Chinese variety of Marxism–Leninism
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Extra case roundupMahdawi v. Trump, 2026 WL 2090981 (2d Cir. 2026) – habeas & § 237(a)(4)(C)Suri v. Trump, 2026 WL 2123557 (4th Cir. 2026) – habeas & § 237(a)(4)(C)Fuentes v. USCIS (4th Cir. July 24, 2026) – SIJ, statutory interpretation, and parental benefits Rana v. Blanche, No. 25-1862 (1st Cir. July 23, 2026)M-A-M-; mental health safeguards and credibility; indicia of incompetency; IJ affirmative duty; Maoists; Nepal Matter of H-L-S-M-, 29 I&N Dec. 767 (BIA 2026)no past torture; CAT; Mexico; Guatemala; Latin Kings; MS-13; clear error; expert testimony Matter of A-G-O-F-, 29 I&N Dec. 772 (BIA 2026)humanitarian asylum; particularity; Brazilian children; relocation; abandoned children; police reporting harm; police arresting perpetrators for other crimes; C-G-T- Matter of Y-S-P-T-, 29 I&N Dec. 776 (BIA 2026)exceptional and extremely unusual hardship for § 212(h) waiver; discretion with sexual crimes; extreme hardship Matter of Lopez Rico, 29 I&N Dec. 780 (BIA 2026)unlawful voting; INA § 237(a)(3)(D); 18 U.S.C. § 611(a); DHS burdens; pleading the Fifth; discretionMatter of L-F-R-, 29 I&N Dec. 787 (BIA 2026)annual asylum fee; abandonment of asylum; scheduling orders; enforcing filing deadlines; statutory interpretation; plain language of the statute; OBBBA Garcia Demetrio, et al. v. Blanche, No. 25-991 (9th Cir. July 20, 2026)age and immutability; particular social group; mother of adolescents; single mothers; nexus reviewed de novo; Mexico Diaz-Boyzo v. Blanche, No. 17-72894 (9th Cir. July 23, 2026)crime of child abuse, abandonment, or neglect divisibility; enhancement; Or. Rev. Stat. § 163.160(1)(a), (3)(c); criminal negligence Torres-Casas v. Blanche, No. 25-172 (9th Cir. July 22, 2026)qualifying relative age-out for non LPR cancellation of removal purposes; predictive findings; remanding non-LPR cancellation denials pending at the BIA; hardshipKurzban Kurzban Tetzeli and Pratt P.A.Immigration, serious injury, and business lawyers serving clients in Florida, California, and all over the world for over 40 years.eimmigration"Immigration law software you'll love to use."get.eimmigration.com/IRP Gonzales & Gonzales Immigration BondsP: (833) 409-9200immigrationbond.com Stafi"Remote staffing solutions for businesses of all sizes"Click me!Want to become a patron?Show the Podcast some loooovvveeeCONTACT INFORMATION:Email: kgregg@kktplaw.comFacebook: @immigrationreviewInstagram: @immigrationreviewTwitter: @immreviewAbout your hostCase notesRecent criminal-immigration article (p.18)Featured in San Diego VoyagerSupport the show
Jonah Goldberg knows his time is nearly up. In a few days, his body will be baking in the Arizona sun, washed up on the rocks at some bend in the Colorado River, just the next casualty of mandatory fun time. Time to go out with a bang. Join Jonah as he steers the HMS Remnant into position for a ripping, boneshattering broadside into the Red Fleet of the Democratic Socialists of America. Along the way, listen as the doomed Captain Jonah ruminates on new liberal friends, policing one's own side, Israel, socialists, bravery on the cheap, Graham Platner, institutionalized lying, courts finding the truth, and the importance of American wealth. Show Notes: —Friday's DisPod —Wednesday G-File —LA Times column —Jonah's commie Twitter thread —Mamdani Celebrates America's 250 Years With Call for Unity and Democracy —Eli Lake on DSA —Nellie Bowles newsletter —Scott Lincicome in The Dispatch - “GDP Is Good, Actually” The Remnant is a production of The Dispatch, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a nonpartisan perspective. To access all of The Dispatch's offerings—including the Saturday Ruminant, audio versions of all our articles and newsletters, and Jonah's twice-weekly G-File—click here. Instructions on how to set up your members-only feed can be found here, and if you'd like to remove all ads from your podcast experience, consider becoming a premium Dispatch member by clicking here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence. Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning. Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden. Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day. Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year? Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very- Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did- Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever? Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan. Cayden: Hmm. Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too. Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org. Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.” Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even- Cayden: No … Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm. Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah … Cayden: excluded Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again. Samir: Right. Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.” Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways. Sharmin: Right. Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government. Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know- Cayden: Yeah … Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person. Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this. Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because- Cayden: Hmm … Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm. Cayden: Yeah … Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving] is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like- Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.” Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we- Cayden: Contest every space. Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks, Cayden: dad … Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now. Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media. Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you? Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so… Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived. Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like- Cayden: Yeah. … Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really- Cayden: Yeah … Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon. Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys. Samir:
An Economist investigation reveals that Iran is profiting from the war as it evades sanctions and oil prices surge. India's government has promised to crush the country's Maoist insurgency. Our correspondent visits a former rebel stronghold. And why understudies, a theatre's insurance policy, are underestimated. Guests and host:Rachana Shanbhogue, business affairs editorKira Huju, Asia correspondentHamish Clayton, culture writerRosie Blau, host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Oil, Iran, Kharg Island, sanctionsIndia, Modi, MaoistsCulture, theatre, understudiesListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
An Economist investigation reveals that Iran is profiting from the war as it evades sanctions and oil prices surge. India's government has promised to crush the country's Maoist insurgency. Our correspondent visits a former rebel stronghold. And why understudies, a theatre's insurance policy, are underestimated. Guests and host:Rachana Shanbhogue, business affairs editorKira Huju, Asia correspondentHamish Clayton, culture writerRosie Blau, host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Oil, Iran, Kharg Island, sanctionsIndia, Modi, MaoistsCulture, theatre, understudiesListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Following crippling losses and the surrender of a large number of cadres, India's Maoist insurgents are on their knees. But the insurgency has been crushed several times since its origins in 1948, only to resurface again and again. The story of the Maoists shows that peace won't be durable unless India is able to address Adivasi and Dalit backwardness in the Maoist belt.
For nearly 60 years, the Indian government has been fighting a violent group of Maoists in the country. They are followers of the late Chinese leader, Mao Zedong and have carried out bombings and killings in different parts of India. Now, the Indian authorities claim to be on the brink of defeating these insurgents and has said that they will be fully removed by March 2026. There is one group that has been attributed with the recent success against the Maoists, known as the DRG or District Reserve Guard. They are part of the police, with the sole purpose of defeating the Maoists. But although they have successfully reduced Maoist attacks in recent years, critics have questioned the use of force by the DRG. Jugal Purohit, who reports for the BBC in India, recently travelled to the frontline of this nearly 60 year war, to meet the DRG and the locals who have been affected by the violence.Rare access: Inside India's claims to eliminate Maoist insurgency https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=848zVNZV7ssIn Thailand, for the past 154 years, people have come together for the annual Buffalo Racing Festival. The festival honors the vital role of buffaloes in Thai agriculture, offering thanks for their hard work throughout the year. BBC's Thuong Le is based in Bangkok and she recently traveled to Chonburi province where the festival takes place to grab a front row seat. This episode of The Documentary comes to you from The Fifth Floor, the show at the heart of global storytelling, with BBC journalists from all around the world. Presented by Faranak Amidi. Produced by Laura Thomas, Caroline Ferguson and Hannah Dean. This is an EcoAudio certified production. (Photo: Faranak Amidi. Credit: Tricia Yourkevich.)
This week, Newslaundry's Abhinandan Sekhri, Jayashree Arunachalam and Shardool Katyayan are joined by journalist and author Rahul Pandita and The News Minute's Sudipto Mondal.The discussion begins with Rahul's new novel, Our Friends in Good Houses, and then turns to the recent killing of Maoist commander Madvi Hidma in Andhra Pradesh.Rahul recalls meeting the man who recruited Hidma as a child. He then talks about the “tragedy” of the Maoists and the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist). “One reason why we are witnessing this downfall now of the CPM office is that this somehow, in the passage of this time, steered away from what they had set out to do, which is to basically protect the adivasis and their natural resources. But during this course, I think they became obsessive about fighting the state…and became, in their own ways, stakeholders in these natural resources. That is the tragedy of the CPM.”Sudipto says, “The worst part about the Maoist movement is that it follows one basic principle of armed conflict, which is that the people sending people to war are old men. The people going to war are young boys."The conversation then moves to the Red Fort blasts. Abhinandan asks the panel about the video of a key suspect in the case justifying suicide attacks, seeking their views on whether airing such footage is irresponsible or journalistically necessary.This and a lot more. Tune in!Timecodes00:00:00 - Introductions and announcements00:03:37 - Discussion on Rahul Pandita's Book00:11:40 - Headlines 00:18:33 - Killing of Madvi Hidma01:00:38 - Red Fort Blasts Aftermath01:21:36 - Sudipto & Rahul Pandita's Recommendations01:24:58 - Letters01:36:40- RecommendationsCheck out previous Hafta recommendations, references, songs and letters.Produced by Amit Pandey with Ashish Anand & Sourav Ranjan. Sound Recordist Anil Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
This episode narrates the story of the Maoist terrorist Saket Rajan who was encountered in police action more than 20 years ago. His story is a warning of how Leftist indoctrination pushes generations of youth into anti-national activities. Saket Rajan was brainwashed into Maoism on the campus of the Indian Institute of Mass Communication (IIMC). When he passed away, the whole Leftist - Maoist ecosystem armtwisted the late Karnataka Chief Minister Dharam Singh into celebrating him as a martyr. Prominent members of this ecosystem include Gauri Lankesh, Harsh Mander, Mahashweta Devi, Nandini Sundar and others. Tune into the full episode! Support Our PodcastsIf you enjoyed this episode, please consider supporting The Dharma Dispatch podcast so we can offer more such interesting, informative and educational content related to Indian History, Sanatana Dharma, Hindu Culture and current affairs. It takes us months of rigorous research, writing and editing and significant costs to offer this labour of love.Ways you can Support The Dharma Podcast:* UPI: ddispatch@axl* Wallets, Netbanking, etc.* Scan the QR Code below. Get full access to The Dharma Dispatch Digest at thedharmadispatch.substack.com/subscribe
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Episode #408: “There is no way to tell the story of Myanmar and where it's headed if you are leaving out the Wa,” says Patrick Winn, a veteran Southeast Asia reporter and author of Narcotopia. His book traces the wild story how Wa State, a mountainous enclave on the Chinese border, became defined by narcotics, and how it has become one of the key powers in the country today. A pivotal figure is Saw Lu, born in the mid-1940s, raised among Baptist missionaries, and convinced that literacy and Christianity could unify and “civilize” the Wa. Recruited by Burmese intelligence in his twenties, he was sent to Pang Wai, one of the largest Wa strongholds, as a teacher. Winning villagers' trust, he then stumbled on a small CIA weapons cache. Through charisma and tactical skill, he transformed himself into a militia leader. Meanwhile, Kuomintang exiles who had fled China's civil war turned to opium trafficking, industrializing heroin production along the Thai-Burma border. The CIA and Taiwanese intelligence viewed these warlords as useful anti-communist allies, even as their heroin flowed into South Vietnam and fueled American soldiers' addictions. Saw Lu tolerated the opium trade, which he despised, to keep Wa villages united against Maoist influence. At one point, the U.S. even used him as a DEA asset, code-named “Superstar.” In the late 1960s, the Communist Party of Burma controlled much of Wa territory for twenty years, during which time Saw Lu faded into obscurity. But a mutiny of Wa soldiers eventually kicked out the Maoists and birthed the United Wa State Army (UWSA). With Chinese backing and drug profits as their main source of income, the UWSA grew into Myanmar's most powerful non-state military. Saw Lu returned to the scene, and for a while his anti-drug zeal offered a different path to Wa leaders. He wanted to get significant U.S. investment in Wa State in exchange for helping it destroy the drug trade. In the end, however, the CIA undermined Saw Lu's plans, and he was disgraced. Today, Wa State is a “narcostate,” effectively an unrecognized country, a state within a state, stable within its own borders yet destabilizing to Myanmar's unity. “If you think it's just some dark, out of the way place that doesn't matter, please update your thinking on this,” Winn warns.
This week we talk about corruption, influencers, and pro-monarchy protests.We also discuss Nepalese modern history, Gen Z, and kings.Recommended Book: Superagency by Reid Hoffman and Greg BeatoTranscriptThe Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal, usually referred to as just Nepal, is a country located in the Himalayas that's bordered to the northeast by China, and is otherwise surrounded by India, including in the east, where there's a narrow sliver of India separating Nepal from Bhutan and Bangladesh.So Nepal is mostly mountainous, it's landlocked, and it's right in between two burgeoning regional powers who are also increasingly, in many ways, global powers. Its capital is Kathmandu, and there are a little over 31 million people in the country, as of 2024—more than 80% of them Hindu, and the country's landmass spans about 57,000 square miles or 147.5 square kilometers, which is little smaller than the US state of Illinois, and almost exactly the same size as Bangladesh.Modern Nepal came about beginning in the mid-20th century, when the then-ruling Rana autocracy was overthrown in the wake of neighboring India's independence movement, and a parliamentary democracy replaced it. But there was still a king, and he didn't like sharing power with the rest of the government, so he did away with the democracy component of the government in 1960, making himself the absolute monarch and banning all political activities, which also necessitated jailing politicians.The country was modernized during this period, in the sense of building out infrastructure and such, but it was pulled backwards in many ways, as there wasn't much in the way of individual liberties for civilians, and everything was heavily censored by the king and his people. In 1990, a multiparty movement called the People's Movement forced the king, this one ascended to the throne in 1972, to adopt a constitution and allow a multiparty democracy in Nepal.One of the parties that decided to enter the local political fray, the Maoist Party, started violently trying to shift the country in another direction, replacing its parliamentary system with a people's republic, similar to what was happening in China and the Soviet Union. This sparked a civil war that led to a whole lot of deaths, including those of the King and Crown Prince. The now-dead king's brother stepped in, gave himself a bunch of new powers, and then tried to stomp the Maoist Party into submission.But there was a peaceful democratic revolution in the country in 2006, at which point the Maoists put down their arms and became a normal, nonviolent political party. Nepal then became a secular state, after being a Hindu kingdom for most of their modern history, and a few years later became a federal republic. It took a little while, and there was quite a bit of tumult in the meantime, but eventually, in 2015, the Nepalese government got a new constitution that divided the country into seven provinces and made Nepal a federal democratic republic.What I'd like to talk about today is what has happened in the past decade in Nepal, and how those happenings led to a recent, seemingly pretty successful, series of protests.—In early 2025, from March through early June, a series of protests were held across Nepal by pro-monarchy citizens and the local pro-monarchy party, initially in response to the former King's visit, but later to basically just show discontentment with the current government.These protests were at least partly politically motivated, in the sense of being planned and fanned into larger conflagrations by that pro-monarchy party—not truly grassroots sort of thing—but they grew and grew, partly on the strength of opposition to the police response to earlier protests.That same distaste carried through the year, into September of 2025, when the Nepalese government announced a ban on 26 social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, Reddit, and Youtube, because the companies behind these platforms ostensibly failed to register under the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology's new rules that required, among other things, they have local liaisons that the government could meet with in person, and complain to if a given network failed to remove something they didn't like quickly enough.The general sense about that ban is that while this failure to properly register was used as justification for shutting down these networks, which are incredibly popular in the country, the real reason the government wanted to shut them down at that moment was that a trend had emerged online in which the rich and powerful in the country, and especially their children, many of whom have become online influencers, were being criticized for their immense opulence and for bragging about their families' vast wealth, while everyone else was comparably suffering.This became known as the Nepobaby or Nepo Kid trend, hashtag Nepobaby, which was a tag borrowed from Indonesia, and the general idea is that taxpayer money is being used to enriched a few powerful families at the expense of everyone else, and the kids of those powerful families were bragging about it in public spaces, not even bothering to hide their families' misdeeds and corruption.This, perhaps understandably, led to a lot more discontent, and all that simmering anger led to online outcries, the government tried to stifle these outcries by shutting down these networks in the country, but that shut down, as is often the case in such situations, led to in-person protests, which started out as peaceful demonstrations in Kathmandu and surrounding areas, but which eventually became violent when the police started firing tear gas and rubber bullets at the crowds, causing 19 deaths and hundreds of injuries.The ban was implemented on September 4 and then lifted, after the initial protests, on September 8, but the government's response seems to have made this a much bigger thing than it initially was, and maybe bigger than it would have become, sans that response.It's worth mentioning here, too, that a lot of young people in Nepal rely on social media and messaging apps like Signal, which was also banned, for their livelihood. Both for social media related work, and for various sorts of remittances. And that, combined with an existing 20% youth unemployment rate, meant that young people were very riled up and unhappy with the state of things, already, and this ban just poured fuel on that flame.On that same note, the median age in Nepal is 25, it's a relatively young country. So there are a lot of Gen Zers in Nepal, they're the generation that uses social media the most, and because they rely so heavily on these networks to stay in touch with each other and the world, the ban triggered a mass outpouring of anger, and that led to huge protests in a very short time.These protests grew in scope, eventually leading to the burning of government buildings, the military was called in to help bring order, and ultimately the Home Minister, and then the Prime Minister, on September 8 and 9, respectively, resigned. A lot of the burning of government buildings happened after those resignations; protestors eventually burned the homes of government ministers, and the residences of the prime minister and president, as well.The protestors didn't have any formal leadership, though there were attempts during the protests by local pro-monarchy parties and representatives to position the protests as pro-King—something most protestors have said is not the case, but you can see why that might have worked for them, considering those pro-monarchy protests earlier this year.That said, by September 10, the military was patrolling most major cities, and on the 11th, the president, head general, and Gen Z representatives for the protestors met to select an interim leader. They ended up using Discord, a chat app often used by gamers, to select a former Supreme Court Justice, Sushila Karki, as the interim prime minister, and the first woman to be prime minister in Nepalese history. Parliament was then dissolved, and March 5 was set as the date for the next election. Karki has said she will remain in office for no more than six months.As of September 13, all curfews had been lifted across Nepal, the prime minister was visiting injured protestors in hospitals, and relative calm had returned—though at least 72 people are said to have been killed during the protests, and more than 2,000 were injured.There are currently calls for unity across the political spectrum in Nepal, with everyone seeming to see the writing on the wall, that the youths have shown their strength, and there's a fresh need to toe the new line that's been established, lest the existing parties and power structures be completely toppled.There's a chance that this newfound unity against government overreach and censorship will hold, though it's important to note that the folks who were allegedly siphoning resources for their families were all able to escape the country, most without harm, due to assistance from police and the military, and that means they could influence things, from exile or after returning to Nepal, in the lead-up to that March election.It's also possible that the major parties will do more to favor the huge Gen Z population in Nepal from this point forward, which could result in less unemployment and freer speech—though if the King and the pro-monarchy party is able to continue insinuating themselves into these sorts of conversations, positioning themselves as an alternative to the nepotism and corruption many people in the area have reasonably come to associated with this type of democracy, there could be a resurgent effort to bring the monarchy back by those who have already seen some success in this regard, quite recently.Show Noteshttps://restofworld.org/2025/nepal-gen-z-protest/https://apnews.com/article/nepal-ban-social-media-platform-3b42bbbd07bc9b97acb4df09d42029d5https://apnews.com/article/nepal-new-prime-minister-protests-karki-0f552615029eb12574c9587d8d76ec46https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/crkj0lzlr3rohttps://kathmandupost.com/visual-stories/2025/09/08/gen-z-protest-in-kathmandu-against-corruption-and-social-media-banhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2025_Nepalese_Gen_Z_protestshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2025_Nepalese_pro-monarchy_protestshttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nepal This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe
In this in-depth podcast, we explore the complex dynamics of Nepal's Maoist War, focusing on the joint security forces' efforts against Maoist insurgents and the evolving role of the Nepal Army throughout the conflict. Hear firsthand accounts from a Brigadier General who shares his frontline war experience, including his journey from the UK to the battlefield. We analyze the strategic divisions between the Army and Police, the impact of Sher Bahadur Deuba's cabinet decisions, and the challenges faced by the Nepal Army, including ceasefire violations and internal shortcomings. The discussion sheds light on the privileged and underprivileged within the army ranks and the inter-dynamics among the Army, Police, and Armed Police Force (APF) during the war. Gain unique insights into the Nepal Army's stance on the monarchy and the contrasting narratives from soldiers at different levels. We also delve into guerrilla warfare tactics employed by the Maoists and the human rights issues that arose during the conflict. This podcast offers a comprehensive evaluation of the war, revealing contradicting opinions and the real picture behind the conflict and the Palace's role. Whether you're interested in Nepal's political history, military strategy, or human rights during wartime, this episode provides valuable perspectives and expert analysis. Don't miss this exclusive discussion on Nepal's Maoist War and its lasting impact. GET CONNECTED WITH PREM SINGH BASNYAT: Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/share/1A3KKazzhX/
This compelling video offers an in-depth account of personal experiences during Nepal's tumultuous Civil War, beginning with the speaker's harrowing detainment and the torture he faced. He recounts the chilling moment when the army, disguised in civil attire, apprehended him for a book review, revealing the real reason for his detainment and his subsequent transfer to the notorious Bhairavnaath battalion. Through his interaction with the army, he shares how even soldiers faced severe beatings, and reflects on his mental state during detainment as well as the army's behavior towards him. After three months of detainment, he discusses his hopes and aspirations. The narrative shifts to the red zone of Rolpa, delving into its warrior culture and the Maoists' reliance on historical values. The speaker explores why people turned rebel, highlighting the motivations behind the uprising. He also discusses the literary works inspired by the Civil War, providing details of his own book, which vividly contrasts rulers and rebels and draws on real-life references for authenticity. The video culminates with a powerful final message, encapsulating the enduring impact of conflict, resistance, and hope in Nepal's history. This video is a must-watch for anyone interested in personal narratives, historical insight, and the literary legacy of Nepal's Civil War. GET CONNECTED WITH Nabin Bibhas: YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TheBibhas Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/bibhasnabin/
Indian security forces killed 27 rebels this week, including a top Maoist leader. This week, Andrew Mueller explains the nearly half-century long conflict between the state and the Communist Party of India (Maoist). See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Cherukuri Rajkumar (1954-2010), popularly known as Azad, spokesperson of the Communist Party of India (Maoist), served the cause of Indian revolution for over thirty five years till he was murdered by state forces. This is a collection of his writings and interviews about the position of Indian Maoists on various political, economic and social issues.Foreword - 00:08A Brief Biography - 04:261. Maoists in India - 08:432. On the "Comprehensive Peace Agreement" in Nepal - 48:063. Interview on the Developments in Nepal - 56:104. On V. Prabhakaran - 1:34:545. On Patel Sudhakar Reddy & Venkataiah - 1:40:586. On the Election Boycott Tactic of the Maoists - 1:45:327. Interview on the Government Military Offensive - 2:16:438. Maoists on Talks - 3:41:439. Red Salutes to Balagopal - 3:47:1810. On Telangana - 3:51:2011. On Sakhamuri Appa Rao & Kondal Reddy - 3:58:1712. On Dantewada Guerrilla Attack - 4:05:2113. Interview to The Hindu - 4:14:0714. Letter to Swami Agnivesh - 5:28:2615. On the Jnaneswari Express Tragedy - 5:37:1216. On Bhopal Verdict - 5:43:2617. A Last Note to a Neo-Colonialist - 5:51:19
This week on Hafta, Newslaundry's Newslaundry's Abhinandan Sekhri, Manisha Pande, Jayashree Arunachalam, Raman Kirpal and Shardool Katyayan are joined by senior journalist and CGNet Swara's co-founder Shubhranshu Choudhary.We start with a discussion on the killing of 27 suspected Maoists in Chhattisgarh this week and analyse if the Maoist movement in the state has declined. Shubhranshu says, “We don't agree with the strategy, but it is hugely successful… This war has been won by the Bastariyas (residents of Bastar) themselves who gave information.”However, he warns that unresolved issues like mining and lack of development could reignite tensions, asking, “What will be our development policy? That will determine whether Maoism will be dead.”Jayashree raises concerns about the accuracy of government claims, questioning, “Should we be more suspicious when the government says it's killed dozens of Maoists?” She highlights the lack of judicial scrutiny in encounters, citing, “I think of thousands of encounters that have happened in Bastar in the last 25 years. There've only been two judicial inquiries.”Abhinandan adds, “There's an overlap of mining interests in media interests – even in ownership,” and Manisha stresses on political representation for a better future for Bastar's residents. “If militants in the Northeast can join the BJP, why not here? Political representation matters. It gives people real options.”This and a lot more. Tune in!We have a page for subscribers to send letters to our shows. If you want to write to Hafta, click here. Check out the Newslaundry store and flaunt your love for independent media. Download the Newslaundry app. Song: Blowing in the windTimecodes00:00:00 – Introductions 00:06:51 – Headlines 00:16:59 - Operation Black Forest01:13:52 – Letters01:36:04 – RecommendationsCheck out previous Hafta recommendations, references, songs and letters Produced by Priyali Dhingra.Recorded by Hassan Bilal and Anil Kumar. Production assistance by Ankit Raj. This episode is outside of the paywall for now. Before it goes behind the paywall, why not subscribe? Get brand-new episodes of all our podcasts every week, while also doing your bit to support independent media. Click here to subscribe. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Matter of F-B-G-M- & J-E-M-G-, 29 I&N Dec. 52 (BIA 2025)rebuttable presumption that email notifications sent via ECAS reach their recipient; equitable tolling of briefing deadlines Matter of M-S-I-, 29 I&N Dec. 61 (BIA 2025)unable or unwilling to protect; acquiesce; generalized corruption; failure to report harm; Maoists; Nepal Matter of Q. Li, 29 I&N Dec. 66 (BIA 2025)mandatory detention; alien arriving; applicant for admission; parole; INA § 235(b)(2)(A) Soto Santos v. Bondi, No. 24-1733 (8th Cir. May 12, 2025)motion to remand; prima facie case for relief; hardship showing; enforcement priorities Mohamed v. Bondi, No. 23-2556 (8th Cir. May 12, 2025)competency; mental health; fundamental procedural error; INA § 242(a)(2)(C)Sponsors and friends of the podcast!Kurzban Kurzban Tetzeli and Pratt P.A.Immigration, serious injury, and business lawyers serving clients in Florida, California, and all over the world for over 40 years.Cerenade"Leader in providing smart, secure, and intuitive cloud-based solutions"Demo Link!Click me too!Stafi"Remote staffing solutions for businesses of all sizes"Promo Code: STAFI2025Click me!Want to become a patron?Click here to check out our Patreon Page!CONTACT INFORMATIONEmail: kgregg@kktplaw.comFacebook: @immigrationreviewInstagram: @immigrationreviewTwitter: @immreviewAbout your hostCase notesRecent criminal-immigration article (p.18)Featured in San Diego VoyagerDISCLAIMER & CREDITSSee Eps. 1-200Support the show
Explore the Nepali Civil War through the eyes of civilians who lived through a decade of conflict between Maoist rebels and government forces. This podcast dives deep into the struggles and survival stories of ordinary people caught in the middle of a brutal war marked by atrocities, forced recruitment, and widespread human rights abuses. From the Maoist strongholds in Rolpa and Rukum to the tragic experiences of villagers in Thawang, hear firsthand accounts of how both sides-Maoists and the army-impacted local communities. Learn why poor and marginalized people were compelled to join the revolt, how Jana-Waadi songs influenced the movement, and the lasting trauma left behind by mass murders and disappearances. The discussion also covers the post-war peace process, the challenges faced by ex-Maoist soldiers, and the ongoing risks from leftover explosives and ambushes. This video sheds light on the complex realities of Nepal's civil war, emphasizing the voices of civilians who endured the conflict's harshest consequences. Join us as we uncover stories of resilience, regret, and the long journey toward justice and peace in Nepal. Keywords: Nepali Civil War, Maoists, atrocities, forced recruitment, human rights abuses, Rolpa, Rukum, Thawang, Jana-Waadi songs, peace process, ex-Maoist soldiers, trauma, survival. GET CONNECTED WITH Avash Budathoki: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/iam__abhash X: https://x.com/iam_abhash
In this exclusive podcast, we sit down with Dr. Shekhar Koirala, senior leader of the Nepali Congress, to discuss the deep-rooted dynamics of Nepal's political history. From his political childhood growing up in the influential Koirala family to his reflections on the legacy of BP Koirala and Girija Prasad Koirala, this conversation offers rare insights into the core of Nepali politics. Dr. Koirala opens up about BP Koirala's legacy, leadership ethics, and the controversial story behind the BP Koirala Institute of Health Sciences. He shares inside stories about Girija Prasad Koirala's secret negotiations with the Maoists, and how those talks shaped Nepal's transition into a republic. We also dive deep into Nepal's current challenges, including federalism and secularism in Nepal, the rise of monarchy vs republic sentiments, and the influence of foreign pressure—particularly from India—on our political decisions. Dr. Koirala speaks candidly about the economic crisis, the state of Nepal's economy in 2025, the role of social media in Nepali politics, and the need for internal democracy within political parties. This is a must-watch for anyone interested in Nepali Congress politics, political ethics in Nepal, and the impact of political dynasties like the Koiralas.
This week on Blocked and Reported, Jesse and Katie discuss the right's very online reaction to Trumpnomics™. Plus, NaNoWriMo closes shop, and only slightly more vore. Vore fan art (Do not click this link at work, at the library, on an NSA server, or anywhere near your children and/or parents. You have been warned.)‘Nowhere on Earth is safe': Trump imposes tariffs on uninhabited islands near Antarctica | Trump tariffs | The GuardianPresident Trump's Tariff Formula Makes No Economic Sense. It's Also Based on an Error. | American Enterprise Institute - AEIThe Puzzle of the All-American BBQ ScrubberBill Ackman's main fund drops 15% this year as trade war hits holdingsPeter Navarro Invented an Expert for His Books, Based on Himself - The New York TimesElon Musk dies to tutorial boss in Path of Exile 2 livestream | The VergeTrump brags in Oval Office that his billionaire pals made a killing in stocks after he pulled the plug on tariffs | The Independent This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.blockedandreported.org/subscribe
Cannabis has played a significant role in Nepal's culture, economy, and history, yet its legacy remains largely untold. In this episode, we sit down with Nabin Bibhas to uncover the fascinating history of cannabis in Nepal, from its traditional use as Bhangu to its transformation into Ganja. We explore how hemp agriculture in Nepal was once an integral part of rural livelihoods, providing fiber for hemp weaving, oil for medicine, and even food. Nabin Bibhas shares insights on how Maoists and the cannabis trade were linked during the insurgency, raising the question: Did Maoists sell cannabis to buy weapons? We also discuss the Maoist insurgency in Nepal and how cannabis was both a survival tool and a political element. Additionally, we take a deep dive into Thabang village, where police are not allowed to interfere with cannabis and beef culture, reflecting the unique legal and social perspectives in Nepal. We also discuss how capitalism ruined Nepal's hemp industry, leading to the decline of hemp textiles and traditional uses of cannabis. With growing conversations around Nepal cannabis legalization, will we see a revival of cannabis farming in Nepal? Join us as we explore the rich history, political influence, and future potential of this sacred plant.
This is the Catchup on 3 Things by The Indian Express and I'm Ichha SharmaToday is the 20th of March and here are the headlines.Both Houses of Parliament were marred by protests staged by the DMK over the delimitation issue, with the presiding officers calling their behaviour unbecoming of the dignity of Parliament. Lok Sabha was adjourned within two minuates after it met at 11 am, as DMK MPs came wearing identical T-shirts as a mark of protest against the proposed delimitation. Speaker Om Birla said they cannot come to the House wearing T-shirts and protest in ways that lower the dignity of the House, and adjourned Lok Sabha till noon. The delimitation is expected after 2026 following the decennial census unless the Parliament extends the freeze yet again by amending the Constitution.The Cyberabad police in Telangana booked 25 people on Sunday, including Tollywood actors and social media influencers, for allegedly promoting illegal betting, gambling and casino apps, causing financial losses to the public. Among the 25 named in the FIR are actors Rana Daggubati, Prakash Raj, Vijay Devarakonda, Manchu Lakshmi, Praneetha and Nidhi Agarwal. Named accused 1 and accused 2, Rana Daggubati and Prakash Raj are alleged to have promoted Junglee Rummy through pop-up ads. Vijay Devarakonda is accused of promoting A23 Rummy, Manchu Lakshmi Yolo247, Praneetha Fairplay Live, and Nidhi Agarwal Jeet Win, all by way of pop-up ads, the police said.Billionaire Elon Musk's social media platform X (formerly Twitter) has filed a lawsuit against the Central Government, challenging the creation of a “parallel” and “unlawful” content censorship regime through a provision under the Information Technology Act. In its petition filed in the Karnataka High Court earlier this month, the company has contended that through the use of Section 79(3)(b) of the Information Technology Act, 2000, multiple government departments and agencies are now issuing content takedown notices to social media companies like X, “attempting to bypass the multiple procedural safeguards” prescribed under Section 69A of the IT Act, which also allows for content blocking.A jawan and 22 Maoists were killed in two encounters in Chhattisgarh's Bastar region today. One encounter broke out at 7 am while security forces were undertaking an operation based on intelligence indicating the presence of Maoists in the jungles under the jurisdiction of Gangaloor police station in Bijapur district near the Dantewada border. The encounter involved intermittent firing for hours, said Sundarraj P, Inspector General of Police for Bastar Range. A jawan from the Bijapur District Reserves Guard (DRG) and 18 Maoists were killed in the firing. “We have recovered explosives and weapons. Search operations are going on,” the officer said.An Indian researcher at Georgetown University, Badar Khan Suri, has been detained by US immigration authorities days after another Indian national's student visa was cancelled over accusations of supporting Hamas. According to a report in Politico that cited court documents, the US government has accused Suri, an Indian national and postdoctoral fellow, of allegedly having connections with Hamas — a Palestinian group that the US and several other Western countries have designated as a terrorist organisation. This comes just days after the student visa of Columbia University student Ranjani Srinivasan was revoked by the Donald Trump administration.This was the Catch Up on 3 Things by the Indian Express.
Born in Andhra Pradesh's Chittoor district, Chalapathi joined the Maoists sometime in the 1980s and first rose to become east division secretary of banned outfit around 2010.
Dive into the untold stories of Nepal's Maoist Civil War as we sit down with Dinesh Shrestha, a Civil War Photographer who risked his life documenting some of the most dangerous moments in Nepal's history. From surviving 4 army helicopters firing in the jungle during the Maoist Insurgency to experiencing the Panchayat Suppression firsthand, this podcast reveals the raw reality of the conflict. Dinesh shares gripping accounts of shootouts, jungle camps, and the everyday struggles of life during Nepal's Civil War. Hear about his encounters with Maoist guerrilla training, dead bodies, and the challenges of being a war journalist. He also sheds light on the reasons behind the Maoist conflict, the seed of the Civil War, and how it escalated into a series of brutal attacks. Get a glimpse into his time in jail, where he reflects on the emotional toll of the war and its impact on his personal life. Learn about the peace process, the government's agreement with the Maoists, and his thoughts on life now vs during the war. If you're interested in the untold history of Nepal's Maoist Conflict, the struggles of war photography, and the peace process, this podcast is a must-watch. Don't miss Dinesh Shrestha's firsthand account of Nepal's Civil War stories.
This is the Catchup on 3 Things by The Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.Today is the 12th of December and here are the headlines.In a significant ruling on Thursday, the Supreme Court directed that civil courts cannot hear cases challenging the ownership and title of places of worship. This includes major disputes like the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Krishna Janmabhoomi temple in Mathura. The court clarified that no new suits can be filed, and no interim or final orders, including surveys, will be allowed until further hearings. Several similar suits are pending in different locations across India.On Thursday, the Union Cabinet approved two crucial bills related to holding simultaneous elections for Lok Sabha and state assemblies. One bill proposes a constitutional amendment, while the other seeks to align assembly elections in Delhi, Puducherry, and Jammu & Kashmir. These bills are expected to be introduced in the current Parliament session. This development follows months of discussions after the Kovind-led committee's recommendations on simultaneous elections.Thursday saw chaos in both Houses of Parliament. The Lok Sabha was adjourned after BJP MP Nishikant Dubey raised allegations about Congress leader Sonia Gandhi's alleged ties to billionaire George Soros. Opposition MPs protested fiercely, even climbing the Speaker's dais. The Rajya Sabha was adjourned after a disruption over a motion by Congress MP Renuka Chowdhury, leading to further tension in the parliamentary proceedings for the day.Ahead of the Delhi Assembly elections, AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal announced that the Mahila Samman Rashi Scheme will increase the monthly allowance for women to Rs 2,100, up from Rs 1,000, if AAP is re-elected. The scheme, approved by Chief Minister Atishi's Cabinet, is aimed at supporting women's financial empowerment. The announcement is seen as part of the AAP's strategy to secure women's votes in the upcoming elections.In a clash between security forces and alleged Maoists in Chhattisgarh's Bastar region, seven Maoists were killed early Thursday. The encounter, which lasted over seven hours, took place in the dense jungles of Abujhmad, a heavily forested and un-surveyed area. The police are continuing search operations to confirm the number of casualties and recover weapons. The region has long been a hotspot for Maoist insurgents, making security operations challenging.This was the Catch Up on 3 Things by The Indian Express.
This is a movie for real Amerikkkans only. The Maoists are going to put us on the gallows for this. Join Disney World season pass holders Ty and Andy as they discuss the most magical place on Earth, and the army of slaves that keeps it afloat. Support us on Patreon for $5, $7, or $10: www.patreon.com/tgofv. A big shout-out to our $10/month patrons: Firebirb42069, Matthew Smith, Josh O'Brien,Tash Diehart, Rach, Phraja, Abbie Phelps, Celeste, Themandme, Jacob Sauber-Cavasos, Yung Zoe, L M, April Harley, Sweat, Baylor Thornton, Glinko Drool, Axon, Lawrence LaValle, Luke Eakin, Declineofskating, MakingSomeCrap, Sam Thomas, Matthew Ferrie, Tommy, Dane Stephen, Adam W, Jeremy-Alice Long, Louis Ceresa, Rebecca Kimpel, Jennifer Knowles, Revidicism, Dean, Stubbuhdub, Kyle, Travis, Kilo, David Gebhardt, and James Lloyd-Jones!
The Burning Forest: India's War Against the Maoists (Verso, 2019) by Nandini Sundar is an empathetic, moving account of what drives indigenous peasants to support armed struggle despite severe state repression, including lives lost, homes and communities destroyed. Over the past decade, the heavily forested,mineral-rich region of Bastar in central India has emerged as one of the most militarized sites in the country. The government calls the Maoist insurgency the “biggest security threat” to India. In 2005, a state-sponsored vigilante movement, the Salwa Judum, burnt hundreds of villages, driving their inhabitants into state-controlled camps, drawing on counterinsurgency techniques developed in Malaysia, Vietnam and elsewhere. Apart from rapes and killings, hundreds of ‘surrendered' Maoist sympathisers were conscripted as auxiliaries. The conflict continues to this day, taking a toll on the lives of civilians, security forces and Maoist cadres. In 2007, Sundar and others took the Indian government to the Supreme Court over the human rights violations arising out ofthe conflict. In a landmark judgment, the Court in 2011 banned state supportfor vigilantism. The Burning Forest describes this brutal war in the heart of India, and what it tells us about the courts, media and politics of the country. The result is a granular and critical ethnography of Indian democracy over a decade. Nandini Sundar is a Professor of Sociology at the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University, and has been visiting Bastar for over 25 years. Her first book, Subalterns and Sovereigns: An Anthropological History of Bastar (1854-1996) is an authoritative account of Bastar's colonial and post-colonial past. Stuti Roy has recently graduated with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/anthropology
The Burning Forest: India's War Against the Maoists (Verso, 2019) by Nandini Sundar is an empathetic, moving account of what drives indigenous peasants to support armed struggle despite severe state repression, including lives lost, homes and communities destroyed. Over the past decade, the heavily forested,mineral-rich region of Bastar in central India has emerged as one of the most militarized sites in the country. The government calls the Maoist insurgency the “biggest security threat” to India. In 2005, a state-sponsored vigilante movement, the Salwa Judum, burnt hundreds of villages, driving their inhabitants into state-controlled camps, drawing on counterinsurgency techniques developed in Malaysia, Vietnam and elsewhere. Apart from rapes and killings, hundreds of ‘surrendered' Maoist sympathisers were conscripted as auxiliaries. The conflict continues to this day, taking a toll on the lives of civilians, security forces and Maoist cadres. In 2007, Sundar and others took the Indian government to the Supreme Court over the human rights violations arising out ofthe conflict. In a landmark judgment, the Court in 2011 banned state supportfor vigilantism. The Burning Forest describes this brutal war in the heart of India, and what it tells us about the courts, media and politics of the country. The result is a granular and critical ethnography of Indian democracy over a decade. Nandini Sundar is a Professor of Sociology at the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University, and has been visiting Bastar for over 25 years. Her first book, Subalterns and Sovereigns: An Anthropological History of Bastar (1854-1996) is an authoritative account of Bastar's colonial and post-colonial past. Stuti Roy has recently graduated with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology
The 2 ambassadors had met the former prof, who passed away last week, in April. Saibaba was jailed for a decade over alleged links to Maoists & acquitted earlier this year.
First, we talk to Indian Express' Jayprakash S Naidu about the biggest Maoist encounter in the history of Chhattisgarh which led to the death of 31 Maoists. He shares how it happened, the intelligence tip that the security personnel received and more.Next, Indian Express' Vikas Pathak talks to us about the Shivaji Maharaj statue that collapsed in August and how that has caused a political war of words, as a part of which Devendra Fadnavis accused Jawaharlal Nehru of insulting Shivaji. (7:57)And in the end, we talk about Indian gymnast Dipa Karmakar retiring from gymnastics. (18:25)Hosted, written and produced by Niharika NandaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar
Enjoy Charlie's conversation with James Lindsay from the Believer's Summit, where they discuss some of the darker undertones of Kamala Harris's ideology. Kamala is left-wing, of course, but how much of her worldview comes directly from 60s radicals, Marxists, Maoists, and full-blown Soviet Communists?Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Enjoy Charlie's conversation with James Lindsay from the Believer's Summit, where they discuss some of the darker undertones of Kamala Harris's ideology. Kamala is left-wing, of course, but how much of her worldview comes directly from 60s radicals, Marxists, Maoists, and full-blown Soviet Communists?Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
What do Maoists and Anarchists have in common? Among other things, they both hate the counterinsurgent 'left' insistent upon defanging the anti-genocide movement. This week on Party Girls, Sam is joined by Tai Lee, a communist writer from Brooklyn, and Hannah, an organizer from Chicago, to talk about the DNC and why it sucked (hint: it had to do with the aforementioned counterinsurgency). Sign up as a supporter at Patreon.com/partygirls to get access to our Discord, a shout out on the pod, and access to all bonus content. Leave us a nice review on Apple podcasts if you feel so inclined :)
Our guest Aaron J. Leonard is most unusual for an historian, or indeed any kind of guest. For a great deal of his adult life he was a member of arguably the most radical political organization in the United States, the Revolutionary Communist Party, something which he and many now admit is a cult. His unique experiences as a thoroughgoing activist gives me great insight not only into the history of the United States working class economic cycles but developed in Leonard a knowledge about and sensitivity to the relationship of the state to free expression, censorship and political activity in the twentieth century. I really enjoyed our discussion for the uniqueness that only somebody of Leonard's life experience and scholarship could bring. His Meltdown Expected is an exploration of the late 70s and he has authored books on the histories of radicalism in the United States. More about Aaron, here: Aaron J. Leonard is an author and historian with a particular focus on the interplay of radicalism and repression. He is the author of "Heavy Radicals: The FBI's Secret War on America's Maoists,” and "A Threat of the First Magnitude," pathbreaking books that revealed the untold story of the FBI's efforts in the 60s-early 70s against US Maoism. Along with those works he, with colleague Conor A. Gallagher, published examinations based on secret information about the FBI's role in the killing of Black Panther Party member, Fred Hampton. Following his first two books he turned to writing about contention in the cultural realm. In "The Folk Singers & the Bureau," and "Whole World in an Uproar,” he tracks the interplay of artists such as Pete Seeger, Woody Guthrie, Sis Cunningham, Dave Van Ronk, Phil Ochs, Bob Dylan, and a host of others who sparred with forces of the status quo in producing their music. In May 2024 he will publish "Meltdown Expected: Crisis, Disorder & Upheaval at the end of the 1970s" (Rutgers Univ. Press), reframing the map of the end of the much-maligned Seventies decade. He is currently working on a history of the repression leveled at the Communist Party USA, which will also be published by Rutgers Univ. Press. He has a BA in Social Sciences and History magna cum laude, from New York University. Originally from the Central New York town of Herkimer, Leonard lived most of his adult life in Brooklyn, but he now calls Los Angeles home. Links to Aarons many wonderful works, here: Website: http://www.aaronleonard.net/index.html #Meltdown Expected #marxism #marxistleninist #newleft #oldleft #communism #capitalism #1970s #1960s #politics #activism #bobavakian #carldix #china #sds #blackpanther #maoism #feminism #culturalrevolution #industrialism #factory #christianity #islam #judaism #zionism #afghanistan #1978 #1979 #brucespringsteen #theclash #joestrummer #philochs #peteseeger #woodyguthrie #theweavers #beegees #disco #theghostoftomjoad #bornintheusa #revolution #mujahideen #taliban #iran #khomeini cpusa #earlbrowder #theinternational #scottsboroboys #eldridgecleaver #symbioneseliberationarmy #pattyhearst #richardnixon #georgejackson #hrapbrown #bobbyseale #california #joandidion #tomwolfe #newjournalism #inflation #energycrisis #jamesfallows #crisisofconfidence #iranhsotagecrisis #threemileisland #thechinasyndrome #janefonda jessejackson #rainbowcoalition #gushall #angeladavis #progressivelaborpart #revolutionarycommunistparty #jimjones #guyana #harveymilk #georgemoscone #danwhite #twinkiedefense #anitabryant #jerryfalwell #fundamentalism #opec #saudioarabia #stagflation #inflation #geraldford #christpherlasch #studentsforademocraticsociety #tomhayden #freespeech #stonewall --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/mitch-hampton/support
George Rasley, Editor of Conservative HQ I spoke with George Rasley about the latest developments in the political arena, notably Kamala Harris's selection of Tim Waltz to be her running mate for president and vice president of the United States. We dove into their respective associations with hostile powers, in particular the Chinese Communist Party, and the question of whether that should be deemed a disqualifier for anything remotely like these sensitive positions in the United States government. Col. John Mills, Author of “ White House Reds” Colonel John Mills and I discussed the selection of Tim Waltz as the vice presidential running mate for Kamala Harris, his very checkered background, both in uniform and as a, well, fellow traveler, useful idiot, or member of the captured elite of Chinese Communist Party and its implications for the national security of the United States were he to be elected alongside the current vice president. Trevor Loudon, Author of "White House Reds" Trevor Loudon documented with characteristic thoroughness the personal histories and official records of both Kamala Harris and her running mate, Governor Tim Wal, who was demonstrably tied to the Chinese Communist Party and its agents, Marxists, Maoists, fellow travelers, and institutions tied to the CCP's United Front Works Department.
Ep#109 More than 15 years have passed since the end of the armed conflict between the Maoists and the Government of Nepal with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord. While the country has done a remarkable job not recoiling back into the violent conflict with which it grappled for a decade, the years after have been slow and painful for the thousands of survivors who keep waiting for a justice that just won't show. In this episode, PEI colleague Khushi sits with Jaya Luintel to highlight the harrowing stories of thousands of Nepali women who survived war atrocities and are still struggling to find justice and reparation for their losses. Recounting women's experiences during and after the conflict, the two explore gendered aspects of war and how the Nepali State has failed to cater to its female survivors. Jaya is the co-founder of The Story Kitchen, where she works with women nationwide to empower them to share their stories by providing them with the skills and platforms to vocalize their issues and experiences to seek social justice. She has over two decades of working as a journalist and a development practitioner. She is currently pursuing her Ph.D. in Applied Conflict Transformation Studies. The episode also features testimonies from some survivors themselves, which were retrieved from the archives of The Story Kicthen's radio broadcasts.
This is Frank Gaffney with the Secure Freedom Minute. Once upon a time, the United States government took seriously the idea that national security matters. Those with ties to America's enemies were ineligible to hold sensitive posts, lest they imperil the country. That sensible principle has been profoundly undermined during the three Obama-Biden administrations as numerous individuals involved with Russia, Iran, Cuba, Hezbollah, Hamas and most especially the Chinese Communist Party have nonetheless occupied senior government jobs. One of those is Joe Biden, whose family knowingly took millions of dollars from Chinese intelligence. Another is his Vice President, Kamala Harris, a “red diaper baby” whose career and husband have long been involved with Maoists and the CCP. Yet another is her choice for Veep, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, who has made thirty trips to Communist China and insists it's no adversary. We must reestablish vital security protocols while we still can.
First, Indian Express' Avaneesh Mishra talks to us about the controversy that is surrounding the new Kedarnath temple which is being built by the Kedarnath Dham Trust Delhi in the capital. He shares why the temple is facing opposition and the reactions that the row has garnered. Next, Indian Express' Abhinaya Harigovind speaks to us about the PM-SHRI, a Rs 27000 crore scheme for government schools initiated by the centre. She talks about the states that are refusing to implement it and the consequences they are facing as a result. (9:18)And in the end, we talk about 12 Maoists being killed in an encounter in a village on Maharashtra - Chhattisgarh border. (17:29)Hosted, written and produced by Niharika NandaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar
First, Indian Express' Jayprakash S Naidu explains what happened in Chhattisgarh where 8 Maoists were killed in an encounter by the security forces on June 15. He also shares how the frequency of such anti-Naxal encounters are increasing and why is it so.Next, Indian Express' Divya A speaks to us about the extradition of Nikhil Gupta to the United States. Indian national Nikhil Gupta was arrested in Czech Republic last June on the allegation that he was involved in the murder plot of Khalistani Separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun. (8:22)And in the end, we talk about the rise in fatalities due to the heatwave conditions prevailing across many states in India and what the Health ministry is doing in order to improve the situation. (16:31)Hosted by Niharika NandaProduced and written by Niharika Nanda and Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar
First, Indian Express' Adrija Roychowdury tells us about India's first ever elections that happened over 72 years back. She also talks about how western media and publications described India's first experiment of democracy. Next, Indian Express' Jayprakash S. Naidu explains what happened in Bastar last week when 29 alleged Maoists were killed in an encounter by the security forces and how the timing of this encounter is of key importance. (14:30) And finally, we discuss the Maldives' parliamentary elections and why they are of significance to India. (22:46) Hosted by Niharika NandaWritten and produced by Shashank Bhargava and Niharika NandaEdited and mixed by Suresh Pawar
The Woke Left are not only annoying, they have had a stranglehold on political power since Barack Obama's administration occupied Washington. Finally, we are seeing the Wokies and their enterprises like DEI, ESG, Cancel Culture, et al fail miserably for many reasons. Perhaps we could look at the turning point is their collective reaction to the October 7th Hamas attacks in Israel and the opening of several eyes to what has been happening to free speech amid the rise of the Dominant Woke in Academia and Western governance. While people started fighting back the mid-2010s, it looks like 2024 is the year the Woke will be cancelled as people from the rank-and-file to the powerful in the US and around the world are seeing through and fighting back against the Globalists, Marxists, Maoists and Wokies, Dr. Jerome Corsi breaks it all down on The Truth CentralPlus:The truth about how DEI Darling Claudine Gay was forced to step down as Harvard President Why EV sales are still tanking and why the Biden Administration insists on propping them upIsrael's Defense Minister outlines the new Gaza war strategyJoin Dr. Jerome Corsi on Substack: https://jeromecorsiphd.substack.com/Visit The Truth Central website: https://www.thetruthcentral.comOUT NOW: Dr. Corsi's new book: The Truth About Neo-Marxism, Cultural Maoism and Anarchy.Pick up your copy today on Amazon: https://www.thetruthcentral.com/the-truth-about-neo-marxism-cultural-maoism-and-anarchy-exposing-woke-insanity-in-the-age-of-disinformation/Get your FREE copy of Dr. Corsi's new book with Swiss America CEO Dean Heskin, How the Coming Global Crash Will Create a Historic Gold Rush by calling: 800-519-6268Follow Dr. Jerome Corsi on Twitter: @corsijerome1Our link to where to get the Marco Polo 650-Page Book on the Hunter Biden laptop & Biden family crimes free online: https://www.thetruthcentral.com/marco-polo-publishes-650-page-book-on-hunter-biden-laptop-biden-family-crimes-available-free-online/Our Sponsors:MyVital https://www.thetruthcentral.com/myvitalc-ess60-in-organic-olive-oil/ Swiss America: https://www.swissamerica.com/offer/CorsiRMP.php The MacMillan Agency: https://www.thetruthcentral.com/the-macmillan-agency/ Pro Rapid Review: https://prorrt.com/thetruthcentralmembers/Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-truth-central-with-dr-jerome-corsi--5810661/support.
Protect Your Retirement W/ A Gold. IRA https://www.sgtreportgold.com/ CALL 877-646-5347 Noble Gold is Who I Trust ^^^ ' Dr. Jerome Corsi returns to SGT Report to expose the enemies of humanity and our beloved Republic of the United States: The neo-Marxist and cultural Maoists who do the bidding of their criminal satanic bankster masters. Support the author, BUY the book Here: https://tinyurl.com/mv7635b8 https://www.bitchute.com/video/130RQrC8dYzS/
Ridhiman Balaji is an economist and activist who has worked with the Anarcho-Syndicalist Review. He also is a serious student of Marxist economics. He comes on to discuss the misunderstanding between Marxists and anarchists. Curious about the complex dynamics between Anarchists and Marxists? Eager to understand the nuances of critical ideologies that shaped the course of history? Then join us on Varmblog, where we'll peel back the layers of these intricate philosophical landscapes. We cover a wide range of topics, from Saffrian and non-Saffrian interpretations of Marx to the misunderstood transformation problem issue. Along the way, we'll clarify the differences between various Marxist factions like council communists and Maoists, and dissect both the valid and misinformed critiques of Marx.Our journey continues as we delve into the cogent critique of Marx by renowned economist Steve Keen, as well as the collaborative stance of anti-Marxist economists. We'll probe into the debates surrounding the single-system interpretation and temporal single-system interpretation, discussing the far-reaching implications of Soviet and Maoist economics. We'll also provide insights on pivotal historic events such as the Spanish Civil War and their profound impact on Anarchist-Marxist relations. Finally, we'll grapple with the contentious topic of nationalism within the realms of anarchism and Marxism. We'll unpack the paradox of inventing national identities within the Soviet Union and the history of nationalism in Korea. We'll wrap up our discussion by looking at the early Bolshevik leadership's pursuit of equality among the Soviet Union's diverse polities. So, gear up for an enlightening exploration that promises to deepen your understanding of these influential ideologies. Tune into Varmblog and let the learning begin! Support the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnAudio Producer: Paul Channel Strip ( @aufhebenkultur )Intro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @skepoetYou can find the additional streams on Youtube
For complete information, please visit, bookmark, and share The Hagmann Report at our new website: https://www.HagmannPI.comTIPS: (Anonymity guaranteed): doug@hagmannreport.comFor complete show notes, links, and complete description, visit www.HagmannPI.comThe Hagmann Report is brought to you by EMP Shield - www.EMPshield.com/hagmannUse Promo Code HAGMANN for $50 OFF!IMPORTANT LINKS:DONATE: (www.HagmannReport.com/donate)HAGMANN COFFEE & MORE: (www.HagmannStore.com)The Hagmann Report provides news and information based on exclusive investigative work, proprietary sources, contacts, qualified guests, and open-source material. The Hagmann Report will never be burdened by political correctness or held hostage to an agenda of revisionist history.Join Doug Hagmann, host of the Hagmann Report, Weekdays @ 3 PM ET.ON THE GO? SUBSCRIBE TO HAGMANN'S PODCASTiTunes: (https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/hagmann-report/id631558915?uo=4)Spotify: BANNED!iHeart: (https://www.iheart.com/podcast/256-hagmann-report-30926499/)Spreaker: (https://www.spreaker.com/show/hagmann-report)FOLLOW HAGMANN AT:Gab: https://gab.com/DougHagmannGettr: https://gettr.com/user/doughagmannTruth Social: https://truthsocial.com/@DougHagmann
For complete information, please visit, bookmark, and share The Hagmann Report at our new website: https://www.HagmannPI.comTIPS: (Anonymity guaranteed): doug@hagmannreport.comFor complete show notes, links, and complete description, visit www.HagmannPI.comThe Hagmann Report is brought to you by EMP Shield - www.EMPshield.com/hagmannUse Promo Code HAGMANN for $50 OFF!IMPORTANT LINKS:DONATE: (www.HagmannReport.com/donate)HAGMANN COFFEE & MORE: (www.HagmannStore.com)The Hagmann Report provides news and information based on exclusive investigative work, proprietary sources, contacts, qualified guests, and open-source material. The Hagmann Report will never be burdened by political correctness or held hostage to an agenda of revisionist history.Join Doug Hagmann, host of the Hagmann Report, Weekdays @ 3 PM ET.ON THE GO? SUBSCRIBE TO HAGMANN'S PODCASTiTunes: (https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/hagmann-report/id631558915?uo=4)Spotify: BANNED!iHeart: (https://www.iheart.com/podcast/256-hagmann-report-30926499/)Spreaker: (https://www.spreaker.com/show/hagmann-report)FOLLOW HAGMANN AT:Gab: https://gab.com/DougHagmannGettr: https://gettr.com/user/doughagmannTruth Social: https://truthsocial.com/@DougHagmann
The Mao and Alinsky inspired activists are getting what the Devil wants them to get: neighbors hating neighbors. Once again, it's a made-up condition called race and, if you care about justice and watch the news, it's hard not to give the Devil something else he wants: our anger. Today, I hope to practice the skill of going through news would make any thinking person angry while taking angry thoughts captives to Christ. Sadly, it's a good time to practice this skill. While the anti-white Mockingbird Media works with the Maoists to pretend a man was murdered in a New York Subway train for being hungry, they largely ignore the case of a black man who decided to shoot and kill two white people because, he said, they were white.The separate Country of California has determined how much money people who never held slaves will give people who never were slaves but, they have added some bonus payments . . . people who never discriminated on housing loans or unjustly put people in prison will give money to people who--maybe--experienced such discrimination. Maybe it's just me, but I cannot read news like this and remain in the Holy Spirit unless I am intentional about it, which is what I hope to practice in this Episode. What does God's Word say? 2 Corinthians 10:5 We demolish arguments and every pretension that sets itself up against the knowledge of God, and we take captive every thought to make it obedient to Christ.Galatians 3:28 There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.Proverbs 22:2 The rich and the poor meet together; the Lord is the Maker of them all.James 2:1-4 My brothers, show no partiality as you hold the faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, the Lord of glory. For if a man wearing a gold ring and fine clothing comes into your assembly, and a poor man in shabby clothing also comes in, and if you pay attention to the one who wears the fine clothing and say, “You sit here in a good place,” while you say to the poor man, “You stand over there,” or, “Sit down at my feet,” have you not then made distinctions among yourselves and become judges with evil thoughts?Matthew 5:43-48 “You have heard that it was said, ‘You shall love your neighbor and hate your enemy.' But I say to you, Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, so that you may be sons of your Father who is in heaven. For he makes his sun rise on the evil and on the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust. For if you love those who love you, what reward do you have? Do not even the tax collectors do the same? And if you greet only your brothers, what more are you doing than others? Do not even the Gentiles do the same? ...2 Peter 3:9 The Lord is not slow to fulfill his promise as some count slowness, but is patient toward you, not wishing that any should perish, but that all should reach repentance.Episode 815 Links - Man Charged With Hate Crime After Allegedly Shooting Two Strangers Execution Style Because They Were WhiteLanguage Warning: An upset black man riding the NYC subway clashes with protesters for interrupting his ride - he's shoved back by the group and police.Leftist rioters in NYC created a hostage situation, blocking train doors to prevent the Metro subway from running in an act of support for Jordan NeelyAnti-Trump Organization prosecutor heading investigation into Jordan Neely's killingCalifornia Panel Calls for Billions in Reparations for Black Residents; A task force recommended that legislators enact a sweeping program to compensate for the economic harm from racism in the state's history.Denver City Council member Candi CdeBaca, who is running for re-election, says white owned businesses should be taxed extra and redistributed to black owned businesses.Democratic Socialist of America Councilmember Tammy Morales introduced the board that will be overseeing Seattle's Social Housing program, made up of people who are/were homeless, socialists & others who have presided over the city's "homeless" disaster. 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Breht welcomes Aaron J. Leonard and Conor A. Gallagher back on the show to discuss the recent release of the revised and updated version of "Heavy Radicals: The FBI's Secret War on America's Maoists: The Revolutionary Union / Revolutionary Communist Party 1968-1980". We discuss the importance of the original book, what changes were made in the updated and revised version (just released Oct. 2022), who the Revolutionary Union (and later the Revolutionary Communist Party) were, the difficulty of writing about Maoist movements in the US, how the FBI and CIA work to destroy left wing movements and organizations, their tactics and strategies, and much more. Listen to our original interview with Aaron on "Heavy Radicals" here: https://revolutionaryleftradio.libsyn.com/heavy-radicals-the-fbis-secret-war-on-americas-maoists-1968-1980 Get the book here: https://www.johnhuntpublishing.com/zer0-books/our-books/heavy-radicals Check out more of Aaron's work, including his upcoming book here: http://www.aaronleonard.net/ Outro Song: Read Mao, Drink Water by Bambu Support Rev Left Radio: https://www.patreon.com/RevLeftRadio
From the French Reign of Terror to the Bolsheviks to today, chaotic violence has always been a key tool of the left. Charlie interviews a freshman at UC-Davis and TPUSA chapter member, Madeline Lowe, who was maced three times by violent campus Maoists for trying to attend a TPUSA event. Plus, Brian Kilmeade joins Charlie to talk about his latest book, which explores the pro-Constitution, pro-freedom message of Frederick Douglas.Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.