Podcasts about Jedwabne

Chińskie platformy zakupowe Shein i Temu to guilty pleasure zachodnich konsumentów. Podbiły serca także w Polsce - i choć wiemy, że nieetycznie jest tam kupować, zawsze znajdujemy coś na swoje usprawiedliwienie. Ten odcinek nie jest o ekologii i o etyce - a o gospodarce. Opowiadam w nim, jak rodził się chiński e-handel, a także dlaczego Shein i Temu (między innymi) są tak ważne dla Państwa Środka. To zarazem drugi odcinek z cyklu Cyfrowe Jedwabne Szlaki, poświęconego Chinom - w pierwszym opowiadam o tym, jak doszło do wojny handlowej między Waszyngtonem a Pekinem, której konsekwencje odczuwa nie tylko gospodarka obu krajów, ale i całego świata. Zapraszam! Montaż: Mateusz Ciupka (⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Szafa Melomana⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠) Podoba Ci się moja praca? Wesprzyj ją na Patronite: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://patronite.pl/techspresso⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ lub kup mi kawę na Buy Coffee: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://buycoffee.to/techspresso⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Obserwuj mnie na Instagramie: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://instagram.com/gosiafraser⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Subskrybuj newsletter: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://techspresso.substack.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

Chiny to kraj, który coraz silniej wpływa na życie każdego i każdej z nas, a jego gospodarka to narzędzie służące Pekinowi do realizacji własnych celów politycznych - właśnie dlatego w ramach TECHSPRESSO.CAFE pojawił się cykl "Cyfrowe Jedwabne Szlaki". W pierwszym odcinku nowej serii posłuchacie, jak zaczęła się wojna handlowa pomiędzy Waszyngtonem a Pekinem. Czy można było jej uniknąć? Jak wygląda sytuacja gospodarcza Chin? Dlaczego tak ważne stały się firmy technologiczne? Zapraszam serdecznie! PS Grafikę stworzyłam przy pomocy algorytmu DALL-E-3 Montaż: Mateusz Ciupka (⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Szafa Melomana⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠) Podoba Ci się moja praca? Wesprzyj ją na Patronite: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://patronite.pl/techspresso⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ lub kup mi kawę na Buy Coffee: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://buycoffee.to/techspresso⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Obserwuj mnie na Instagramie: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://instagram.com/gosiafraser⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ i ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://instagram.com/techspresso.cafe⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Czytaj serwis informacyjny: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://techspresso.cafe⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Subskrybuj newsletter: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://techspresso.substack.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Dołącz do grupy na Facebooku: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠TECHSPRESSO.CAFE ☕ - przy kawie o filozofii technologii | Facebook

Pogromy Żydów po wybuchu wojny niemiecko-sowieckiej latem 1941 r. wydarzyły się w całej wschodniej Europie – od Łotwy po Besarabię. Również na ziemiach okupowanej Polski, na zachodniej Białostocczyźnie i północnym Mazowszu, w lipcu 1941 r. antyżydowska przemoc inspirowana przez Niemców osiągnęła apogeum. Do pierwszego pogromu doszło 7 lipca 1941 r. w Radziłowie, do kolejnego 10 lipca 1941 r. w Jedwabnem, a łącznie zdarzyły się one w ponad dwudziestu miejscowościach na Białostocczyźnie i północnym Mazowszu. O przyczynach tych wydarzeń i istniejących wokół nich kontrowersjach opowiada dr Krzysztof Persak z ISP PAN i Muzeum Historii Żydów Polskich Polin. #historiabezkitu Zajrzyjcie również na naszą stronę internetową: https://historiabezkitu.pl serwisy podcastowe: Spotify: Historia BEZ KITU Apple Podcats: Historia BEZ KITU oraz nasze social media: Facebook https://www.facebook.com/Historia-BEZ... Instagram https://www.instagram.com/historiabez... Zapraszamy do wsparcia naszej działalności poprzez serwis Patronite/historiabezkitu.

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Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 15-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world, from Sunday through Thursday. Diaspora correspondent Judah Ari Gross and health reporter Nathan Jeffay join host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's podcast. The Polish government has demanded that Germany pay reparations in the sum of about $1.3 trillion for destruction and loss of life during the German Nazi invasion. Gross discusses his deep dive into the 1,300-plus-page document justifying this demand, called, “The Report on the Losses Sustained by Poland as a Result of German Aggression and Occupation during the Second World War, 1939–1945.” A research team at Tel Aviv University says it has identified two antibodies that are so powerful in neutralizing the coronavirus that they could eliminate the need for more vaccine boosters. Who is this for? A different study found that all ten of the most common long COVID symptoms were reduced by at least 50 percent among people who had at least two vaccine shots. Most strikingly, the reduction in shortness of breath, for example, was 80%. So should we all go out and get boosters? And finally, Israeli scientists say they have invented a blood test that will be able to detect colorectal cancer, which is normally found through an invasive test, and pancreatic cancer, which today has no single diagnostic test. Would this eliminate the need for colonoscopies? Discussed articles include: In its $1.3t demand from Germany, Poland seeks reparations for Jews killed by Poles Two antibodies identified in Israel can fight all known COVID strains, study finds Israeli study: Vaccines slash long COVID cases, with 80% drop in shortness of breath In first, new Israeli blood test could detect pancreatic, colorectal cancers Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on iTunes, Spotify, PlayerFM, Google Play, or wherever you get your podcasts. Image: Former Polish President Alekdander Kwasniewski touches the statue after praying for the dead at a ceremony marking 70 years since Poland's villagers murdered hundreds of their Jewish neighbors during World War II in Jedwabne, Poland, Sunday, July 10, 2011. (AP Photo/Czarek Sokolowski)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Mike: Common-ism [Theme song] Nazi SS UFOsLizards wearing human clothesHinduism's secret codesThese are nazi lies Race and IQ are in genesWarfare keeps the nation cleanWhiteness is an AIDS vaccineThese are nazi lies Hollow earth, white genocideMuslim's rampant femicideShooting suspects named Sam HydeHiter lived and no Jews died Army, navy, and the copsSecret service, special opsThey protect us, not sweatshopsThese are nazi lies Mike: Welcome to another episode of the Nazi Lies podcast. I'm happy to be joined by Rutgers History Professor, Paul Hanebrink, author of the really easy to read book, A Specter Haunting Europe: The Myth of Judeo-Bolshevism. The book charts the development of the belief that communism or certain forms of it are instruments of Jewish power and control, from its pre-history and medieval antisemitism and Red Scare propaganda, through his development among proto-fascist and ultimately a Nazi Party, and the legacy of fascist campaigns against Judeo-Bolshevism in former fascist states. Welcome to the podcast, Dr. Hanebrink. Paul Hanebrink: Thanks very much for having me, it's a pleasure to be here. Mike: So before I opened your book, I was expecting to hear a story of the fascist myth of Judeo-Bolshevism as told primarily by fascists through to the present day, but that's not the story you tell. Instead, you tell more of a people's history of believing that Judaism and communism in whole or in part are linked and tied to bad things generally. Besides the fact that this is your area of expertise, why did you decide to tell this history? Paul: I'm glad that you picked up on that. I am very much interested in how this myth or this conspiracy theory connects to a whole host of other issues. And I came to it actually when I was in Hungary in the 1990s. I'm a historian of Hungary by training, and I was doing my research for my dissertation, and my dissertation was on Hungarian nationalism and its relationship to Christianity in the 1920s and '30s and '40s. I was really struck by how so many of the different phrases and ideas and, sort of, thinking about Jews and communism which I was reading in my archival sources during the day, were reflected in journalism and in sort of public discussion about the recently vanished communist regime and what that had meant for Hungary and for the Hungarian national society. And I knew also that this was not just a particularly Hungarian issue, that this same kind of conversation, the same kind of debates about the relationship of Jews to communism was going on in other countries across the former Soviet bloc, especially in Poland, especially in Romania. And I knew that it had also been a major factor in Nazi ideology and an issue that kept coming back in strange ways even in German society. So I wanted to try to think about why this idea had such legs, as it were, why it seemed to endure across so many different kinds of regimes, and also try to figure out why it was so ubiquitous if you will, why it could be appearing in so many different places and so many different societies simultaneously. And so the book is an attempt to try to paint a broad canvas in which I could explore the different things that it meant to different people at different times. Mike: Okay. One thing I brought up in book club was that the book almost feels like a military history in the way you tell it, very event- and people-heavy and diachronic across the chapters, but told geographically within the chapters. So talk a little bit about your choice of historiography, because it definitely feels like a careful choice you made in how consistent your style remains throughout. Paul: Yeah. Well, I mean, as I said, one of the things I wanted to do was I wanted to capture the sense that this was a conspiracy theory that was powerful in a lot of places at the same time, and that it didn't radiate out from one place to another, but that it sort of sprang up like mushrooms in a lot of different places in different periods throughout the 20th century. I wanted a broad geographical canvas, and I didn't want to just simply focus on one country or do a kind of comparison between two countries or something like that. So I wanted to sort of figure out a way to tell this as a European story, and to be able to track the different ways in which this conspiracy theory circulated across borders and from one political formation or political group to another and also over time. The other thing that I wanted to focus on with this book in addition to the broad geographical canvas was also the notion that I didn't want a book that was just going to be a lot of different antisemitic texts one after the other, and so I just kind of piled them up in a big heap and kind of read them closely and pulled out all the different symbolisms. I wanted instead, to try to show using carefully chosen examples of people or groups or political parties or moments in history or events to really show how this ideological substance, this conspiracy myth, became something that had meaning and had power for people that shaped the way in which they saw and interpreted what they were doing and what others were doing. And so for that reason, I think, very carefully throughout each chapter, I try to find actors in a way that I could hang the narrative on and that I could sort of develop the analysis by leading with specific kind of concrete, more vivid examples. And that may be perhaps what you picked up on when you were reading it. Mike: Okay, so let's get into it. A lot of people know kind of the rudiments of old-school antisemitism and anti-communism, but not how they co-evolved into the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism. So, how did antisemitism and anti-communism become modern? Paul: Yeah, it's an interesting question. What I wanted to try to think about in the book–and I explore this I think most carefully in the first chapter–is the way in which very old ideas about Jews, specifically about the ways in which Jews, have been used to symbolize in a sense a world turned upside down or illegitimate power or some kind of dystopia. And you can see this particular set of ideas throughout a number of centuries going back into the Middle Ages. So I begin with this, this idea that Jewish power is somehow illegitimate power. And then I look very carefully at the accusations that were circulating in Europe during World War I about Jews in a sense gathering power on the homefront while the true members of the nation were away on the front fighting. And so there was a real concern across Europe about Jewish loyalty and about Jews as being potential subversives or traitors or spies. And that feeds very easily into Jews as revolutionaries. So you have these two things that come together in that sort of end of World War I moment where also the Bolshevik revolution breaks out, and that there's this very old language that is familiar and comfortable to so many people thinking about Jews as eager to sort of accumulate illegitimate power, that's the very old story that reaches back to the Middle Ages, but tied to this very particular moment in European history in which there's concern about Jewish responsibility for the collapse, for example, of empires from Russia to the Austro-Hungarian empire, and the role that they're playing in revolutionary movements and revolutionary politics in so many different places across the European continent at that time. And I think it's the crucible of those two in that moment that really creates the Judeo-Bolshevik myth as a particular form of Jewish conspiracy theory. I'm not saying it's different. I'm saying that there are many different faces and iterations of the myth of a Jewish conspiracy, but that this is a particular one or particular version. And that it does particular ideological things, particular political things for people during the 20th century. Mike: Okay, so if modern anti-Semites and modern anti-communists largely belong to the right, their ideas coalesced into this conspiracy theory of Judeo-Bolshevism. Now you honestly don't spend a large amount of space in the book describing the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism, and there's two things going on in your book. On the one hand, you have the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism which is this theory that there is a secret cabal of Jews who control the world through joint efforts of banking finance and world communist movements that operate to destabilize Western civilization through financial panics and revolutions, so there's that. Then on the other hand there's what you spend more time on, which is the perception that communism or at least its excesses in actual existing communism, is Jewish in origin and operation. Like, it's not necessarily a belief in a conspiracy necessarily so much as a dislike of Jews and the belief that they're inordinately involved in communism. So when antisemitism and anti-communism became modern and intertwined, the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism, this totalizing conspiracy theory started to form. Who were the major players in that and what kinds of influence do they have? Paul: Yeah. I guess there are two things I want to pick up on in your question. The first is that I think you're right that I'm more interested in approaching the question in a particular way. And that is that, you know, a lot of the kind of antisemitic rhetoric and antisemitic ideology from the 20th century, there was this real insistence that you could somehow count the number of Jews who were in communist parties, and you could determine that this was a high number and that therefore Jews were somehow responsible for communism. And so much of the politics around trying to resist that was around kind of factually disproving that. I find it much more interesting to sort of not get drawn into the trap of saying, "Well, it's partly right or partly wrong," but to look instead at the way in which this conspiracy gained momentum, and that it came to seem so self-evidently right and sort of self-evidently commonsensical to so many different groups of people. And that brings me to the second part of your question. It's very interesting especially if you look at this moment right after World War I in the early 1920s across Europe, you find all kinds of different political groups across a wide selection of the political spectrum raising this conspiracy theory and using it to try to make sense of the fact that this massive revolutionary movement had broken out. So you certainly find fascists or perhaps proto-fascists, if you like, in the early 1920s really making this central to their ideology. Certainly you see that in the early Nazi Party but also in a number of the other far-right paramilitary groups that you can see active in different parts of Europe at this time. But also, you know, people who might call more mainstream conservatives, people who are definitely interested in a kind of national consolidation but very distrustful of the tactics of fascists or of national socialists, making use of this also, for example, to talk about threats to national sovereignty or threats to borders or, you know, the fear that Jewish refugees from war-torn parts of Eastern Europe are going to flood across the borders, and when they do, they're going to bring with them a revolutionary infection which is going to cause radicalism to break out at home. You can find it also among religious conservatives who are concerned primarily with the breakdown of moral and social order and who are interested in combating what they see as being the evils or the ills of secular modernism. They also blame Jewish communists for in a sense driving it, but also being a kind of reflection of these deeper secular trends which they strongly oppose. So you can find this language in a lot of different places, and there's, in a sense, kind of different coalitions in different countries that form among groups who disagree about a number of policy issues, but have a certain kind of common shared understanding that Jews and political activism, or left political activism and certainly revolutionary politics are somehow all related. And that somehow particular tension has to be paid to that constellation of threats in order to forestall or to ward off some kind of greater danger or challenge to the national body. Mike: So fascist parties rode the wave of the relative popularity of the Judeo-Bolshevism myth, and it became kind of a guiding philosophy in a way for fascist public policy. So talk about Judeo-Bolshevism in the hands of fascist states. Paul: Here I would fast forward to the late 1930s when you really see Nazi Germany making a pitch for being the most resolute enemy of communism on the European continent. I think one of the things that you can see as the Nazi vision of a new order of Europe comes into focus is that people–and far-right movements and far-right nationalist movements across the continent that see their own place in that and see a kind of shared goals and shared vision–find Judeo-Bolshevism almost a kind of shared language in which they can create common ground for working with or collaborating, if you like, with Nazi power. You can see this in France especially on the far right, just before and after the creation of Vichy and the military defeat of France in 1940. You see the far-right really seeing the Judeo-Bolshevik threat as a kind of glue which will allow them to work together with German power to regenerate France. You can also see this on the Eastern Front after the German army invades the Soviet Union in 1941 in Operation Barbarossa. You can find far-right Ukrainian nationalists, Lithuanian nationalists, Latvian nationalists who see the fight against Jewish communists as being a way to make common cause with Nazi power in the hopes that when the war is over, and as they believe, the Germans win, they will be able to reap the rewards by getting, for example, statehood or some other kind of political power. You see this also amongst some of Nazi Germany's East European allies in the war against the Soviet Union, both Hungary and Romania, although those two states are in bitter opposition over so many things, especially territorial claims. Both of them go to war on the side of Nazi Germany precisely because they believe that after the war is over and after Germany has won, they will get some special dispensation in the peace that follows. They go to war against the Soviet Union in the same belief that it's a crusade against Judeo-Bolshevik threat in the East, and that the war against the Soviet Union has to be fought in this way. And so fascist movements, fascist states, or fascists who would like to have a state in the future, see in the Judeo-Bolshevik threat not only a threat to their own national interest, but also a space of common ground or a space of cooperation which will allow them to work with Nazi power even if they disagree with Nazi ideology on other points, and even if the Nazi vision for Europe doesn't actually pan out for them in the way that they hope. Mike: Okay, so with the collapse of the fascist states came an almost immediate transformation of the public's perception of the Judeo-Bolshevism myth. So the new states that emerged were expected to denounce such prejudices as fascist and hence bad, and publics to varying degrees were expected to comply. So talk about the, shall we call it, 'withdrawal effects' of the collapse of fascist states on their publics? Paul: Yeah, you can see this most vividly in Eastern Europe where the collapse of fascism and the defeat of Nazi Germany is accompanied by the arrival of the Soviet Army and the immediate ambitions to political power of communist parties and communist movements across the region. You can see that communist parties have to struggle to seek legitimacy among people in societies where so many people are very well accustomed to thinking of communism as something alien, and also something Jewish. And so from the very beginning, you see communist parties and communist movements wrestling with the fact that in certain segments of society, there's a kind of association of them with Jewish power. And so they try to navigate this. You can also see it, for example, in the efforts by post-war regimes in transition that are either communist-controlled or on the way to being communist-controlled, who are having trials of war criminals. There are many people, you can see this in Hungary and in Romania, who look at these trials and you can say, "Well, these are not trials of fascists. This is in fact a kind of Jewish justice or a kind of Jewish revenge." And so they associate the search for or the desire for justice after the war and the desire to punish real criminals with illegitimate Jewish power that has only come into being because of the fact that the Soviet power has placed it there. And so the fact that there's a complete regime change doesn't change the fact that people across the region still have the memory of the legacy of this language that had been baked into all aspects of political life for the preceding two or three decades. And this very much shapes the way in which people see Soviet power, see Soviet takeover, see communist parties, see especially the crimes that Red Army soldiers commit–you know, rapes and seizures of property–are immediately associated in many people's minds as being somehow Jewish crimes. All of this seems plausible because fascist movements and fascist regimes had conspired with the Germans to eliminate Jewish presence from life across Eastern Europe. And now after 1945, survivors of the Holocaust are in public again trying to put together their lives. And so a group of people who had been absent from public space are back in it. And so that only kind of heightens the attention around Jews and around how suddenly the tables seem to have been turned and how the new political regimes that are coming into being are somehow antithetical to the true national interest or the true national identity. Mike: All right. There was also a certain evolution in the West in response to the experience of World War Two and its aftermath regarding Judaism and communism. What did that look like? Paul: Yeah, one of the things I found really interesting, and I did devote a chapter to it because I did find it so curious, is that at the same time that this story that I'm telling you in Eastern Europe was going on, there is this really interesting transformation of the relationship in political discourse of Jews and communism in Western Europe as a result of the Cold War. You can see this most clearly in the kind of ubiquity of the notion of Judeo-Christian civilization as the thing that Cold War liberals are going to protect against Communist aggression. And this very interesting migration of the adjective Judeo from, you know, Judeo-Bolshevism to Judeo-Christian civilization. And you can see this in all aspects of American popular culture and political culture in the '40s and '50s, a willingness to compare using theories of totalitarianism to compare Nazi crimes to Soviet crimes and to present Jews as being victims of both. But also to, you know, really kind of focusing on Jewish communists–there was a lot of focus for example on Ana Pauker in Romania who served as a really important Communist official–as being, you know, Jews who had lost their way and who had lost their sense of religious tradition and religious identity and become completely transformed morally into this almost monster. There are lots of articles about figures like this presenting her as being just something that's called a Stalin in a skirt or something like this. And these figures were then presented as being empowered by communism to attack the moral and religious values on which Western civilization was founded and which the US-led West was going to defend against Soviet expansion and the expansion especially of Communism and communist ideas into the West. I guess a way to bring it back is to say that there's a very interesting way in which this relationship of Jews and communism is completely recoded and reshuffled by Cold War liberals in the 1940s and 1950s to create this kind of very stout, multi-confessional anti-communism that was so prevalent in the US at that time. Mike: All right, so back to the East. So the death of Stalin and subsequent public inquests into his regime revealed excesses that shaped public perception and public policy across the former fascist world. How did the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism play in the post-Stalin world? Paul: You know what's really interesting is that once Stalin dies, there is a rush by Communist Party leaders across Eastern Europe to blame the excesses of Stalinism on somebody or some group in order to present themselves as charting a new way forward that is going to make communism more compatible with the national character, the true sort of national interests, or to create a kind of truly national path to communism. You can see this happening in Poland and Hungary and Romania and other places as well. And one of the ways in which that sort of political strategy works is by demonizing or accusing the most hardline Stalinist leaders who are now discredited for being anti-national or unnational, and for being Jews. And there were a number of figures who were sort of held up as being examples of this. You can see this in Hungary most clearly where the leading figures of the Communist Party in the early 1950s in the Stalinist period were all men of Jewish background. And so the Hungarian Communist regime, without really launching a major antisemitic campaign, let it be known in all sorts of different ways that this new way forward after the death of Stalin, after especially the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, was going to be built around creating a much more truly Hungarian form of communism that will *wink, wink, nod, nod* have many more ethnic Hungarians at the forefront. You can see something very similar going on in a number of different countries, coming most particularly to a head in 1968 in Poland when there is a major campaign against Jews, accusing them of being cosmopolitan, accusing them of being Zionist, as a way of saying that in fact, the Communist regime in Poland is the truly national regime and it truly represents the interests of the Polish nation. And so Jews become the enemy of this true national communism, and the fervor around that leads the vast majority of what remains of the Polish-Jewish community to emigrate in 1968, leaving what is today a very, very tiny community. Mike: Okay. So, eventually the communist states collapse and their economies are restructured along neoliberal lines. How does Judeo-Bolshevism rear its head? Paul: It rears its head, I think, in two ways. The first is in this, again, as a kind of an antithesis or a kind of opposition, you see right-wing nationalists coming to the fore in 1989 very ambitiously trying to create a new right-wing political party, new right-wing political movement in societies where that had been banned for decades. And they set themselves up as being the true spokespeople for the nation in opposition to the Communist regime that went before which they say was an imposition from abroad by forces that were anti-national, completely forgetting the ways in which the communist regimes across Eastern Europe had worked so hard to try to present themselves as national and to try to build up national legitimacy. And in that process, you find right-wing nationalists really very easily slipping into describing the regimes that had gone as being Jewish or inspired by Jews or recalling the role that Jews had played at various moments in it. So you see it coming back in this politics of memory. The other way in which you see it coming back, and it also has to do with historical memory, is the debates about how to understand World War II and the Holocaust. The stakes around that are very high because in the 1990s, as some of your listeners will undoubtedly remember, there was this new focus that continues to this day on Holocaust memory as being a kind of token or sign of a society that had embraced liberal values of human rights and democracy, the idea that you know, if we commemorate the Holocaust or remember the Holocaust, that's a sign that a society is developing towards becoming a mature democracy. And so for that reason there was a lot of intense interest in how the Holocaust should be represented, how it should be remembered, how it should be written about, how it should be talked about. And in a number of different societies across the former Communist East, you have nationalists who are very wary of this European liberal project, who express their wariness as a dissatisfaction with a memory of the war which they say is one-sided and which they say only prefaces the memories of what they would call "others' Jewish memory", and which doesn't pay sufficient attention to the crimes of communists that had been committed against “us,” “us” being the national community without Jews. And in those debates, there's a lot of focus on what role did Jews play in Communist coming to power right after World War II? What role did Jews play in those parts of Eastern Europe where the Soviet Army had turned up in 1939 in Eastern Poland, parts of Romania, for example? And, you know, did they welcome the Soviet Army and did they, at that time, betray the nation? And how should we remember that? So there was a lot of focus in the 1990s, and into today, about how Jews, communism, fascism, and the Holocaust should all be remembered. Some of your listeners might remember or know about the big controversy in Poland around the historian Jan Gross' book, Jedwabne, which had to do with a big, a truly terrible pogrom in which the Jews of this one particular town were killed by their neighbors. At the core of that event was the accusation that they had collaborated with the Soviets when the Soviets were in power between 1939 and 1941. And that that issue became a live one in Poland in the 2000s because it was tied up with these debates about how to remember the past, but also how to imagine the Polish future in Europe going forward. Mike: Okay, and now you take the book to the present day. So how does the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism live with us today? Paul: I think it lives in a number of different ways. The first place that you see it is in what you might call the ideological arsenal of the far-right in a lot of different countries. If you listened to, for example, what the marchers were saying in Charlottesville in 2017, many of them were talking about how Jews will not replace “us,” “us” being White nationalists. They also in a kind of knee-jerk way were going on about how they were opposed to communism, even though I don't think there were any communists anywhere in the area. But nonetheless, they saw communists as being somehow related. You can see this in the number of really horrific shootings of Jews by shooters in this country and elsewhere, where Jews are associated with immigration. There's this accusation that Jewish cosmopolitans are somehow ringleaders or are organizing the migration of other sorts of racial inferiors into the country. And that's a kind of real play and adaptation of something that was central to Nazi ideology. When, you know, Nazi Germany went to war against the Soviet Union, one of their main arguments was that the Soviet Union was controlled by Jews and that Jewish commissars were going to lead armies of racial subhumans or racial inferiors into the heart of Europe. And that the head of this Jewish-led army were going to be millions and millions of different kinds of migrants who were going to swamp Europe. You can see that kind of language being repurposed and repositioned by the far right to fit into immigration debates today. So that's one place: on the far right. The other place where you really see it is the, kind of, reshuffling of the Jewish conspiracy, and I think this is where I would say the book that I've written really tries to focus on how this particular version of the Jewish conspiracy theory or the Jewish conspiracy myth or the myths of Jewish power took a particular form at a particular historical moment in the 20th century. And that with the end of communism, there has been a reshuffling, and so now the face of the Jewish enemy or the great threat is not a Jewish communist like, let's say, Leon Trotsky who figures so prominently in anti-communist ideology throughout the 20th century, but is now someone like George Soros who is anything but a communist, obviously. He is a very wealthy financier, someone who's not only made a lot of money in the financial markets but also is using it to try to promote things like the open society through his nongovernmental organizations. And so you see this idea of an international Jewish plot or an international Jewish conspiracy linked to things like cosmopolitanism, which are anti-national. These themes have been reshuffled, refolded, and repurposed into a now what is the post-communist age. And so in some sense, if the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism is becoming a kind of substance of historical memory, you can see the conspiracy theory that was at the heart of it lives on because it has acquired, in a sense, new clothes. There's new language to talk about it because it's being fit into new scenarios and put to new purposes. Mike: All right. Well, Dr. Hanebrink, thank you so much for coming on the Nazi Lies Podcast to talk about the myth of Judeo-Bolshevism. The book, again, is A Spectre Haunting Europe, out from the Belknap Press which is an imprint of Harvard. Dr. Hanebrink, thank you once again. Paul: Thank you very much for having me, it was a pleasure talking with you. Mike: The Nazi Lies book club meets every week to discuss the books of upcoming guests on the podcast. Come join us on Discord. A subscription to Patreon gets you access starting as low as $2. Thanks for listening. [Theme song]  

In der Folge 40 geben Expertinnen und Interessierte Tipps für Bücher, die sie an Polen interessierten Menschen empfehlen. Es kam eine Mischung von Romanen, Erzählungen und Sachbüchern zustande. Es werden folgende Bücher empfohlen: "Sandberg" von Joanna Bator https://www.suhrkamp.de/buch/joanna-bator-sandberg-t-9783518464045 Minute 5:01 "Dojczland" von Andrzej Stasiuk https://www.suhrkamp.de/buch/andrzej-stasiuk-dojczland-t-9783518125663 Minute 17:52 "Die polnische Mitgift" von Patricia Verne https://lauinger-verlag.de/buch/belletristik/entwicklung/die-polnische-mitgift/ Minute 25:48 "Die große Angst - Polen zwischen 1944 - 1947" von Marcin Zaremba https://www.schoeningh.de/view/title/52074 Minute 34:12 "Wir Seesterne" von Miron Białoszewski https://www.reinecke-voss.de/miron-bialoszewski-wir-seesterne Minute 39:50 "Der vergessene Sieg" von Stepahn Lehnstedt https://www.chbeck.de/lehnstaedt-vergessene-sieg/product/27704286 Minute 44:35 "Rost" von Jakub Malecki https://www.secession-verlag.com/node/2187 Minute 52:57 "Wir aus Jedwabne" von Anna Bikont https://www.suhrkamp.de/buch/anna-bikont-wir-aus-jedwabne-t-9783633543007?gclid=Cj0KCQiArt6PBhCoARIsAMF5wahEZi35UUzxvq1eJeCnmstBxSGKuxhwMTCWPnGKUdQ2aXUK0qMaM0aAoL9EALwwcB Minute 56:50 "Poniemieckie" von Karolina Kuszyk Deutsche Fassung erscheint Ende 2022 https://czarne.com.pl/katalog/ksiazki/poniemieckie Stunde 1:01 "Der Boxer" von Szczepan Twardoch https://www.rowohlt.de/buch/szczepan-twardoch-der-boxer-9783499291470 Stunde 1:11 "Ur und andere Zeiten" von Olga Tokarczuk https://kampaverlag.ch/ur-und-andere-zeiten/ Stunde 1:20 Folge direkt herunterladen

This lecture event is part of the 14th Annual Kościuszko Chair Conference presented by the Kościuszko Chair of Polish Studies and the Center for Intermarium Studies. About the lecture: On July 10, 1941, the Germans burned alive most of the Jewish population of Jedwabne in north-eastern Poland. Some of the local Christians assisted in the crime but the nature of their exact involvement and deeds remains obscure. In fact, recently declassified documents suggest it was more negligible than some scholars argued before. However, we shall not know the precise details of the crime and the exact perpetrators without an exhumation and further forensic study of the victims. Dr. Chodakiewicz will discuss new evidence and present a documentary collection he co-edited: over 2,000 pages of newly accessible evidence of the crime. About the speaker: Dr. Marek Jan Chodakiewicz holds The Kosciuszko Chair in Polish Studies at The Institute of World Politics and leads IWP's Center for Intermarium Studies. At IWP, he also serves as a Professor of History and teaches courses on Geography and Strategy, Contemporary Politics and Diplomacy, Russian Politics and Foreign Policy, and Mass Murder Prevention in Failed and Failing States. He is the author of Intermarium: The Land Between the Black and Baltic Seas and numerous other books and articles. He holds a Ph.D. from Columbia University and has previously taught at the University of Virginia and Loyola Marymount University.

Prawo do niuansu” to program o literaturze i polityce prowadzony przez redaktora naczelnego „Kultury Liberalnej”, Jarosława Kuisza. Od białych plam po komunie przez Jedwabne aż do ludowej historii polski – spory dotyczące przeszłości są niezmiennie gorące. Dlaczego? Czy polska tożsamość po wyjściu z niewoli nie może się odnaleźć? Czy jest tak krucha, że wobec trudnych tematów reaguje obronną agresją? O tym Jarosław Kuisz rozmawia z prof. Pawłem Machcewiczem.

KT484 Jedwabne Commemoration

10 lipca 1941 roku w Jedwabnem grupa Polaków zamordowała kilkaset osób ze społeczności żydowskiej. W 80. rocznicę zbrodni rozmawiamy z psychologiem społecznym, wykładowcą i publicystą Michałem Bilewiczem o tamtych wydarzeniach, odkrywaniu historii innych ludobójstw oraz kolejnych dyskusjach toczących się w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej. Pytamy naszego gościa, jak bardzo pogromowe nastroje towarzyszą nam dzisiaj, a także jak mają się do współczesnego antysemityzmu, homofobii i dyskryminacji. Odcinek nagrany 25 czerwca 2021 poprowadziła Anna Roszman, przygotował Mikołaj Mierzejewski, a zrealizowała Katka Mazurczak.

Dr Tomasz Sommer mówi o manipulacjach podczas śledztwa ws. mordu w Jedwabnem, które opisał w książce "Jedwabne. Historia prawdziwa". Komentuje też wyrok Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego, który nakazał Instytutowi Pamięci Narodowej udostępnienie akt śledztwa w trybie informacji publicznej. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/radiownet/message

Rozmowa z dr. Maciejem Kozłowskim [29 stycznia 2020] Holokaust mógł zdarzyć się tylko w państwie absolutnie dyktatorskim, gdzie nie istniało prawo w tym sensie, że wola przywódcy była prawem – mówi w rozmowie z Piotrem Szczepańskim dr Maciej Kozłowski, historyk i były ambasador RP w Izraelu. Gość Wszechnicy na wstępie odpowiada na pytanie o czynniki, bez których ludobójstwo by nie zaistniało. Jeśli chodzi o kwestie ideologiczne, wymienia antysemityzm i rasizm. – Na początku XX w. oświeceniowe idee zmieniły antysemityzm o charakterze religijnym, który istniał przez cały okres od średniowiecza do rewolucji francuskiej, w antysemityzm rasistowski, czyli antysemityzm oparty na przynależności do rasy – wyjaśnia dr Kozłowski. Historyk wskazuje również, że do Zagłady przyczyniła się eugenika. – Ponieważ teoria eugeniki pozwalała na różnicowanie ludzi, że jedni są bardziej warci, a inni mniej warci [życia], w połączeniu z antysemityzmem dała to, co dała – stwierdza historyk. Dr Maciej Kozłowski: Holokaust by się nie wydarzył, gdyby nie wojna Gość Wszechnicy wymienia również dwa czynniki polityczne, bez których eksterminacja Żydów nie byłaby możliwa do przeprowadzenie. Pierwszy to dyktatura Adolfa Hitlera w Niemczech. – Taka rzecz mogła zdarzyć się tylko w państwie absolutnie dyktatorskim, gdzie nie istniało prawo w tym sensie, ze wola przywódcy była prawem – wyjaśnia. Drugi z faktorów to wywołana przez Niemców wojna. – Wojna sprawia, że życie ludzkie jest tanie. (…) Kiedy giną miliony, nikt nie patrzy na śmierć setek, tysięcy czy nielicznych milionów – mówi dr Kozłowski. Gość Wszechnicy przywołuje liczby: w trakcie drugiej wojny światowej śmierć poniosło 60 mln ludzi, z czego Żydzi stanowili 6 mln. W kolejnej części wywiadu dr Kozłowski odpowiada na pytanie, od kiedy można mówić o początku Zagłady. Historyk przytacza pogląd części badaczy, którzy odwołują się do „Mein Kampf” Hitlera. Uważają oni, że ludobójstwo Żydów naziści planowali u zarania swojego ruchu. W kontekście prześladowań Żydów w Niemczech historyk szerzej opisuje tzw. Polenaktion i odnosi się do oskarżeń, jakie pod adresem ówczesnego ambasadora RP w Berlinie wysunął Władimir Putin. Gość Wszechnicy przypomniał, że rozmowa amb. Józefa Lipskiego z Hitlerem, do której doszło 20 września 1938 roku w Berchtesgaden, podczas której tematem była m.in. emigracja Żydów z Europy, odbyła się już pod konferencji z udziałem mocarstw w Évian. W jej trakcie – konferencja trwała 6-15 lipca 1938 – przywódcy odmówili przyjęcia na swoje terytorium Żydów prześladowanych w Niemczech. Kalendarium Zagłady – kiedy rozpoczęła się eksterminacja Żydów? Gość Wszechnicy nie zgadza się z poglądem, że Zagłada rozpoczęła się wraz dojściem do władzy w Niemczech przez nazistów. Jego zdaniem o początku Holokaustu można mówić nawet nie od wybuchu wojny we wrześniu 1939 roku, ale dopiero od rozpoczęcia wojny niemiecko-radzieckiej w czerwcu 1941 roku. Pierwszym etapem zdaniem historyka były pogromy ludności żydowskiej, do jakich doszło na terenach zajmowanych przez wojska niemieckie. – Jedwabne i wszystkie pogromy, które miały miejsce na niewielkim terenie etnicznie polskim, który był okupowany przez Sowietów w 1939 roku, miały źródło. One były dokonane przez Polaków, ale na wyraźną zachętę czy nawet instytucjonalną próbę zorganizowania tego przez Niemców. Tam nie było Niemców fizycznie, ale ci Polacy wiedzieli, że Niemcy tego oczekują – podkreśla historyk. Powołuje się instrukcję Reinharda Heydricha, która zalecała podjęcie tego typu działań. Oprócz tego dr Kozłowski wymienia działalność Einsatzgruppen, które na zapleczu frontu dokonywały mordów na Żydach utożsamianych z komunistami.

"Jedwabne", das ist heute eine Metapher für die Beteiligung von Polen an einer Reihe von Judenpogromen in Ostpolen im Jahr 1941, zur Zeit der deutschen Besatzung. Um die Jahrtausendwende gab es darüber in der polnischen Öffentlichkeit eine hitzige Debatte, die die Journalistin Anna Bikont, selbst jüdischer Herkunft, zum Anlass nahm, eigene Recherchen aufzunehmen. Rezension von Judith Leister. Aus dem Polnischen von Sven Sellmer Suhrkamp/Jüdischer-Verlag, Berlin 2020, 699 Seiten, 34 Euro ISBN 978-3-633-54300-7

Autor: Sawicki, Peter Sendung: Andruck - Das Magazin für Politische Literatur Hören bis: 19.01.2038 04:14

Jan Gross, emeritus professor of history at Princeton University, discusses mass murder and struggles over incorporating the atrocities of the Holocaust into official history by looking at anti-Jewish massacres in 1940s Poland. Jan Gross is the author of groundbreaking books including “Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland” (2000) and "Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz” (2006). He is the Norman B. Tomlinson '16 and '48 Professor of War and Society, emeritus and Professor of History, emeritus, at Princeton University. This talk is part of the fall 2020 weekly lecture series, "Lessons (Not) Learned from the Holocaust," hosted by the Stroum Center for Jewish Studies at the University of Washington and made possible through the generosity of Steven Baral.

Alan Robson takes you on a Grisly journey, starting in 1920's France and visits Jedburgh to Jedwabne. Taking a look at the horrible and disturbing crimes of the likes of Neilson, and The Torture Mother.

10 lipca 48 p.n.e. – W bitwie pod Dyrrachium Pompejusz prawie pokonał Cezara.10 lipca 138 – Antoninus Pius został cesarzem rzymskim.10 lipca 1553 – Jane Grey została na 9 dni królową Anglii.10 lipca 1649 – Rozpoczęła się obrona Zbaraża.10 lipca 1651 – Ucieczką Bohuna zakończyła się bitwa pod Beresteczkiem.10 lipca 1660 – Arianin Andrzej Wiszowaty na zawsze wyjechał z Polski.10 lipca 1940 – Rozpoczęła się bitwa o Anglię.10 lipca 1941 – Doszło do pogromu w Jedwabnem.10 lipca 1969 – Rozpoczęto kręcenie komedii filmowej Rejs.10 lipca 1992 – Hanna Suchocka została pierwszą kobietą-premierem RP.

Das von Polen an Juden 1941 begangene Massaker von Jedwabne hat in den vergangene 20 Jahren zu scharfen Debatten über polnische Mitschuld geführt. Die Journalistin Anna Bikont hat dem Verbrechen und seiner Verdrängung ein Buch gewidmet. Von Fabian Wolff www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Buchkritik Hören bis: 19.01.2038 04:14 Direkter Link zur Audiodatei

In this episode of Education and Application, I chat with Ryan about research related to his graduate degrees in History. For more information about Ryan’s background, check out Episode 10. Enjoy, and please subscribe to the show. Books Mentioned in Episode 10: 2 Volume Series by Saul Friedlander Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution. Nazi Germany and the Jews: the years of extermination Ordinary Men by Christopher Browning. Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland  (by Jan Gross) Movies Mentioned: The Diary of Anne Frank Schindler’s List Son of Saul History Resources: Oxford Series history books. (Can listen to on Audible) Great Courses. (DVDs and CDs) Show Website: EducationandApplication.com http://educationandapplication.libsyn.com/website Links related to History and Teaching: https://www.bls.gov/ooh/education-training-and-library/high-school-teachers.htm https://www.bls.gov/ooh/life-physical-and-social-science/historians.htm https://www.bls.gov/ooh/education-training-and-library/postsecondary-teachers.htm Social Media: https://twitter.com/Edu_and_App

Welcome to the weird, strange and bizarre world of Alan Robson's Grisly Tales. This week we head to Jedwabne in Poland for more dark real life tales. Plus a load more to keep you up all night.

In this episode of Education and Application, I chat with Ryan about his experience with Social Studies and History. Enjoy, and please subscribe to the show. Books Mentioned in Episode: 2 Volume Series by Saul Friedlander Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution. Nazi Germany and the Jews: the years of extermination. Ordinary Men by Christopher Browning. Neighbors: The Destruction of the Jewish Community in Jedwabne, Poland  (by Jan Gross) History Resources: Oxford Series history books. (Can listen to on Audible) Great Courses. (DVDs and CDs) Show Website: EducationandApplication.com http://educationandapplication.libsyn.com/website Links related to History and Teaching: https://www.bls.gov/ooh/education-training-and-library/high-school-teachers.htm https://www.bls.gov/ooh/life-physical-and-social-science/historians.htm https://www.bls.gov/ooh/education-training-and-library/postsecondary-teachers.htm Social Media: https://twitter.com/Edu_and_App

Raw questions of complicity versus compulsion have surrounded the 1941 murders of a Polish village's Jewish residents.

En librairie le 8 mars 2019 et sur https://www.lesbelleslettres.com/livre/3923-les-voisins. Le massacre collectif des Juifs de Jedwabne dans le courant de l’été 1941 rouvre le dossier de l’historiographie des relations entre Polonais et Juifs au cours de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Abonma Borštnik je serija desetih epizod in del vso sezono trajajočega projekta Abonma. V vsaki od desetih epizod v realnem času predstave opisujemo in komentiramo po eno od tekmovalnih predstav 53. Festivala Borštnikovo srečanje. Naš razred spremljajo: Lina Akif, študentka igre, Nika Bezeljak, režiserka, Zala Dobovšek, selektorica 53. Festivala Borštnikovo srečanje, Minca Lorenci, igralka, Timotej Novaković, študent igre, in Nika Švab, dramaturginja. Montaža in oblikovanje zvoka: Aleš Zorec Tehnična podpora: Boštjan Eržen, Youreup radio Sočasno predvajanje: Radio MARŠ Medijska podpora: Radio Študent Produkcija: Moment, GT22 Tadeusz Slobodzianek: Naš razred Prešernovo gledališče Kranj v koprodukciji z Mestnim gledališčem Ptuj in Mini teatrom Prevajalka: Darja Dominkuš Režiserka: Nina Rajić Kranjac Dramaturginja: Marinka Poštrak Scenografka: Urška Vidic Kostumograf: Andrej Vrhovnik Skladatelj in korepetitor: Branko Rožman Koreografka: Tanja Zgonc Lektorici: Barbara Rogelj, Andreja Androjna Menciger Oblikovalec svetlobe: Borut Bučinel Oblikovalec maske: Matej Pajntar Igrajo: Darja Reichman, Vesna Pernačič, Vesna Jevnikar, Miha Rodman, Blaž Setnikar, Nejc Cijan Garlatti k. g., Benjamin Krnetić k. g., Peter Musevski, Aljoša Ternovšek, Borut Veselko Naš razred je šokantna pripoved o zapletenih poljsko-judovskih odnosih v dvajsetem stoletju, o kolektivni krivdi, o resnici, ki je očitno nihče ne potrebuje, in o zgodovini, ki ji ne moremo soditi, je spremeniti ali celo pojasniti. Zgodba temelji na resničnem dogodku, ki se je zgodil na Poljskem med drugo svetovno vojno, ko so v majhnem poljskem mestu Jedwabne na krut način ubili po nekaterih navedbah 300, po drugih pa 1600 Judov. Dolgo prikrivana resnica o tem dogodku – da so pomor dejansko izvršili njihovi poljski someščani, in ne nacisti – je prišla na dan šele pred nekaj leti, saj so po vojni ta grozljivi pomor seveda zamolčali, preživeli pa so – tako rablji kot žrtve – morali sobivati še naprej, z vsemi osebnimi ranami, krivdo in maščevanji. Avtor te virtuozno napisane drame skorajda dokumentarno sledi usodam desetih učencev nekega povsem običajnega šolskega razreda, da skozi zapleten preplet usod prikaže grozovite posledice tako stalinistične kot nacistične ideološke indoktrinacije. Ti sta med ljudmi povzročili popoln razkol in sovraštvo in jih obremenili s kolektivno krivdo ter njenimi posledicami, ki ljudi določajo in zaznamujejo še danes. Ali kot pravi Wladek, eden izmed preživelih te neizmerno žalostne in hkrati poučne zgodbe: "Zmeraj sem verjel, da bo resnica na koncu zmagala."

Abonma Borštnik je serija desetih epizod in del vso sezono trajajočega projekta Abonma. V vsaki od desetih epizod v realnem času predstave opisujemo in komentiramo po eno od tekmovalnih predstav 53. Festivala Borštnikovo srečanje. Naš razred spremljajo: Lina Akif, študentka igre, Nika Bezeljak, režiserka, Zala Dobovšek, selektorica 53. Festivala Borštnikovo srečanje, Minca Lorenci, igralka, Timotej Novaković, študent igre, in Nika Švab, dramaturginja. Montaža in oblikovanje zvoka: Aleš Zorec Tehnična podpora: Boštjan Eržen, Youreup radio Sočasno predvajanje: Radio MARŠ Medijska podpora: Radio Študent Produkcija: Moment, GT22 Tadeusz Slobodzianek: Naš razred Prešernovo gledališče Kranj v koprodukciji z Mestnim gledališčem Ptuj in Mini teatrom Prevajalka: Darja Dominkuš Režiserka: Nina Rajić Kranjac Dramaturginja: Marinka Poštrak Scenografka: Urška Vidic Kostumograf: Andrej Vrhovnik Skladatelj in korepetitor: Branko Rožman Koreografka: Tanja Zgonc Lektorici: Barbara Rogelj, Andreja Androjna Menciger Oblikovalec svetlobe: Borut Bučinel Oblikovalec maske: Matej Pajntar Igrajo: Darja Reichman, Vesna Pernačič, Vesna Jevnikar, Miha Rodman, Blaž Setnikar, Nejc Cijan Garlatti k. g., Benjamin Krnetić k. g., Peter Musevski, Aljoša Ternovšek, Borut Veselko Naš razred je šokantna pripoved o zapletenih poljsko-judovskih odnosih v dvajsetem stoletju, o kolektivni krivdi, o resnici, ki je očitno nihče ne potrebuje, in o zgodovini, ki ji ne moremo soditi, je spremeniti ali celo pojasniti. Zgodba temelji na resničnem dogodku, ki se je zgodil na Poljskem med drugo svetovno vojno, ko so v majhnem poljskem mestu Jedwabne na krut način ubili po nekaterih navedbah 300, po drugih pa 1600 Judov. Dolgo prikrivana resnica o tem dogodku – da so pomor dejansko izvršili njihovi poljski someščani, in ne nacisti – je prišla na dan šele pred nekaj leti, saj so po vojni ta grozljivi pomor seveda zamolčali, preživeli pa so – tako rablji kot žrtve – morali sobivati še naprej, z vsemi osebnimi ranami, krivdo in maščevanji. Avtor te virtuozno napisane drame skorajda dokumentarno sledi usodam desetih učencev nekega povsem običajnega šolskega razreda, da skozi zapleten preplet usod prikaže grozovite posledice tako stalinistične kot nacistične ideološke indoktrinacije. Ti sta med ljudmi povzročili popoln razkol in sovraštvo in jih obremenili s kolektivno krivdo ter njenimi posledicami, ki ljudi določajo in zaznamujejo še danes. Ali kot pravi Wladek, eden izmed preživelih te neizmerno žalostne in hkrati poučne zgodbe: "Zmeraj sem verjel, da bo resnica na koncu zmagala."

The controversy around the murders of a Polish village's Jewish residents has centered on raw questions of complicity versus compulsion.

Í þættinum er fjallað um fjöldamorð á Gyðingum í pólska smábænum Jedwabne í miðri seinni heimsstyrjöld, 10. júlí 1941, og umræðu sem kviknaði í kjölfarið af útgáfu bókar um fjöldamorðin í Póllandi, sextíu árum síðar.

Í þættinum er fjallað um fjöldamorð á Gyðingum í pólska smábænum Jedwabne í miðri seinni heimsstyrjöld, 10. júlí 1941, og umræðu sem kviknaði í kjölfarið af útgáfu bókar um fjöldamorðin í Póllandi, sextíu árum síðar.

What happens when neighbors kill neighbors? What happens when the perpetrators try to bury the past? The past can still both shape and haunt the present, as the villagers of the small Polish town of Jedwabne have found, decades after other villagers there rounded up and killed hundreds of their Jewish neighbors. The World's Nina Porzucki visits the village to see how that past is remembered, and who's willing to talk about it.

Hur har SVT:s dramaserie Blå ögon tagits emot av publik och kritiker? Varför drar Teater Galeasens grymma och obehagliga pjäs Vår klass" så stor publik? Och hur lappar en stadsplanerare ihop den delade bosniska staden Mostar? SVT:s dramaserie ”Blå ögon” premiärvisades under stora åthävor på nynazisternas favoritdag den 30 november. Serien lanserades som en nödvändig storsatsning  på att spegla Sveriges politiska utveckling, med ett lätt igenkännligt främlingsfientligt parti i centrum. I helgen är det dags för det sista avsnittet, och Kritiken frågar sig hur seriens avsikter tagits emot av publik och kritiker. I förra veckan hade Teater Galeasen nypremiär på sin största succé genom tiderna, den polske dramatikern Tadeusz Slobodzianeks pjäs ”Vår klass”, där vi får följa en skolklass i byn Jedwabne, från 1930-talet via den ödesdigra dag 1941 då den judiska halvan av befolkningen massakrerades av den andra, och fram till våra dagar. Varför drar denna grymma och obehagliga historia en så stor publik? Ännu närmare i tiden ligger kriget i det forna Jugoslavien, där extrem nationalism skapade nationella katastrofer och städer fortfarande är delade mitt itu. Kritiken har träffat stadsplaneraren Senada Demirovic som till Färgfabrikens utställning ”A patchwork of narratives” tagit barns och ungdomars arbete till hjälp för att lappa ihop den delade staden Mostar. Medverkande: Leif Zern, teaterkritiker på Dagens Nyheter Kristina Lindquist, kulturchef på Upsala Nya Tidning Victor Schultz, filmkritiker på Nöjesguiden Maria Edström, kritiker på Sveriges Radios kulturredaktion Programledare Anneli Dufva Bisittare Måns Hirschfeldt Producent Karsten Thurfjell

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross's interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don't and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross's interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don't and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did.

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On July 10, 1941, Poles in the town of Jedwabne together with some number of German functionaries herded nearly 500 Jews into a barn and burnt them alive. In 2000, the sociologist Jan Gross published a book about the subject that, very shortly thereafter, started a huge controversy about Polish participation in the Holocaust. In the furor that followed, many simply took it for granted that Gross’s interpretation of what happened–that radically anti-Semitic Poles murdered the Jews with little prompting from the Germans–was simply correct. But was it? This is the question Marek Jan Chodakiewicz tries to answer in The Massacre in Jedwabne, July 10, 1941: Before, During, After (Columbia University Press; East European Monographs, 2005). After an exhaustive and meticulous investigation of the sources (which are imperfect at best), Chodakiewicz concludes that we don’t and will never know exactly what happened on that horrible July day in Jedwabne, but it was certainly more complicated and mysterious than Gross imagines. Chodakiewicz puts the massacre in its wider context or, perhaps more accurately, contexts. These include: Jedwabne itself, Polish life there, Jewish life there, the interaction between the two communities in the town, the Soviet occupation, the coming of the Germans, German policies toward Poles and Jews, the Polish resistance, Polish anti-Semitism, Polish anti-Communism, and the intersection of the two (“Zydokomuna“). No punches are pulled: Chodakiewicz places much of the blame for the atrocity squarely on the Poles (or, rather, some faction of them) in Jedwabne. But he puts their actions–insofar as we can know them–into a much wider frame and therefore helps us understand why they did what they did. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices