asie orientale vers les heures les plus sombres de l'autarcie et de la violence politique, la population birmane a fini par comprendre et à s'y résigner, dans le sang et les larmes : elle ne pourra compter que sur elle-même pour maintenir la flamme démocratique dans son pays. En effet, selon l'ONU : « La situation des droits de l'Homme [est] devenue en Birmanie un cauchemar sans fin, loin des regards de la politique mondiale ».Le peuple birman, qui a enduré sept décennies d'une succession de dictatures militaires depuis son indépendance, a décidé d'entrer en résistance, coûte que coûte. Alors que les premiers manifestants étaient abattus par les forces de sécurité dans les rues des grandes villes de Birmanie, trois semaines après le coup d'État de 2021, prélude à un bain de sang et à une répression féroce contre lesquels la communauté internationale a mollement réagi, une partie des élus, députés, activistes encore libres ont choisi la clandestinité afin d'organiser la rébellion. D'abord politiquement puis militairement, en s'alliant aux dizaines de guérillas ethniques actives aux quatre coins de cet immense pays bordant entre autres l'Inde, la Chine, le Bangladesh et la Thaïlande.  Depuis octobre dernier et le déclenchement de l'Opération 1027, d'audacieuses offensives armées menées par une coalition de volontaires et de guérilleros au nord, à l'ouest et au sud du pays ont provoqué la chute de dizaines de villes, l'arrestation, la fuite ou la reddition de centaines de soldats gouvernementaux et ont fait renaître l'espoir.  À lire aussiBirmanie: premiers revers pour la junte militaireÉtat des lieux des rapports de force dans les soutiens internationaux Sur la scène diplomatique, la contre-offensive, elle aussi, a commencé. Le gouvernement de l'ombre, formé sur les ruines de l'après-putsch, s'est organisé. Zin Mar Aung, ancienne prisonnière politique et infatigable ministre des Affaires étrangères de ce pouvoir parallèle birman, multiplie les appels à la communauté internationale : « Non seulement vous ne nous fournissez pas d'armes, martèle-t-elle, mais nous ne recevons aucune aide humanitaire... Si nous perdons la guerre, le monde démocratique sera, lui aussi, perdant. » Dont acte.De son côté, le régime militaire, honni par l'ensemble de la population, acculé sur plusieurs fronts, fait aussi l'objet d'une batterie de sanctions internationales. Mais là encore, tout ne semble pas joué, tant politiquement que militairement. Pourvoyeurs d'armes et de précieuses technologies militaires, la Russie, la Chine ou la Corée du Nord sont encore les garants de la survie de la Tatmadaw, l'armée birmane. Idem au Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU où les vétos alliés de la junte empêchent tout vote décisif. Mais la Chine, inquiète pour la sécurité à sa frontière et déterminée à jouer un rôle croissant sur la scène mondiale, est en train, peu à peu, de lâcher les généraux putschistes birmans, un tournant sans doute décisif.Le rêve d'une Fédération birmane est-il enfin à portée de main, comme le souhaitent le gouvernement de résistance et les 135 minorités ethniques ? Rien n'est moins sûr dans un pays où le facteur ethnique a toujours été le point de discorde et le préambule aux conflits armés. Les minorités ont toujours été considérées comme des citoyens de seconde zone, bien qu'elles représentent les deux tiers de la population et concentrent sur leurs territoires la plupart des immenses richesses et matières premières du pays. C'est là aussi le grand défi de la Birmanie. Que le jour vienne où elle parvienne à s'unifier dans la paix.  À lire aussiBirmanie: des rebelles prennent le contrôle d'une ville de l'Ouest, les Rohingyas paient un lourd tribut

"(Radio NUG Interview) with U Tun Khin (BRO-UK), the chairman of the Burmese Rohingya Organization (UK), about whether or not the Argentine court will issue an arrest warrant for terrorist leader Min Aung Hlaing and his associates" by Min Thi Han.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

"Question to Reverend Tayzar Nanda (Tant Se) about what will happen to Min Aung Hlaing due to Pattanaikkuzzana" (Interview) Min Thi Han.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3

Independent MP Zoe Daniel says the Association of South East Asian Nations needs to do more to address the crisis in Myanmar. Myanmar is not represented by its military chief Min Aung Hlaing at this year's summit, with Australia maintaining ASEAN's existing ban on political representation by senior members of the military government. More than 4600 civilians have died since the army seized power from Myanmar's elected government in 2021. SBS Chief Political Correspondent Anna Henderson spoke to the Member for Goldstein about the issue.

Près de trois ans jour pour jour après le coup d'État en Birmanie qui a renversé un gouvernement élu et mis brutalement fin à une parenthèse démocratique de dix ans, le pouvoir birman montre les premiers signes de faiblesse sur fond de vastes offensives rebelles. Peut-on déjà parler d'un tournant ? Si l'on en croit la rumeur, seul indicateur de l'opinion dans un pays sans presse libre et fermé au monde extérieur depuis trois ans, les jours au pouvoir du général putschiste Min Aung Hlaing seraient comptés. Une manifestation de centaines de soldats mécontents dans les rues de plusieurs villes du nord birman la semaine dernière a même laissé se murmurer qu'un contre-coup d'État était en cours.Chose impensable il y a encore quelques mois dans une Birmanie tenue d'une main de fer et repris par ses vieux démons dictatoriaux, le pouvoir militaire est entré dans une profonde zone de turbulences opérationnelles et structurelles depuis le déclenchement d'une série d'audacieuses offensives rebelles aux quatre coins de cet immense pays d'Asie du Sud-Est. L'opération « 1027 » de la résistance armée, lancée en novembre dernier, a déjà provoqué la chute de 35 villes, dont certaines proches de Naypidaw, la capitale, sans compter les centaines de bases abandonnées par une troupe en retraite et, du jamais vu dans l'histoire de la Tatmadaw, l'armée birmane, la reddition de milliers de soldats et de dizaines d'officiers supérieurs dont certains n'ont eu d'autres choix que de fuir en franchissant illégalement et piteusement les frontières indienne et chinoise.Si le vent semble progressivement tourner en faveur de la résistance armée, c'est d'abord grâce à une audace politique : celle du gouvernement de l'ombre constitué après le putsch et composé de parlementaires ou d'activistes entrés en clandestinité. Ainsi, pour la première fois depuis l'indépendance en 1948, les Birmans, issus d'une gigantesque mosaïque ethnique et sociale, ont décidé de parier sur l'unité et d'en faire une force contre la dictature.Depuis novembre 2023, c'est en effet une alliance inédite de rebelles ethniques et de militants de la Force de défense populaire, étudiants, ouvriers, femmes et hommes, qui a conjointement mis en branle des attaques tous azimuts. Du lointain État d'Arakan dans l'Ouest frontalier du Bangladesh, à l'Extrême Nord des États Shan et Kachin qui bordent le Yunan chinois, en passant par les bastions karens et karennis le long des quelque 2 000 kilomètres qui séparent l'est birman de la Thaïlande, les insurgés ont frappé fort, déstabilisant les forces gouvernementales, provoquant désertion en masse comme le ralliement de plusieurs milices pro-junte. Jusqu'à politiquement fragiliser le chef suprême du pouvoir militaire…Si la junte birmane a traditionnellement pu compter sur des appuis de taille, à Pékin et Moscou notamment, tant au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies pour bloquer des votes de sanctions que pour, aussi, renforcer son arsenal – les avions de combats chinois et les hélicoptères russes sont l'un des derniers grands atouts des militaires birmans sur le terrain face aux rebelles – une page, là aussi, est en train de se tourner sur la frontière nord. Les récents bombardements qui ont débordé du côté chinois et ont touché des villes frontalières ont provoqué la colère de Pékin qui a toujours cultivé une ambiguïté diplomatique en soutenant le pouvoir birman, mais en commerçant aussi avec des rebelles exportateurs de précieuses ressources naturelles. 

LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA presenta la SEGUNDA PARTE de la audioserie titulada "Érase una vez el Este". En esta ocasión viajamos al sudeste asiático, concretamente a Myanmar, más conocida como Birmania. Este es el primer capítulo titulado "El Camino a Mandalay". Como ya sabéis los seguidores de LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA que escuchasteis la primera parte ambientada en el conflicto entre Rusia y Ucrania, esta serie o audioserie en la que se mezclan la realidad y la ficción, consiste en una serie de programas en los que escucharéis como se habla de hechos reales que han sucedido en los últimos años y también en fechas recientes en parte del sudeste asiático, y concretamente en los territorios de Birmania y sus alrededores. Como digo, es una audioserie muy conectada con la actualidad en los momentos en la que estamos presentándola. Y este proyecto de "Érase una vez el Este" que continúa con esta segunda serie, es idea como ya sabéis de dos grandes amigos de LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA, como son Juan Lamas, malagueño, historiador, escritor y guionista, y Verónica, barcelonesa, licenciada en administración y finanzas, actriz y cantante amateur y gran apasionada por la historia. Ellos son los artífices de esto y les agradezco su trabajo. Os dejo con el primer capítulo titulado "El Camino a Mandalay". *En este programa tenemos el placer de contar con la voz de el amigo Doc Salvaje del podcast Relatos Salvajes. Sinopsis: Dentro de los conflictos olvidados, uno de los más duros y complejos es el de Birmania. Allí conviven cientos de pueblos con un pasado común, con cientos de lenguas, una etapa colonial dura, la ocupación japonesa durante la Segunda Guerra mundial y haber sido uno de los teatros de operaciones más difíciles para los aliados con más bajas por enfermedad que por el combate. Su independencia no resolverá sus problemas. Durante la Guerra fría, a pesar de tener un gobierno socialista, no podrá alinearse y permanecerá neutral aunque con una ideología propia. Sin embargo tras la Revolución de 1988 llegarán vientos de cambio y se intentará implantar una Democracia, siempre con la interferencia de los militares. La producción de drogas será la guinda del pastel, pues los beneficios de esas mercancías servirán para sostener decenas de guerrillas tribales y narcoejércitos que impedirán un desarrollo social y económico acorde con el resto del Sudeste Asiático. Birmania es un país donde la tradición se mantiene. Uno de los pocos lugares del mundo que por su subdesarrollo y atraso cultural, mantiene su esencia. Desde la Biblioteca de la Historia, os descubrimos la puerta del Camino a Mandalay Este es un Podcast producido y dirigido por Gerión de Contestania, miembro del grupo "Divulgadores de la Historia". Somos un podcast perteneciente al sello iVoox Originals. Enlace a la web de "Divulgadores de la Historia": https://divulgadoresdelahistoria.wordpress.com/ Canal de YouTube de LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCfHTOD0Z_yC-McS71OhfHIA Correo electrónico: labibliotecadelahistoria@gmail.com *Si te ha gustado el programa dale al "Like", ya que con esto ayudarás a darnos más visibilidad. También puedes dejar tu comentario, decirnos en que hemos fallado o errado y también puedes sugerir un tema para que sea tratado en un futuro programa de LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA. Gracias. Música del audio: -Entrada: Epic Victory by Akashic Records . License by Jamendo. -Voz entrada: http://www.locutordigital.es/ -Relato: Music with License by Jamendo. Música relato: -Hans Zimmer.Br other Morphine-Beyond Rangoon https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xqo_z8Oq0bE -Beyond Rangoon - Hans Zimmer https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s89HXiYwBrE -Brian Tyler -Battle Adagio, Rambo 4 Soundtrack https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jj8_ZBeb-2E -Call Of Duty: World At War - Ambushed Again https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ap4HguK73Rw -Canto de guerra mongol https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IqqjYqi5vpk -CHARGE! Felix Slatkin https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ic4dIPTpbHA -Michele Merlo - Tutto per me https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=khMeO7ppsq4 -Haendel Zadoq ¼ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=k-dIOG2Aa-o -It's A Long Way To Tipperary - Different Versions https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ho_-w99l7fE -Los rodriguez, Sin Documentos. Cover. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gzgg2MIVxzg -Rules Brittania Majestic Version https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JjTHr-J74js&list=RDJjTHr-J74js&index=1 -TURN | "Rule Britannia" Scene https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Zk7OGfvHHhw -Saung U Ba Than Taw Myine Soon classical Burmese harp melody https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-wtFu5BDBjY -The Crown Lord Mountbatten sings The Road to Mandalay https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JgeEQ1dDtRQ -1920s - charleston dance https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pUpAcPAipDA - န င င တ သ ခ င Himno Nacional de Birmania https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wbjj7Lwn2mY - ရ ခ က င န Mandalay Girl By Sit Paing Htet Myanmar NEW Love Song Lyrics https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=36df-P7fh2g - ဩက သ ဘ ရ ရ ခ ဆရ တ ဦ ဝ သ႒ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KugcAIZbMwU -陸軍分列行進曲 (抜刀隊) レアバージョン [日本軍歌 60FPS FHD] Battotai (Rare version) Japanese Army March https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eiExnS2D4Ls -Rambo 4 Soundtrack.When you are Pushed https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uONJoC5lxM4 Noticias y otros documentos sonoros: -Fanfarria Militar Escocesa https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=A7XiuZ7upyI -Carga Banzai https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ONvCays_fns -[RARE] The Voice of Hirohito - 1945 Jewel Voice Broadcast (玉音放送) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FnMk1Vhg1oM - Quién es MIN AUNG HLAING el COMANDANTE que ha liderado el golpe de Estado en BIRMANIA RTVE https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-wvvvworQVQ&t=88s -AUMENTA LA CIFRA DE MUERTOS EN LA ANTIGUA BIRMANIA CCM https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=03HM-2_g8ZU -CNN obtiene imágenes exclusivas de la guerra olvidada de Myanmar https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tjZJM9BU2xc -Guardian News. Defiant Myanmar protesters return to streets after bloodiest day since coup- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SB3gmyPxU6A -EE.UU. El FENTANILO desbanca a la HEROÍNA como DROGA más POTENTE del MUNDO RTVE. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mJm-mozGifk -INDIA (El Asedio de Kohima) – Documentales https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gRIdFJz5HNA -Japanese forces bomb the Burma Road 1940 . British pathé https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VPVsdqENnNY -EFE Los birmanos homenajean a los fallecidos del Levantamiento 8888 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9plOEGWehUs -Llega a España el fentanilo la sustancia que más muertes está causando en Estados Unidos. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7hzM6vQ9iu8 -EFE Monjes budistas conmemoran aniversario de la revolución azafrán en Birmania https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ptxgRJeGzSc -objetivo-Birmania-1945-inicio https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GwOBboiRFtE&t=4s -AFP. Opositora birmana recibe Nobel de la Paz 1991 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jH0BnuICp6M -Secret British Army in Burma Jungle Brigadier Orde Wingate Chindits Gurkhas May 1943 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xw_pgw1A4EU&t=18s -The Road to Mandalay Burma Campaign 1941 1945 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EdZLd2A7CKo&t=151s -AFP. Víctimas de la heroína en Pakistán https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YBtsIGtwExQ Redes Sociales: -Twitter: LABIBLIOTECADE3 -Facebook: Gerión De Contestania Muchísimas gracias por escuchar LA BIBLIOTECA DE LA HISTORIA y hasta la semana que viene. Podcast amigos: La Biblioteca Perdida: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-podcast-la-biblioteca-perdida_sq_f171036_1.html Niebla de Guerra: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-niebla-guerra_sq_f1608912_1.html Casus Belli: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-casus-belli-podcast_sq_f1391278_1.html Victoria Podcast: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-victoria-podcast_sq_f1781831_1.html BELLUMARTIS: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-bellumartis-podcast_sq_f1618669_1.html Relatos Salvajes: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-relatos-salvajes_sq_f1470115_1.html Motor y al Aire: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-motor-al-aire_sq_f1117313_1.html Pasaporte Historia: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-pasaporte-historia_sq_f1835476_1.html Cita con Rama Podcast: https://www.ivoox.com/cita-rama-podcast-ciencia-ficcion_sq_f11043138_1.html Sierra Delta: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-sierra-delta_sq_f1507669_1.html Permiso para Clave: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-permiso-para-clave_sq_f1909797_1.html Héroes de Guerra 2.0: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-heroes-guerra_sq_f1256035_1.html Calamares a la Romana: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-calamares-a-romana_sq_f12234654_1.html Lignum en Roma: https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-lignum-roma-ler_sq_f1828941_1.html Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Episode #194: In the midst of Myanmar's turbulent times, Manny Maung, a dedicated advocate from Human Rights Watch, sheds light on a dire situation. Behind closed doors, a shadowy military court system relentlessly tries civilians without proper legal representation. This injustice has escalated to an unprecedented level since the coup, eroding the foundations of democracy and rule of law.The Myanmar justice system, rooted in colonial-era penal codes, has never embraced fair trials. Now, it operates entirely at the whims of military leader Min Aung Hlaing, undermining the very essence of legality. Lawyers valiantly defending their clients often face harassment, and are not immune to threats of detention and even torture, adding immense stress to their lives. Merely attempting to defend a client who the state has accused may land them in contempt of court.The judiciary, once on a path to independence, has regressed under the military's grip. Arbitrary arrests, the state of emergency's dubious renewals, and sham elections are orchestrated to consolidate the regime's power, while neighboring countries lend support.Recent sanctions, though effective to some degree, are not substantial enough, allowing the military to find a way around them. Maung calls for more stringent measures, including a Global Arms Embargo and action against Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise.Amid these harrowing circumstances, the Rohingya suffer more than anyone. They remain stateless, trapped in apartheid-like conditions, with no justice for the atrocities committed against them.A multifaceted approach is needed to limit the military's capacity to oppress. Maung asserts that international support can be directed to reignite Myanmar's democracy movement, offering hope for a brighter, post-junta future.Though darkness looms, hope remains the beacon guiding Maung and others fighting for Myanmar's freedom. “Myanmar will have a lot of problems, you have a generation now that is very used to extreme violence, let alone the trauma and the types of violence that they've been exposed to. But there's also some hope in starting from the beginning, perhaps if we can actually move towards somewhere that doesn't have the military as part of that underlying fabric of society, then I think we can get to a better place.”

MoD military news summary-Nway Oo Moe Local news-Nway Oo Mai "Spring has appeared in history" (Poem) by K Moe, Nway Oo Moe "Generals and Soe Htut are used by Min Aung Hlaing as handy" (article) Naung Yoe, Lord N Weekly Ethnic language program (Matupi Times).This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3

Local news-Loot Lat Nway Oo "Slash Eight" (Poem) by Dr Lionel Lin Htet, Nway Oo Moe "Generals shaking eyebrows amid Min Aung Hlaing's suspicions" (Article) Naung Yoe, Lord N Daily news-Rain (PVTV) The dictatorship must end (Music) by Revolutionary People.This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

Deux ans et demi après le coup d'État militaire en Birmanie, la population tout entière continue de se mobiliser contre la junte. Aux avant-postes de la lutte : la génération Z, ces jeunes ultra-connectés, en tête des manifestations et du mouvement de désobéissance civile. Ils agissent aujourd'hui dans l'ombre, pour retrouver leur liberté. Kristen est l'un des visages de cette jeunesse révolutionnaire. (Rediffusion du 5 février 2023) « Ce coup d'État a bouleversé ma vie. Du jour au lendemain, mon avenir s'est assombri. C'est à ce moment-là que j'ai décidé de m'engager dans la révolution. » Kristen a 27 ans. Cette jeune ingénieure est issue de la Génération Z, ces moins de 30 ans, nés avec la révolution numérique, se sont investis corps et âme, il y a deux ans, pour reconquérir leur liberté. Kristen est devenue un maillon indispensable du mouvement révolutionnaire. Malgré la contestation muselée avec une incroyable brutalité, les jeunes continuent de s'engager dans la clandestinité.« Dès le 6 février 2021, j'ai commencé à manifester en prenant la tête d'un groupe de grévistes, raconte Kristen. Mais lorsque la junte a durement réprimé les manifestants, on a vite compris que les militaires n'allaient pas s'arrêter là et qu'il fallait s'organiser autrement. Avec deux camarades, nous avons créé un réseau d'information de la société civile. Le CIN collecte et diffuse les informations sur les mouvements de l'armée. »Leur travail consiste à contrôler, répertorier, signaler tout mouvement et activité de l'armée birmane. Ces informations sont compilées puis distribuées aux guérillas ethniques et au ministère de la Défense du gouvernement d'unité nationale en exil. Ce rapport permet entre autres de réévaluer la stratégie révolutionnaire et de collecter les preuves des crimes de guerre commis par la junte. Kristen participe à une multitude d'autres groupes et organismes qui coordonnent les actions anti-junte dans une quarantaine de villes partout dans le pays.« Min Aung Hlaing gouverne uniquement pour son intérêt personnel »Que pense la militante du chef de la junte et du gouvernement Parallèle d'Unité Nationale (NUG), composés d'anciens élus renversés par la junte ? « Min Aung Hlaing gouverne uniquement pour son intérêt personnel et celui de sa famille. Il se fiche de la population, explique Kristen. Il tue, il réprime, arrête les gens, brûle des villages pour son propre intérêt, il n'a aucune compétence pour gouverner. Concernant le gouvernement d'unité nationale, je trouve qu'il est trop lent pour un groupe qui dirige un mouvement révolutionnaire. Mais nous n'avons pas le choix et je suis convaincue qu'ils font de leur mieux pour diriger le pays et ne plus être un gouvernement fantôme. Ce gouvernement à notre plein soutien, car nous poursuivons le même objectif. Nous devons mener ce combat ensemble main dans la main. »À lire aussiBirmanie: la prolongation de l'état d'urgence, tout sauf une surpriseMais ce combat exige de nombreux sacrifices : « Cela fait deux ans que j'ai quitté mon domicile, c'était juste après l'arrestation de mes camarades. Depuis, je passe mon temps à fuir et à vivre dans la clandestinité. Je donne tout mon temps et ma vie entière à cette révolution, et c'est pour garder ma dignité, déclare la militante. Ces deux dernières années, des millions de personnes ont perdu leurs droits fondamentaux, se sont retrouvées sans toit, sans soins, sans éducation. Les militaires vendent tout : les ressources naturelles, le gaz, le pétrole, les pierres précieuses et même l'Irrawaddy que la Chine veut racheter pour y construire un barrage. La Thaïlande rachète aussi à la junte nos ressources naturelles, du pétrole notamment. Et ils font ça pour leur propre profit. »Dans cette révolution, Kristen s'est fait de nouveaux amis, des camarades, des compagnons le lutte, car ses amis d'enfance et de l'université, en tout cas la plupart d'entre eux, ont choisi l'exil. Kristen, elle, a décidé de rester pour combattre ce régime tyrannique et autoritaire qui a brisé net tous ses rêves. « Je dois tenir et continuer à me battre. Je construis l'avenir de notre pays et c'est la seule chose qui me fasse aller de l'avant. »À lire aussiBirmanie: la peine de l'ex-dirigeante Aung San Suu Kyi réduite à 27 ans après une grâce partielle

Thailand main ketua-ketuaan? atau ASEAN yang krisis kepemimpinan? Asia Tenggara tengah memanas setelah Don Pramudwinai, Menteri Luar Negeri Thailand, berinisiatif mengadakan pertemuan bersama Min Aung Hlaing, Ketua State Administration Council (SAC) dan de facto Presiden Myanmar. Sayangnya, inisiasi untuk merangkul kembali Junta Militer ditanggapi secara dingin dan justru dinilai kontra-produktif dengan pelaksanaan 5 Poin Konsensus. Lantas, bagaimana posisi Indonesia sebagai current chairman? Apakah masih ada harapan untuk persatuan di ASEAN? Rafi, Ikhlas, dan Shofwan kedatangan Faisal Karim (Dosen HI Binus University dan UIII) untuk ngomongin ini! On the Agenda Ada apasih dibalik manuver politik Thailand? (3:40) Thailand lagi main ketua-ketuaan atau ASEAN yang tak lagi sama? (6:21) Gimana sih pengaruh carut-marut politik domestik Thailand? (16:30) Thailand hanya ikuti jejak Indonesia? (25:27) ASEAN jadi EU banget? (30:55) Krisis eksistensi ASEAN Way (34:40) Apa opsi untuk Indonesia kedepannya? (45:10) Refleksi ASEAN moving forward (49:17) Crew: Host: Rafi Alif (@rafialifma) Producer: Rafi Alif & Ikhlas Tawazun (@tawazunikhlas) Researcher: Oktavianus Bima (@oktavianus_bima) Temui kami di: Instagram: @kontekstualcom Twitter: @Kontekstualcom Kunjungi kontekstual.com untuk berita HI paling aktual!

Today's HeadlinesMyanmar flexes military muscleMuslim-background believers advance despite Algeria's persecutionTeacher shortage leads to new college in Argentina

Episode #149: Nandar Min Swe is a fundraiser for the government in exile. She helped sell NUG bonds, as well as facilitating the sale of subdivided plots of land owned by Min Aung Hlaing and other the military, which can be redeemed upon a successful end to the revolution. These days, she is working on facilitating a cryptocurrency which can circumvent the military regime's control over the national financial system.Nandar identifies a developing problem, however, in that most fundraising efforts are directed at Burmese donors. “Why are we digging deeper into our own pockets, and our own pockets are not that deep enough, no matter how much we dig into?” she asked herself. She thinks this is due, in part, to Burmese cultural values. Nandar agrees with Phillipp Annawitt, who expressed on a recent Insight Myanmar podcast episode that the “culture of sacrifice” that has long existed within Burmese democracy movements is not a sustainable form of governance, and this is reflected in the Burmese focus of fundraising efforts—the same people give over and over until they can't, while volunteers are beginning to feel overwhelmed. Nearly two years into the attempted coup, the Burmese diaspora still continues to have to shoulder nearly this entire burden, unable to find a way to break through to a wider audience beyond their own bubble.Going forward, Nandar makes clear she is seeking a new and better country, rather than advocating for a specific party or policy. “I'm not an NLD supporter or a Daw Aung San Suu Kyi supporter. I feel myself to be more like someone who wants to liberate Burma any way I can. And the only way I can right now is by fundraising.”

Nella puntata che segna i cinque anni del Cielo sopra Pechino, ci occupiamo di un anniversario molto più doloroso.Due anni fa, infatti, l'esercito birmano guidato dal generale Min Aung Hlaing rovesciò il governo della Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia (NLD) di Aung San Suu Kyi e diede inizio a quella che i militari definiscono una "transizione" e che noi possiamo definire un regime militare.In questa puntata torniamo proprio in Myanmar insieme a Carlos Sardiña Galache, giornalista e autore de “Il labirinto birmano”, profondo conoscitore di un paese da sempre complesso e oggi più che mai diviso.Tra accuse costruite ad arte, governi di unità nazionale che non lo sono e milizie che sono più numerose delle correnti della sinistra italiana dal dopoguerra a oggi, l'unica certezza è che fare previsioni sia molto rischioso.

Episode #132: Zach Abuza, a columnist at Radio Free Asia and a professor at the National War College in Washington, DC, provides his analysis of the tactical and strategic situation facing the Tatmadaw nearly two years into their attempted coup.He debunks several theories regarding the Burmese military. One is the size of the Burmese military, which he believes is much smaller than is often assumed, and is now showing signs of strain. There is also an increasing number of defections, and Abuza estimates that around 15% of the Tatmadaw's soldiers have been killed, wounded, or defected.In the past, the military relied on an urban Bamar population who could at worst be counted on to tacitly support their incursions into ethnic territories. Now, however, Abuza says, “The people are not being cowed into submission…it's got to drive Min Aung Hlaing and Soe Win absolutely batshit that the population continues to resist the military every day!” People with almost nothing still manage to give whatever they can to the People's Defense Forces (PDFs), a clear sign of how determined they are to continue to sacrifice in hopes of seeing the military defeated once and for all. In terms of the military's resources, on the one hand, Abuza notes that helicopters are the biggest threat to the resistance efforts, and their munitions are produced in-country. However, Abuza has seen a decrease in the number of mortars being launched into villages, indicating that they are concerned about their depleting stocks.With all this in mind, Abuza feels it is critical for the PDFs to begin avoiding direct conflict in favor of “fighting the military's ability to wage war. They have to concentrate on the increasingly depleted logistics network.” His main concern is the resistance's ability to sustain their efforts, since the Tatmadaw still benefits from relationships with China and Russia.

Listen to news from and about the Church in Asia in a capsule around 10 minutes.The offer made by junta leader Min Aung Hlaing, which came after he announced a six-month extension to the current state of emergency and execution of four political prisoners, was too little too late, say rights groups. This and much more on today's podcast.Filed by UCA News reporters, compiled by Rock Ronald Rozario, edited by Anosh Malekar, presented by John Laurenson, background score by Andre Louis and produced by Binu Alex for ucanews.comFor news in and about the Church in Asia, visit www.ucanews.comTo contribute please visit www.ucanews.com/donateOn Twitter Follow us : twitter.com/ucanews

*) First shipment of Ukraine grain leaves Odessa under Türkiye-brokered deal As part of a recent deal brokered by Türkiye, the first ship carrying Ukrainian grain has departed from the port of Odessa to Lebanon. Loaded with corn, the Sierra Leone-flagged dry cargo ship Razoni left Odessa on Monday morning, Türkiye's Defence Ministry said in a statement. The ship is carrying over 26,000 tonnes of corn, the Istanbul-based Joint Coordination Centre said. An earlier statement by the Turkish Defence Ministry said other convoys would follow "along the (maritime) corridors as the "procedures are completed". *) NATO-led KFOR ready to intervene amid Kosovo-Serbia tensions NATO's forces in Kosovo are prepared to intervene if stability is endangered in the north of Kosovo, KFOR has said in a press release. The commander of KFOR is in contact with all of his main interlocutors, as well as Serbian and Kosovar senior defence officials, to calm the tensions, the statement said. Tensions between Pristina and Belgrade are running high as air raid sirens were heard for more than three hours in the small border town of Mitrovica. *) ​​UN chief urges de-escalation amid tensions over Iraqi PM nomination UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called on Iraqi parties to de-escalate the situation and avoid violence amid tension over the nomination of a new prime minister. In a statement on Saturday, Guterres' spokesperson said the UN chief is "following with concern" the ongoing protests in Iraq that left many people injured. The spokesperson urged Iraqi parties and actors "to rise above their differences and form, through peaceful and inclusive dialogue, an effective national government". *) Moscow strikes Ukraine's south, drone hits Russian Crimean fleet Ukraine said the "brutal" shelling by Moscow so far of the southern city Mykolaiv killed a grain tycoon. Meanwhile, Russia claimed an attack from a drone wounded six personnel at the headquarters of its Black Sea fleet. Russian bombardment of the eastern town of Bakhmut was intense after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy called for civilians to leave the frontline Donetsk region. And finally… *) Myanmar extends state of emergency for six months Myanmar military leader Min Aung Hlaing has received the approval of the national defence and security council to extend his rule under a state of emergency for a further six months. The Global New Light of Myanmar reported on Monday that the period of the declared state of emergency will be extended for another six months. Myanmar has been in chaos since the coup, with conflict spreading across the Southeast Asian country after the army crushed mostly peaceful protests in cities.

La junte militaire birmane au pouvoir depuis un an et demi a procédé cette semaine à l'exécution de quatre prisonniers politiques, dont deux célèbres résistants, alors que la peine de mort en Birmanie n'avait plus été pratiquée depuis des décennies. Comme faut-il analyser ce nouvel accès de violence ? Une fuite en avant, un jusqu'au boutisme sanguinaire, une affirmation du règne par la terreur, creusant encore un peu plus le fossé qui sépare les forces armées et la population de Birmanie. La pendaison, lundi 25 juillet, dans la prison d'Insein à Rangoon de quatre dissidents condamnés à mort pour de vagues raisons a provoqué la consternation, la colère et, surtout, une immense vague de chagrin dans tout le pays. Kyaw Min Yu alias Ko Jimmy, activiste écrivain et Zeya Thaw, l'homme qui avait fait découvrir le rap à la jeunesse birmane avant de rejoindre comme député le parti du Prix Nobel de la Paix Aung San Suu Kyi, étaient deux figures immensément populaires et admirées dans un pays où le sacrifice et l'engagement politiques sont sanctifiés… En les exécutant par surprise, les militaires putschistes ont cherché à traumatiser le peuple et à démobiliser une résistance pro-démocratique en plein essor. Peut-on espérer que ces exécutions constituent un tournant dans la guerre civile ? Le gouvernement parallèle birman a immédiatement dénoncé un « Jour Noir » pour le pays alors que les Forces de Défense Populaires, l'armée de l'ombre qui contre-attaque aux quatre coins de la Birmanie ont appelé à une campagne de représailles contre les forces de sécurité. À l'étranger, la France et les États-Unis ont mené la vague d'indignation qui a culminé par une déclaration au Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies qui, fait rarissime, a été signée par la Chine et la Russie, les deux parrains de la dictature birmane… La haute portée symbolique de la disparition des deux héros nationaux va certainement à terme provoquer un regain de combativité populaire dans une guerre civile qui a déjà atteint depuis de longs mois le point de non-retour… Mais signe inquiétant, en Birmanie cette semaine, la rumeur se répand sur une nouvelle série d'exécutions de prisonniers politiques… Sur les quinze mille civils arrêtés pour subversion depuis le coup d'État du 1er février 2021, une centaine a déjà été condamnée à la peine capitale. Les observateurs sur place estiment que les exécutions du 25 juillet pourraient être le préambule à une nouvelle stratégie de terreur alors que la peine de mort n'avait pas été appliquée depuis plus de trente ans. Le général Min Aung Hlaing, chef de la junte, avait prévenu il y a quelques mois qu'il n'y aurait aucune concession, aucune discussion avec une résistance birmane qu'il qualifie de « terroriste ».

Mong Songkaa ha iniziato a fare politica nel partito di Aung San Suu Kyi, è finito in carcere per uno strano tatuaggio e in galera ha iniziato a scrivere poesie. Adesso, però, non impugna più la penna ma un fucile: è diventato il capo del movimento armato di giovani guerriglieri che combatte il regime del generale Min Aung Hlaing. Tra loro c'è anche un'ex reginetta di bellezza.

A Myanmar court sentenced the country's ousted leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, to four years in prison Dec. 6 after finding her guilty of incitement and violating coronavirus restrictions, a legal official said. Hours later, the sentence was reduced to two years in what reports say was an amnesty ordered by military leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. The sentencing was the first in a series of cases in which the 76-year-old Nobel laureate is being prosecuted since the army seized power on Feb. 1, preventing her National League for Democracy party from starting a second five-year term in office. If found guilty in all cases, she could face more than 100 years in prison. At the first sentencing on Dec. 6, it was not clear whether Suu Kyi would be sent to prison, but when her sentence was halved, reports said she would serve her time at her current detention place. Suu Kyi has served 15 years of house arrest, starting in 1989. The incitement case involved statements posted on her party's Facebook page after she and other party leaders had already been detained by the military, while the coronavirus charge involved a campaign appearance ahead of elections in November 2020, which her party overwhelmingly won. (AP) This article was provided by The Japan Times Alpha.

À l'approche du premier anniversaire du coup d'État militaire en Birmanie, la junte maintient sa pression sur une population martyrisée. En dépit d'une campagne répressive d'une rare violence, la résistance civile continue. Est-il possible que le rapport de force tourne à l'avantage des mouvements pro-démocratiques ? Il est certain que le général putschiste Min Aung Hlaing avait tout prévu, quelques semaines avant le coup d'État du 1er février. Sauf que la rue birmane, près d'un an après, continue de lui résister, lui et le demi-million de soldats de la Tatmadaw, l'armée birmane et ses armes sophistiquées abondamment fournies par Moscou et Pékin. 1 400 morts, près de 10 000 prisonniers politiques, des milliers de déplacés dont une partie de la jeunesse des grandes villes n'auront en effet pas suffi à éteindre la flamme de la résistance pro-démocratique birmane qui, bien au contraire, semble gagner en force et en radicalité. Le PDF, la Force de défense populaire, bras armé du gouvernement de l'ombre créé en mai dernier par des parlementaires entrés en clandestinité, multiplie les attaques contre tous les représentants de la dictature : militaires et leurs familles, policiers, fonctionnaires, informateurs sont souvent abattus en pleine rue alors que les garnisons, les banques, les ministères sont cibles d'attentats.  La Birmanie compte pour un tiers de minorités ethniques dont beaucoup engagées dans des mouvements d'insurrection  Sur le front ethnique, les guérillas historiques Karènes, Karennis, Shans, Kachins ou Chin opposent d'Est en Ouest une résistance démultipliée à la junte. Ce qui n'était, là encore, pas prévu dans le scénario de la reprise en mains des militaires. D'autant que dans la jungle de la frontière thaïlandaise, un embryon de coalition alliant des milliers de jeunes dissidents birmans aux guérilleros ethniques est en train de voir le jour. L'extrême violence de l'offensive de saison sèche qui vient de commencer dans ces régions en dit long sur la nervosité des généraux putschistes. La mort effroyable, carbonisés, de 35 civils - femmes et enfants et de deux employés de l'association Save The Children - dans une expédition punitive dans l'État Karenni, le jour de Noël, a d'ailleurs suscité l'émoi dans une partie de l'opinion internationale. L'ONU, les États-Unis et l'Union européenne plaident pour un renforcement des sanctions et un embargo sur les armes, cela suffit-il ?   La Birmanie est entrée dans une spirale de guerre civile qui est sans doute un chemin sans retour. Les déclarations de principe de la communauté internationale et les sanctions pèsent peu face à l'intransigeance de la junte, mais aussi face à la détermination d'une population birmane qui refuse de se laisser voler l'une de ses premières expériences démocratiques depuis l'indépendance il y a 70 ans. Les premiers signes d'agacement du parrain chinois face aux exactions des militaires birmans, mais aussi à son incapacité à écraser la dissidence, pourraient, qui sait, également peser sur l'avenir d'une dictature de plus en plus attaquée.  

Myanmar's junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has reiterated plans to hold a fresh general election in August 2023 sticking to the military government's timeline and defying pressure from the U.S. to hold polls earlier. Moe Thuzar from IISEAS, Yusof-Ishak Institute deep dives on this brewing crisis. Image credit: Shutterstock.com

Myanmar's junta chief Min Aung Hlaing has reiterated plans to hold a fresh general election in August 2023 sticking to the military government's timeline and defying pressure from the U.S. to hold polls earlier. Moe Thuzar from IISEAS, Yusof-Ishak Institute deep dives on this brewing crisis. Image credit: Shutterstock.com

PT-2: BURMA TODAY 3.19.21–A Declaration of Unrestricted War on Min Aung Hlaing and his Terrorist Organization aka MAH-SAC Alan Clements

On Friday, we considered the possible need for new tactics for the U.S. to secure the release of Michigan-born journalist Danny Fenster from his imprisonment in Myanmar since May. He had just been sentenced to 11 years of hard labor on alleged charges that included violating immigration law and encouraging dissent against the military. He also faced newly raised charges of sedition and terrorism, which can carry life sentences in Myanmar under its current military regime. Just three days later, seemingly suddenly, Fenster was finally freed today. “There started to be some rumors circulating a couple of hours before he was actually released,” said Andrew Nachemson, a friend and colleague of Fenster's at Frontier Myanmar who is currently based in Thailand. Former diplomat and past governor of New Mexico Bill Richardson was in Myanmar last week for face-to-face meetings with the regime's Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, on a mission to talk about COVID. He negotiated Fenster's release. It was the last step in a monthslong process. “The suddenness of the release shouldn't fool people,” said U.S. Representative Andy Levin (MI-09). “It was the result of steady patient work by career diplomats and folks in the intelligence and diplomatic community around the world.” On today's Stateside podcast episode, April Baer talks with both Nachemson and Levin about Fenster's release, and where this saga leaves journalists still in the region as well as U.S. relations with the regime. GUESTS: Congressman Andy Levin is a Democrat representing Michigan's 9th congressional district. Andrew Nachmenson is a journalist covering politics and human rights in southeast Asia. -- Looking for more conversations from Stateside? Right this way. If you like what you hear on the pod, consider supporting our work. Stateside's theme music is by 14KT. Additional music by Blue Dot Sessions. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

#東協峰會 10/26-10/28東協十國舉行峰會，會後幾個重點值得關注，首先，緬甸政變後，軍政府領袖敏昂萊（Min Aung Hlaing）十分罕見未獲邀參加東協峰會；其次，美國總統拜登也以視訊方式參加峰會，希望能夠與東協建立良好關係；此外，東協亦分別與中國及澳洲提升至全面戰略夥伴關係… #G20峰會 G20羅馬峰會上週末在義大利舉行，義大利總理德拉吉（Mario Draghi）原想將此峰會視為其非常重要的外交成就，然而整個成就與光芒幾乎被週一開始的氣候峰會給蓋過… #COP26峰會 11/1於蘇格蘭登場的第二十六屆聯合國氣候峰會（COP26）盛大展開，會議將持續兩週，目前看到的成就是，世界第三大溫室氣體排放國家印度承諾在2070年做到零排放… #日眾議院選舉 10/31日本舉行眾議院選舉，結果自民黨依舊獲得安定多數（261席），即便自民黨得票數較以往少，但基本上還是過半，然而，值得注意的是，此次選舉有幾位大老沒有當選… Himalaya：www.himalaya.com/drliu 劉必榮教授和風談判學院：negotiation.eletang.com.tw

Lần đầu tiên kể từ năm 1997, ASEAN họp thượng đỉnh lần thứ 38 và 39 (từ ngày 26-28/10/2021) tại Brunei mà không có Miến Điện. Nhưng thượng đỉnh năm nay còn diễn ra trong bối cảnh đặc biệt : ASEAN đang chịu nhiều áp lực từ đại dịch Covid-19 cho đến cuộc cạnh tranh gay gắt giữa Mỹ và Trung Quốc. Thiếu gắn kết, ASEAN có nguy cơ trở thành người ngoài cuộc ngay trên chính sân nhà. Trên đây là nhận định của nhà nghiên cứu David Camroux khi trả lời ban Tiếng Việt đài RFI. Là giảng viên trường Khoa Học Chính Trị - SciencesPo tại Paris, chuyên gia người Úc về Đông Nam Á từng được mời giảng dạy tại trường đại học quốc gia Hà Nội. Theo ông, đại dịch Covid-19, khủng hoảng chính trị Miến Điện cũng như là cuộc đối đầu giữa Mỹ và Trung Quốc, sự hình thành của liên minh quân sự AUKUS đang đặt khối ASEAN trước nhiều thử thách cam go. Vị thế của khối trên trường quốc tế cũng vì thế bị lung lay. ********** RFI Tiếng Việt : Kính chào giáo sư David Camroux. Sau nhiều tháng chần chừ, Hiệp hội các quốc gia Đông Nam Á – ASEAN, cuối cùng đã quyết định không mời tướng Min Aung Hlaing dự thượng đỉnh năm nay. Phải chăng quyết định này được ASEAN đưa ra là do áp lực từ Hoa Kỳ và Liên Hiệp Châu Âu như lời tố cáo của Miến Điện ? Hay có một ý muốn nào đó từ khối ASEAN muốn chấm dứt cuộc khủng hoảng chính trị tại Miến Điện ? GS. David Camroux  : Tôi nghĩ hai giải thích này đều đúng cả. Rõ ràng là có một áp lực từ Mỹ và Liên Hiệp Châu Âu liên quan đến sự hiện diện của ông Min Aung Hlaing. Nhưng còn có sự bực tức từ phía ngoại trưởng hai nước Indonesia và Malaysia nữa, đối với tập đoàn quân sự Miến Điện. Ông Min Aung Hlaing khi đến dự cuộc họp thượng đỉnh hồi tháng Tư năm nay đã chấp nhận một đồng thuận 5 điểm. Vài tháng sau đó, tháng 8/2021, ASEAN đã bổ nhiệm một đặc sứ, vốn là thứ trưởng Ngoại Giao của Brunei, với một điều kiện là người này có thể đến Miến Điện, không chỉ gặp lãnh đạo Miến Điện mà còn được tiếp xúc cả với bà Aung San Suu Kyi và nhiều thành viên khác của phe đối lập dân chủ hiện đang bị cầm tù. Tuy nhiên, tập đoàn quân sự Miến Điện không tỏ một chút thiện chí nào, họ từ chối cho gặp bà Aung San Suu Kyi. Nhưng đó còn là do thái độ ngoan cố của phe quân sự. Họ thậm chí không chấp nhận gởi một đại diện « phi chính trị » đến dự thượng đỉnh tại Brunei. Do vậy, không có một đại diện Miến Điện nào cả ! Theo ông, quyết định gạt Miến Điện chỉ mang tính tạm thời hay là vĩnh viễn ? ASEAN dự định sẽ xử lý vấn đề Miến Điện như thế nào sau kỳ thượng đỉnh này ? Liệu với quyết định này, khối ASEAN có phải lo lắng về những hệ quả trong tương lai ? GS. David Camroux : Tôi nghĩ là Có. Thứ nhất, với tư cách là một khối, ASEAN có rất ít công cụ để sử dụng. Ví dụ, trong hiến chương của ASEAN, khối này không có khả năng khai trừ một thành viên, do vậy, phương thức hành động của ASEAN là rất hạn chế. Tuy nhiên, người ta cũng tự hỏi liệu giới quân sự Miến Điện có muốn ở lại trong ASEAN hay không. Đừng quên là vào năm 1997, vào lúc Miến Điện chuẩn bị gia nhập khối, có nhiều tướng lĩnh bảo thủ đã lên tiếng chống đối. Họ muốn Miến Điện giống như Bắc Triều Tiên, một nước tách biệt, không liên kết. Dù sao đi chăng nữa, người ta có cảm giác là giới quân sự đang đi ngược lại ý kiến của ASEAN. Theo nhiều nhà quan sát, tập đoàn quân sự Miến Điện đang chuẩn bị một chiến dịch quân sự quy mô lớn, huy động gần 30.000 binh sĩ để tấn công điều mà họ cho là những phần tử khủng bố, nhưng trên thực tế là những người chống đối chính quyền quân sự, những nhóm vũ trang sắc tộc thiểu số và phe đối lập ở miền bắc Miến Điện, bang Kachin và những vùng lân cận. Người ta có cảm giác là giới quân sự Miến Điện không muốn một giải pháp chính trị, bằng mọi giá họ tìm cách giải quyết cuộc khủng hoảng bằng quân sự, và tình hình hiện nay ngày càng đi đến gần một cuộc nội chiến. Về phần ASEAN, thượng đỉnh năm nay có chủ đề « Chúng ta quan tâm, Chúng ta chuẩn bị, Chúng ta thịnh vượng ». Phải chăng điều này phản ảnh một nỗi lo lắng nào đó từ phía ASEAN ? Sự gắn kết của khối ngày nay liệu đang bị thách thức bởi đại dịch Covid-19, hồ sơ Miến Điện rồi đối đầu Mỹ - Trung ? GS. David Camroux : Đúng là ASEAN hiện đang phải đối mặt với ba thách thức. Thứ nhất, đó là điều mà người ta gọi là « ASEAN way », tức là mô hình hoạt động theo đồng thuận và rõ ràng trong hồ sơ Miến Điện, cách thức này không vận hành được. Thách thức thứ hai được đặt ra ở đây chính là nguyên tắc « không can thiệp » vào chuyện nội bộ của các nước thành viên. Với việc hàng ngàn người chạy sang các nước láng giềng tị nạn như Thái Lan hay Ấn Độ, rõ ràng là cuộc khủng hoảng ở Miến Điện có những tác động đối với các nước láng giềng. Trong trường hợp này, nguyên tắc « không can thiệp » là có vấn đề. Khía cạnh thứ ba bị thách thức không chỉ bởi tình hình ở Miến Điện mà còn bởi liên minh quân sự AUKUS giữa ba nước Mỹ, Anh và Úc cũng như là bởi cuộc đối đầu Mỹ - Trung. Ở đây, chính « tính trung tâm » của ASEAN đang bị thách thức. Bởi vì, người ta trông cậy nhiều vào ASEAN để giải quyết tình hình ở Miến Điện nhưng khối này tỏ ra bất lực, không có phương tiện để xử lý vấn đề. Đây thật sự là một thách thức cho ASEAN và cho vị thế của khối trong khu vực, sau hơn 50 năm thành lập. Nhiều nhà quan sát cho rằng ASEAN ngày càng giống như là một khán giả, ngồi quan sát các cuộc đọ sức giữa các siêu cường đến từ bên ngoài trong khu vực. Phải chăng đó là do sự thiếu gắn kết của ASEAN ? GS. David Camroux : Đúng vậy. Đó chính là những gì diễn ra cùng với sự ra đời của khái niệm Ấn Độ - Thái Bình Dương, do cựu thủ tướng Nhật Bản Shinzo Abe khởi xướng với sự tham dự của Úc, Hoa Kỳ và Ấn Độ. Sự việc đặt ra một thách thức cho vị thế của ASEAN cũng như là vai trò trung tâm của khối. Năm 2019, Indonesia đã tìm cách cho thông qua một tầm nhìn của ASEAN về vùng Ấn Độ - Thái Bình Dương, nhưng vấn đề cơ bản của ASEAN ở đây chính là việc thiếu sự gắn kết trong nội bộ của hiệp hội. Ở đây người ta có những nước chuyên chế như Việt Nam chẳng hạn, những nước dân chủ cho dù là cũng có những vấn đề như Indonesia, Philippines hay còn có những nước tập đoàn quân sự độc tài cứng rắn như Thái Lan. Do vậy, chẳng có một đồng thuận về mô hình chính trị, một cơ chế chính trị cho toàn thể khối ASEAN. Không có một sự liên kết, không một đồng thuận về một mô hình chính trị như người ta mong muốn, ASEAN mỗi lúc gặp nhiều khó khăn hơn, nhất là trong bối cảnh một cuộc đối đầu Mỹ - Trung ngày một gay gắt, ASEAN đúng là đang rơi vào thế như là một khán giả. Vậy phải chăng việc căng thẳng gia tăng trong khu vực, còn có một phần trách nhiệm của ASEAN như lời chỉ trích của một số nhà quan sát ? GS. David Camroux : ASEAN không có trách nhiệm gì trong việc gia tăng những căng thẳng. Chính những áp lực từ Trung Quốc đối với Hồng Kông và Đài Loan đã làm cho căng thẳng bùng lên, cũng như là những đòn trừng phạt của Trung Quốc nhắm vào Úc chẳng hạn. Rủi thay, Trung Quốc dưới sự lãnh đạo của ông Tập Cận Bình không có chút nỗ lực nào để chứng tỏ là một nước láng giềng hòa bình. Thế nên, ASEAN cảm thấy bị đe dọa bởi vì về mặt quân sự, các nước trong ASEAN như Indonesia hay Philippines không có những phương tiện hải quân để đối phó với những cuộc xâm nhập của các nhóm bán dân quân tự vệ hải quân Trung Quốc. Hơn nữa các nước Đông Nam Á, như trường hợp Việt Nam, không muốn phải chọn phe giữa Trung Quốc và Hoa Kỳ. Trên thực tế, Mỹ được xem như là một nguồn hậu thuẫn về an ninh, còn Trung Quốc thì bảo đảm về kinh tế. Cho đến trước khi xảy ra đại dịch Covid-19, các nước thành viên của ASEAN trong một vị thế rất thuận lợi, có thể tận dụng được sự cạnh tranh này. Giờ thì mọi việc đang trở nên trầm trọng, Hoa Kỳ bắt đầu đòi hỏi khu vực phải chọn theo Mỹ hay là Trung Quốc. Điều này đúng là không có lợi cho nhiều nước như Việt Nam hay nhiều nước khác phải chọn giữa Hoa Kỳ và Trung Quốc. Như vậy, điều này có nghĩa là các nước ASEAN một ngày nào đó có nguy cơ phải chọn phe ? GS. David Camroux : Nguy cơ ở đây chính là sự chia rẽ trong nội bộ khối. Có những chế độ như Cam Bốt, Lào thì thân Trung Quốc. Rồi có những thành viên như Việt Nam hay Indonesia, không thân với Trung Quốc và cũng không chống, nhưng tỏ ra ngờ vực Trung Quốc. Chính vì vậy mà Nhật Bản và Hàn Quốc có một vai trò quan trọng trong khu vực. Nhật Bản luôn là nhà cung cấp hỗ trợ và phát triển, nhà đầu tư hàng đầu trong khu vực. Hàn Quốc cũng đóng góp một vai trò, hỗ trợ các nước Đông Nam Á có những phương cách hành động giữa Mỹ và Trung Quốc, nhất là trong lĩnh vực kinh tế. Trên thực tế, phương thức hoạt động của các nước Đông Nam Á gần giống như là một trò chơi cân bằng, sử dụng cùng lúc nhiều lá bài. Nhưng nếu cạnh tranh Mỹ - Trung thêm trầm trọng, trò chơi cân bằng này mỗi lúc trở nên khó trụ được. Trong bối cảnh này, liệu ASEAN trong tương lai có còn là một tác nhân quan trọng trong vùng châu Á – Thái Bình Dương ? GS. David Camroux : Đương nhiên, ASEAN vẫn có một tương lai bởi vì thế mạnh của khối chính là luôn nỗ lực tạo ra biết cách tạo ra một sự tin tưởng. Người ta hay quên là vào năm 1967, vào thời điểm thành lập khối ASEAN, ngay giữa thời kỳ  Chiến Tranh Lạnh, có những cuộc đối đầu, những căng thẳng về tranh chấp lãnh thổ, nhưng ASEAN đã tạo dựng thành công một bầu không khí tin tưởng giữa các nước thành viên, hoạt động theo phương thức đồng thuận. Chính vì thế trường hợp Miến Điện là nghiêm trọng, giới tướng lĩnh quân đội không tham gia cuộc chơi, tức là tạo ra một sự tin tưởng cho các nước thành viên láng giềng. Nhưng tôi cũng nghĩ rằng ASEAN không có giải pháp thay thế cho các nước Đông Nam Á. Việc tạo ra một không khí tin tưởng giữa các nước cho phép phát triển mạnh về kinh tế, trở nên giầu có hơn như trường hợp của Việt Nam. Khi Việt Nam gia nhập ASEAN năm 1995, sau cuộc Đổi Mới, đó là bước đi thứ hai để Việt Nam trở thành một quốc gia « bình thường », quan trọng trên trường quốc tế. Đó chính là nền tảng để tạo bầu không khí, cho phép Việt Nam giống như những nước khác của ASEAN biết đến những phép mầu kinh tế và tăng trưởng. Tôi nghĩ rằng ASEAN vẫn luôn giữ vai trò này nhưng người ta cũng thấy có những hạn chế của mô hình khi các nước thành viên không thực hiện các quy định cuộc chơi của cả nhóm ! RFI Tiếng Việt xin cảm ơn GS. David Camroux, trường Khoa học Chính Trị SciencesPo Paris.

The annual ASEAN Summit began with the exclusion of Myanmar's military chief Min Aung Hlaing, over the lack of progress in grouping's Peace Plan. Tonight on #ConsiderThis we ask our guests on moves to restore democracy.

In a rare rebuke, the leaders of South East Asian nations have shunned the military junta in Myanmar, telling its prime minister he isn't welcome at next week's ASEAN summit. Since the junta seized power in February, the UN estimates the Burmese army has killed more than 1100 civilians.

Following the murder of the Conservative MP Sir David Amess, two other MPs, Joanna Cherry from the SNP and Rupa Huq from the Labour party, tell us about threats they have received in their working lives. Also on the programme, Min Aung Hlaing, the army general who seized power in Myanmar, has been excluded from an ASEAN meeting. Will this have any effect in Myanmar itself? And New Zealand pushes hard to get 99% of its population fully vaccinated against Covid 19. (Picture: Floral tributes to the murdered MP Sir David Amess in the town of Leigh On Sea. Credit: Reuters / O'Brien)

BURMA TODAY 3.17.21: STERN WORDS for Min Aung Hlaing —Myanmar's Terrorist at large — and WORLD Leaders. Alan Clements May MAH-SAC's evil behaviors cease. What does a free and civilized world mean if they do not care for members of their own global family? Words are meaningless at this point. We must hear the screams in Burma as if next door. No, as if in our very own hearts. We must internalize their needs as our own needs. Ubuntu is an action. Presidents, Prime Ministers and Members of the United Nations—ACT! ACT NOW before there is no Burma left to save. The New Edge of Revolution —Social Shaming of Terrorist Associated family members https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/social-media-campaign-shames-adult-children-senior-myanmar-junta-members.html?fbclid=IwAR2gwA6YLN63ua1iSZ1HqHBiccv-5ITxNiXR9wH1T260HE_8g0TmjxeenxU All American Chin Stars Singing We Are The World for a Free and United Burma. https://youtu.be/aYWLwuXIRfk

PT-1: BURMA TODAY 3.19.21–A Declaration of Unrestricted War on Min Aung Hlaing and his Terrorist Organization aka MAH-SAC Alan Clements

每日英語跟讀 Ep.K215: Myanmar's Monks, Leaders of Past Protests, Are Divided Over the Coup   Day after day, despite a raging pandemic and the threat of snipers' bullets, a small band of Buddhist monks in burgundy robes gathers in the city of Mandalay in Myanmar. Their acts of dissent last only a few minutes, hasty candlelight vigils or flash-mob protests in the shadow of a monastery with gilded eaves. 一天又一天，總有一小群穿著酒紅色僧袍的僧侶，不顧新冠肆虐和子彈威脅，聚集在緬甸瓦城。他們表達異議的行動只持續幾分鐘，在一座金屋簷的寺院附近舉行短暫燭光守夜或快閃抗議。 The clerics' demand is lofty: men in uniform, men who protest a bit too loudly that they are pious Buddhists, must exit politics. The military has dominated Myanmar for the better part of 60 years, most recently by staging a coup against an elected government and killing more than a thousand people for daring to oppose its power grab. 這群僧侶訴求很大：穿軍服的男人，抗議得有點大聲以致不能算虔誠佛教徒的男人，應退出政治。軍方在過去60年裡大部分時間統治緬甸，最近一次是藉由發動政變推翻民選政府，並殺害千餘名反對軍方奪權的民眾。 “In the future, there should be no dictatorship at all,” read one sign held aloft by a monk Monday. 一名僧侶周一高舉標語「未來根本不該有獨裁者」。 In an overwhelmingly Buddhist nation where monks are seen as the supreme moral authority, the political chaos since the Feb. 1 coup has laid bare deep divisions within Myanmar's clergy. While a minority of monks have openly joined the protest movement, and hundreds have been imprisoned for it, clerics have not taken the leadership role that they were known for in past bouts of resistance to the military. Some prominent monks have even given the generals their blessing. 在佛教徒占壓倒性多數、僧侶被視為最高道德權威的緬甸，從2月1日政變開始的政治亂局，暴露出緬甸佛教僧侶內部嚴重分歧。雖然少部分僧侶公開加入抗議，其中數百人因此入獄，但僧侶並沒擔負起領導抗爭的角色，跟他們在過去幾波反軍政府示威潮中不同。有些知名僧侶甚至祝福軍方將領。 This split in the monastic community, Buddhist clerics say, is partly due to the military's assiduous courting of influential monks, luring them with donations and promises that soldiers, more than civilian leaders, are the true defenders of the faith. Harder-edged tactics have also been used to discourage monks from protesting, as armed security forces occupy monasteries — potential centers for resistance — and order clerics to return home, citing the pandemic. 佛教僧侶說，僧侶界對軍方態度不一，部分是因軍方籠絡具影響力的僧人，捐獻香油錢取悅他們，並保證軍人而非文人領袖才是佛教真正捍衛者。軍方也採用較強硬手段阻止僧人抗議，如武裝部隊占領可能成為反對運動核心的僧院，並以疫情嚴重為由命令僧侶回家。 The relative absence of monks from the protests, particularly in the first weeks after the coup, has not matched the broader mood in Myanmar. Millions marched in the streets after Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief, ordered the jailing of elected leaders. Even today, as security forces shoot protesters on sight and the coronavirus rips through the country, pockets of democratic rebellion have endured. 僧侶參與反政變示威相對不踴躍，在政變發生頭幾周尤其如此，與緬甸廣大人民心聲不合。緬甸國防軍總司令敏昂萊大將下令關押民選領袖之後，數百萬人上街遊行抗議。就算是現在，安全部隊當場對示威者開槍和疫情蔓延全國之際，仍有少部分民主人士持續抗爭。 For centuries, Myanmar's monks have taken bold political stands, from hunger strikes demanding independence from Britain to street protests against the army's rule in 2007. And although the government-run national clerical council mostly capitulated to the new order imposed in February, some monks have defied it. 幾百年來，緬甸僧侶一直採取大膽的政治立場，從絕食抗議要求脫離英國獨立，到2007年上街反對軍方統治。雖然政府組織的全國僧侶委員會成員大多屈服於2月起軍方的新秩序，但也有僧侶反抗。Source article: https://udn.com/news/story/6904/5739954

Suzanne and Ruth are joined by Mark Farmaner, director of Burma Campaign UK. Mark has been involved in advocacy for human rights in Myanmar for over 20 years. Mark offers his expertise and knowledge on a range of topics including Min Aung Hlaing, Ethnic Armed Organisations (EAOs), Aung San Suu Kyi, as well as the role of social media companies and international businesses in Myanmar.The ah nah: Conversations with Myanmar podcast was born from a desire to bring into public consciousness the atrocities that are currently being committed in Myanmar (also known as Burma). Our goal is simply to keep the conversation going, and to let the people of Myanmar know that they have not been forgotten. You can continue to support the people of Myanmar by keeping this conversation going. You can subscribe to this podcast on all major podcasting apps, including Apple, Spotify and Acast. You can also follow us on all our social media pages, linked below. If you'd like to reach out, please email us or fill out this form to add your voice to the conversation (https://tinyurl.com/3ee7ssm9).Credits:Song: Kabar Makyay Bu (Until the End of the World), was written and recorded by Naing Myanmar, it became the revolutionary anthem of the 1988 pro-democracy movement and could be heard once again all over Myanmar during the 2021 Coup. Naing Myanmar maintains that the song is no longer his, since the '88 uprising “it belongs to everyone”.Graphics: SelinaXinSound Effects: https://mixkit.co**Special thanks to Mark Farmaner and the team at Burma Campaign UK, and all those who have campaigned for Myanmar for decades and continue to advocate for the restoration of human rights and democracy in Myanmar every single day. We are so grateful to Mark for adding his voice to the conversation, you can follow him on Twitter @MarkFarmaner, you can also follow Burma Campaign UK on Twitter @burmacampaignuk Follow ah nah:instagram.com/ahnahpodcastfacebook.com/ahnahpodcasttwitter.com/ahnahpodcastThanks for listening, and remember to #KeepTheConversationGoing! Myanmar, we have not forgotten you.Follow us at @ahnahpodcast on Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Charlie McCann, The Economist's regional correspondent covering Myanmar, illuminates conditions endured by the Burmese, prospects for change and the role played to date by neighbors including Indonesia.  She details economic deterioration, civil disobedience, and trends in the conflict between a People's Defense Force (PDF) and Gen Hlaing's Tatmadaw.  Certain distinctive traits of the military are key drivers of the grim dynamics.  Also: Jeff and Kevin discuss havoc in PDI Perjuangan's leadership, mixed proposals on civil liberties, yet more amendment noise, and the emergence of the long-dreaded post-holiday Covid uptick.Get a free trial of Reformasi Weekly Newsletter at:https://bit.ly/reformasifreeSupport us on buymeacoffee.com/reformasiSupport us on buymeacoffee.com/reformasi

On February 1st, the Myanmar military took over the country. It was a surprise move from the Tatmadaw led by general Min Aung Hlaing. The military suspended the civilian government and de facto leader of the country and Nobel Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi was imprisoned. The initial reaction of the public was muted but soon the demonstrations began. Junta has reacted with brutality, murders and torture. According to the right groups, more than 800 people have been killed so far. What's next for Myanmar? How strong is the regime? Will the situation deteriorate even further? I talked to Hunter Marston. He is a PhD Candidate at the Coral Bell School of Asia Pacific Affairs at Australian National University, and Non-Resident Fellow at Pacific Forum. Listen to our conversation. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/andrej-matisak/message

AN URGENT MESSAGE: Please share widely to your social networks, as well as to political leaders, diplomats, ambassadors, UN representatives, media, etc, inside Myanmar and Worldwide.  Sr Gen Min Aung Hlaing’s Military Coup d'etat in Myanmar and the Free World's Pathetic Response. There's Another way. Here it is.

URGENT: please share widely for the People of Burma.

URGENT: please share widely for the People of Burma.

Straits Times’ Regional Correspondent, Leslie Lopez gives an analysis of Malaysia's Covid-19 restrictions due to the surge in numbers, Singapore and Malaysia's agreement to travel on compassionate grounds, the possibility of Myanmar's Military General, Min Aung Hlaing compromising with ASEAN to stop violence against protestors, and more.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nous parlons avec vous, Amaury de Rochegonde, du rétablissement d’un bureau de la censure en Birmanie, trois mois après le coup d’État qui a mené une junte militaire au pouvoir. On fêtera, le 3 mai, la Journée mondiale de la liberté de la presse et la façon qu’ont trouvée les militaires birmans de la célébrer, c’est de rétablir un bureau de la censure qui avait disparu en 2012, avec la dissolution d’une junte. Décidément, le coup d’État du 1er février a réveillé de vieux démons, à ceci près qu’un comité de censure, aujourd'hui, doit moins se soucier de manier les ciseaux que de filtrer le web et les réseaux sociaux. C’est d’ailleurs ce à quoi s’est employée la nouvelle junte, en coupant l’accès à internet, de façon partielle ou totale pendant les manifestations, et notamment la connexion à l’internet mobile qui est un moyen efficace pour des manifestants de se coordonner ou de s’informer. Seulement, depuis le sommet de l'Asean à Jakarta, le weekend dernier, le président indonésien Joko Widodo a appelé à la démocratie et à la fin des violences le chef de la junte, le général Min Aung Hlaing. Le pays ne peut, c’est vrai, supporter très longtemps la paralysie économique dont Patrick Pouyanné, le patron de Total, a rendu compte début avril dans le JDD en précisant qu’il n’avait versé à la Birmanie aucune taxe ou impôt, faute d’un système bancaire en état de fonctionner. Le rétablissement d’internet est donc indispensable. Même les multinationales françaises ne peuvent s’en passer. Que ce soit Total, Canal+ ou Accor, qui ont été appelées par Reporters sans frontières à cesser toute coopération avec la junte. L’opérateur étatique de télécommunications (MPT), a donc rouvert les accès aux applications des banques et des entreprises. Mais pas question, bien sûr, d’avoir un internet hors de contrôle. En 2018 deux journalistes de Reuters qui avaient enquêté sur les massacres des Rohingyas avait déjà passé 500 jours en prison. Depuis le putsch, une soixantaine de journalistes, dont un reporter japonais, Yuki Kitazumi, ont été arrêtés. Le régime s’attaque aussi à ceux qui couvrent une répression ayant fait plus de 740 morts et 250 000 déplacés depuis le 1er février. Des avis de recherche sont publiés dans les journaux télévisés, avec des noms et des photos de journalistes comme de personnalités qui ont diffusé des informations sur le mouvement démocratique. Ils risquent trois ans de prison. De même que le filtrage d’Internet passe par des listes d’adresses IP autorisées à se connecter, la censure s’exerce aussi à travers des listes noires de journalistes ou de défenseurs des droits de l’homme. Après s’en être pris à ceux qui couvraient les manifestations, la junte est passée au stade supérieur en arrêtant toute personne des médias susceptible de contredire sa propagande, selon RSF, qui appelle la communauté internationale à réagir.

Straits Times’ Regional Correspondent, Leslie Lopez gives his analysis on Myanmar's Junta leader Min Aung Hlaing's agreement with ASEAN members to stop violence against protestors of the February coup. Plus, Malaysia has unveiled its 10-year plan to revive the oil and gas sector after it was hit hard by the pandemic, and shares more details about the ongoing investigation of the Indonesian submarine tragedy, and more.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Aujourd'hui à Jakarta, la capitale indonésienne, se tient le sommet des dix pays de l'ASEAN, l'Association des Nations de l'Asie du Sud-Est sur la crise en Birmanie. Une réunion en présence du leader de la junte, Min Aung Hlaing. Sophie Boisseau du Rocher, chercheuse au Centre Asie de l'IFRI, l'Institut français des relations internationales, est notre invitée.

ASEAN leaders will meet in Jakarta on April 24 to discuss the ongoing crisis in Myanmar, which has shown no sign of abating since a military coup deposed civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the beginning of February.Hundreds of thousands of protesters have taken to the streets daily to demand a return to democracy - and the military has sought to quell the anti-coup movement with lethal force. Hundreds of people have been killed and thousands detained. Much hope has been placed in the international community to mediate an end to the turmoil - particularly in the regional stakeholders represented by ASEAN. But Myanmar will be represented at the Jakarta summit by the junta leader Min Aung Hlaing - something that's raised a fair few eyebrows and has highlighted the limitations in what ASEAN can be expected to - and is prepared to - do. To discuss the issue we are joined by two brilliant guests, who both have extensive experience at the very heart of the region's politics. Bilahari Kausikan is the former Permanent Secretary of Singapore's Foreign Ministry, and now the chair of the Middle East Institute at the National University of Singapore. Our other guest, Hoang Thi Ha from the ASEAN Studies Centre of ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, has nine years experience at the ASEAN Secretariat itself and also used to work  at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Vietnam. Our host this week is Bill Hayton, Associate Fellow with the Asia-Pacific Programme at Chatham House. 

Hoje algumas manchetes estão viradas para o espaço, para onde foi o astronauta francês Thomas Pesquet que vai passar seis meses em órbita na estação espacial internacional. Um feito que merece algumas manchetes, nomeadamente a do Libération que coloca em primeira pagina um retrato do astronauta com um jogo de palavras, "o mestre descola", o jornal adoptando um tom muito lírico no seu editorial ao escrever "podemos alegrar-nos de ver que a inventividade humana serve para outra coisa que fazer a guerra". Também pensativo, o editorialista do conservador Le Figaro escreve "lá em cima, já não há americanos, russos, japoneses, nem franceses. Há apenas um homem contemplando a sua infinita pequenez no universo". Noutro aspecto, a situação do Myanmar, cerca de 3 meses depois do golpe militar, é também mencionada em alguns jornais, nomeadamente no Libération publicando um inquérito segundo o qual "Bruxelas formou e equipou milhares de agentes das forças da ordem birmanesas acusadas de exacções desde o golpe de Estado. A ambição do programa Mypol, entretanto suspenso, era de ensinar práticas que respeitassem melhor os Direitos Humanos", conta Libération que ao citar um defensor dos Direitos Humanos conclui que "a União Europeia acreditou num conto de fadas". O Myanmar também é mencionado no L'Humanité."As operárias birmanesas pagam caro pelo golpe de Estado" escreve o jornal comunista referindo que "por estarem em primeira linha do movimento de desobediência civil, 200 mil trabalhadoras do sector têxtil foram despedidas desde o golpe do dia 1 de Fevereiro", o que leva um advogado e activista citado pelo jornal a considerar que "as pessoas vão doravante ter de lutar para sobreviver". O diário católico La Croix, quanto a si, recorda que a situação no Myanmar vai ser abordada amanhã numa cimeira dos países da ASEAN com a participação do general Min Aung Hlaing, chefe dos golpistas, cuja presença provoca uma polémica. "Os militares birmaneses são terroristas e convidar o general Min, chefe dos terroristas, não faz sentido" diz um exilado politico birmanês baseado em Londres citado pelo jornal. Na actualidade africana, Le Monde evoca o Chade, em dia de exéquias de Idriss Déby e em particular a posição da França que via no falecido Presidente o seu principal aliado na luta contra o terrorismo no Sahel. Ao constatar "a preeminência do aspecto securitário na relação entre Paris e N'Djamena", o vespertino considera que "a política da França, reduzida a esta componente, faz-lhe correr o risco de afastá-la das populações e em particular das jovens gerações". Mais abaixo, na mesma página, o vespertino evoca desta vez o relatório no final do mês passado dando conta da responsabilidade francesa no genocídio ruandês há 27 anos. Ao indicar que "os advogados das vítimas estão a esmiuçar o relatório Duclert", Le monde dá conta das dificuldades atravessadas nestes últimos anos pelos representantes das vítimas e evoca em particular uma carta enviada em 2019 aos juízes questionando "a sua recusa em procurar a verdade junto dos próximos colaboradores do Presidente francês da época". A este respeito, o vespertino recorda que tem sido "difícil chegar a conclusões definitivas, nomeadamente devido ao aspecto informal da tomada de decisões e também por causa da destruição voluntária de determinados arquivos". Noutro aspecto, Le Figaro entrevista o especialista de questões africanas Antoine Glaser sobre a política do actual Presidente francês no continente. Segundo este analista, "Macron quer apagar a Françafrica", mas ele não está a conseguir: "não se muda facilmente um sistema político, militar e financeiro que existiu durante cinquenta anos". Ao referir que a "Françafrica se concentra agora na África do Oeste", Antoine Glaser considera que "Emmanuel Macron é obrigado a fazer realpolitik porque o continente se mundializou", referindo-se nomeadamente à concorrência de outras potências como a China ou a Rússia em África. E precisamente a propósito da Françafrica, Libération foca o seu olhar sobre o cinema africano e a mudança dos critérios de atribuição de subsídios da Organização Internacional da Francofonia (OIF). "Diminuição dos valores, impossibilidade de recorrer a eles mais do que 5 vezes, estas mudanças fizeram reagir um colectivo de realizadores africanos que denunciam a subsistência da Françafrica, enquanto o organismo financiador usa como pretexto a crise a sanitária", conta Libération antes de citar Alain Gomis, cineasta franco-senegalês, para quem "seria necessário conseguir criar soluções de financiamento em África".

Le 1er février dernier, la junte militaire myanmaraise, commandée par le général Min Aung Hlaing, orchestre un coup d'État contre le parlement. La principale responsable politique du Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi, est arrêtée et emprisonnée. Ce coup d'État fait suite aux élections du 8 novembre, largement remportées par La Ligue Nationale pour la démocratie (LND), le parti fondé par La Dame de Rangoon en 1988. Les militaires justifient leur intervention en affirmant restaurer la démocratie face à des élections frauduleuses. Depuis, un mouvement de désobéissance civile s'est formé pour contester la prise de pouvoir et demander le retour d'Aung San Suu Kyi.  Invité : Alexandre Pelletier, Chercheur postdoctoral invité au Centre d'études internationales Mario Einaudi - Programme de l'Asie du Sud-Est - de l'Université Cornell.

Le 1er février dernier, la junte militaire myanmaraise, commandée par le général Min Aung Hlaing, orchestre un coup d’État contre le parlement. La principale responsable politique du Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi, est arrêtée et emprisonnée. Ce coup d’État fait suite aux élections du 8 novembre, largement remportées par La Ligue Nationale pour la démocratie (LND), le parti fondé par La Dame de Rangoon en 1988. Les militaires justifient leur intervention en affirmant restaurer la démocratie face à des élections frauduleuses. Depuis, un mouvement de désobéissance civile s’est formé pour contester la prise de pouvoir et demander le retour d’Aung San Suu Kyi. Invité : Alexandre Pelletier, Chercheur postodctoral invité au Centre d'études internationales Mario Einaudi - Programme de l'Asie du Sud-Est - de l'Université Cornell Animateur : Frédéric Mérand, Directeur scientifique du CÉRIUM et professeur de science politique à l’Université de Montréal Producteur délégué : Alain Saulnier Directeur technique : Mario Jacob Journalistes à la recherche : Meryem Bezzaz et Emma Guerrero Dufour Monteur : Alex Champagne

Il bilancio del colpo di Stato in Birmania è quello di una guerra dimenticata dall'occhio delle telecamere dei media internazionali: oltre 400 morti, un numero ancoraimprecisato di feriti, e decine di migliaia di incarcerati e non processati. Solo sabato, il giorno più nero della mattanza birmana, l'esercito e la polizia hanno ucciso 114 manifestanti inermi e gli agenti hanno pure sparato contro chi partecipava al loro funerale. Sono stati uccisi bambini di 5 anni, ragazzi di 13, donne, vecchi. Le forze golpiste annientano sul campo ogni tipo di posizione politica e civile. Tutto era nato poco dopo le elezioni legislative del 2020 che avevano visto prevalere la Lega nazionale per la democrazia. Il Partito dell'Unione della Solidarietà e dello Sviluppo, vicino all'esercito, ha conquistato solo poche decine di seggi. Così le forze militari hanno ribaltato le elezioni con la forza e la violenza. Il 26 gennaio 2021, il generale Min Aung Hlaing, capo delle forze armate, ha contestato i risultati del ballottaggio e ne ha chiesto la verificaLa Commissione elettorale si è rifiutata e l'esercito è entrato in azione. Arrestati Il consigliere di Stato Aung San Suu Kyi, il presidente Win Myint e altri leader del partito al governo. Poi ogni corteo e anche pur timido presidio dell'opposizione è stato stroncato con le armi.Non sono bastati gli appelli di Joe Biden, dei leader europei, delle associazioni umanitarie per isolare il regime golpista. L'inadeguatezza di certa diplomazia e l'assolutaininfluenza del ruolo dell'Onu hanno fatto il resto. Un esempio? In risposta al colpo di Stato, il Consiglio di sicurezza delle Nazioni Unite ha tenuto una riunione di emergenza, in cui è stata proposta una risoluzione redatta dai britannici che sollecitava il "ripristino della democrazia" in Myanmar, condannava l'azione dei militari e chiedeva di rilasciare i detenuti. Alla fine la dichiarazione non è stata rilasciata a causa del mancato sostegno di tutti i 15 membri del consiglio. Cina e Russia, in quanto membri permanenti delconsiglio e quindi con potere di veto, hanno rifiutato di appoggiare la dichiarazione. Cosa si attende ancora? Un olocausto birmano?

This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration on all podcasting platforms courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.Global Policy Watch: No Telefoon in Rangoon - RSJMere Piya Gaye Rangoon Wahan Se Kiya Hai Telefoon is how C. Ramchandra immortalised Rangoon (Yangon) in our collective memories all those years ago. Unfortunately, ‘wahan se kiya hai telefoon’ is a tad difficult these days for the people of Yangon. Myanmar should be aware of the idea of eternal recurrence by now. That all events in the world recur in the same pattern over an eternal series of cycles. The coup earlier this month by the Tatmadaw (the armed forces) was a case of history repeating itself three times over in its short post-war history. The reason served by the military had a familiar ring to it. It alleged widespread voter fraud in the November 2020 elections that led to a landslide victory for Aung San Suu Kyi helmed National League For Democracy (NLD). The quasi-democracy that was in place in Myanmar since 2015 didn’t mean any loosening of the iron-fist of the Tatmadaw. It retained its control on the key levers of power. For it to allege voter fraud in elections is comical. It must follow then it is admitting its incompetence in being dictatorial. Anyway, leave that aside. History has shown logic isn’t a particular strength of military junta anywhere in the world. But irony is The senior-most military leader Gen. Min Aung Hlaing had this to say:“I would seriously urge the entire nation to join hands with the Tatmadaw (Army) for the successful realisation of democracy.” Then the junta went digital with its defence. In a country where Facebook is the internet, it posted this on its official site:After many requests, this way was inevitable for the country and that's why we had to choose it. And soon it blocked Facebook and disabled the internet for the sake of ‘stability’ in the country. The tanks were on the street and midnight knocks on the doors of NLD leaders began. Suu Kyi was taken into custody and the crackdown started. It was 1988 once again for Myanmar. The eternal cycle had recurred.As Nietzsche wrote:"Everything has returned. Sirius, and the spider, and thy thoughts at this moment, and this last thought of thine that all things will return".  Myanmar has been living through a transition to a fledgling democracy over the last decade. A new constitution that allowed for representative democracy and elections took shape in 2008. In 2015, NLD won the general elections and Suu Kyi became the State Counsellor (the equivalent of PM) of Myanmar. She is constitutionally barred from becoming the President because she was married to a foreigner and her children aren’t citizens of Myanmar. There was an uneasy truce between her and the military over the last term as Myanmar saw an unprecedented period of opening up to the world, growth and freedom for its people. Anyone who visited it in the last five years would vouch for how ‘normal’ it felt. So, why the coup now? There’s never an easy answer to this. For all you know it could be General Hlaing having a bad hair day. But let’s look at it through the frames of political and social philosophy to arrive at few likely reasons.Firstly, the old Weberian power and legitimacy lens. Power is the ability to impose your will over others despite their resistance. Legitimacy is when this power is considered fair, even appropriate, by those over whom it is exercised. As Weber wrote:“The basis of every system of authority, and correspondingly of every kind of willingness to obey, is a belief, a belief by virtue of which persons exercising authority are lent prestige”  Power needs prestige to be legitimate. Else, it is coercion. In Myanmar, the junta always had power but rarely legitimacy. In the quasi-democracy era, the junta ceded a thin sliver of power to the NLD. But legitimacy is a strange meal. It can feed that feeble power and bestow it with enormous strength. A second term for NLD would have done exactly that. Power is a zero-sum game. The army generals know it. People sense the winds of change fast. The military couldn’t take any further chances with this version of democracy. Self-preservation kicked in on Feb 1, 2021.Secondly, a recurring self-delusion that most authoritarians suffer from is how popular they are among the masses. The Constitution of Myanmar was drafted in a manner that favours large, majoritarian parties. You get a disproportionate number of seats regardless of the margin of victory on vote count. This was, of course, deliberate. There were two reasons for this. One, Myanmar is a multi-ethnic country with a distinct minority presence in its southwestern and northeastern borders. But the polity (the military and the NLD) is dominated by the majority Burmese Buddhists. A majoritarian Constitution is quite convenient. Two, General Hliang probably harbours political ambitions. His term ends this year. He backed the opposition in this elections thinking a victory would see him transition to being a President soon. The results were a shocker. 83 per cent of seats to NLD. The way the election rules have been drafted (by him) would now suggest an almost permanent NLD majority for the next many elections. This wasn’t acceptable. His network of businesses and the many interests of his family and friends could not be left to the mercy of mere civilian politicians. The general didn’t see himself in his labyrinth. This is the old authoritarian problem. You overestimate your popularity. No one tells you the truth. You call for the elections. Then you can’t handle the truth (no copyright issue here; Aaron Sorkin is a friend). Exhibit A of this behaviour is Indira Gandhi right after the emergency. Exhibits B, C, D.. are all dictators too many to name here. This is why good authoritarians go the other way. They change the constitution to reduce the freedoms of the opposition, they extend their terms or they take elections out from the political equation. General Hliang must speak more often to his friends who are on his speed dial - Xi, Putin or Erdogan. Thirdly, this is as good a time to mount a coup with little or no fear of international repercussions. Political cosmopolitanism is in a state of irrelevance now. The idea that states should be subject to some kind of international morality and they must behave in a manner consistent with it is at its weakest. The pandemic has further raised the walls at the borders. Transnational economic or political ideas have to contend with them. It is no surprise that international condemnation of the Myanmar coup is muted. China has asked all parties to resolve their differences internally (ha!). ASEAN, the largest market for Myanmar, has responded in a similar vein. The Biden administration has imposed sanctions and this will be followed by a few other western democracies. They hardly matter. Myanmar has lived in isolation for long to be concerned with them. So, what does the future hold for Myanmar? Will this emergency be a mere one-year interregnum and will we have democracy back after it? Freedom is addictive. Even in the smallest of doses. There’s a view that whatever passed off for democracy in the last decade will be too strong in public memory for the junta to erase altogether. Despite the internet ban, street protests are spreading and, importantly, the arms of the state like bureaucracy, police and public servants (bank or healthcare workers) are participating in a departure from the past. Will these be enough? As a realist, I understand the state can play the waiting game for long and with an increasing degree of coercion. There’s little likelihood of a Yangon spring this season. Global Policy Watch: I am Small, I contain Multitweets— Pranay KotasthaneDo I contradict myself? Very well then I contradict myself; (I am large, I contain multitudes.)— From Walt Whitman's Song of Myself That's too nuanced a point for social media warriors of all persuasions. After all, it's now possible to judge and crucify someone — notwithstanding their unique life experiences and resulting perspectives — merely on the basis of what they tweet. Or what they don't. Just imagine. Our social media profiles — filled with inane and often ill-thought System 1 garbage output — are our most important extrinsic manifestations. It's tragic.Two recent instances drove home this point to me yet again. One, an Indian-origin Oxford University Student Union President-elect had to step down after someone dug up her old Instagram posts containing some pretty terrible (and not even funny) wordplay about a holocaust memorial. As if the label “insensitive” wasn’t sufficient, more posts were dug up to also label her "racist" and "anti-LGBTQ". What the person is today in real life, I have no idea. But what seems pretty clear to me is that past Instagram mistakes don't deserve anything more than a sincere apology. That’s unfortunately not the case though. If the internet remembers everything, social media extracts a heavy penalty for everything remembered.The second instance was a shoddy article in The Caravan titled Establishment Man: The Moral Timidity of Sachin Tendulkar. Among other things, the author was able to make gross generalisations such as "… Tendulkar also shares the worst traits of the Indian middle-class: its indifference to the general good, its lack of commitment to the values of human rights and democracy, and its intellectual vacuousness" merely on the basis of Tendulkar’s Twitter feed. The specific accusation is that while Tendulkar joined the orchestrated chorus against Rihanna's tweet, his 'Twitter stayed silent' when Wasim Jaffer was removed as the coach of the Uttarakhand cricket team.This is not a defence of Tendulkar. As much as I admire him as a cricketer, I understand that a great cricketer can also be a craven follower. But I do have a problem when this judgment gets made merely on what he didn’t tweet about. For instance, the author is quick to conclude, on the basis of a Twitter feed that “..his personal decency has always been accompanied by a deeply ingrained timidity towards authority, a primal fear of upsetting any establishment, whether cricketing or otherwise.” Yet, Tendulkar’s 2009 statement “Mumbai belongs to all Indians”, going against the well-entrenched parochial ‘Marathi Manoos’ politics, doesn’t get even a cursory mention. Similarly, the author doesn’t even attempt to show if he investigated Tendulkar’s off-Twitter support for Jaffer’s shameful ouster. After all, there is a lot someone like Tendulkar can do — and we can expect him to do in this case — than merely signal virtue on Twitter. The Wrong Path ChosenThese two instances illustrate that we give others’ social media feeds way too much importance. The first instance follows a well-established practice of digging up old tweets to defame a present-day achiever. This tendency ignores the fact that the most important human preference is our ability to change our past preferences. Moreover, the more we label people, the more we polarise our politics. Philip Tetlock claims that text analyses studies show that people already tweet more like politicians (signalling virtue) or as prosecutors (assigning blame) rather than as hypothesis testers. And so, disproportional attention to our social media past will only make more people don the role of politicians and prosecutors — ready to fight every battle across the world while burning bridges in our vicinity. The Tendulkar case is a more recent trend — people are to be judged not only on the basis of what they tweet but also what they don't. This too has a similar effect of pushing us into becoming prosecutors who are obligated to jump from one burning issue to the next without solving any.Finally, to pay disproportional attention to our social media selves is both foolish and dangerous. To rebuild broken bridges, we need to assume by default that people contain multitudes. It's going to be tough. Answer to the Quiz in #108Yes, the answer is BR Ambedkar, who else? Those were the excerpts from the election manifesto of the Scheduled Castes Federation from 1951. SCF was a precursor to the Republican Party of India. The entire election manifesto is a fascinating read. As one can expect from Ambedkar’s writings, this manifesto is not just a vague litany of promises but a rare well-reasoned agenda. Sample this:IV. Co-operation between Scheduled Castes Federation and other Political Parties 51. Mere Organization does not make a party. A party means a body of people who are bound by principles. Without principles a party cannot function as a party for in the absence of principles there is nothing to hold the members of it together. A party without principles is only a caravanserai. The Scheduled Castes Federation will not, therefore, ally itself with a Political Party which has not laid down its principles and whose constitution does not demand a pledge from its members to stand by those principles and whose principles are not in antogonism with these of the Federation.52. It is not enough to have political ideals. What is necessary is the victory of ideals. But the victory of ideals can be ensured only by organized parties and not by individuals. For these reasons the Federation will not support independent candidates who belong to no party except in exceptional cases...54. As regards other Political Parties, the Scheduled Castes Federation’s attitude can be easily defined. The Scheduled Castes Federation will not have any alliance with any reactionary Party such as the Hindu Mahasabha or the R. S. S.55. The Scheduled Castes Federation will not have any alliance with a Party like the Communist Party the objects of which are to destroy individual freedom and Parliamentary Democracy and substitute in its place a dictatorship.The manifesto can be read here (page 386). Don’t miss it. We found out about this document in a Puliyabaazi with prominent Dalit intellectual and entrepreneur Chandra Bhan Prasad.HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy mattersSabastian Strangio in the Foreign Affairs: “Myanmar’s Coup Was a Chronicle Foretold” Are coups good for democracy? A paper by George Derpanopoulos, Erica Frantz, Barbara Geddes and Joseph Wright. Answer: “We find that, though democracies are occasionally established in the wake of coups, more often new authoritarian regimes emerge, along with higher levels of state-sanctioned violence.” Get on the email list at publicpolicy.substack.com

Ralkap nih uknak an laknak zarhkhat a rauh hnuah Ralbawi Min Aung Hlaing cu rampi muicawl thawngzamhnak ah thawngthanhnak bia a chim. A chimmi chungah uknak an laknak a ruang zong a chim chap. Tam deuh in rak ngai ve dingin kan sawm.

A coup transpires in Myanmar over contested election results. The military led by Min Aung Hlaing has seized the reigns of power through force. The duly elected Suu Kyi of the National League for Democracy Party has reportedly been detained. We discuss how things got this bad, the current state of affairs and the importance of truth in our world.

Nuacht Mhall. Príomhscéalta na seachtaine, léite go mall. * Inniu an séú lá de mhí Feabhra. Is mise Niall Ó Cuileagáin. Tá an t-arm i Maenmar tar éis coup míleata a thosú agus tá an ceannaire polaitiúil, Aung San Suu Kyi, gafa acu. De réir an t-arm, bhí an toghchán is déanaí sa tír lochtach. Tá an ceannasaí airm, Min Aung Hlaing, ag reáchtáil na tíre anois. Bhuaigh Aung San Suu Kyi an Duais Síochána Nobel in 1991 ach rinneadh go leor cáinte uirthi le déanaí mar gheall ar an bhforéigean in aghaidh na Moslamach sa tír. Seans anois go gcuirfear i bpríosún í. Cháin Uachtarán na Stát Aontaithe, Joe Biden, an coup míleata mar ghníomh frithdhaonlathach. D'iarr ceannaire an DUP, Arlene Foster, ar Phríomh-Aire na Breataine Boris Johnson, prótacal an Tuaiscirt a chur ar ceal. De réir Foster, cuireann an prótacal teorainn trádála idir an Tuaisceart agus an Bhreatain. Dúirt Johnson go mbeadh sé réidh leas a bhaint ar Airteagal 16 den phrótacal chun brú a chur ar an Aontas Eorpach. De réir Rialtas na hÉireann agus an Aontais Eorpaigh, níl ach fadhbanna tosaigh atá i gceist. Dúirt Simon Byrne, constábla de chuid na bpóilíní sa Tuaisceart, go bhfuil baol foréigin ann anois mar gheall ar an teannas polaitiúil. Mhol sé do dhaoine fanacht socair. Níos mó ná céad bliain ó shin, de réir na dtuairiscí, dúirt George Salmon, Propast Choláiste na Tríonóide, Baile Átha Cliath, nach ligfí mná isteach sa choláiste go deo. Inniu, ní hamháin go bhfuil roinnt mná i measc na alumni is cáiliúla sa Choláiste, ach Dé hAoine d'fhógair an Coláiste go bhfuil tríur ban san iomaíocht do phost an Phropaist nua agus mar sin is cinnte go mbeidh bean sa phost seo den chéad uair riamh. Beidh an Propast nua ina cónaí i gceann de na tithe cónaithe is cáiliúla sa chathair, uimhir a haon, Sráid Grafton. Dúirt Susan Parkes, iar-cheannaire oideachais sa Choláiste, go bhfuil ocáid tháchachtach ag baint leis an toghadh seo. * Léirithe ag Conradh na Gaeilge i Londain. * GLUAIS lochtach - flawed frithdhaonlathach - anti-democratic ball foréigin - danger of violence socair - calm propast - provost iomaíocht - competition

The United Nations Security Council called for the release of Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi and others detained by the military as diplomatic and financial pressure grew on the generals who seized power this week to restore democracy.U.S. President Joe Biden said the military should step down as the administration considered slapping sanctions on the generals responsible for Monday’s coup in the Southeast Asian country.Myanmar’s long and troubled transition to democracy was derailed on Monday when army commander Min Aung Hlaing took power, citing alleged irregularities in a November election that Suu Kyi’s party won in a landslide. The electoral commission has said the vote was fair.The 15-member U.N. Security Council released a statement on Thursday stressing the “need to uphold democratic institutions and processes, refrain from violence, and fully respect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the rule of law.

Een opmerkelijk bezoek van minister Sigrid Kaag van Buitenlandse Handel en Ontwikkelingssamenwerking. In Myanmar heeft zij de hoogste generaal ontmoet. Dat valt af te leiden uit een prominente foto op de website van generaal Min Aung Hlaing, de hoogste commandant van het leger in Myanmar. Kaag licht haar bezoek toe en journalist Minka Nijhuis duidt de situatie