Podcasts about developing societies

In India today, so many political debates are focused on welfare and welfarism. It seems that state after state is competing to offer the most electorally attractive benefits to its voters. The central government, for its part, has pioneered a new model of social welfare built around digital ID and direct cash transfers to needy households.Making India Work: The Development of Welfare in a Multi-Level Democracy is a new book by the scholar Louise Tillin. It examines the development of India's welfare state over the last century from the early decades of the twentieth century to the present. In so doing, it recovers a history previously relegated to the margins of scholarship on the political economy of development.Louise is a Professor of Politics in the King's India Institute at King's College London. She is one of the world's leading experts on Indian federalism, subnational comparative politics, and social policy. She is the author or editor of several previous books, including Remapping India: New States and their Political Origins.Louise joins Milan on the show this week to discuss India's “precocious” welfare regime, the late colonial debates over social insurance in India, and the pros and cons of the Nehruvian development model. Plus, the two discuss inter-state variation in modes of social protection and the current debate over welfare in India circa 2025.Episode notes:1. “Understanding the Delhi Education Experiment (with Yamini Aiyar),” Grand Tamasha, January 22, 2025.2. Louise Tillin, “This is the moment for a new federal compact,” Indian Express, June 16, 2024.3. Rohan Venkataramakrishnan, “Interview: How has Indian federalism evolved under the BJP?” Scroll.in, April 13, 2024.4. Louise Tillin and Sandhya Venkateswaran, “Democracy and Health in India| Is Health an Electoral Priority?” (New Delhi: Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, 2023)

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "ሕገ መንግሥት ማለት ሕዝብን የሚያስተሳስር ዜጎች ዕጣ ፈንታችን አንድ ነው ብለው ተያይዘው የሚጓዙበት ጎዳና፣ አንድ የፖለቲካ ማኅበረሰብ ለመመሥረት የሚያስችል ዘርፍ ነው፤ የአንድነት መኖሪያና ተስፋ መግለጫ ሰነድ ነው" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "የብሔር ማንነት እየጠነከረ የሔደው በፖለቲካ ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ በሃይማኖትም፤ በብዙኅን መገናኛም ነው" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "አገራችን ብዙ ቋንቋዎች አሏት፤ መራራቂያ እንጂ መቀራረቢያ አላደረግናቸውም" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

It has been more than three months since the conclusion of India's massive 2024 general elections. And it is no exaggeration to say that the results of the election caught many, if not most, election observers by surprise.To many, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appeared invincible in national elections especially given the widespread popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. And yet, the party suffered a significant setback, emerging as the single largest party but well short of a parliamentary majority.So, what actually happened in these elections? How can we understand the BJP's surprising showing? Has the Modi magic dissipated? And is Rahul Gandhi the new standard bearer of change?To discuss these and many other questions, Milan is joined on the show this week by Sanjay Kumar. Sanjay is Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi and co-director of Lokniti, India's premier public opinion research organization. Since 1996, Lokniti has carried out a National Election Study after every general election, creating a unique repository of knowledge on the political and social attitudes of the Indian citizen.On the show, Milan and Sanjay discuss the key findings from this year's National Election Study. They talk about the resonance of the INDIA alliance's campaign, divergent outcomes in the Hindi belt, Modi's declining popularity, and the emerging realignment in southern politics. Plus, the two discuss the reasons for India's exit poll debacle.Episode notes:1. Suhas Palshikar, Sandeep Shastri, and Sanjay Kumar, “CSDS-Lokniti 2024 pre-poll survey: There is no clear and close challenger to the BJP this time. ‘Ifs and buts' apply,” Hindu, April 13, 2024.2. Sandeep Shastri, Sanjay Kumar, and Suhas Palshikar, “CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey: A return to an era of genuine coalitions,” Hindu, June 6, 2024.3. Lokniti Team, “Post-poll survey: Methodology,” Hindu, June 6, 2024.4. Sandeep Shastri, “CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey: Modi factor seems to have stagnated over a decade,” Hindu, June 6, 2024.5. Sanjay Kumar and Fuhaar Bandhu, “CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey: BJP maintains advantage among young voters,” June 7, 2024.6. Lokniti Team, “CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey: Clearing misconceptions about the post-poll survey,” Hindu, June 9, 2024.7. “Decoding the 2024 Indian General Elections (with Sunetra Choudhury and Rahul Verma),” Grand Tamasha, June 6, 2024.8. “Why India's Modi Underperformed (with Ravi Agrawal, Yamini Aiyar, and Milan Vaishnav),” FP Live, June 7, 2024.9. “India's 2024 Election—and its Aftermath (with Sadanand Dhume and Tanvi Madan),” Grand Tamasha, June 19, 2024.

Democracy, representing the will of the people, is the least imperfect form of government in the present day world.  Yet even this will of the people can't  remain unfettered, for without constitutional limits,  democracy is often distorted. What then are the challenges to India's constitutional democracy? In this episode of BIC Talks, Rajeev Bhargava, Founder-Director, Parekh Institute of Indian Thought, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, will speak of the multiple obstacles to Constitutional Democracy but will focus on deep rooted, long standing mental and social habits that prevent the smooth functioning of constitutional democracy in India. This is an excerpt from a conversation that took place in the BIC premises in August 2024. Subscribe to the BIC Talks Podcast on your favorite podcast app! BIC Talks is available everywhere, including Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Castbox, Overcast, Audible and Amazon Music.

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu recently met with top CEOs at Sri City, Tirupati, to rally investment, but his unexpected focus on population growth stole the spotlight. Earlier in August, his Cabinet scrapped the two-child rule for local elections, prompting questions about his strategy. Why is a leader known for sharp political and economic insights now zeroing in on population management and the North-South divide? In this episode of The Morning Brief, host Nidhi Sharma discusses Naidu's surprising policy shift and its potential impact with Telugu Desam Party MP  Lavu Sri Krishna Devarayulu and Professor Sanjay Kumar from the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies.Stay tuned to understand what's driving these decisions and what they mean for Andhra Pradesh's future. Credits: ABN Telugu ET Podcasts now has a new show. 7@7 is your quick, sharp sub 5 minute daily roundup of financial news from India and the world. Tune in to Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon Prime Music, Jio Saavn, Youtube or wherever you get your podcasts from!Catch the latest episode of ‘The Morning Brief' on ET Play, The Economic Times Online, Spotify, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn,  Amazon Music and Youtube.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this conversation at the Review of Democracy, eminent psephologist and political analyst Sanjay Kumar discusses the recently concluded elections in India. Kumar weighs in on some of the unique features of the Indian elections in 2024, the emerging patterns of change, and what the election verdicts mean for democracy and politics in the Global South.   Sanjay Kumar is currently a Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi. He served as the Director of CSDS from January 2014 till January 2020. His main area of research has been elections in India and voting behaviour. Kumar has also conducted research on other themes such as youth in India and the state of democracy in South Asia. His latest books are Elections in India: An Overview (2022) and Women Voters in Indian Elections: Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns (2022). His earlier publications include Post-Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns (2018), Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi: From Caste to Class (2013) and Measuring Voting Behaviour in India (2013). He has been an Election Observer in numerous countries. He is also a prominent face in Indian media.

What makes Indian secularism so unique? Why is it so often misunderstood? And what challenges does it face at the moment? In this episode, Sandip Roy speaks to Rajeev Bhargava, the Director of the Parekh Institute of Indian Thought at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, who addresses all this and more in his book, 'Reimagining Indian Secularism'.Produced by Shashank BhargavaEdited and mixed Suresh Pawar

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "ሕገ መንግሥት ማለት ሕዝብን የሚያስተሳስር ዜጎች ዕጣ ፈንታችን አንድ ነው ብለው ተያይዘው የሚጓዙበት ጎዳና፣ አንድ የፖለቲካ ማኅበረሰብ ለመመሥረት የሚያስችል ዘርፍ ነው፤ የአንድነት መኖሪያና ተስፋ መግለጫ ሰነድ ነው" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "የብሔር ማንነት እየጠነከረ የሔደው በፖለቲካ ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ በሃይማኖትም፤ በብዙኅን መገናኛም ነው" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

በቱሌን ዩኒቨርሲቲ የሕዝባዊና ሕገ መንግሥታዊ ሕግ ፕሮፌሰር አዴኖ አዲስ "አገራችን ብዙ ቋንቋዎች አሏት፤ መራራቂያ እንጂ መቀራረቢያ አላደረግናቸውም" ይላሉ። በቅርቡ "The Making of Strangers: Reflections on Ethiopian Constitution" በሚል ርዕስ በ "Journal of Developing Societies" መጽሔት ላይ ለሕትመት ስላበቁት መጣጥፋቸው ይዘት ያስረዳሉ።

Episode 7 of Impact of Visual Arts series is a conversation with Shuddhabrata Sengupta who is co-founder, along with Monica Narula and Jeebesh Bagchi, of the Raqs Media Collective. Since its inception in 1992, the members of the Collective have worked in a wide range of forms and formats. Raqs has exhibited widely, including at DOCUMENTA, and the Venice, Istanbul, Taipei, Liverpool, Shanghai, Sydney, and Sao Paulo Biennales. Their sculptural project, Coronation Park, is currently on display at the 56th Venice Biennale. Raqs received the Multitude Art Prize in 2013. Stay tuned to know how how Raqs takes the sense of ‘kinetic contemplation' and a restless and energetic entanglement with the world, and with time with our host Payal Nayar.Shuddhabrata Sengupta is a well renowned artist and writer, and member of Raqs Media Collective. Raqs is a word in Persian, Arabic and Urdu and means the state that “whirling dervishes” enter into when they whirl. Raqs signifies and embodies the practice of a kinetic contemplation of the world. It is also a word used for dance.The collective makes contemporary art, edits books, curates exhibitions, and stages situations. It has collaborated with architects, computer programmers, writers, curators, and theatre directors, and has made films.Sengupta also co-founded Sarai—the inter-disciplinary and incubatory space at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi—in 2001, where it initiated processes that have left deep impact on contemporary culture in India.Tune in to listen to his conversation on his projects, Raqs and insights behind their work with our host Payal Nayar.Episodes streaming on Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, Amazon Music or wherever you listen to podcasts.Apple Podcasts: https://buff.ly/2Vf8vv8⠀Spotify: https://buff.ly/2Vf8uHA⠀Google Podcasts:https://buff.ly/2Vds6LX⠀-Original music credit: Rish Sharma.His music is available on Spotify, Apple Music, YouTube and other streaming platforms.-October2019 voicesandmore Pte Ltd All rights reservedDo support the show with reviews, shares and a one time donation to help bring you a lot more important content.https://www.paypal.com/paypalme/meltingpotcollective Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/melting-pot. https://plus.acast.com/s/melting-pot. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sanjay Kumar is Professor and Co-Director of Lokniti, a Research Programme at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies. His core area of research is Electoral Politics, but using survey method as research tool he has been engaged in conducting research on very wide range of themes-Indian Youth, State of Democracy in South Asia, State of Indian Farmers, Slums of Delhi and Electoral Violence. He has published widely, written several books, edited volumes, contributed chapters for several edited volumes, published articles in various national and international research journals. His most recent book is Elections in India: An Overview. His other publications include Post Mandal Politics in Bihar: Changing Electoral Patterns, Changing Electoral Politics in Delhi: From Caste to Class, (with Praveen Rai) Measuring Voting Behaviour in India, Women Voters in Indian Elections: Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns, Youth in India: Aspirations, Attitudes, Anxieties, Indian Youth and Electoral Politics: An Emerging Engagement, (with Suhas Palshkar and Sanjay Lodha) Electoral Politics in India: Resurgence of the Bhartiya Janata Party, (With Christophe Jaffrelot) Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies and (with Peter R deSouza and Sandeep Shastri) Indian Youth in a Transforming World: Attitudes and Perceptions. Besides his academic writing he writes regularly for both national and regional newspapers, both in English and Hindi languages. His articles are published regularly in The Hindu, Indian Express, Asian Age, Deccan Chronicles, Dainik Bhaskar, Rajasthan Patrika and The Mint. He is also a well know face on Indian Television as Psephologist and Political Commentator. He has also been an international election observer in many countries.

Our guests are the legendary Raqs Media Collective, formed in New Delhi in 1992, by Monica Narula, Jeebesh Bagchi and Shuddhabrata Sengupta. I like to call them intellectuals-at-large, but their production ranges from artistic to curatorial projects, from theoretical to educational works. The collective also co-founded Sarai—the inter-disciplinary and incubatory space at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies.You'll hear their unique blend of thinking on technologies and media, from surveillance to bureaucratic interfaces as deeply embedded in societal dynamics; and we'll get to explore together how they have been producing knowledge as artists. The tidal changes in image cultures; how digital technologies are intertwined with urban infrastructures; how the poetic is also the political; and ultimately the significance of languages are a few of the things that are lingering in my mind and provoking further thoughts after this conversation.EPISODE NOTES & LINKSBased in New Delhi, Raqs Media Collective comprises three practitioners: Jeebesh Bagchi, Monica Narula, and Shuddhabrata Sengupta. For the past three decades, the Collective has been concerned with urbanism, epistemology, technology, globalization, and the experience of time. Drawing upon critical theory and political philosophy, their work is marked by active inquiry, double-meanings, pluralism, and entanglement. https://www.raqsmediacollective.net/Sarai is among South Asia's most prominent and productive platforms for research and reflection on the transformation of urban space and contemporary realities, especially with regard to cities, data and information, law, and media infrastructures. https://sarai.net/about/Initiated by Ankur: Society for Alternatives in Education, Delhi, and Sarai-CSDS, Delhi in the year 2001 Cybermohalla is a network of dispersed labs for experimentation and exploration among young working-class individuals https://sarai.net/projects/cybermohalla/.The first Cybermohalla took place in LNJP (Lok Nayak Jarai Prakash), an informal settlement in Central Delhi.Parda-darii is a noun in Hindu meaning play of the veil, removing the veil, revealing the truth, and revealment of secrets.Can has written on the design of Cybermohalla Hub, in relation to his ‘Setting a Setting' idea.https://www.academia.edu/5980837/_Setting_and_Remaking_in_Cybermohalla_Hub_eds_Hirsch_N_and_S_Sarda_Berlin_Sternberg_Press_2012Curated by Raqs Media Collective “In the Open or In Stealth” was a group exhibition that has taken place at MACBA in 2018-2019 about the concept of a future in which multiple histories and geographies were placed in dialogue. https://www.macba.cat/en/exhibitions-activities/exhibitions/open-or-stealthThe Walker Art Center is a multidisciplinary contemporary art center in Minneapolis, Minnesota, United States. https://walkerart.org/visitEstablished by Yoshiharu Tsukamoto and Momoyo Kaijima in Tokyo, Atelier Bow-Wow is an architecture firm. http://www.bow-wow.jp/Taken place in Walker Art center in 2003, How Latitudes Become Forms: Art in a Global Age was an exhibition about ways that globalization, or the “new internationalism in art” is affecting visual culture. https://walkerart.org/calendar/2003/how-latitudes-become-forms-art-in-a-global-agHow Latitudes Become Forms has a vintage website that constitutes substantial archival material about the project. http://latitudes.walkerart.org/overview/index.htmlFatwa is a ruling on a point of Islamic law given by a recognized authority.Abhinavagupta (c. 950 – 1016 CE) was a philosopher, mystic, and aesthetician from Kashmir. He was also considered an influential musician, poet, dramatist, exegete, theologian, and logician – a polymathic personality who exercised strong influences on Indian culture. William Shakespeare used more than 20,000 words in his plays and poems, and his works provide the first recorded use of over 1,700 words in the English language. https://www.shakespeare.org.uk/explore-shakespeare/shakespedia/shakespeares-words/Submitted by Rohana Khattak, a sixteen-year-old reader of the New York Times from, Islamabad, Pakistan to the newspaper's Invent a Word Challenge, “Oblivionnaire” refers to a billionaire who chooses to be blind to the disparity and inequality that his or her wealth is creating.“Khullja Sim Sim” translates as “Open Sesame” in English, and “Açıl Susam Açıl” in Turkish. It is a magical phrase in the story of "Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves" and in Antoine Galland's version of One Thousand and One Nights. It opens the mouth of a cave in which forty thieves have hidden a treasure.Nishastagah is a Hindu word referring to a place not (yet, ever) inhabited by memory. In response to the passage of the Citizenship Act on 11 December 2019 and the ensuing police intervention against students at Jamia Millia Islamia who were opposing the Amendment, the Shaheen Bagh protest was a peaceful sit-in protest in Delhi, India, that began on 15 December 2019 and lasted until 24 March 2020.The permanently lost 16mm film, “Half the Night left, and the Universe to Comprehend” is Raqs Media Collective's first work. In the Hindu epic the Mahabharata, Ashwatthama was a Maharathi warrior who became a Chiranjivi (immortal) due to a curse given to him by the god of protection, compassion, tenderness, and love, Krishna.In the essay titled dictionary of war by Raqs Media Collective Ashwatthama is described both as an omnipresent immaterial entity that acts as a propagator of war while tracing his essence within the essence of human subjectivity. http://dictionaryofwar.org/node/894Mahendra Raj (1924 - 2022) was a structural engineer and designer who contributed to the structural design of many buildings in India including the Hall of Nations at the Pragati Maidan in Delhi.Opened in 1972, the Hall of Nations was a building designed by architect Raj Rewal, and structurally engineered by Mahendra Raj. The structure was demolished in April 2017 to make way for a new complex.The essay that Jabeesh mentions while referring to Mahendra Raj is titled Living with the Future in South Asia by Chris Moffat. https://www.publicbooks.org/modernist-architecture-heritage-south-asia-pragati-maidan/This season of Ahali Conversations is supported by the Graham Foundation for Advanced Studies in the Fine Arts. The Graham provides project-based grants to foster the development and exchange of diverse and challenging ideas about architecture and its role in the arts, culture, and society. This episode was also supported by a Moon & Stars Project Grant from the American Turkish Society.This episode was recorded on Zoom on May 17th, 2022. Interview by Can Altay. Produced by Aslı Altay & Sarp Renk Özer. Music by Grup Ses.

We talk with Cedric Johnson about his latest book that details the futility of a Black Nationalist project.   Get Cedric's Book Here: https://www.versobooks.com/.../3937-the-panthers-can-t...   Cedric Johnson Cedric Johnson is associate professor of African American Studies and Political Science at the University of Illinois at Chicago. His book, Revolutionaries to Race Leaders: Black Power and the Making of African American Politics was named the 2008 W.E.B. DuBois Outstanding Book of the Year by the National Conference of Black Political Scientists. Johnson is the editor of The Neoliberal Deluge: Hurricane Katrina, Late Capitalism and the Remaking of New Orleans. His 2017 Catalyst essay, “The Panthers Can't Save Us Now: Anti-policing Struggles and the Limits of Black Power,” was awarded the 2018 Daniel Singer Millenium Prize. Johnson's writings have appeared in Nonsite, Jacobin, New Political Science, New Labor Forum, Perspectives on Politics, Historical Materialism, and Journal of Developing Societies. In 2008, Johnson was named the Jon Garlock Labor Educator of the Year by the Rochester Central Labor Council, AFL-CIO. He previously served on the representative assembly for UIC United Faculty Local 6456.   About TIR Thank you, guys, again for taking the time to check this out. We appreciate each and every one of you. If you have the means, and you feel so inclined, BECOME A PATRON! We're creating patron-only programming, you'll get bonus content from many of the episodes, and you get MERCH!   Become a patron now: https://www.patreon.com/join/BitterLakePresents Please also like, subscribe, and follow us on these platforms as well, especially YouTube!   THANKS Y'ALL   YouTube: www.youtube.com/thisisrevolutionpodcast   Twitch: www.twitch.tv/thisisrevolutionpodcast & www.twitch.tv/leftflankvets Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Thisisrevolutionpodcast/   Twitter: @TIRShowOakland Instagram: @thisisrevolutionoakland   Pascal Robert in Newsweek: https://www.newsweek.com/black-political-elite-serving...   Get THIS IS REVOLUTION Merch here: www.thisisrevolutionpodcast.com   Get the music featured on the show here: https://bitterlakeoakland.bandcamp.com/   Follow Djene Bajalan @djenebajalan Follow Kuba Wrzesniewski @DrKuba2

In this episode, Yamaceeta discusses the importance of identifying the root issues of behaviors in order for any type of counseling or coaching to work, signs that you may need deliverance, how most believers are living in God's permissive will versus His divine will, the new testament church, the domino effect of your obedience, overcoming the challenge of charging for her gifting, to not care about what men think when God gives you an instruction, and gives a warning to those who are participating in corruption. Yamaceeta Thompson is an ordained minister of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, a Certified Belief Therapist, and a Certified Community Health Worker where she helps individuals and families navigate healthcare and support systems. She specializes in emotion processing and management. Yamaceeta is the CEO of Royal Inspirations LLC, a conglomerate of initiatives mobilized to educate, equip, and strengthen communities. One of the facets, Mountain of Hope Counseling and Coaching, helps individuals identify root causes of behavior, extinguish lies, and replace them with God's truth through Belief Therapy. Another is Each Beat Counts, a CPR and Babysitting Certification company. Yamaceeta believes CPR skills are essential and advocates for increased awareness and accessibility to training. In 2018, Yamaceeta founded S.E.E.E.D.S. (Servants Encouraging, Educating, Equipping, and Developing Societies) to answer the call of needs within her community and beyond. Her assignment is to assist people in becoming healed and delivered spiritually, emotionally, and physically so they may obtain the freedom and wholeness needed to walk in their God given purpose. She is the joy filled mother of 3 exceptional children, Tre', Devin, and Taiylar. In her leisure time, she enjoys dancing, movies, theater, and reading. You can contact Yamaceeta at yama@mountainofhope.live. https://www.facebook.com/MountainOfHopeCounselingAndCoachingCenter/ https://www.facebook.com/MondayMountainMoments/ https://www.facebook.com/EachBeatCounts/ https://www.facebook.com/The-Purpose-Cultivator-623520068012199/ Connect with her at @MountainOfHopeCC and @MondayMountainMoments on all social media platforms. Contact Edna at www.favorandwealth.com or call 1-855-732-8673. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

Hussam Shareef is a participant in the Stages of Consciousness course that I'm running. In this call, as part of the course, we discuss what a healthy integration of the pluralist/collectivist vmeme looks like.OverviewGreen's pushback against stage orangeThe fast-paced material world of Orangethe pluralist stage slowly recognized that material wealth alone is not sufficient to live a satisfying life.Start to realize that not everything can be explained and solved with reasonThere is not only a need for achieved tangible wealth but also a need for more emotional well-being.When one realizes that we can't solve all of the world's problems with more money, economic growth, pollution, and everything happening on wall streetNow realizes Orange is unsustainable and we need to think about ecology.So, Green emerges when materialism and success fail to feed the human spirit. We used to think that money and success could make us actualized, but now we are noticing that there is still a hole inside us.Now, after getting much money and success, one discovers that life is not about it; instead, we should have been chasing connection and relationships.this emotional voidWhat moves Orange into Green is sometimes a health crisis because Orange is living in such a toxic way that many health issues started to come out.stress-related diseaseslonelinessanxietydepressionOne's view of the world expands.Orange only viewed the world as being a marketplaceGreen views the world as a community where we all get to collectively need to take care of our Planet.Life is not about things, life is about people. It's about deep human bonds. Now, Green is starting to realize that people should cooperate rather than compete with each other.Life is about more than just egoic success but the success of the whole community; but now, the sense of what community means has expanded beyond blue.There is the recognition of this larger global community and now it starts to notice all the inequality and oppression in the world that is caused by Blue and Orange.The community of green is the entire world, regardless of the country, gender, race, etc.Whereas blue was promoting the civilization (in the sense of my civilization against all the other ones)Healthy Green / What Can We Include / How Does Green Look When Used For Higher-Order PurposesTo work together, it is essential to make real contact. This means that people are able to bond on an emotional level. This asks for a lot of communication, understanding, and empathy.Give attention to everyone and give everyone the space to be heard.Accept every person completely in their own individuality.journey of discovery is more important than reaching a goalConnection with natureI feel emotions, therefore I am alive. In essence, everyone is equal.LoveHeartSoulEmpathy, Intimacy, KindnessCompassion, Mercy, and LeniencyEqualityHarmonyHuman well-beingWhere am I not taking into account the emotional component of life?Where am I not valuing others for their innate human-ness, but rather putting them lower or higher based on their beliefs, success, ego, etc.? Get full access to Becoming Conscious at becomeconscious.substack.com/subscribe

Hussam Shareef is a participant in the Stages of Consciousness course that I'm running. In this call, as part of the course, we discuss what a healthy integration of the pluralist/collectivist vmeme looks like.OverviewGreen’s pushback against stage orangeThe fast-paced material world of Orangethe pluralist stage slowly recognized that material wealth alone is not sufficient to live a satisfying life.Start to realize that not everything can be explained and solved with reasonThere is not only a need for achieved tangible wealth but also a need for more emotional well-being.When one realizes that we can’t solve all of the world’s problems with more money, economic growth, pollution, and everything happening on wall streetNow realizes Orange is unsustainable and we need to think about ecology.So, Green emerges when materialism and success fail to feed the human spirit. We used to think that money and success could make us actualized, but now we are noticing that there is still a hole inside us.Now, after getting much money and success, one discovers that life is not about it; instead, we should have been chasing connection and relationships.this emotional voidWhat moves Orange into Green is sometimes a health crisis because Orange is living in such a toxic way that many health issues started to come out.stress-related diseaseslonelinessanxietydepressionOne's view of the world expands.Orange only viewed the world as being a marketplaceGreen views the world as a community where we all get to collectively need to take care of our Planet.Life is not about things, life is about people. It’s about deep human bonds. Now, Green is starting to realize that people should cooperate rather than compete with each other.Life is about more than just egoic success but the success of the whole community; but now, the sense of what community means has expanded beyond blue.There is the recognition of this larger global community and now it starts to notice all the inequality and oppression in the world that is caused by Blue and Orange.The community of green is the entire world, regardless of the country, gender, race, etc.Whereas blue was promoting the civilization (in the sense of my civilization against all the other ones)Healthy Green / What Can We Include / How Does Green Look When Used For Higher-Order PurposesTo work together, it is essential to make real contact. This means that people are able to bond on an emotional level. This asks for a lot of communication, understanding, and empathy.Give attention to everyone and give everyone the space to be heard.Accept every person completely in their own individuality.journey of discovery is more important than reaching a goalConnection with natureI feel emotions, therefore I am alive. In essence, everyone is equal.LoveHeartSoulEmpathy, Intimacy, KindnessCompassion, Mercy, and LeniencyEqualityHarmonyHuman well-beingWhere am I not taking into account the emotional component of life?Where am I not valuing others for their innate human-ness, but rather putting them lower or higher based on their beliefs, success, ego, etc.? Get on the email list at becomeconscious.substack.com

India is witnessing a second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic, with record numbers of new cases and deaths every day. At the same time, States holding Assembly elections have seen mass rallies by political parties. In most such rallies, especially in West Bengal, which still has two phases to go and where campaigning is still on, COVID-19 protocols such as masking and physical distancing are blatantly flouted. In view of the COVID-19 surge, and the fact that public rallies are super-spreader events, should campaigning be restricted to virtual mode — at least until the pandemic is behind us? Here we explore this question. Guests: Neelanjan Sircar, an Assistant Professor of political science at Ashoka University, and Senior Visiting Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi; Sanjay Kumar, a political analyst, psephologist, and co-director of the Lokniti Research Project at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi. Host: G. Sampath, Social Affairs Editor, The Hindu Read the Parley article here. You can now find The Hindu's podcasts on Spotify, Apple Podcasts and Stitcher. Search for Parley by The Hindu. Write to us with comments and feedback at socmed4@thehindu.co.in

Educate, Agitate, Organise. This was the motto of the Indian scholar BR Ambedkar who led an extraordinary life of activism and achievement. It put him in conflict with many other political forces in his native country, such as the Indian National Congress and Mahatma Gandhi. In India itself, Ambedkar's legacy is widely respected but in other countries he is not so well known. And yet, Ambedkar was not only a leading intellectual of his day, brilliant orator, lawyer, successful politician and an unmatched champion of those suffering the harshest discrimination: he was also someone who rose from a Dalit background to being put in charge of writing the first constitution of independent India. The Dalits are the lowest of the low in the Indian social hierarchy, often considered as being below the lowest caste. To tell Ambedkar's story Rajan Datar is joined by three distinguished Ambedkar scholars: Sunil Khilnani, professor of politics and history at Ashoka University and author of Incarnations: India in Fifty Lives; Valerian Rodrigues, emeritus professor of political studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University and first Ambedkar chair at Ambedkar University, both in New Delhi, and author of The Essential Writings of B.R. Ambedkar; and Ananya Vajpeyi, associate professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi and author of Righteous Republic: The Political Foundations of Modern India. [Photo: A statue of BR Ambedkar at Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal in Noida, India. Credit: Sunil Ghosh/Hindustan Times via Getty Images]

The police in India, as in America, face a reckoning. From the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act protests to the Delhi riots and the COVID pandemic, recent events have raised troubling questions about the quality of Indian policing. In 2019, the non-profit Common Cause and the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies issued a report on the “Status of Policing in India.” The report is one of the most comprehensive, empirical examinations of the police on record. This week on the show, Vipul Mudgal, the Director of Common Cause, joins Milan to discuss the colonial legacy of the Indian police, the personnel and operational challenges ordinary police officers must confront, and the contested role the police have played during the COVID pandemic. Vipul also outlines a reform blueprint for more effective policing.   Programming note: This is the very last episode of Season Three of Grand Tamasha. As usual, we are going to take a little time off this summer to recharge our batteries and prepare for a brand-new season of Grand Tamasha, which we will kick-off at the end of the summer. During this break, please send us your feedback, comments, and criticisms. You can contact us on Twitter @MilanV or email the Grand Tamasha team at podcasts@ceip.org.

To help address the big questions that shape our world, UBS has sought out a number of Nobel laureates in the Economic Sciences to ask them to share insights and discuss their research. This week we hear from Michael Kremer, Gates Professor of Developing Societies in the Department of Economics at Harvard University and joint winner of the 2019 Nobel prize for his experimental approach to alleviating global poverty.

Arguably, a central issue in the 2019 elections was the idea of India. The right, notably the BJP, imagine an idea of India at whose centre is a Hindu, and where Muslims (and others are excluded). But who is a Muslim? To discuss issues such as the homogenising tropes of the pukka mussalman, the notion of representation, presence and voice in democracy, and the interplay between law and politics, we are joined by Dr. Hilal Ahmed, Associate Prof at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, and the author of Siyasi Muslims: A Story of Political Islams in India (2019). You can listen to this show and other awesome shows on the IVM Podcasts app on Android: https://ivm.today/android or iOS: https://ivm.today/ios, or any other podcast app.

In a couple of days, discussions about the 2019 General elections will hinge on the release of exit poll numbers put up by various survey and media agencies. We explore what it takes to go from a good track record in calculating vote shares to problems in predicting how many seats a party will win. Why do opinion and exit polls struggle in India? Is it just a matter of resources, the complexity of the first-past-the-post-system in a diverse country, or the difficulty in integrating social theory into polling questions? How do you tell if an opinion or exit poll is credible? And perhaps most importantly, why does it matter? To discuss this and more, we are joined by one of India's leading pollsters, Sanjay Kumar of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies to help us make sense of the numbers and what lies behind them.

Indian general elections begin April 11. vepar5/shutterstockHere’s an astonishingly large number. Around 900 million Indians are heading to the polls to decide if they want to reelect the current government of Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). India Tomorrow is a seven-part podcast series by The Anthill (produced by The Conversation UK), exploring some of the major issues facing India – identity politics, the rise of Hindu nationalism, Kashmir, the role of caste and gender in shaping Indian society, and how women and young people experience these phenomena. Part one, an episode on India’s information wars and how fake news fuels violence, launched on April 9. You can sign up to The Anthill newsletter to stay up to date and send questions via podcast@theconversation.com or via Twitter @AnthillPod. The producers will be putting your questions to academics. Read more: Why Australia should engage with the unemployment crisis affecting Indian youth Today on Trust Me, I’m An Expert, we’re hearing from an academic featured on India Tomorrow. Craig Jeffrey is the director and CEO of the Australia India Institute and Professor of Development Geography at the University of Melbourne. He explains what issues are front of mind for India’s millions of first-time voters delivering their verdict on the performance of the BJP government, led by Narendra Modi. “Two things are really crucial. One is jobs. Young people across India and particularly in parts of India where the economy’s been less successful at creating jobs - so some of the northern states, for example, are going to be really concerned with the capacity of the government to provide better employment opportunities,” Professor Jeffrey told The Conversation’s editorial intern Bageshri Savyasachi. “The second issue, I think, that they’ll be very concerned about is education. So they’ll be looking to see which political parties and politicians are promising to improve higher education […] Because for a lot of young people who aren’t part of the elite in India, there is a mismatch, often, between the educational opportunities they obtain in school or university and then the employment markets and the demands of key private sector firms.” “A third area that’s perhaps less obvious is the issue of health care and public health. And my own observations, as an anthropologist and human geographer working in mainly Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand over the past 25 years on social change, is that young people are often demanding access to health services that are poorly provisioned in provincial India, particularly in relation to issues like sexual health, mental health, reproductive health and that’s an area where I think young people are looking to government for more action.” Join us as Professor Jeffrey explains what implications this enormous election will have for the world’s second most populous nation, and for the rest of the globe as well. Read more: India Tomorrow: a podcast series from The Anthill – episode guide New to podcasts? Podcasts are often best enjoyed using a podcast app. All iPhones come with the Apple Podcasts app already installed, or you may want to listen and subscribe on another app such as Pocket Casts (click here to listen to Trust Me, I’m An Expert on Pocket Casts). You can also hear us on Stitcher, Spotify or any of the apps below. Just pick a service from one of those listed and click on the icon to find Trust Me, I’m An Expert. Transcript Craig Jeffrey: Those numbers are astonishing, aren’t they? And it’s very difficult, I think, for pundits to predict what precisely they’ll do in terms of the elections. What’s slightly easier to say, though, I think, is what’s in the minds of those voters. And I think two things are really crucial, one is jobs. So young people across India and particularly in parts of India where the economy’s been less successful at creating jobs - so some of the northern states, for example - are going to be really concerned with the capacity of the government to provide better employment opportunities. The second issue, I think, that they’ll be very concerned about is education. So they’ll be looking to see which political parties and politicians are promising to improve higher education, tertiary education more generally, the skills environment and school education. Because for a lot of young people who aren’t part of the elite in India, there is a mismatch, often, between the educational opportunities they obtain in school or university and then the employment market and the demands of key private sector firms. So I think jobs and education are going to be at the top of young people’s minds as they go into the polling booths. What are parties and politicians promising in those areas? A third area that’s perhaps less obvious is the issue of health care and public health. And my own observations, as an anthropologist and human geographer working in mainly Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand over the past 25 years on social change, is that young people are often demanding access to health services that are poorly provisioned in provincial India particularly in relation to issues like sexual health, mental health, reproductive health and that’s an area where I think young people are looking to government for more action. And I think that will also be in young people’s minds in the lead up to the elections. Read more: India Tomorrow part 1 podcast transcript: Fake news and the battle for information Bageshri Savyasachi: What jobs are available to young people and do they want to do those jobs? Craig Jeffrey: Well, I think one of the stories of Indian economic growth since 1990 is its failure to create a large number of what might be regarded as white collar or middle class jobs for the increasing numbers of young people who are getting high school matriculation certificates or degrees in India. Now, India’s not especially unusual in that regard. Particularly since the global financial crisis in the late 2000s, economies around the world have often found it difficult to create secure employment opportunities for people. Of course, automation, mechanisation is changing the nature of work throughout the world. So this isn’t specific to India but India is an almost very condensed or intense example of the failure of economic growth to create lots of good quality jobs, that long predates 2014 and the coming to power of the BJP. It’s a structural feature of the Indian economy since 1990 and especially since the mid-2000s period. So to get to your question of what jobs actually exist, in many cases what we’re seeing in India is people having to realign their expectations of what work they’re going to do in that five to 10 year period after they graduate from high school or university. This is not new. Ronald Dore wrote in his book The Diploma Disease in 1970 that India was the country of the BA bus conductor. So that sense of having to downplay your expectations in light of circumstances is quite old in India. But now, I would argue, that a lot of people with bachelors degrees in India would be very keen to have a job on state roadways as a bus conductor, so intense and cut-throat has the employment market become. So you’re seeing people with masters degrees, with PhDs having to do very small scale entrepreneurial business work, you’re seeing them especially having to go back into agriculture – not as large-scale agricultural innovators making large amounts of money and employing other people but rather working on quite small plots of land in an environment where they didn’t imagine that they would go back into farming. So one of the alarming statistics, I think, is that while in most of the period between 2000 and 2010 the number of young people in agriculture was declining, as you would expect in a country that’s undergoing a structural transformation from agriculture into manufacturing and services, in the 2010s and particularly since 2014 there has been an increase in young people in agriculture. Now that is quite worrying for India and reflects the point that jobs in the modern economy are not becoming available quickly enough, young people are not finding the infrastructural and institutional environment conducive to moving into successful medium-scale entrepreneurship where they employ other people and find an outlet for their talents. Bageshri Savyasachi: How crucial has mobilising young people been to the electoral successes of the ruling party, the BJP? Craig Jeffrey: That’s an easy question to answer because of the demographic structure of India and the figures for voting in 2014 in particular show that of course the BJP has been very successful at mobilising people generally in India to vote for them and that includes young people. It’s done so through making a series of important statements about its approach to social and economic change. And it has done so also through tapping into, I think, a sense of national identity that’s important to young people. So the BJP has been pretty successful. Not just the BJP but also various organisations connected to the party at the grassroots level. Bageshri Savyasachi: Is young people’s support for Modi on the wane? A lot of young people supported him when he was first running for prime minister but now a lot of young people are feeling disappointed. What do you think? Craig Jeffrey: I should do that classic academic thing of saying that I’m not an expert on the contemporary views of young people in India. Where I’ve done most of my research has been in particular pockets of India, Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand and the bulk of that research was done in the period between 1995 and 2010. Since 2010, my work has been mainly in a village in quite a remote part of Uttarakhand, in Chamoli district, and I’ve written quite a lot about the social and political attitudes of young people in that village. Now, those are quite particular to one part of India. Like you and like lots of people, I read the newspapers, I talk to friends in different parts of India, I try to pick up on the streets a sense of the mood. But in that regard, I’m an armchair or amateur interpreter of young people’s political views at the moment. With those caveats in mind, my sense is that young people may not support Modi as much as they did five years ago but that doesn’t mean that they won’t vote for him. So one needs to maybe distinguish between support and how people will actually behave in the ballot booth. I think lots of people that I speak to recognise that given the high pitch to which Modi raised people’s aspirations in 2014 there was always going to be a sense of disappointment, that skilling hundreds of millions of people quickly was going to be a very tough ask. And that the vision of New India, while attractive in certain respects, is not borne out in social reality for those outside of the elite and particularly in provincial parts of India, in small town and rural India. So people see on the social and economic side a kind of mismatch between promise and actuality. And I think that’s undermined a certain enthusiasm for the ruling BJP government. I’m really not in a position to be able to adjudicate on the extent to which people have sort of fallen out of love with a particular vision of the nation as primarily Hindu or driven by a Hindu civilisational push. That’s, I think, more difficult to ascertain. It’s tricky. The question, I suppose, is: is 2019 to be like 2004, where there was a bit of a surprise that actually the Indian population, including the young population, did move away from the BJP? And it was partly because they didn’t feel that they were sharing in the social gains associated with economic growth. And it was partly, as you just observed, that some of the aspects of the sort of rhetoric of Hindu nationalism were not anymore particularly attractive. So it is possible that the same kind of cocktail will still exist in 2019, of sort of a sense of social and economic exclusion and a sense of being a little bit tired of the same message coming out from the government. But it’s very very difficult to tell. As I said, one has to distinguish between support and enthusiasm on the one hand and the actual decision to vote on the other. Because one thing you see again and again in elections in India is people putting their votes in for politicians or parties that they don’t actually very much like but they feel like they ought to. Ultimately, it’s the least bad choice that they want to make, which is of course it’s not distinctly Indian, it’s an aspect of how people vote across the world. Read more: India Tomorrow podcast series from The Anthill – trailer Bageshri Savyasachi: We’ll just have to wait and watch. What is the state of youth unemployment in India? My impression is that for young people, it’s hard to get a job if you don’t have a masters or a bachelor’s degree. And even then you may not get a job in your chosen field. Craig Jeffrey: Oh, that’s absolutely right. The recent NSSO figures show that youth unemployment in India is something around 16 or 17%. Now those figures are contested but my view is that they are fairly robust. And, of course, beyond that problem of outright unemployment, there’s a very large problem of underemployment where people are working in part-time insecure work that doesn’t reflect their skills, ambitions and credentials. So both outright unemployment and underemployment are becoming increasing problems in India. In 2010, I wrote a book called Timepass which drew attention to this problem based on fieldwork work in Western Uttar Pradesh. I talked about the emergence of a generation of young people who described themselves as people with nothing to do. Who were doing nothing but also in some sense saw themselves as being nothing. A very intense form of social suffering associated with a prolonged period of unemployment or underemployment. When I talk to young people in the same area now they say that actually that book is more relevant in 2019 than it was in 2010. Someone told me when I visited India two weeks ago “I felt like it had been written yesterday” and this reflects the way this problem of unemployment and underemployment to young people has intensified over the past nine years rather than dissipated. Bageshri Savyasachi: In her recent book, Dreamers: how young Indians are changing the world, the prominent Indian journalist Snigdha Poonam writes, “the world’s future depends on young Indians meeting their aspirations but it’s a pipe dream at this point”. How big of a problem is this disconnect between young Indians’ aspirations and their reality? Craig Jeffrey: Well, I think it’s a huge problem and I think that the book Dreamers is very successful in setting that out. It’s worth again going back to the point about demographics. One in eight people in the world is an Indian under the age of 30. It’s worth repeating that: one in eight people in the world is an Indian young person, someone under the age of 30. Now, that’s an extraordinary statistic and it gives a sense of the importance of that demographic for the future of Asia and of the world. Now unlike the same generation 25 years ago, that set of young people are very well aware of events in other parts of the world which are streamed to them via their mobile phones or on the internet. They are increasingly in secondary school, including young women, and in school they’re learning to obviously dream big. And the government is also encouraging those young people to see themselves as part of a new India that’s modern, in which people are based often in urban areas doing what historically has been described as sort of middle class work, service work. And now where you’ve got that situation of both demographic growth and the rapid sort of revolution of rising aspirations, you need an outlet for young people so that they feel as they move into their 20s and 30s that they’re achieving the goals that they desire. And that’s not happening. And the question then is, how much of a problem is that? Well, obviously for the young people concerned it’s a big problem for their families. Young people are not passive in that situation, they actively and creatively seek ways to make do. That may be entering into fallback work in agriculture. It may be finding jobs that perhaps they weren’t aspiring to originally but which provide a means for establishing a family and getting by, in areas like sales and marketing. But there is also a lot of just disappointment, I think, and a sense of stuckedness and limbo that, again, I wrote about in detail in my book Timepass. What’s surprising, perhaps, is that that sense of social suffering hasn’t led to more unrest in India and I think there are several reasons for that. I think partly because India is a democracy people have an outlet for frustration through the political system, through voting, through demonstrating on the streets. I think a second reason why there hasn’t been more political mobilisation is that people often perceive this as a personal failure rather than a failure of government or of society or as a structural failure, as social scientists would put it. They see it as “Well, I didn’t try hard enough” or “I wasn’t successful enough in that examination”. So it’s quite a lot of this failure I think often is personalised rather than seen as a reflection of the structural features of the Indian economy and the wider institutional environment in which people may be trying to start businesses. There’s a whole history of commentators on India talking about the country as being poised to sort of fall into unrest. I’m not going to do that. I think India, it holds together and as I said people are, young people are actively finding ways to make do. But I do think it’s a major social issue at the moment, the lack of capacity for young people to realise their aspirations and it should be and will remain an absolutely critical issue for government in India. Bageshri Savyasachi: How has national politics played out in Indian universities under Modi? Craig Jeffrey: Well, the information that leaks out on this issue tends to come from a small number of the very well-known universities in India. So universities like Jawaharlal Nehru University, Hyderabad University, Delhi University and that there has been, over the past few years as you’ll be well aware, a series of controversies over the government’s treatment of student protesters in those universities and of the ideological, the role of government in shaping how universities operate ideologically through, for example, the appointment of particular vice-chancellors with particular views on politics that then shape those institutions. Now, that’s a very important debate and it’s one that people can follow through a whole series of articles in magazines and newspapers in India. What interests me more is what’s happening outside of those well known central universities. What is happening actually in universities like the one that I worked in quite a bit 15 years ago. Chaudhary Charan Singh University which is the sixth largest university in the world if one excludes universities that provide distance education. And is actually, according to some sources, the second largest university in India after Indira Gandhi National Open University, which of course is largely a distance university, distance education university. So what’s happening in those big state universities that are affiliating other colleges. And that’s an area which desperately requires consideration. I think it would repay close social research. You’re seeing the emergence of different types of student politics to that which existed 15 years ago and some of those forms of student politics are linked to a Hindu nationalist agenda. Some are not. There’s a great deal of foment in those sort of more provincial universities that operates under the radar on which commentators and social scientists know very little about but which is really important in terms of shaping the environment in which the vast majority of students in India study, which is in colleges, not actually in universities. It’s in colleges affiliated to universities like Chaudhary Charan Singh University. I’d be really interested in hearing from anyone who’s listening to this podcast about their views or experiences of the curricular, of student action in India’s colleges where most people study. Bageshri Savyasachi: Do you think there is a growing shift towards illiberalism among India’s youth? Craig Jeffrey: Well, I think that’s a really interesting question. First, one has to think about, well, what is liberalism? And if we define that relatively narrowly in terms of a commitment to formal equality and individual freedoms then I think there’s evidence both ways. There’s evidence of young people contesting those visions of formal equality and individual freedom, for example through their views on areas like sexuality. So there was a recent Centre for the Study of Developing Societies survey that showed that the majority of young Indians didn’t approve of homosexuality. So there’s some evidence there of a certain kind of “illiberalism”. There’s evidence of young people’s involvement in societies or organisations that are policing people’s right to eat certain foods, again which would suggest the rise of a certain form of illiberalism. But there’s also of course a great deal of evidence the other way, that young people are very active in nongovernmental organisations that are seeking to protect people’s formal equality, protect people’s freedoms. The number of youth NGOs in India is growing very, very quickly. There’s also, I think, a very interesting debate about the relationship between the individual and liberalism in India. So an argument that’s been made by several people is that actually liberalism in India is organised around a sense of group rights rather than around individual rights. So it’s perfectly possible to be part of a caste organisation or a religious organisation that’s about equality and freedom but nevertheless is articulating those notions of equality and freedom through reference to caste and religion. So that would be an argument that I think lots of Hindu nationalists would make, is that even though Hindus are the majority and even though that they’re making an argument in Hindu terms, it’s an argument about tolerance and about liberalism rather than about violence or exclusion or limiting people’s freedoms. So it’s a very complicated question. There’s evidence both ways. There’s also a tangled set of debates about whether you could have a kind of liberalism based on a sense of group rights and whether so-called Western visions of liberalism can really be applied to a place like India, where notions of religion and caste and family are so strong. That might be a more detailed answer than you wanted but it’s one that really interests, this is a question that really interests me. Bageshri Savyasachi: What do young people think now in 2019 that their parents or grandparents may not have thought at the same age? Craig Jeffrey: Well, I think one of the effects of more young people studying in secondary school is that they’ve often absorbed notions of citizenship and good government that are communicated in school textbooks. So in one of the villages where I work, I was sitting working with a young person who was doing an English lesson recently and one of the English exercises was to write a letter to the local district magistrate in English complaining about the state of the drains in their neighbourhood. And this was obviously an attempt not only to learn English but to inculcate a particular vision of the citizen and of the state. And I think the effect of having large numbers of young people in school, being exposed to these narratives is actually that many more people have accepted and appreciate that kind of vision of rights and citizenship than in the 1990s when I started doing fieldwork in north India. So you see that’s reflected, for example, in young people’s support for anti-corruption movements. You see it in terms of young people’s questioning of forms of malpractice that exist in certain bureaucracies in India. Another point I’d really like to stress is the revolution that’s been happening in India with reference to women’s and especially young women’s rights and capacities. And that’s, I think, really a major success story in the last 20 years in India or 30 years, is that women and young women have achieved a much greater degree of autonomy and voice at all levels of society and in cities as well as in villages. Now, that comes, of course with all sorts of caveats about the continued problems of gender violence, of disparities in terms of pay and access to schooling and social goods. Nevertheless, I think that is a really important point to stress about the achievements of India in the period since 2000. Additional audio Kindergarten by Unkle Ho, from Elefant Traks Image: Shutterstock

In the last two decades, Rajasthan has shown a tendency to oscillate between the BJP and Congress for the state elections. Will this combined with the mood of anti-incumbency against CM Vasundhara Raje hurt the BJP's chances in the upcoming elections? Sanjay Lodha, a Professor at the Department of Political Science, Mohan Lal Sukhadia University, joins us on this episode to examine Vasundhara Raje's unpopularity in the state and how caste groups affect the elections. Lodha has also carried out the various Lokniti-ABP 'Mood of the Nation' surveys in Rajasthan for the Centre for Study of Developing Societies and shares some insights from recent polls. You can follow us and leave us feedback on Facebook and Twitter @expresspodcasts, or send us an email at podcasts@indianexpress.com. If you like this show, please subscribe and leave us a review on Apple Podcasts so other people can find us. You can also find us on http://www.indianexpress.com/audio.

On this episode, Dr. Sanjay Lodha joins Neha Mathews to discuss Rajasthan's political history. Sanjay Lodha is a Professor at the Department of Political Science, Mohan Lal Sukhadia University, Udaipur. He also carried out the various Lokniti-ABP 'Mood of the Nation' surveys in Rajasthan for the Centre for Study of Developing Societies. Lodha explains how the Rajasthan elections became a bipolar fight between the BJP and Congress and sheds light on the rule of Mohan Lal Sukhadia, Bhairon Singh Shekhawat and others. You can follow us and leave us feedback on Facebook and Twitter @expresspodcasts, or send us an email at podcasts@indianexpress.com. If you like this show, please subscribe and leave us a review on Apple Podcasts so other people can find us. You can also find us on http://www.indianexpress.com/audio.

After establishing Chhattisgarh's political history and discussing its main players, we're diving into who the main voter groups in the state are and the issues that push them to vote. Joining us is Sanjay Kumar, Director of the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies which undertakes Lokniti Mood of the Nation surveys among many other things. Then, our Chhattisgarh correspondent Dipankar Ghose answers pressing questions - which party's voter base is the JCC(J)-BSP-CPI alliance going to cut into and how will it affect the 2019 elections?

What is often overlooked, however, is that the sharing economy is a platform driven economy and at the heart of it all is data.  Simon Fraser University Professor Katherine Reilly joins us to explain the issues arising from this new economic model both in North America and in the developing world.Professor Reilly is an Associate Professor in the School of Communications at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver. Her work focuses on the impact of digital technologies on development, in particular, the impact of the platform economy in Latin America. Her work in this area includes Data, the Sharing Economy and Canadian Federal Regulation, Medium (Feb. 16, 2018);  The downside of Uber, Airbnb and the sharing economy, The Journal of Developing Societies (2017). Simon Fraser University has become Canada's leading comprehensive university with vibrant campuses in British Columbia's largest municipalities (Vancouver, Burnaby and Surrey) and deep roots in partner communities throughout the province and around the world.  Its notable alumnus include Canadian hero Terry Fox and First Lady/First Mother Margaret Trudeau.  SFU is also the only non-American university to compete in the NCAA.

Ernie Rea and guests discuss B.R. Ambedkar's role in forming modern India. It's 70 years since the new country of Pakistan was born ; followed the next day by an independent India. There can be few who are unaware of the seminal role played by Mahtama Gandhi in the struggle for independence. Much less known is Dr B.R Ambedkar. Many would argue that his contribution was every bit as important. Ambedkar was the country's first Law Minister and he was the chief architect of the Indian Constitution. He was a Dalit - or Untouchable - and he had a major falling out with Gandhi on how the problem of Untouchability should be dealt with. Joining Ernie to discuss Ambedkar and his Legacy are Dr. Ananya Vajpeyi, Fellow and Associate Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi; Santosh Dass, President of the Federation of Ambedkarite and Buddhist Organisations and Vice Chair of the Anti Caste Alliance; and William Gould, Professor of Indian History at Leeds University. Producer. Rosie Dawson.

Ernie Rea and guests discuss B.R. Ambedkar's role in forming modern India. It's 70 years since the new country of Pakistan was born ; followed the next day by an independent India. There can be few who are unaware of the seminal role played by Mahtama Gandhi in the struggle for independence. Much less known is Dr B.R Ambedkar. Many would argue that his contribution was every bit as important. Ambedkar was the country's first Law Minister and he was the chief architect of the Indian Constitution. He was a Dalit - or Untouchable - and he had a major falling out with Gandhi on how the problem of Untouchability should be dealt with. Joining Ernie to discuss Ambedkar and his Legacy are Dr. Ananya Vajpeyi, Fellow and Associate Professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi; Santosh Dass, President of the Federation of Ambedkarite and Buddhist Organisations and Vice Chair of the Anti Caste Alliance; and William Gould, Professor of Indian History at Leeds University. Producer. Rosie Dawson.

Recent literature on non-cognitive skills provides promising evidence on the power of community and classroom based interventions for closing achievement gaps across school quality, race, and class. Yet, much of this work has been conducted on males that attend elite institutions in the U.S. There is very little work on how these same tactics can be implemented to overcome gender barriers and improve educational achievement of girls, particularly those that attend schools in non-western settings. In this seminar, Sally Nuamah investigates the experiences of girls from underprivileged backgrounds in Ghana striving to be the first in their families to go to college. She finds that school structure - leadership, curriculum, and peer networks - mediates the effects of their socio-cultural environments and individual background through the facilitation of positive academic identities (non-cognitive skills) that promote identity building and strategy development. These positive academic identities are useful for navigating the gender specific barriers that these girls face, thereby enabling their academic achievement. Sally Nuamah, WAPPP Fellow; Joint Postdoctoral Fellow, University Center for Human Values and Center for Study of Democratic Politics, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton University  

Are freedom and harmony political goals that complement or compete with each other? Joining me are Rajeev Bhargava, Director of the Institute of Indian Thought at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies; Anton Koch, professor of philosophy at the University of Heidelberg; and Thaddeus Metz, Distinguished Professor at the University of Johannesburg. Produced in association with the Berggruen Philosophy and Culture Centre.  Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Are freedom and harmony political goals that complement or compete with each other? Joining me are Rajeev Bhargava, Director of the Institute of Indian Thought at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies; Anton Koch, professor of philosophy at the University of Heidelberg; and Thaddeus Metz, Distinguished Professor at the University of Johannesburg. Produced in association with the Berggruen Philosophy and Culture Centre.

Dec. 2, 2014. Ananya Vajpeyi presents a biography and intellectual history of B.R. Ambedkar, politician, jurist and principal architect of the constitution of India. Speaker Biography: Ananya Vajpeyi is an intellectual historian based at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies and a Kluge Fellow at the John W. Kluge Center. For transcript, captions, and more information, visit http://www.loc.gov/today/cyberlc/feature_wdesc.php?rec=6653