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15. Sadanand Dhume Headline: India's Strategic Neutrality in the BRICS Grouping Dhume analyzes India's unique position, balancing relationships with the U.S. and Israel against energy needs. He describes BRICS as an economically underperforming and politically fractured group with deep-seated internal rivalries. (15)1865 KOLKAATA
Mexico City is Mexico's most important city. Today the greater metropolitan area is home to 23 million people, over 17% of the country's entire population. Economically, it is the powerhouse - contributing a quarter of Mexico's GDP. All of the biggest companies are based there. The place is also famously built on top of a lakebed. A sinking lakebed. Sinking maybe an overall average of 35 to 50 centimeters per year. In this video, we look at Mexico City's land subsidence issues and how they came about.
In episode 316 of Absolute AppSec, hosts Ken Johnson and Seth Law participate in a crossover with Kurt Hendle and Cameron Walters from the Coffee, Chaos, and ProdSec podcast to discuss the radical transformation of security roles in an AI-driven landscape. The guests share origin stories rooted in gaming and "mischievous" curiosity, which evolved into deep careers in security architecture and engineering. The primary discussion centers on the industry's shift toward an "Agentic Development Lifecycle" (ADLC), where the sheer volume of AI-generated code renders traditional manual review gates obsolete. This acceleration risks a "rubber stamp" culture where developers approve fixes in seconds rather than minutes, potentially leading to a mountain of technical debt. Consequently, the role of security is shifting from manual bug finding to high-level governance and "context infusion," requiring practitioners to manage AI agents that automate complex tasks. Economically, the group highlights how frontier model announcements have caused massive market volatility, wiping billions from traditional security stocks. Ultimately, they conclude that while older "primitive" tools are failing, professionals who lean into AI as a "superpower" for governance and oversight will be essential for navigating this new, non-deterministic reality.
Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion. #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it. Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union." Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed. Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.
Professor David Lindenmayer from the Fenner School of Environment & Society at the Australian National University is critical of many issues impacting Australia's forest industry, arguing he has worn out many pairs of shoes trekking to Federal Parliament to plead the case for the nation's forests.His frustration with the country's politicians, other decision-makers, and industry lobbyists, who all handled the scientific truth about our forests rather loosely, led him to write "The Forest Wars".More than four decades of working with his team in Australia's forests, particularly in Victoria, have seen Professor Lindenmayer emerge as Australia's Pre-eminent authority on the present health of our forests and well-positioned to comment on what should happen next.
FULL STREAM### March 5: AI at War and the Domestic Impact (13)1905 BAKUHeadline: AI Goes to War as High Gas Prices Hit the AmericanPublic (14)Summary: On day six, the discussion centers on the unprecedented role of Artificial Intelligence in the conflict. Reports indicate the Trumpadministration is employing Anthropic's Claude AI for intelligence processing, target selection, and simulations. This technological integration is coupled with sophisticated information warfare, including the AI-driven manipulation of satellite imagery to manufacture or conceal bomb damage. Economically, the war is impacting American consumers as gas prices rise by 18 cents in some regions, threatening to become a major issue in the upcoming midterms. While European allies like the UK show hesitation in deploying naval assets, the US domestic political climate remains rancorous. Despite the conflict, strong jobs data and a recent spurt in consumer activity suggest the US economy remains resilient, even as the "monotone of war" dominates the Pentagon's media briefings. (15)Guest(s): Jim McTague (Author), Simon Constable (Financial Journalist), Alan Tonelson (RealityChek). (16)
With missiles hitting the UAE and flights grounded across the Middle East, the boys break down what's actually happening on the ground in Dubai, how this conflict flows through to the Australian economy, and why your biggest financial risk right now is making decisions based on fear. They also get into why personal brand, diversification and AI proof businesses matter more than ever in a world where the rules are changing fast.
Youth skills NPO, Afrika Tikkun has sounded a new and chilling warning as it projects that nearly five million young South Africans will vanish. The organisation says, the youngsters will not be leaving the country, and they will not be going into hiding, but they will effectively "disappear" from our economy. These are the matriculants of 2025 and the graduates of years past who, after months of silence from employers, are finally giving up. They are slipping into the shadows of the "Not in Education, Employment, or Training" category, becoming economically invisible and socially disconnected. Bongiwe Zwane spoke to Chief Operations Officer of Afrika Tikkun,Tiyani Mohlaba
Tony Keller, columnist at The Globe and Mail, joins Stephen LeDrew for a wide-ranging discussion on Canada's economic future, global trade, and the hard choices ahead.Keller explains the lesson behind Airbus – how smaller countries cooperated to compete against Boeing – and why that example is now being raised in Canadian policy discussions. The conversation explores whether Canada can realistically diversify its trade away from heavy reliance on the United States while remaining economically integrated with it.They also discuss Mark Carney's approach to cooperation among smaller economies, Canada's limited trade exposure to China, concerns around technology theft and surveillance, and whether carefully structured deals can avoid damaging Canada–U.S. relations.This is a grounded, pragmatic conversation about trade, sovereignty, and what economic survival actually looks like for Canada in the years ahead.Independent voices matter. If you value serious analysis and open debate, please consider supporting the work that keeps these conversations on the air. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Richard Epstein of the Hoover Institution argues the proposed retroactive billionaire wealth tax is unconstitutional, economically damaging, and likely to drive wealth out of California despite strong union support.1885 SAN DIEGO
David Daoud and Bill Roggio explain Hezbollah is downplaying Gaza ties to avoid dragging Lebanon into war, prioritizing the rehabilitation of its image among the economically weary Shiite population in Lebanon.1836 BEIRUT
Back after brutal New Jersey snowstorms derailed the schedule—Sal Assante returns with no-holds-barred takes on America's boiling crises. Recent deadly ICE encounters and shootings during immigration protests (like the tragedies in Minneapolis) expose the dangers of sanctuary cities clashing with federal enforcement, where political agendas turn streets into battlegrounds. Epstein files? Still buried despite promises—DOJ drags its feet on full release, fueling cover-up suspicions. International flashpoints rage on with Ukraine/Russia tensions, Trump's renewed Greenland push for strategic dominance, and bloated military budgets draining resources. Economically, asset prices are wildly inflated—homes out of reach, markets detached from reality—demanding urgent corrections before the bubble bursts. "Stay informed, do what you can"—patriots, awareness is the first step to action.
From tariff-funded refunds to tough talk with allies, trade has once again become a central theme of Donald Trump's White House. One year into Trump's second mandate, economist Gerald Friedman walks RFI through the reality behind the rhetoric and looks to how the administration may ultimately be judged. One year after Donald Trump returned to the White House, his second administration has wasted little time putting trade at the forefront of policy. Tariffs, the US president insists, are delivering an economic renaissance. Inflation has supposedly all but vanished. The stock market is booming. Trillions of dollars are said to be pouring into the Treasury, with the promise of tariff-funded cheques soon landing in American letterboxes. Critics, Trump has declared, are "fools". Strip away the slogans, however, and the picture looks far less flattering. According to Gerald Friedman, professor of economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, Trump's tariff-driven revival is built on shaky foundations – economically incoherent, politically vindictive and geopolitically destabilising. EU readies response to new US tariffs, France braces for fallout The numbers don't add up From an economist's perspective, Friedman says, Trump's claims barely survive contact with reality. “Almost nothing” in the president's upbeat assessment is true. Yes, the stock market is high, but only because a small group of technology giants dominates the indices. Remove them, and the wider market is essentially flat. The idea that tariffs are generating vast new revenues is equally illusory. Tariffs face an unavoidable contradiction: set them high enough to block imports and they raise little money; set them low enough to generate revenue and they fail to protect domestic industry. Either way, the notion that they are filling federal coffers with “trillions” is "fantasy". Friedman notes that “virtually no economists outside of those being paid through Donald Trump … support his tariff regime”, particularly given its random and unsystematic application. What is billed as strategic economic policy looks more like improvisation. Trump's first 100 days: Trade, diplomacy and walking the transatlantic tightrope Illusion of tariff-funded cheques The administration's proposal to issue tariff-funded “refunds” – between $1,000 and $2,000 per household in early 2026 – has clear populist appeal. Economically, Friedman argues, it makes little sense. The US already runs a federal deficit of roughly $1.7 trillion a year, around 6 per cent of GDP. Washington does not need tariffs to send out cheques; it can simply borrow more. The real question is whether it should, particularly after extending large tax cuts for the wealthy that continue to inflate the deficit. There is a deeper irony. Tariffs, Friedman points out, already constitute “the biggest tax increase as a share of GDP that this country has had since the early 1990s”, adding roughly $1,500 a year to household costs through higher prices. Refunding some of that money would merely hand back what had just been taken – while leaving the underlying economic damage untouched. Inflation, eggs and everyday living Trump has repeatedly pointed to falling egg prices as proof that inflation is under control. Friedman underlines that egg prices surged because of bird flu, not economic policy, and fell as the outbreak eased. They are down by about half, not by the 85 per cent the president boasts about – “one of the smaller lies”, as Friedman puts it. Elsewhere, tariffs are doing exactly what economists expect: pushing prices up. Imports such as coffee and bananas cannot realistically be replaced by domestic production. Taxing them feeds directly into the cost of living. Households are paying more, not less. The impact does not stop at consumer prices. Retaliation and uncertainty are quietly undermining export industries. China has cut back on US soybean imports, hurting farmers. Canada is actively reducing its reliance on the US market, deepening ties with Europe and China. Even sectors untouched by tariffs are suffering. Higher education – one of America's largest export earners – is losing foreign students as visas tighten and the country's tourism has also slumped. The combined effect, Friedman warns, is “higher prices and a reduction in employment and wages… ultimately, devastating to the US economy”. Europe's 'Truman Show' moment: is it time to walk off Trump's set? Gunboat diplomacy, with grudges attached For Friedman, Trump's economic policy cannot be separated from his personality. Tariffs have become instruments of pressure and punishment, often driven by personal vendettas rather than strategic calculation. Hostility towards Canada's former prime minister Justin Trudeau, for example, owed as much to personal dislike as to trade policy. This is where economics merges with geopolitics. The US, Friedman argues, is drifting away from the postwar, rules-based order it once championed towards something far older and harsher – “pre-1940”, rather than merely pre-1945. Trade policy is wielded like a weapon, diplomacy reduced to threat and coercion. “Nobody wants to be the one who sticks his head up,” to speak out, Friedman says. Corporate leaders and officials see what happens to dissenters and keep their heads down for fear of investigations, legal costs and political retaliation. Occupy Wall Street protestors clash with police outside New York Stock Exchange A symptom of deeper failures None of this, Friedman stresses, emerged from nowhere. Echoing arguments made by Greek economist and former left-wing finance minister Yanis Varoufakis, he sees Trump as both cause and symptom. Decades of rising inequality, deindustrialisation and attacks on unions hollowed out large parts of the working class, particularly in the US and Europe. The 2008 financial crisis was explosive. Banks were rescued, executives kept their bonuses, and almost nobody went to jail. The lesson, Friedman says, was clear: the powerful play by different rules. Regions once loyal to centre-left parties – coal country in West Virginia, manufacturing towns across the Midwest – became some of Trump's strongest supporters. Trump did not invent these grievances, but he has channelled them into a politics driven less by repair than by ego and confrontation. Trump says Venezuela's Maduro captured in 'large scale' US strike Judging Trump in 2026 So how should Trump's second presidency be judged as it heads into 2026? Friedman offers a stark metric. Ignore the rhetoric and watch the behaviour of those with real power. Do Republican lawmakers rediscover a spine? Do corporate leaders decide that long-term stability matters more than short-term fear? If they do not, the outlook is bleak. “It's not only the America First agenda,” Friedman says, “it's Trump's personal, ego-driven agenda.” Protests may continue to swell, but without resistance from political and economic elites, the consequences will stretch far beyond the US. In 2026, the results will be difficult to spin away. Tariffs promise strength and sovereignty. What they are delivering, Friedman argues, is higher prices, weaker alliances and a dangerous slide towards a world the US once helped consign to history.
Economically, we’re doing well! The stock market is looking good; unemployment is down (4.4%); and consumer spending is up. So why aren’t people feeling more prosperous? Gen Z, aged around 18–28, is being criticized for being the laziest workforce ever, transactional and unmotivated, claiming they’re not failing at work, rather, work is failing them. Podcaster and hundred-millionaire businessman Patrick Bet-David is using his platform to school the younger generation on why communism is not the answer, and that they must embrace capitalism. If you insist on being poor, you will be. If you want to be rich, do what rich people do. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
The Road to the Seven Years' War traces the intricate web of European rivalries in the mid-18th century, setting the stage for a global conflict often called the first "world war." It begins with the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748), which ended the War of the Austrian Succession but left simmering tensions, particularly over Silesia, seized by Prussia from Austria. Key players include Prussia under the ambitious Frederick William I and his son Frederick the Great, who transformed Prussia into a military powerhouse through rigorous reforms, emphasizing discipline and innovation. The narrative explores the Diplomatic Revolution of 1756, where traditional alliances flipped: Austria allied with France and Russia to crush Prussia, while Britain backed Prussia to counter French colonial ambitions. France and Britain's colonial clashes in North America (e.g., the French and Indian War) and India escalated the conflict globally. Russia's Empress Elizabeth and Austria's Maria Theresa sought revenge against Frederick, viewing him as a threat. The discussion highlights Frederick's strategic genius, including his preemptive invasion of Saxony, which ignited the war. Economically, mercantilism fueled imperial rivalries, while Enlightenment ideas influenced military tactics. The war's prelude underscores how personal ambitions, territorial disputes, and shifting alliances created a powder keg, leading to devastating battles across Europe, America, Africa, and Asia. Ultimately, it reshaped global power, weakening France and elevating Britain and Prussia. Don't forget I have a Youtube Membership: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCbp8JMZizR4zak9wpM3Fvrw/join or my Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel where you can get exclusive content like "What if Japan invaded the USSR during WW2?"
How are things economically in Burundi? Who cares? You will, after you listen to Liberation Theologion, Kelley Nikondeha.
pWotD Episode 3172: Greenland Welcome to popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 312,200 views on Wednesday, 7 January 2026 our article of the day is Greenland.Greenland is an autonomous territory of the Kingdom of Denmark and is the largest of the kingdom's three constituent parts by land area, the others being Denmark proper and the Faroe Islands. It shares a small 1.2 km border with Canada on Hans Island. Citizens of Greenland are full citizens of Denmark and of the European Union. Greenland is one of the Overseas Countries and Territories of the European Union and is part of the Council of Europe. It is the world's largest island and lies between the Arctic and Atlantic oceans, east of the Canadian Arctic Archipelago. Greenland's Kaffeklubben Island, off the northern coast, is the world's northernmost undisputed point of land—Cape Morris Jesup on the mainland was thought to be so until the 1960s. The capital and largest city is Nuuk. Economically, Greenland is heavily reliant on aid from Denmark, amounting to nearly half of the territory's total public revenue.Though a part of the continent of North America, Greenland has been politically and culturally associated with the European kingdoms of Norway and Denmark for more than a millennium, beginning in 986. Greenland has been inhabited at intervals over at least the last 4,500 years by circumpolar peoples whose forebears migrated there from what is now Canada. Norsemen from Norway settled the uninhabited southern part of Greenland beginning in the 10th century (having previously settled Iceland), and their descendants lived in Greenland for 400 years until disappearing in the late 15th century. The 13th century saw the arrival of Inuit.From the late 15th century, the Portuguese attempted to find the northern route to Asia, which ultimately led to the earliest cartographic depiction of its coastline. In the 17th century, Dano-Norwegian explorers reached Greenland again, finding their earlier settlement extinct and reestablishing a permanent Scandinavian presence on the island. When Denmark and Norway separated in 1814, Greenland was transferred from the Norwegian to the Danish crown. The 1953 Constitution of Denmark ended Greenland's status as a colony, integrating it fully into the Danish state. In the 1979 Greenlandic home rule referendum, Denmark granted home rule to Greenland. In the 2008 Greenlandic self-government referendum, Greenlanders voted for the Self-Government Act, which transferred more power from the Danish government to the local Naalakkersuisut (Greenlandic government). Under this structure, Greenland gradually assumed responsibility for a number of governmental services and areas of competence. The Danish government retains control of citizenship, monetary policy, security policies, and foreign affairs. With the melting of the ice due to global warming, its abundance of mineral wealth, and its strategic position between Eurasia, North America, and the Arctic zone, Greenland holds strategic importance for the Kingdom of Denmark, NATO, and the European Union.Most residents of Greenland are Inuit. The population is concentrated mainly on the southwest coast, strongly influenced by climatic and geographical factors, and the rest of the island is sparsely populated. With a population of 56,583 (2022), Greenland is the least densely populated country in the world. Greenland is socially progressive, like metropolitan Denmark; education and healthcare are free, and LGBTQ rights in Greenland are some of the most extensive in the world. Sixty-seven percent of its electricity production comes from renewable energy, mostly from hydropower. Since at least 2025, the United States has waged hybrid warfare against Greenland; as a result, the Danish Defence Intelligence Service (DDIS) included the United States as a threat to national security alongside Russia and China that year.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 02:56 UTC on Thursday, 8 January 2026.For the full current version of the article, see Greenland on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Ruth.
What if 2026 is not just another year — but a divine turning point on multiple fronts?!In this episode of our ongoing series of Prophetic Words for 2026, Robert is joined by Jes Pichardo who releases a timely prophecy for 2026 that speaks directly to the economy, the Church, and a coming move of the Holy Spirit. You'll hear about a significant financial shift – including insight into the housing market, car prices, and what appears to be a strong buyers market. Beyond economics, this prophetic word declares that 2026 will be marked by church restoration and a fresh outpouring of fire. After a year of exposure, God is bringing justice, healing, and restoration to faithful leaders. This revival prophecy echoes themes of the next great awakening, surpassing even historic moves like the Jesus People Movement and the Brownsville Revival. A true end time revival is coming, marked by the fire of God, and a tangible outpouring of the Holy Spirit.Jes also shares how mysteries of God revealed will define this season. A deep prophetic revelation is unfolding, including insight into the Godhead, and a growing hunger in the Body of Christ. Perhaps most powerfully, Jes reveals how a supernatural mass deliverance movement is about to break out. We are entering a season where freedom in the Holy Spirit will touch cities, families, and individuals. From addiction deliverance to streets transformed by the power of God – this is a fulfillment of the promise that where the Spirit of the Lord is there is FREEDOM.This charismatic prophetic teaching and prophetic interview brings together the voices of Jes Pichardo and Robert Hotchkin to equip, encourage, and prepare you for what's ahead.
Migration: Assimilation Crisis and the Collapse of Western Civilization — Gaius & Germanicus — Gaius and Germanicus analyze the destabilizing strain generated by mass migration flows from the economically depressed Global South to the wealthy industrialized North, documenting escalating violence in Australia, social unrest throughout Europe, and institutional strain within the United States. Gaius highlights the new American "Emperor Trump's" political mandate to enforce border security and immigration restrictions, contrasting this with the "woke elite's" previous advocacy for polyglot multicultural societies without national identity boundaries or assimilationist expectations. Germanicus argues that successful historical migration requires genuine desire for cultural assimilation into host societies, citing the Roman-era Franks and Visigoths who adopted Roman culture, language, and institutional frameworks, thereby integrating into Roman civilization. Germanicus contrasts these assimilationist populations with groups like the Vandals and contemporary observant Sunni Muslim communities, who systematically resist cultural integration and instead establish cohesive, ethnically and religiously homogeneous societies paralleling their original homelands. Germanicus warns that Europe is reaching a "boiling point" due to systemic resistance to assimilation, surging crime rates, and political backlash against uncontrolled immigration, comparing this civilizational instability to the circumstances precipitating the destruction of the Western Roman Empire by non-assimilating tribal invasions that progressively fragmented Roman institutional coherence and territorial control. 1775 BOUDICA RALLIES
The Federal Reserve cut interest rates last week, but it also increased its forecast for 2026 GDP, from 1.9% to 2.1%, hardly a rate that would necessitate a long string of further cuts. Multiple forces are pulling the economy in different directions, so the 10-year treasury yield will likely continue to move in the same wide band it's been in since 2023. Recent local elections have tilted strongly in favour of Democrats, and Trump's approval ratings are low. It is possible next year's mid-term elections go strongly in the Democrats' favour, and the administration has less power than it does now. With economically-sensitive stock market indices like mid and small caps, the Dow Jones Industrials and the S&P 500 equal-weighted index all breaking to new highs, it's difficult to be pessimistic.This episode is presented by Mark Matthews, Head of Research Asia at Julius Baer.
How Sustainable Wood Helps Mitigate the Impact of Climate ChangeSustainable wood refers to the use of mass timber, which involves smaller pieces of wood that are dried and glued together in a perpendicular, crosswise pattern to form large slabs. This process can incorporate a closed-loop system that repurposes wood, promoting a circular practice that minimizes wood waste and reduces landfill usage, transportation needs, and carbon emissions. Additionally, the wood retains the carbon absorbed by trees during their growth, storing it in the floors and walls of buildings. As infrastructure demands increase, sustainable wood offers an environmentally friendly solution to meet these needs.Why the Construction Industry Needs Sustainable WoodSustainable wood, particularly through the use of mass timber, is gaining recognition as a critical climate solution in the construction industry. Traditional building materials like concrete and steel are carbon-intensive to produce, responsible for nearly 8% of global carbon emissions. In contrast, mass timber is derived from a renewable resource: trees. Through responsible forest management, trees can be harvested and replanted in a sustainable cycle, allowing forests to continue absorbing carbon dioxide. The wood used in mass timber stores this carbon long after the trees are cut down, effectively sequestering it in the walls, floors, and structures of buildings for decades or even centuries. This makes sustainable wood not only a viable building material but also a carbon sink, helping reduce the overall carbon footprint of new construction.The production of mass timber involves using smaller, fast-growing trees that are often thinned from forests to maintain ecological health. These pieces of wood are dried and glued in layers, forming large, strong panels that can be used for walls, floors, and even entire building frames. This technique reduces waste by making use of smaller trees or leftover wood that might otherwise be discarded. Additionally, mass timber is much lighter than steel and concrete, reducing the energy needed for transportation and lowering emissions from construction sites. The process can also incorporate repurposed or recycled wood in a closed-loop system, further contributing to the circular economy and minimizing waste.The climate benefits of sustainable wood go beyond carbon storage. Timber construction has a much lower embodied carbon than steel and concrete, which require energy-intensive processes to extract and manufacture. By substituting these materials with mass timber, builders can reduce carbon emissions by up to 70%. In regions where sustainable forestry practices are employed, this approach also supports local ecosystems by preventing deforestation, protecting biodiversity, and encouraging the regeneration of forests. Importantly, mass timber's design allows for prefabrication, which reduces construction time and waste, making it not only a greener option but also an economically competitive one.As cities and communities around the world grapple with the need for affordable housing while also addressing climate change, sustainable wood provides a promising solution. By scaling up the use of mass timber in mid- and high-rise buildings, the construction sector can reduce its reliance on carbon-heavy materials, sequester large amounts of carbon, and promote sustainable forest management practices. This integration of environmental, economic, and social benefits positions sustainable wood as a key player in the transition toward a low-carbon future.The Future of Sustainable Wood: Making Construction Faster and Greener Sustainable wood, especially when derived through the use of mass timber, offers a range of environmental, economic, and structural advantages over traditional building materials. From a structural standpoint, mass timber is both strong and lightweight, making it a highly versatile material. It has a high strength-to-weight ratio, allowing it to be used in large, multi-story buildings while reducing the overall load on foundations and minimizing transportation costs. Additionally, mass timber is more fire-resistant than many people realize; when exposed to fire, the outer layer of the wood chars and insulates the inner core, slowing down the spread of fire and maintaining the building's integrity for longer than some steel structures. This combination of strength, fire resistance, and flexibility gives mass timber a competitive edge in construction.Economically, sustainable wood offers cost-saving opportunities through faster construction times and less material waste. Mass timber panels can be prefabricated off-site, reducing the time spent on construction and the labor costs associated with traditional methods. This efficiency not only lowers the overall cost of building but also minimizes disruption in urban areas. Furthermore, the use of repurposed or recycled wood supports a circular economy, where resources are reused rather than discarded, reducing the environmental impact and fostering a more sustainable construction industry. As demand for sustainable and affordable housing rises, mass timber presents a compelling, eco-friendly alternative to conventional building practices.One of the most significant benefits is its ability to sequester carbon. Trees naturally absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere as they grow, and this carbon remains stored in the wood even after it's used in construction. By utilizing wood in buildings, the carbon is locked away for the lifespan of the structure, helping to reduce overall greenhouse gas emissions. In contrast, materials like concrete and steel release large amounts of carbon during their production, contributing to climate change. This makes mass timber a powerful tool in the fight against global warming, especially when paired with sustainable forestry practices.Sustainable Wood SkepticismDespite its many advantages, the use of sustainable wood and mass timber as a building material does have some drawbacks and criticisms. One primary concern is the reliance on sustainable forestry practices. If forests are not properly managed, large-scale timber harvesting can lead to deforestation, habitat destruction, and biodiversity loss. The success of mass timber as a climate solution depends on responsible sourcing, including replanting trees to maintain the carbon-absorbing benefits of forests. Unsustainable logging practices or overharvesting could negate the environmental benefits of mass timber by releasing more carbon into the atmosphere and harming ecosystems.Another challenge is the perception of wood's durability and fire safety. While mass timber is engineered to be fire-resistant, some critics remain concerned about its performance in large-scale buildings. Public perception and regulatory hurdles can be barriers to adoption, as many building codes and fire safety standards are based on traditional materials like concrete and steel. These regulations may need to be updated to reflect the true performance of mass timber, but in the meantime, they can slow down its widespread use in urban construction.Additionally, there are economic concerns, particularly regarding initial costs. While mass timber can reduce construction time and labor costs, the price of sustainably sourced wood can be higher than that of conventional materials, especially if demand outstrips supply. The infrastructure for large-scale mass timber production is still developing, and until it reaches full maturity, the material may remain more expensive and less accessible than concrete or steel, limiting its adoption in some markets. Over time, these challenges may be addressed, but they highlight the need for careful planning, regulation, and investment in the mass timber industry.Who is Our Guest?Dr. Paul Mayencourt is a researcher and educator at studying low-carbon design solutions in architecture. He does much of his work in the Wood Lab at the University of California, Berkeley between the Department of Architecture and the Department of Environmental Science, Policy, and Management. Dr. Mayencourt specializes in mass timber, structural design, and structural optimization. ResourcesUC Berkeley: Forest to frame: Paul Mayencourt bridges forest management and sustainable constructionAmerican Wood Council: Mass TimberUC Berkeley: Continuing Berkeley's legacy in forest productsVox: The hottest new thing in sustainable building is, uh, woodSeattle Business Magazine: Cross-laminated Timber: the Future of Building?Further ReadingUrban Machine: https://urbanmachine.build/Hardware to Save a Planet: Podcast with Co-Founder of Urban MachineWashington Post: Forget the log cabin. Wood buildings are climbing skyward — with pluses for the planet.Swedish Wood: A global solution for a locally active industryDalberg: A Forest Economy for the Future: Generating social and economic dividends from more sustainable, circular sourcesFor a transcript, please visit https://climatebreak.org/sustainable-wood-from-mass-timber-with-dr-paul-mayencourt/
702 Afternoons with Relebogile Mabotja is broadcast live on Johannesburg based talk radio station 702 every weekday afternoon. Relebogile brings a lighter touch to some of the issues of the day as well as a mix of lifestyle topics and a peak into the worlds of entertainment and leisure. Thank you for listening to a 702 Afternoons with Relebogile Mabotja podcast. Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 13:00 to 15:00 (SA Time) to Afternoons with Relebogile Mabotja broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/2qKsEfu or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/DTykncj Subscribe to the 702 Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/v5mfetc Follow us on social media: 702 on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/Radio702 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Establishing the Capital and the Rise of Political Division — Nathaniel Philbrick — Washington selected the Potomac River as the location for the new national capital, believing it would economically connect Western and Eastern commercial interests, despite claims of obvious self-interest regarding Mount Vernon's proximity. As Washington worked deliberately to unite the fractured nation through personal tours and diplomatic engagement, political divisions paradoxically hardened and crystallized; Thomas Jefferson and James Madison organized systematic opposition during a "northern tour," strategically recruiting Philip Freneau to attack the Washingtonadministration. Philbrick notes the historical irony that James Monroe, formerly a critic of Washington, later adopted Washington's touring methodology to heal national divisions during his own presidency. Philbrickconcludes that despite Washington's profound contradictions as a slaveholder and politician, his aspirational effort to create a functioning American Union remains his enduring historical legacy. 1700
The King vs. Grubby Politics — Gregory Copley — Copley highlights the pervasive economic pessimism and political instability characterizing the United Kingdom under Prime Minister Starmer's governance, which has adopted economically contractionary fiscal policies and welfare constraints. Copley contrasts the government's questionable political tactics with King Charles III's robust, positive institutional influence through diplomatic engagements and constitutional authority. Copley notes that the monarch possesses reserve powers to prorogue (suspend) parliament if the constitutional structure is threatened by governmental overreach, providing ultimate constitutional safeguard against executive abuse transcending democratic checks. 1910 WINDSOR
H.E. Lawrence Wong, prime minister & minister for finance, Republic of Singapore, discusses adapting economically and politically to a future likely defined not by convergence, but by strategic decoupling and regional realignment with Bloomberg's John Micklethwait at the 2025 Bloomberg New Economy Forum in Singapore.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Diversity & Inclusion in an Era of Emerging AI and Cyberthreats The rise of candidate fraud has been a huge topic in recruitment in 2025, so much so that employers have had to take extreme steps to protect their businesses, from asking candidates to physically move on command in front of screen to come in person to attend interview on premise, to go through ID verification procedures which would have previously been reserved for high security roles. What does all this mean for diversity and inclusion? That the question we're going to ask in today's Brainfood Live - State of Candidate Fraud - What are the potential concerns for D&I - On premise, requires car - More rigid work patterns is bad for primary care givers - ID verification techniques depend on photo ID - Bank records / Criminal records / Credit records - Economically deprived are most likely to have disadvantage in ID verification processes - Gender: name change for women married / divorce - Trans: ID change, no longer recognised in some states? - Ambiguity on legislation, concern over future direction - How do we ensure that ID verification and candidate fraud mitigation steps do not over step into identity profiling and prejudice? All this and more on brainfood live on air. We're with Kyle Barry, CISO (Clear), Torin Ellis, Principal Analyst (The Torin Ellis Brand) & Daniel Chait, CEO (Greenhouse) on Friday 14th November, 2pm GMT. Register by click on the green button (save my spot) and follow the channel here (recommended) to be noticed when we go live. Episode 350 is sponsored by Greenhouse It's tough out there for today's recruiting teams. The rise of AI, slashed recruiting budgets and lean teams have made candidate funnels more chaotic than ever. Take back control of your candidate pipeline with new Greenhouse features that help put an end to application overload, messy data, and disconnected tools. Check out everything new at Greenhouse here!
The ASX 200 started the week well, gaining 0.4% and with most sectors positive.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Paula Newton is a CNN correspondent & anchor based in Canada. She joins Chris and Amy after President Donald Trump decided to stop all trade negotiation with Canada after seeing an ad that showed Ronald Reagan's comments on tariffs.
GDP Script/ Top Stories for October 23rd Publish Date: October 23rd PRE-ROLL: From the BG AD Group Studio Welcome to the Gwinnett Daily Post Podcast. Today is Thursday, October 23rd and Happy birthday to Weird Al Yankovich I’m Peyton Spurlock and here are your top stories presented by KIA Mall of Georgia. 'Fall back' — Daylight Saving Time ends Nov. 2 Gwinnett Tech hosts inaugural Gryphon Gratitude Breakfast Georgians react to Instagram 'PG-13' rating policy Plus, Leah McGrath from Ingles Markets on sweet tooths All of this and more is coming up on the Gwinnett Daily Post podcast, and if you are looking for community news, we encourage you to listen daily and subscribe! Break 1: Ingles Markets 6 STORY 1: 'Fall back' — Daylight Saving Time ends Nov. 2 Like it or not, it’s that time again—Daylight Saving Time ends on Nov. 2, and we “fall back” an hour. Darker evenings, groggy mornings, and maybe an extra cup of coffee (or three). But does this time shift really matter anymore? Dr. Jason Delaney, an economics professor at Georgia Gwinnett College, doesn’t think so. “It was about saving energy back when lighting and heating were inefficient, and air conditioning didn’t exist. That’s not the world we live in now,” he said. “Economically, the impact is minimal.” Psychologist Dr. David Ludden sees it differently: “It messes with your body. We’re not built to adjust quickly—our sleep cycles rely on light cues.” His advice? Get outside in natural light or use bright indoor lights during the day to help reset your internal clock. So, while the time change might feel like a relic of the past, it still throws us off—at least for a little while. STORY 2: Gwinnett Tech hosts inaugural Gryphon Gratitude Breakfast On Oct. 15, Gwinnett Tech Foundation hosted its first-ever Gryphon Gratitude Breakfast, and the room was packed—150 donors, students, and community partners all gathered to celebrate the life-changing power of giving. It wasn’t just about handshakes and thank-yous. Students stood up and shared raw, personal stories—how scholarships kept them in school, how the Foundation gave them a shot at a future they almost gave up on. “Every donation has a face,” said Darcie Johnson, the Foundation’s executive director. “You’re not just giving money—you’re changing lives.” The event wrapped with a challenge: “Fuel Your Purpose.” A reminder to give, to act, to make it count. STORY 3: Georgians react to Instagram 'PG-13' rating policy Meta’s new “PG-13” filter for Instagram? Let’s just say Georgians aren’t exactly buying it. The company claims the filter will block posts with strong language, risky stunts, or content promoting harmful behaviors—like drug paraphernalia. Sounds good on paper, right? But critics are calling it a PR stunt, not a real solution. Sharon Winkler, who lost her 17-year-old son Alex to suicide in 2017, isn’t convinced. “This feels like another empty promise to make parents feel safe,” she said. Counselor Laura Ladefian agrees. “Filters won’t fix the algorithms that make these platforms addictive,” she said. “It’s like putting a Band-Aid on a broken arm.” We have opportunities for sponsors to get great engagement on these shows. Call 770.874.3200 for more info. We’ll be right back Break 2: 07.14.22 KIA MOG STORY 4: State names Suwanee an 'exceptional' main street city Suwanee’s got some bragging rights—officially. The Georgia Department of Community Affairs just named it one of the state’s newest Georgia Exceptional Main Street (GEMS) communities. Canton snagged the other spot, but let’s focus on Suwanee for a second. Why the honor? It’s all about their downtown. Public spaces, smart planning, and a vibe that mixes charm with progress. Earning GEMS status isn’t easy. Cities have to prove they’re not just growing economically but also keeping their unique character intact. Suwanee nailed it. STORY 5: AMC brings first new Dolby Experience to Gwinnett since 2017 Big news for movie lovers in Gwinnett—Dolby Cinema is back after an eight-year hiatus. This past weekend, AMC unveiled its brand-new Dolby Cinema at the AMC Dine-In Webb Gin 11 on Scenic Highway in unincorporated Lawrenceville. It’s the first Dolby Experience in the county since 2017, and honestly? It’s a game-changer. Think ultra-vivid colors, insane brightness, and sound so immersive it feels like it’s crawling up your spine. Dolby Vision and Dolby Atmos combine to make every scene hit harder—like you’re in the movie, not just watching it. This upgrade came after three months of renovations, and AMC isn’t stopping here. They’re planning 40 more Dolby locations nationwide, aiming for over 200 total. For now, though, Gwinnett’s got something to brag about. Break 3: And now here is Leah McGrath from Ingles Markets on sweet tooths Break 4: We’ll have closing comments after this Break 5: Ingles Markets 6 Signoff – Thanks again for hanging out with us on today’s Gwinnett Daily Post Podcast. If you enjoy these shows, we encourage you to check out our other offerings, like the Cherokee Tribune Ledger Podcast, the Marietta Daily Journal, or the Community Podcast for Rockdale Newton and Morgan Counties. Read more about all our stories and get other great content at www.gwinnettdailypost.com Did you know over 50% of Americans listen to podcasts weekly? Giving you important news about our community and telling great stories are what we do. Make sure you join us for our next episode and be sure to share this podcast on social media with your friends and family. Add us to your Alexa Flash Briefing or your Google Home Briefing and be sure to like, follow, and subscribe wherever you get your podcasts. Produced by the BG Podcast Network Show Sponsors: www.ingles-markets.com www.kiamallofga.com See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
China's Military Purge Signals Deep Crisis of Confidence in Xi Jinping. Charles Burton and Gordon Chang discuss how China expelled eight senior generals, signaling a severe internal crisis and lack of confidence in Xi Jinping's leadership, potentially orchestrated by his adversaries. This turmoil suggests foreign governments should interact carefully with Xi. Economically, figures show industrial production outpacing consumption, and proposals for mandated municipal consumption goals reflect a state struggling to maintain prosperity, leading to pervasive gloom among the people. 1879
China's Military Purge Signals Deep Crisis of Confidence in Xi Jinping. Charles Burton and Gordon Chang discuss how China expelled eight senior generals, signaling a severe internal crisis and lack of confidence in Xi Jinping's leadership, potentially orchestrated by his adversaries. This turmoil suggests foreign governments should interact carefully with Xi. Economically, figures show industrial production outpacing consumption, and proposals for mandated municipal consumption goals reflect a state struggling to maintain prosperity, leading to pervasive gloom among the people. 1925
SHOW 10-20-25 1965 GAZA POWS CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT THE GAZA CEASEFIRE... FIRST HOUR 9-915 Regional Powers React to Tenuous Gaza Ceasefire and Hostage Deal. Bill Roggio and Husain Haqqani discuss how the Gaza agreement is viewed regionally as a tenuous ceasefire and hostage deal, not a path to peace. Saudi Arabia was displeased, seeking a long-term Palestinian state solution. Egypt supported the quiet to prevent domestic instability and refugee influx. Conversely, Qatar and Turkey championed the ceasefire because they are invested in Hamas and want its political and military structure to survive. 915-930 Regional Powers React to Tenuous Gaza Ceasefire and Hostage Deal. Bill Roggio and Husain Haqqani discuss how the Gaza agreement is viewed regionally as a tenuous ceasefire and hostage deal, not a path to peace. Saudi Arabia was displeased, seeking a long-term Palestinian state solution. Egypt supported the quiet to prevent domestic instability and refugee influx. Conversely, Qatar and Turkey championed the ceasefire because they are invested in Hamas and want its political and military structure to survive. 930-945 China's Military Purge Signals Deep Crisis of Confidence in Xi Jinping. Charles Burton and Gordon Chang discuss how China expelled eight senior generals, signaling a severe internal crisis and lack of confidence in Xi Jinping's leadership, potentially orchestrated by his adversaries. This turmoil suggests foreign governments should interact carefully with Xi. Economically, figures show industrial production outpacing consumption, and proposals for mandated municipal consumption goals reflect a state struggling to maintain prosperity, leading to pervasive gloom among the people. 945-1000 China's Military Purge Signals Deep Crisis of Confidence in Xi Jinping. Charles Burton and Gordon Chang discuss how China expelled eight senior generals, signaling a severe internal crisis and lack of confidence in Xi Jinping's leadership, potentially orchestrated by his adversaries. This turmoil suggests foreign governments should interact carefully with Xi. Economically, figures show industrial production outpacing consumption, and proposals for mandated municipal consumption goals reflect a state struggling to maintain prosperity, leading to pervasive gloom among the people. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 US-Ukraine Summit Yields No Tomahawk Commitment; Focus on Attrition. John Hardie and Bill Roggio discuss how reports suggest President Trump pressed Zelensky to agree to a ceasefire based on Russian territorial demands, though no commitment was made on providing Tomahawk missiles. Tomahawks would provide Ukraine with a highly useful long-range strike capability but would not be a "wonder weapon." With Russia holding a material advantage, Ukraine's best strategy is exhausting Russia's offensive potential by inflicting disproportionate attrition, independent of Trump's softening support. 1015-1030 US-Ukraine Summit Yields No Tomahawk Commitment; Focus on Attrition. John Hardie and Bill Roggio discuss how reports suggest President Trump pressed Zelensky to agree to a ceasefire based on Russian territorial demands, though no commitment was made on providing Tomahawk missiles. Tomahawks would provide Ukraine with a highly useful long-range strike capability but would not be a "wonder weapon." With Russia holding a material advantage, Ukraine's best strategy is exhausting Russia's offensive potential by inflicting disproportionate attrition, independent of Trump's softening support. 1030-1045 Gaza Ceasefire Interrupted by Violence; Hamas Reasserts Dominance. David Daoud and Bill Roggio discuss how the Gaza ceasefire was violated when Hamas killed Israeli soldiers, prompting Israeli retaliation to reinforce red lines without restarting the conflict entirely. Hamas is deliberately slowing the return of dead hostages to stabilize the ceasefire internationally. In Gaza, Hamas immediately began cracking down on rivals to reassert its dominance and prevent others from filling the power vacuum left by IDF withdrawals, signaling it remains the top power. 1045-1100 Gaza Ceasefire Interrupted by Violence; Hamas Reasserts Dominance. David Daoud and Bill Roggio discuss how the Gaza ceasefire was violated when Hamas killed Israeli soldiers, prompting Israeli retaliation to reinforce red lines without restarting the conflict entirely. Hamas is deliberately slowing the return of dead hostages to stabilize the ceasefire internationally. In Gaza, Hamas immediately began cracking down on rivals to reassert its dominance and prevent others from filling the power vacuum left by IDF withdrawals, signaling it remains the top power. THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Houthis Maintain Threat Despite Gaza Ceasefire; New Military Chief Named. Bridget Toomey and Bill Roggio discuss how the Houthis have paused attacks in line with the Gaza ceasefire but remain capable and intent on striking Israel or the Red Sea if fighting resumes. They announced the death of strategic planner and Chief of Staff Muhammad al-Ghamari, who was killed by Israel. His replacement, Yusef al-Madani, is believed to have close ties and training with Iran. The Houthi core mission, driven by perpetual animosity toward America and Israel, remains unchanged. 1115-1130 Tomahawk Missile Threat Puts Pressure on Putin's Air Defenses. Rebecca Grant and Gordon Chang discuss how Russia is highly anxious about the possible deployment of US Tomahawk land-attack missiles to Ukraine. Tomahawks, with a 1,600-mile range, can fly low and strike over 60 Russian air bases and critical energy targets. Experts say the weapon presents an "almost unsolvable air defense problem" for Russia because Putin lacks sufficient air defense systems, like the S-400, to protect such a wide area. 1130-1145 US Pressure on Venezuela/Colombia Narco-States Splits Latin American Left. Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa discuss how the US military is ramping up pressure on narco-terrorism gangs operating out of Venezuela and Colombia, causing nervousness in the Maduro regime. Trump openly attacked Maduro's key ally, Colombian President Petro, calling him an accomplice and threatening to cut aid and raise tariffs. The Venezuelan opposition is heartened, believing Maduro's fall will expose deep drug-related corruption linking members of the São Paulo Forum across the continent. 1145-1200 US Pressure on Venezuela/Colombia Narco-States Splits Latin American Left. Ernesto Araújo and Alejandro Peña Esclusa discuss how the US military is ramping up pressure on narco-terrorism gangs operating out of Venezuela and Colombia, causing nervousness in the Maduro regime. Trump openly attacked Maduro's key ally, Colombian President Petro, calling him an accomplice and threatening to cut aid and raise tariffs. The Venezuelan opposition is heartened, believing Maduro's fall will expose deep drug-related corruption linking members of the São Paulo Forum across the continent. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 China Dominates Ukraine's Drone Supply Chain Despite Export Controls. Jack Burnham discusses how Ukraine's survival relies on its ability to produce up to 200,000 FPV drones monthly. However, 97% of Ukrainian drone producers source primary components, including rare earths for engines and chips, from China. Despite China imposing export controls on finished drones, smaller components are circumvented and supplied to both Ukraine and Russia. Finding alternative, self-reliant supply chains, potentially through US allies like Taiwan, is crucial for Kyiv. 1215-1230 China's Economic Woes and Rare Earth Export Controls Raise Global Alarms. Elaine Dezenski discusses how the US Treasury Secretary remarked that China's worrying economic fundamentals—including high debt and youth unemployment—are leading Beijing to use tactics like rare earth export controls to undermine the global economy. China acts as a "non-market player" using subsidies and forced labor, which corrodes the free market. Experts suggest the US must acknowledge these non-market practices and push for transparency and adherence to new, strict global trade rules. 1230-1245 Iran Trash-Talks Trump; Nuclear Ambitions Become More Overt. Jonathan Sayeh and Bill Roggio discuss how Iran's Supreme Leader publicly rejected Trump's appeals for negotiations, a move primarily aimed at boosting domestic morale following regional setbacks. However, a top nuclear scientist overtly claimed Iran has the capacity to build a nuclear bomb, suggesting weaponization ambitions are becoming less covert. Tehran views its regional position as a lose-lose scenario but uses the Gaza ceasefire as a critical breathing room opportunity to rearm its weakened proxies. 1245-100 AM Hamas Cracks Down on Rival Clans in Gaza Post-Ceasefire. Ahmad Sharawi and Bill Roggio discuss how following the Gaza ceasefire, Hamas cracked down on rival clans and militias, like the Dughmush clan, to reassert its dominance. Hamas labeled the Dughmush clan, known for smuggling and past criminal activity, as Israeli collaborators. Anti-Hamas groups, including former PA security forces, are vastly outnumbered and less capable than Hamas, which remains the strongest faction in Gaza and uses these executions to deter future competition.
Rachel Louise Ensign, economics reporter with The Wall Street Journal, explains the economic forces keeping Americans stuck in their homes and jobs, and how it impacts daily life.
Read more insights from Morgan Stanley.----- Transcript ----- Political developments in Japan and France have brought more volatility to sovereign debt markets. Our Global Economist Arunima Sinha highlights the risks investors need to watch out for.Arunima Sinha: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Arunima Sinha, from Morgan Stanley's Global and U.S. Economics teams.Today, I'm going to talk about sovereign debt outlooks and elections around the world.It's Wednesday, October 15th at 10am in New York.Last week we wrote about the deterioration of sovereign debt and fiscal outlooks; and right on cue, real life served up a scenario. Elections in Japan and another political upheaval in France drove a reaction in long-end interest rates with fiscal outlooks becoming part of the political narrative. Though markets have largely stabilized now, the volatility should keep the topic of debt and fiscal outlooks on stage.In Japan, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, the LDP, elected Sanae Takaichi as its new leader in something of a surprise to markets. Takaichi's election sets the stage for the first female prime minister of Japan since the cabinet system was established in 1885.That outcome is not assured, however. And recent news suggests that the final decision is a few weeks away. The landmark movement in Japanese post-war politics, in some ways further solidifies the changing tides in the Japanese political economy. Markets have positioned for Takaichi to further the reflation trade in Japan and further support the nominal growth revival.The Japanese curve twists steepened sharply as Tokyo markets reopened with the long-end selling off by 14 basis points amid intensifying fiscal concerns and the unwinding of pre-election flattener positions. Specifically, expectations appear to be aligning for a more activist fiscal agenda – relief measures against inflation, bolstered investment in economic security and supply chains, and stepped-up commitments to food security.Our strategists expect that sectors poised to benefit will include high tech exporters, defense and security names, and infrastructure and energy firms, as capital is likely to rotate towards these areas. Though, as our economists cautioned, the lack of a clear legislative maturity may hamper efforts for outright reorientation of fiscal policy.Meanwhile, we expect the implications for monetary policy to be limited. Our reading is that Taikaichi Sanae is not strongly opposed to Bank of Japan Governor Ueda's cautious stance reducing expectations for near term hikes. But we also reiterate that a hike late this year remains a possibility, particularly as the yen weakens.Economically, our baseline call has been supported by the election outcome given we did not expect the BoJ to raise rates in the near future. Indeed, market expectations of an increase in interest rates have been priced out for the next meeting.France is the other economy that saw long-end rates react to political shifts since we published our debt sustainability analysis. PM Lecornu's resignation was far quicker than markets expected, especially given the fact that he was only in office for a matter of weeks.A clear majority in the current parliament remains elusive pointing to continued gridlock, and ultimately snap elections remain a possibility for the next weeks or months. At the heart of the political uncertainty is division about how to proceed with fiscal consolidation against a moving target of widening deficits.The lack of fiscal consolidation in France has been a topic for many years. Though the ECB provides an implicit backstop against disruptive widening of OAT spreads through the TPI, our Europe economists view the activation of TPI as unlikely. As the spread widening has been driven by concerns around France's fiscal sustainability, a factor that is likely seen as reflecting fundamentals.In our rather mechanical projections on debt, we highlighted markets would ultimately determine what is and is not sustainable. These political events are the type of catalyst to watch for.So far, the risks have been contained, but we have a clear message that complacency could become costly at any time. With the deterioration in debt and fiscal fundamentals, we suspect there will be more risks ahead.Thanks for listening. If you enjoy the show, please leave us a review wherever you listen and share Thoughts on the Market with a friend or colleague today.
Following the immigration raid of a South Korean Hyundai plant in Georgia last month, South Korea is now warning the world that America is not a safe place to send your workers. This is a major blow to manufacturing in the United States and to global investments in the country - which Trump claims will total in the trillions under his guidance. But companies are now running scared after watching in horror as hundreds of legal workers were treated like criminals and shipped out of the country.Donald Trump's immigration policies have been a complete and total disaster. Economically, morally, and politically speaking, his immigration raids and deportation quotas are not working at all, with the public turning against him. And now insiders in the administration have found a scapegoat for all of the failures we've seen: Corey Lewandowski. Lewandowski has been the alleged mastermind behind the deportation and detainment plans, and now that things are falling apart, the administration is letting him take the fall for all of it. History seems to be repeating itself with the Trump administration using the same lies and shoddy legal justification to strike alleged cartel boats in the ocean - the same way that the Bush administration justified their invasion of Iraq. The targets may be different, but the tactics remain the same. And now the administration's secret war memo has been leaked, revealing the legally dubious ways that they have justified blowing boats out of the water, in spite of the fact that it is clearly a violation of international law. Speculation about Donald Trump's health continues to get worse for him, and he's not helping the situation by repeatedly talking about wanting to get into heaven. Trump repeated his claim recently, and then also made a shocking admission: People, including himself, have "no reason to be good," other than to get into heaven. This is an absolutely disgusting statement to make that tells us everything we need to know about Trump's own moral compass.Text and and let us know your thoughts on today's stories!Subscribe to our YouTube channel to stay up to date on all of Farron's content: https://www.youtube.com/FarronBalancedFollow Farron on social media! Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/FarronBalanced Twitter: https://twitter.com/farronbalanced Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/farronbalanced TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@farronbalanced?lang=en
Jed Ellerbroek believes equities remain a better buy than bonds moving forward, as long as investors can stomach volatility. He points to health care stocks as ones that remain "economically insensitive" and cheap compared to their tech peers. That said, Jed still likes A.I. and tech, noting the "feverish" pitch seen in Nvidia (NVDA) and A.I. infrastructure stocks. He also explains why Alphabet (GOOGL), Microsoft (MSFT), Amazon (AMZN) are companies he's keeping an eye on.======== Schwab Network ========Empowering every investor and trader, every market day. Subscribe to the Market Minute newsletter - https://schwabnetwork.com/subscribeDownload the iOS app - https://apps.apple.com/us/app/schwab-network/id1460719185Download the Amazon Fire Tv App - https://www.amazon.com/TD-Ameritrade-Network/dp/B07KRD76C7Watch on Sling - https://watch.sling.com/1/asset/191928615bd8d47686f94682aefaa007/watchWatch on Vizio - https://www.vizio.com/en/watchfreeplus-exploreWatch on DistroTV - https://www.distro.tv/live/schwab-network/Follow us on X – https://twitter.com/schwabnetworkFollow us on Facebook – https://www.facebook.com/schwabnetworkFollow us on LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/company/schwab-network/ About Schwab Network - https://schwabnetwork.com/about
Today's Headlines: A ceasefire in Gaza officially took effect after Israel's security cabinet approved the deal brokered in Egypt — Israel and Hamas agreed on mutual pullbacks and a hostage-prisoner swap, while aid groups are already mobilizing for Gaza. Meanwhile, Trump's longtime nemesis, New York AG Letitia James, has been indicted for allegedly fudging a mortgage document to help her niece buy a house — federal prosecutors previously passed on the case, and James insists it's a paperwork mistake, not a crime. In Chicago, a judge just blocked the Trump administration from sending in the National Guard for its immigration crackdown — which, if history is any guide, will only make Trump want to do it more. At the Pentagon, nearly 300 employees are under investigation for online comments about Charlie Kirk after his death — part of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth's new “don't speak ill of Charlie” policy. Also confirmed by the Senate: the same NOAA chief who presided over Trump's infamous “Sharpiegate” hurricane stunt. So… good luck getting accurate forecasts, ladies — the pressure's in your barometer breasts now. Economically speaking, it's a spooky season — Moody's says 22 states are either in or near recession thanks to tariffs, federal job cuts, and immigration slowdowns (sound familiar?), while cocoa prices have doubled and candy inflation is up 8%. Guess no one's getting those full sized bars this Halloween. Overseas, the U.S. just bailed out Argentina with $20 billion after its libertarian president Milei crashed the economy. In return, China's buying Argentina's soybeans instead of ours, screwing over Iowa farmers — so Trump's now considering a $10–14 billion bailout for them, too. And finally, Pope Leo dropped his first major document as pontiff, urging compassion for migrants and reminding Catholics that “the poor are part of our family.” In a world full of Stephen Millers, be a Pope Leo. Resources/Articles mentioned in this episode: CNN: Israel and Hamas agree to first phase of Gaza ceasefire plan NYT: What Are the Charges in Letitia James's Indictment? Axios: Judge blocks Trump's deployment of National Guard to Chicago WaPo: Hegseth's hunt for Charlie Kirk critics spans nearly 300 investigations NYT: Senate Confirms Neil Jacobs, ‘Sharpiegate' Meteorologist, to Lead NOAA Axios: 22 states are in a recession or close to it, new analysis finds Axios: Halloween scare: Candy costs are soaring Axios: The U.S. bought Argentine pesos, Bessent says WSJ: Trump Explores Bailout of at Least $10 Billion for U.S. Farmers Axios: Pope Leo's first encyclical: Faith means defending migrants Morning Announcements is produced by Sami Sage and edited by Grace Hernandez-Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Episode #402: “In stable times, sustainability may be seen as a long term aspiration,” says Tin Shine Aung, a Burmese scholar and sustainability expert whose work bridges research, policy, and on-the-ground crisis response. “But in our context, in the context of a polycrisis, it's become like a strategy for survival and reconstruction.”Arguing that Myanmar is living through a true polycrisis— multiple shocks that collide and amplify each other rather than simply add up— Tin Shine Aung points out that this demands treating sustainability not as a later luxury but as a present survival and reconstruction strategy. He rejects the idea of “waiting until after the war,” noting that disasters and social-economic collapses do not pause for politics, so governance must integrate sustainability now across environmental, social, and economic pillars.Tin Shine Aung threads a timeline to show how system fragility accumulated: the 2007 fuel-price crisis and Saffron Revolution exposed cracks; in 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the delta and the junta nonetheless pushed a constitutional referendum, claiming “over 90%” approval while many communities were still reeling. The 2010s brought ethnoreligious nationalism and political accommodation to it: Muslim candidates were excluded from the NLD's 2015 lists, producing the first Muslim-free legislature since independence, and in January 2017 constitutional lawyer U Ko Ni— closely associated with State Counsellor design— was assassinated at Yangon's airport broad daylight.Here Tin Shine Aung contrasts Myanmar's breakdown with Ukraine to illustrate what makes a polycrisis: in Myanmar, systems across governance, economy, and social services have simultaneously failed and safe exit pathways are scarce. Economically, factories in major cities often get only “two to three hours a day” of grid power, forcing costly generators; more than a million workers have lost jobs; basics like cooking oil have tripled versus pre-coup; sanctions intended for elites cascade down the economy; new U.S. tariffs of about 40% on some categories and military conscription further squeeze the garment sector and labor supply.And yet, despite state failure and natural disasters, even now, grassroots actors are improvising underground schooling, digital classrooms and alternative universities, and turning to small-scale renewables— evidence that sustainability thinking is already alive on the ground! Tin Shine Aung urges international partners to scale such local initiatives and design sanctions, tariffs, and aid logistics to avoid worsening multiplier effects. “Even in the polycrisis,” he says, “our Burmese people are quietly laying the foundation for the sustainable future.”
Autumn arrives with rain, causing orange alert for strong storms in Balearic Islands and yellow alert in Catalonia, Asturias, and Cantabria, while temperatures drop across Spain. The UN General Assembly discusses the Palestinian conflict; the UK, Australia, and Canada recognize the Palestinian state, a symbolic gesture France might follow. This recognition, urged by Spain, aims to pressure Israel to end its Gaza campaign, which is intensifying as the second anniversary of Hamas's attack approaches. International solidarity with Israel diminishes due to military excesses, despite internal criticism against Netanyahu. The recognition of Palestine faces viability issues due to its divided territory, partly controlled by Hamas. Sánchez uses the term “genocidio” for political gain, diverting attention from domestic problems like legislative paralysis, boycotts from Junts and Podemos, and corruption scandals. Economically, Spain's housing crisis es a structural problem, not solved by ...
In today's episode, we're discussing the complex and urgent topic of global food demand. The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals, or SDGs, ask countries to make measurable progress in reducing poverty, achieving zero hunger, and supporting every individual in realizing good health. While also mitigating climate change, sustaining the environment and responsible consumption and production habits. Researchers have recommended sustainable diets - planetary health diets. For example, the Eat Lancet Planetary Health Diet. However, others have criticized some of these diets for not addressing the economic and social impacts of transitioning to such diets. Is it possible to balance changing diets, rising incomes, and economic growth with economic feasibility, environmental impact, and long-term sustainability? Well, that's what our goals are today. Our guests today are Andrew Muhammad of the University of Tennessee Institute of Agriculture, and Emiliano Lopez Barrera from Texas A&M. They are my co-authors on a new paper in the Annual Review of Resource Economics entitled Global Food Demand: overcoming Challenges to Healthy and Sustainable Diets. Interview Summary Andrew let's begin with you. Why is it important to study the economics of dietary habits and food choices in a global context? Well, it's important for several reasons, right? When we think both about food security as well as environmental outcomes and maintaining biodiversity, in keeping both human beings and the planet healthy, we really do need to think about this in a global context. One could see agriculture as a global ecosystem where decisions in one country clearly have impacts on outcomes in others. While at the same time, we need to see food as a means by which we satisfy the demands of a global community. Whether it be through our own domestic production or international trade. And then the last thing I'll say, which is really most important are all the actual things we want to tackle and mitigate and correct, fix or improve. Whether it be the environmental issues, global food security outcomes, individual diets, mitigating obesity issues globally, right? It's pretty clear that most of the things affecting human beings in the environment as it relates to agriculture are global in nature, and there's an economic component that we need to consider when addressing these issues in a global context. Thank you for sharing that. And I am interested to understand what the role of economics in dietary habits is as we explored it in this review paper. In economics, this is a pretty long history, one could say going back centuries, right? This idea of how income growth impacts food spending on a household or individuals, as well as what economic affluence in development does to sort of how diets transition. And so, for example, it's been long established, right, as individuals get richer, a smaller and smaller share of their income is spent on food. So therefore, food dynamics become less important in [a developed, rich country versus a developing country where a large percentage of income is still spent on food. And what does that mean? That means that while I may find price shocks annoying, and while I may find higher grocery prices annoying, in a developing world that clearly has some implications on the nutritional needs and food decisions far more than it would have on me, for example. But the other thing which is something that has been highlighted for quite some time, and that is this transition from basic staples - from rice, grain, corn, cassava, potatoes, etc. - to more complex food products like high protein dense meat products, fish, milk, dairy, and even highly processed products that are deemed unhealthy. But the point is, as we look at the full spectrum of countries from least developed to most developed, you see this transition from basic staples to these protein dense products as well as complex processed products. This is a really important point about what are the trends across countries and over time as incomes change and as global prices affect choices. And I do appreciate what you're saying about those of us in, say a country like the United States, where we may be able to absorb some of the shocks that may happen with food prices, we also recognize that there are folks from lower income households where those kinds of price shocks can be really challenging. That's true. But this is a different story when we're then talking about developing countries and some of the challenges that they face. Thank you for sharing that. I'm also interested in understanding what do economists mean by a nutritious and sustainable food demand, especially in the context of global or cross-country comparisons. What are some of the things that you uncovered in this review? Yes, and I think the main thing, which is particularly interesting, is how early diets transition. How quick countries go from being staple dependent to sort of relying more on protein in consumption and demand. And that happens pretty early and so long before you get to say, countries like the United States with a per capita income of around $50,000 per person, you start seeing transitions quite early, right? Whereas income goes from say less than a $1,000 per person to maybe $5,000 and $10,000, you see these transitions right away. And in fact, you begin to see things level off. And what that means is when we think about, for example, animal protein production, which is in the context of dairy and beef, which is considered relatively more harmful to the environment than say poultry production. What you do find is that in these developing countries, they really do transition right away to meat with just minimal income growth. Whereas at the same time, when you start seeing income growth at the higher end of the spectrum, you don't see that much of a change. Now, something that's also unfortunate, what you find is that with income growth, you do see decrease in consumption of vegetables. A part of that is that some staples are counted as vegetables, but another part of that is that wealth and influence doesn't necessarily lead to improved diets. And that's something that's unfortunate. And what it says is that interventions are possibly needed for these improved diets. But to really get back to your question, this idea when we say sort of a nutritious diet, obviously we're thinking about diets that satisfy the nutritional needs of individuals. While at the same time mitigating unhealthy outcomes. Mitigating obesity, cardiovascular disease, etc. But then coupled with that is this whole notion of sustainable agricultural production. And I think one of the difficult things about both nutritious and abundant food as well as environmental outcomes, is we really are thinking about sort of trade-offs and complementarities. Then I think economics gives us a real keen insight into how these things play out. Andrew, you make me worry that we're locked in. That is as soon as income start to rise, people move to more animal protein-based products. They move away from some fruits and vegetables. And knowing that the environmental consequences of those choices and even the health consequences, my question to you is what kinds of interventions or how do you think about interventions as a way to shape that demand? Is that an appropriate way to think about this? Alright, so there's a few things. One is just sort of provide nutrition education globally. Having countries and their governments sort of understand these outcomes and then making a concerted effort to educate the public. The other thing is what you often do see is incentivized, for example, fish consumption. Incentivizing poultry production. And you do actually see a lot of incentives for poultry and egg consumption. And I think of like the Gates Foundation in that One Egg a Day initiative to help with child stunting and child growth in the developing world. And so, they're clearly protein alternatives to bovine type products. And I have to be clear here. Like I'm only speaking about this in the context of what's being said, in terms of the environment and animal production. But the other thing I think, it's probably even more important, right? Is this idea that we really do need to rethink how we, both in the developing world as well as in the developed world, rethink how we think about nutrition and eating. And that's just not for developing countries. That's for all countries. And obviously there's one last thing I'll highlight. You do have to be sort of concerned about, say something like taxes. Which would be clearly regressive in the developing world, and probably much more harmful to overall consumer welfare. The point is that taxes and subsidies seem to be the policy instruments of choice. Great. Thank you for that. Andrew has just shared with us some of the issues of what happens as incomes rise and the changing patterns of behavior. And that there are some implications for sustainable diets. Emiliano, how can we use the type of data that, Andrew talked about to model food systems in terms of health and nutrition. What can we learn from these models and, what should we do with them? Emiliano – Yes, thank you. Andrew really pointed to like many very important issues, aspects. We see some worrisome trends in the sense that current diets are going in the direction of showing less nutritious. Also, we are looking at a lot of issues in the environmental externalities, embedded resources. A lot of that within the current diet trajectory. Economic models, they have this advantage that they can connect these things together, right? Each time that we decide what we are purchasing for eating each day we are deciding in a combination of these resources embedded in the food that also some potential nutritional outcomes or health outcomes related to that diet. And the models help to connect these things very well. We can trace this back from more, sort of naive approach where we do have lifecycle assessments where you just track the account numbers through the different stages of the food. And you can just basically trace the footprint or head print of the foods. But you can come up with more advanced models. We have seen a huge advance on that area in the last 10-15 years where models can really connect the things in a more holistic approach. Where you can connect the demand systems and the supply system both together. And then from and calibrate the models. And then also they're very useful to project to the future, different states of the world in the future. By doing that sort of exercises, we can learn a lot of how these things are connected, and how potential different pathways towards the future will also have potential different outcomes in terms of nutrition. But also, in terms of environmental pressure. We can model things, for instance, we were talking a little bit on how to shape these different sorts of diets. That's a thing that is advancing more and more in the modeling literature. We can see that people are going from these earlier approaches where we just get a particular diet that we have as a goal, and then we use that as a sort of counterfactual compared to the baseline sort of trajectory. Now we are looking more and more people doing exercises like how we can actually get there with this, for example, differential value added taxes where you kind of harm some type of food and then you kind of incentivize the consumption of others, as Andrew was saying. And we are looking at a lot of those sort of exercises at the global level, localized, and we are learning a lot of these intricate relations from the models. I think that's bottom line. And in that sense is models are really well equipped to this problem in the sense that show this holistic picture of the issue. Thank you for that. And what we've been learning from these models is this holistic picture, but can you tell us anything about how these models help show these relationships between diet and health outcomes and environmental sustainability? I mean, what's happening? Are we seeing models help predict the greenhouse gas emissions or changes in cardiovascular outcomes? What are you seeing? Well, typically when we do baseline projections, we use a lot of end use information where we have been studying things backwards, and in these integrated relationships. And when we look into the future, these relationships get stronger. Like some low income, middle countries tend to sort of repeat similar patterns of things that we have seen already in more industrialized countries. We have all this nutrition transition that comes strong. Pretty fast and pretty strong within the models. And when we look forward, the problems are not only going to be like the ones we see now, but probably somewhat worse. Especially in the pressure on the use of natural resources. So that's one thing that we have seen. Another thing that we have seen is that there can be a lot of potential multiple dividends of alternative pathways, right? We have this sort of baseline situation where diets kind of go that way and they become less sustainable, less healthy. We have dual burdens, multiple burdens of malnutrition rising in many countries at the same time. But then when we kind of model this counterfactual situation where what if we get a different diet that can follow certain guidelines or a flexitarian diet or even a vegan diet, whatever. All of those things can bring together some multiple dividends in the sense that you can certainly reduce the pressure on the use of natural resources in many degrees. And then also at the same time, you can reduce the burden of the health outcomes. That's a thing that we have been learning. Another thing that is interesting and is really strong in the model is that you can actually see a lot of synergistic things, synergistic goals that we can learn, but also a lot of potential tradeoffs, right? When we shift towards these sorts of alternative diets in an ideal world, well then, a lot of sub populations in certain parts of the world may suffer that thing too. There are multiple benefits, but also there are a lot of tensions. And we are learning more and more about those as well. And models actually showing those synergistics, but also some of these potential trade-offs in a very, very interesting way. Thank you for sharing that because one of the topics I was interested in understanding is can folks actually afford these diets? I mean, there was a lot of controversy around, or concern around an Eat Lancet diet in saying can people afford this. And we actually review that in the paper. What you're telling me is that there is a possibility of understanding distributional effects within societies of if we move our diets in this certain way who's able to afford it. Whether the implications for lower income folks in that society as compared to other model diets. Is that a fair assessment of some of the work that you've seen? Yes, absolutely. If, for instance, when we're doing the models, I'm going to put an example, we do this sort of incentivizing certain kind of foods and we put high taxes on other kinds of foods. Well one thing that is interesting is that all of these potential benefits or spillovers or global spillovers are really interconnected with also trade policies. And global models can tell us a really compelling story about that. In a more connected sort of world, when you do something in certain region that can have some benefits, then that creates spillovers to others. Let's say you reduce the demand of food in certain regions, certain countries, you can shape that. Then that globally through global markets can affect the accessibility or affordability of food in other regions. In that sense, those two things are connected and bring some benefit. But when you look at deeper in that particular region where you're trying to intervene with certain taxes for certain kind of foods, it is obviously going to bring some challenges. Some equity challenges because those particular areas that are devoted to produce that kind of food are also related to a lot of workers, a lot of producers, farmers, etc. And a lot of those are going to get the negative effects of this sort of policies. So that's one side. Then the other side is, yeah, when you affect prices, prices affect obviously the consumers as well. And again, in those certain regions when you have some population that is already are having some challenges to afford certain kind of food, if you impose a tax, then that again will handle those population. There is a lot of work to do to look at the details. And sometimes global models or two aggregated models can fail short in that direction. But we see that in an aggregated world, let's say. Yes, I appreciate and want to pick up on both something you and Andrew have been really pushing. Is this interconnectedness. Once we intervene in one part of the market or in even one part of the world, there are reverberations throughout. And these models sound really rich, and you started to hit on something that I want to learn a little bit more. And it's this idea that the models aren't perfect. Can you tell us a little bit more about some of the limitations of these models, especially as it relates to policy design or policy discussion? Yes. Well one thing that is, and the more you look at these things, is some of these models or mostly global models, they do have again this benefit that you can see many things interconnected at the same time. But that then you have to neglect something. There is a trade off in that decision. And typically, you are looking at things at a slightly aggregated sort of level. So typically, you have a average representative consumer or an average representative producer in a different region or a different country. With that, you then could miss a lot of the heterogeneous effects that a policy or a counterfactual state of the world will have on a certain population. In many cases we will fall short on that. And one thing that we have seen, and it's really cool, and I think it's a really good advancement in recent years more, people is doing, is that sort of multi-scale kind of approach where you do have a sort of global model to solve certain situation and then with that you calibrate in a more granular type of level of model. That sort of multi-scale approach it's working pretty well to see more of these multi-level effects. But sometimes global models can fail short on getting a heterogeneous result, I guess. Thank you for sharing that. And it's important to understand that models are not perfect, and that we're regularly as a discipline, as a field, we're always working on improving the models, making them more realistic, and more responsive to policy shifts. And so that begs this question, and then I'm going to open this up first to Andrew and then back to you, Emiliano. In this review paper, we were looking at the state of the world, the state of the art of research in this space. And my question to you both is what are some places where you see a need for new research or new research questions that we haven't really dealt with? What are you seeing as important places to go here? Here's the thing. I wouldn't necessarily refer to it as sort of new research, but certainly where we definitely need more research. And so, for those studies that continue to link greenhouse gas emissions with animal protein production, and really trying to think about what that would necessarily mean if we in some way mitigate animal protein production. Particularly let's say cattle and dairy. What does that necessarily mean for countries at the lower end of the spectrum where that initial demand for protein is needed. While at the same time we're not seeing changes in the developing world. The point is, where do we get the most bang for our buck? Do we get the most bang for our buck environmentally by trying to mitigate consumption globally? Or in some way trying to mitigate consumption, say in the United States and Europe, while at the same time letting Botswana and other countries carry through on that dietary transition that would otherwise occur. And I do think I've seen studies like that. But I do think this whole issue of where best to mitigate meat production and where best to sort of let it go. The other thing, and we're going to continue with this going forward. And that is particularly in the developing world this idea of how one manages both rising obesity and rise in malnutrition all at the same time. Like that is a very sort of precarious position for governments to find themselves in. One, having to both feed people more than what's available, while at the same time having a subset of the population eating too much. Whereas unlike the United States where we could pretty much have a blanketed dietary strategy to try to reduce size, girth, and just sort of eating habits. In the developing world, you really do have to manage the dual negative outcomes of both obesity as well as malnutrition. Great. Thank you. And I really appreciate this idea of where do we target interventions? Where do we, as you said, where do we get the biggest bang for our buck? And then this really complicated tension of some folks is experiencing food security challenges, others are facing issues around obesity. And we actually see in some places where those two things come together really complex ways. What's the right set of policies to actually solve both of those problems? And how do you do that well? Emiliano, what are you thinking about in terms of new directions or areas to go? So, in terms of approaches like more in a technical way, but I'm going to be brief from this I promise, I feel that there is a lot of work to do in multilayer modeling. I think that's a really exciting avenue that people are trying. And there are different ways to go from top bottom sort of approaches in the demand spectrum, but also in the resource embedded spectrum. So that's pretty exciting. But then topically, I think Andrew covered pretty well. I will say also that we do have the multiple burdens of malnutrition. On top of that thing that I would mention is the food waste. A thing that I have learned in the past that food waste is a big portion of the overall purchasing basket. And it's coming pretty clear still is way sort of underdeveloped kind of area because it's a very difficult thing to measure. There are not a lot of papers that can address this globally or look at long run trends and things like that. But it's typically mirroring the dietary transition as well. But we really need to learn how that looks. Is this a thing that we used to think 5-10 years ago? It was more like a sort of static problem in rich countries that they tend to waste food. But now we're looking more and more that this is an increasing problem in more developing countries, emerging economies. And as soon as we get certain threshold of income, people start purchasing more than what they need. And then we see more and more food waste. And that area I think is somewhat overlooked or still a good challenge to be addressed. And then from there, when you look at that, we should look at how that again enters the big picture, right? I mean, there are a couple of papers that have combined these changes in diets, reducing food waste as a part of it, and so like that. But still there is a lot of work to do on that. We tend to think also, and again, similarly to with the other things, that food waste is not a great thing. It's a clear sign of inefficiency in the global food system. Food waste itself also has a lot of embedded resources, right? One of them is labor. So, we just try or do a huge amount of effort to just reduce or eliminate food waste or reduce in a big portion of food waste. Then what's going to happen with a lot of employment that it was devoted to that. I think that particular fact is somewhat overlooked too. But again, those are the sort of areas I would be excited to look in the near future. I really appreciate this point about food waste. That's an area that I've been working on mostly in the US. And I agree, I think there's some critical places for us to consider. And also thinking about what that means for modeling. I know with the Thrifty Food Plan here in the United States, there's an assumption of a 5% food waste and that's a big assumption. When you can imagine just how different households may respond to incentives or how prices may influence their choice or maybe even lack of choice as food waste does occur. So, I think you are touching on some really important points, and I really like how, Andrew, you're talking about the importance of targeting. Bios Andrew Muhammad is a professor of Agricultural and Resource Economics at the University of Tennessee Knoxville. He is an expert in international trade and agricultural policy. He assists state and national agricultural decision-makers in evaluating policies and programs dealing with agricultural commodities, food and nutrition, natural resources, and international trade. Emiliano Lopez Barrera is a visiting assistant professor in the Department of Agricultural Economics at the University of Texas A&M University. His current research focuses on understanding how future patterns of global food consumption will affect human health, and how the agricultural changes needed to support the ongoing global nutrition transition will affect the environment. He combines econometric tools with economic and nutrition modeling to explore the trade-offs and linkages among diets, human health, and environmental sustainability. Prior to his grad studies, he worked as a consultant for the Inter-American Development Bank at the Central Bank of Uruguay.
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In this episode, hosts Ray Powell and James Carouso dive deep into former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte's dramatic 2016 pivot from the US to China. Joined by authors Marites Vitug and Camille Elemia, they discuss their book Unrequited Love: Duterte's China Embrace.The conversation kicks off with why this "love affair" matters globally–how it reshaped South China Sea geopolitics, tested international law, and challenged the US-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty over Duterte's six-year term in office. Duterte downplayed the 2016 arbitral ruling against China as "a piece of paper," turning a blind eye to Chinese incursions while seeking economic aid. Our guests explain how China provided cover for Duterte's drug war while the West heaped on criticism.Duterte's pro-China tilt stemmed from personal history: As Davao City mayor, he built ties with Chinese businessmen and harbored anti-US resentment from incidents like when a suspected US agent allegedly implicated in a Davao City bombing incident was whisked out of the country. Influenced by communist professor Jose Maria Sison and his anti-imperialist mother, Duterte viewed America as imperialists. Yet, surveys show Filipinos mostly remain pro-US and distrust China, with 70-80% favoring assertion of West Philippine Sea rights.The 2016 election saw Duterte win by portraying himself as an authentic outsider fighting a "narco state." His charm, social media savvy, and anti-elite messaging resonated, in contrast to his predecessor's perceived lack of empathy.Economically, however, the promised benefits fell flat: Duterte touted billions in Chinese loans, but only 3-4 infrastructure projects materialized. In return, the authors contend that China gained "free rein" in disputed waters, ultimately blocking Philippine resource exploration. Xi Jinping benefited from strategic breathing room, more ASEAN allies, and weakened US influence—though some in Duterte's cabinet resisted, voicing the military's deep sentiments against appeasement.Despite this, Rodrigo Duterte left office with his popularity largely intact due to his personal connection to the electorate, not his foreign policy. Our guests resist his supporters' pragmatism claims, noting neighbors like Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam are able to balance China without surrendering their sovereignty.The authors express fears that his daughter Sara Duterte–the Philippines' current vice president–may revive his pro-China policies if elected in 2028. She opposes US missiles like the Typhon; never criticizes Chinese aggression, and repeats his scare tactics about war. Unlike current President Ferdinand “BongBong” Marcos Jr., who pivoted back to the US, Sara lacks significant Western exposure. Her charisma, Duterte brand, and social media machine boost her chances, even amid a recent impeachment effort.The episode touches on the recent Marcos-Trump deal (which saw tariffs barely cut from 20% to 19%), divided reactions in the Philippines, and media bubbles. The authors explain that President Duterte's current ICC detention for drug war crimes has drawn sympathy, potentially aiding Sara's bid.A must-listen for insights on Philippine politics, US-China rivalry, South China Sea tensions, and Duterte's enduring legacy. Get the book on Amazon (ebook) or Ateneo Press. Follow guests on Facebook, LinkedIn, or X.
Dr Boyce discusses the reasons to avoid penny stocks, as well as other economic revelations that should be considered by the black community. Dr. Boyce Watkins is a Finance PhD and former Syracuse University professor who has educated millions on wealth, investing, and Black economic empowerment. As the founder of The Black Business School, he's helped families worldwide achieve financial independence. Dr. Watkins is the author of The 10 Commandments of Black Economic Power and a frequent voice on platforms like CNN, BET, and The Breakfast Club. Through his courses, books, and speaking events, he blends academic expertise with real-world strategies to build Black wealth.To learn more or join his programs, visit BoyceWatkins.com.To get a free list of his favorite AI stocks, text the word Stock to 87948 on your phone.
Tonight on The Last Word: Trump retreats in his trade war. Plus, Ukraine calls Putin's 3-day ceasefire a ‘farce' after reported violations. Also Bill Gates plans to wind down his foundation by 2045. And the first American-born Pope takes the name Leo XIV. Tim Snyder and Sister Simone Campbell join Lawrence O'Donnell.
President Donald Trump is right to believe that Iran is in a historically vulnerable position right now. The Assad regime is kaput. Hezbollah's effectiveness has been dramatically reduced since Oct. 7. Hama is living underground among the rubble of Gaza. However, even with a maximum pressure campaign, oil embargoes, domestic instability, two things will never change: You can't trust a word that comes out of the Iranian regime's mouth, and their legitimacy hinges on acquiring nuclear weapons, argues Victor Davis Hanson on today's edition of “Victor Davis Hanson: In His Own Words:” “The pressure is all on Iran. Militarily. Diplomatically. Economically. Socially. Culturally. What do I mean by that? Culturally, there is about 30% to 40% of the country are non-Farsi Persian speakers. And they're very restive, angry. Power outages. The regime is unpopular. It's diverted billions of dollars to these terrorist appendages that now didn't pay off, that they're defunct. “And so, Donald Trump thinks that he, with this maximum pressure, putting this crushing oil embargo—which by the way, Joe Biden lifted—that he can bring them to negotiations one last time. “Personally, I don't think he can. Nothing that that regime has ever said is accurate. Nobody in the MAGA movement wants an optional war in the Middle East. But they will have nuclear weapons, perhaps in a year. So, what is the likely scenario?”
Tonight on The Last Word: Donald Trump's tariff uncertainty causes price spikes and layoffs. Also, Elon Musk and Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent reportedly have a verbal brawl in the West Wing. Plus, a federal judge slams the Trump administration's “bad faith” in Kilmar Abrego Garcia's case. And the president of Harvard University speaks out about Trump's attack. Sen. Jon Ossoff, Jen Psaki, and Sen. Chris Van Hollen join Lawrence O'Donnell.