Podcasts about RUC

CPT 92507 is being deleted and replaced with new time-based speech therapy CPT codes. What does this mean for SLP reimbursement, Medicare billing, work RVUs, and compliance?In this episode of Fix SLP, Jeanette Benigas, PhD, is joined by Rick Gawenda to break down:• Why CPT 92507 was targeted for review• The new proposed speech therapy CPT codes• RUC work RVU recommendations• Practice expense implications• The shift from untimed to timed codes• The risk to auditory processing disorder and communication in the new code language• How audits and payer denials could increase• What SLPs can do before the March 6 open comment periodThe AMA CPT Editorial Panel approved deleting 92507 and creating ten new time-based treatment codes. But what's missing? Language that includes auditory processing disorder, communication, and flexibility for real-world therapy sessions.If you're a speech-language pathologist in private practice, outpatient therapy, pediatrics, hospital, SNF, or home health, this episode explains exactly what is happening and what could change in 2027. This is the episode every SLP needs to hear about CPT 92507.You can find Rick Gawenda on Instagram, TikTok, YouTube, Twitter, Linkedin, and Facebook, or at https://gawendaseminars.com. ✨  Grateful for Beaming Health's partnership in helping clinicians handle insurance so they can focus on patients. Make sure to let them know that Fix SLP sent you! ✨ Register for the directory at speechconnect.org and support the fundraiser that will help launch Speech Connect nationwide.

“Tu é que és o Ricardo Mariano?”Consta que já era conhecido na RUC antes mesmo de ter um lugar em antena. Ricardo Mariano era o tipo que estava sempre a ligar para participar nos passatempos, mas nem por isso se escapou ao impiedoso questionário de recrutamento, quando finalmente decidiu tentar a sua sorte aos microfones da estação. Na altura, fazer rádio parecia-lhe uma coisa longínqua, mas hoje – mais de vinte anos depois do primeiro “Vidro Azul” ter ido para o ar – é difícil imaginar qualquer outro cenário que não passe pela divulgação musical.Na nossa conversa de sábado tivemos a oportunidade de sentir bem de perto a paixão pela música e a vontade de partilhá-la que move o Ricardo. As quatro canções que escolheu para ouvirmos nesta nossa estreia no Café do Armazém levaram-nos de Coimbra ao Algarve, dos Cramps ao Nick Drake, da melancolia ao transe e das segundas-feiras felizes à Ovo Estrelado, a mais recente aventura. Pelo meio, muitas outras histórias e uma certeza: em todas elas, a música é o lugar.Playlist:“Garbageman”, The Cramps“Those Eyes, That Mouth”, Cocteau Twins“Empire Systems”, Rafael Anton Irisarri“Place To Be”, Nick Drake

On this week's episode of the Talking Michigan Transportation podcast, conversations about Michigan's study and eventual pilot of a road user charge (RUC) system of funding roads and bridges and what is going on in other states and countries.First, Barbara Rohde, executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based Mileage-Based User Fee Alliance (MBUFA), talks about her organization's history and their work.Rohde also talks about her conversations on the issue with members of Congress about the need for a sustainable funding solution as the fuel tax, the major source of bridge and road revenue since the early 20th century, provides diminishing returns as people drive more fuel-efficient vehicles.Later, Patrick McCarthy, finance director at the Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT), joins the podcast to offer an update on the RUC pilot and study mandated in 2025 legislation.

Aproveitando a interrupção da Liga3, e aguardando o início da fase de apuramento de campeão em que a Académica participará, o painel do Briosagolo juntou-se para pensar o desafio lançado pela RUC: encontrar o melhor 11 dos últimos 40 anos da Académica.Quatro décadas de nomes e equipas tornaram o exercício tão difícil como entretido, como diria Quinito, desafiando a memória e potenciando um agradável desfilar de recordações sobre a Académica.Não houve consensualidade mas houve diferentes visões sobre a baliza, a defesa, a linha média e a frente avançada da Académica, nas últimas quatro décadas, e a certeza que qualquer um dos nomes abordados seria muito útil para a actual equipa da Académica.Num episódio moderado pelo Luís Filipe Rocha, e partindo do onze escolhido pelo José David Lopes, o painel esteve bem composto com a participação do Carlos Veiga, do Ricardo Carvalho, do Ricardo Goucha, do Guilherme Imperial e do Filipe Fernandes.Este episódio é o nosso tributo à Rádio Universidade de Coimbra (RUC) pelos seus 40 anos, pela persistência da sua equipa de relatos em acompanhar a nossa Briosa e a continuar servir de inspiração para podcasts como nosso. Parabéns RUC!

On this week's Talking Michigan Transportation podcast, a conversation with the new chief administrative officer at the Michigan Department of Transportation (MDOT) about his role and his first big challenge, overseeing a legislatively mandated study and pilot of a road user charge (RUC) program.Paul McDonald joined the department in November, coming from the Michigan Department of Environment, Great Lakes and Energy (EGLE). He talks about his perceptions of transportation coming into the department, and what his new portfolio includes.This week, he chaired the first meeting of the Technical Advisory Committee, made up of people both inside and outside government who will offer expertise as the process moves forward.

Word of a planned boardgame on the Troubles has prompted outcry in Northern Ireland.The game, ‘The Troubles: Shadow War in Northern Ireland 1964-1998', is currently under development, and will not be made available for several years.The proposed game allows players to play as members of different factions from the conflict, such as the IRA and the RUC, where they can plant bombs and make political deals.The company's founder has said that the aim of the game is to educate and promote history, yet victim's rights groups have criticized it, saying it oversimplifies a complex issue.So, is this type of game acceptable?Joining Andrea to discuss is Kenny Donaldson of the South East Fermanagh Foundation, Journalist and Author Aoife Grace Moore, Writer and Political Commentator Emma De Souza and more.Image: Compass Games

Send us a textFor the episode I'm joined by ex Royal Ulster Constabulary and PSNI officer Sam Thompson. Sam spent his teen years growing up in a 1970s Belfast and remembers seeing his city descend into chaos and violence as the conflict erupted. Despite this Sam elected to join the police force which brought him face to face with danger in some of Northern Ireland's most deadly areas including East Tyrone, Armagh and Springfield Road in Belfast.Sam shares stories about narrowly avoiding death at the hands of the IRA 3 times within a week and how some of his fellow officers weren't so quite lucky.We spoke about the importance of conversations about the conflict and of preserving the stories/memories of those who were there as well as how Sam ended up making friends with ex republican paramilitaries. 00:00 Making friends with ex-IRA men 06:25 Growing up 19:30 Joining the RUC 38:40 INLA in Armagh 43:45 British soldiers telling Loyalists that they're “Not British”47:07 BELFAST (Springfield Road station)57:00 UDR 59:55 Collusion ?1:29:15 Most memorable moments from Sam's career1:32:15 Thoughts “Say Nothing” tv series 1:35:45 Sam's writing 1:43:00 Common misconceptions  BUY SAM's NOVEL: https://www.amazon.co.uk/Nights-Armour-Samuel-Thompson/dp/178117699XPLEASE HELP OUT THE SHOW IF YOU CAN SPARE IT.. THANK YOUhttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/goodlistenerpodcast CONTACT THE SHOW: thegoodlistenerpodcast@gmail.com

Can Therapists Start a Union? The Antitrust Trap, the Shadow Committee, and the Economic Strangulation of American Psychotherapy Analyzing America's Healthcare Regulations and Their Effect on Us: Why the Law Prevents Therapists from Organizing While Allowing a Private Committee to Fix Prices for the Entire Medical System https://gettherapybirmingham.com/can-therapists-start-a-union-spoiler-alert-they-cant/ The Monthly Rage Thread If you hang around therapist forums long enough, you will see it happen. It operates with the regularity of the tides. Someone posts a thread, usually after receiving a contract from an insurance company offering 1998 rates for 2025 work, and asks the obvious question: “We are the ones providing the care. The system collapses without us. Why don't we just all go on strike? Why don't we form a union and demand fair pay?” It is a logical question. In almost every other sector of the economy, workers who feel exploited band together to negotiate better terms. Screenwriters shut down Hollywood to get paid for streaming residuals. Auto workers walk off the line. Teachers fill the state capitol. Nurses at major hospital systems have successfully unionized and won significant concessions. So why, in the midst of a national mental health crisis, does the mental health workforce remain so politically impotent? The answer is not that we lack will. It is not that we lack organization. The answer is that for private practice therapists, forming a union is a federal crime. This is not a political manifesto. It is an analysis of the bizarre regulatory environment that governs American healthcare, a system of antitrust laws, shadow committees, and bureaucratic classifications that effectively strips clinicians of their bargaining power while empowering the corporations that pay them. If you want to understand why corporate tech monopolies are ruining therapy, or why the corporatization of healthcare feels so suffocating, you have to understand the legal straitjacket we are all wearing. And you have to understand the one group that is allowed to set prices, the one group exempt from the rules that bind the rest of us. Part I: You Are Not a Worker, You Are a Standard Oil Tycoon The primary reason therapists cannot unionize dates back to the era of oil barons and railroad tycoons. The Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890 was designed to prevent massive corporations like Standard Oil from colluding to fix prices and destroy the free market. It prohibits “every contract, combination… or conspiracy, in restraint of trade.” The law was a response to genuine abuses: companies buying up competitors, dividing territories, and coordinating prices to gouge consumers who had no alternatives. Here is the catch: In the eyes of the federal government, a private practice therapist is not a “worker.” You are a business entity. Even if you are a solo practitioner struggling to pay rent in a subleased office, seeing clients between crying in your car and eating lunch at your desk, the law views you as the CEO of a micro-corporation. You are classified as a 1099 independent contractor, not a W-2 employee, and that distinction makes all the difference in the world. If two workers at Starbucks talk about their wages and agree to ask for a raise, that is “collective bargaining,” which is protected by the National Labor Relations Act. But if two private practice therapists talk about their reimbursement rates and agree to ask Blue Cross for a raise, that is “price-fixing.” It is legally indistinguishable, in the eyes of the Federal Trade Commission, from gas stations conspiring to raise the price of unleaded. It sounds absurd, but the FTC takes it deadly seriously. When independent contractors organize to demand higher rates, when they share information about what they are being paid and coordinate their responses, they are engaging in horizontal price-fixing, one of the most serious violations of antitrust law. The Sherman Act provides for criminal penalties, including fines and imprisonment. The law that was meant to break up monopolies is now used to prevent social workers from asking for a cost-of-living adjustment. The irony is crushing. The same regulatory framework that prevents two therapists from discussing their rates allows massive insurance conglomerates to merge repeatedly, concentrating buyer power in fewer and fewer hands. UnitedHealth Group, for example, has acquired dozens of companies over the past two decades, becoming the largest healthcare company in the United States. When they offer a “take it or leave it” contract to providers, they do so with the full knowledge that fragmented, legally prohibited from organizing therapists have no counter-leverage. The antitrust laws, designed to prevent monopoly power, have created a system where sellers are atomized and buyers are consolidated. Economists call this “monopsony,” and it is precisely the market distortion the Sherman Act was supposed to prevent. Part II: The Day the “Learned Profession” Died For a long time, doctors and lawyers thought they were exempt from these laws. They argued that they were “learned professions,” not mere tradespeople, and therefore above the grubby laws of commerce. They believed that their ethical obligations to patients and clients set them apart from the rules that governed steel mills and meatpacking plants. Medicine was a calling, not a business, and surely the government would not regulate the sacred doctor-patient relationship as if it were a commercial transaction. That illusion was shattered in 1975 by the Supreme Court case Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar. The case involved lawyers, not doctors, but its implications cascaded through every licensed profession in America. The Goldfarbs were purchasing a home and needed a title examination. The Virginia State Bar had established a minimum fee schedule for such services, and every lawyer they contacted quoted the exact same price. They sued, arguing that this fee schedule was illegal price-fixing. The Supreme Court agreed. In a unanimous decision, the Court ruled that professional services, including legal and medical advice, are “trade or commerce” subject to antitrust laws. The “learned profession” exemption, which had been assumed but never explicitly established in law, was declared a myth. “The nature of an occupation, standing alone,” the Court wrote, “does not provide sanctuary from the Sherman Act.” This ruling was intended to lower prices for consumers by preventing lawyers from setting minimum fees, and in that narrow sense it was a good thing. But in healthcare, it had a catastrophic side effect: it made it illegal for doctors and therapists to band together to resist the pricing power of insurance companies. The “learned profession” exemption is dead. We are now just businesses, and businesses are not allowed to hold hands. This creates the illusion of progress: we have “free market” competition among providers, but monopsony power among payers. It is a market where the sellers are forbidden from organizing, but the buyers are allowed to merge until they are too big to fail. The result is not a free market at all. It is a market designed to transfer wealth from one class (providers) to another (insurers and administrators), with the law itself serving as the enforcement mechanism. Part III: The Cartel in the Basement If therapists cannot collude to set prices, surely nobody else can, right? Wrong. There is one group in American healthcare that is allowed to meet in a room, decide what every doctor's time is worth, and set prices for the entire industry. It is called the RUC, the AMA/Specialty Society Relative Value Scale Update Committee. And understanding the RUC is the key to understanding why talk therapy is dying in the medical model, why psychiatrists abandoned the couch for the prescription pad, and why your insurance company offers you a ghost network of providers who never answer the phone. The Birth of a Shadow Government To comprehend the current crisis in mental health economics, one must excavate the foundations of the physician payment system. Prior to 1992, Medicare reimbursed physicians based on a system known as “Customary, Prevailing, and Reasonable” charges. Under this system, physicians were paid based on their historical billing charges. It was inherently inflationary; it rewarded those who raised their fees most aggressively and created wide geographic disparities for identical services. In response to spiraling costs, Congress passed the Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1989, mandating a transition to a fee schedule based on the resources required to provide a service. This birthed the Resource-Based Relative Value Scale. The intellectual architecture for this system was developed by a team of economists at Harvard University, led by William Hsiao. Hsiao's team sought to create a “unified theory” of medical value, attempting to quantify the “work” involved in disparate medical acts, comparing the cognitive intensity of a psychiatric evaluation with the technical skill of a hernia repair. The Harvard study was revolutionary. It promised to level the playing field, suggesting that cognitive services, the thinking and talking that comprises primary care and mental health, were vastly undervalued relative to surgical procedures. Had Hsiao's original recommendations been implemented purely, the income gap between generalists and specialists might have narrowed significantly. But the administrative complexity of assigning values to over 7,000 Current Procedural Terminology codes overwhelmed the Health Care Financing Administration. Into this administrative vacuum stepped the American Medical Association. The AMA, fearing that the government would unilaterally set prices, proposed a “partnership.” They would convene a committee of experts to maintain and update the relative values, providing this labor-intensive service to the government at no cost. The government accepted. Thus, in 1991, the RUC was born, not as a government agency, but as a private advisory body with unparalleled influence over public funds. The Architecture of Control The RUC's claim to legitimacy rests on its status as an “expert panel.” But a structural analysis of its composition reveals a profound bias that mimics the governance of a cartel designed to protect incumbent interests. The committee consists of 32 members, but power is concentrated in the 29 voting seats. Of these, 21 seats are appointed by major national medical specialty societies. The distribution is not proportional to the volume of services provided to Medicare beneficiaries, nor is it proportional to the physician workforce. Instead, it is frozen in a historical moment that favored high-technology specialties. Primary care physicians, who perform roughly 45 to 50 percent of Medicare work, hold approximately 4 to 5 seats, giving them about 17 percent of the vote. Procedural and surgical specialties, including surgery, radiology, and anesthesiology, hold 15 to 18 seats, giving them roughly 60 percent of the vote despite performing only 35 to 40 percent of Medicare work. The American Psychiatric Association holds a single seat. One seat. This lone representative must negotiate with a supermajority of specialists, neurosurgeons, cardiothoracic surgeons, radiologists, and ophthalmologists, whose financial interests are often diametrically opposed to the valuation of cognitive work. The cartel dynamic is enforced by a statutory requirement of budget neutrality. The Medicare Physician Fee Schedule is a zero-sum game. If the total relative value units projected for a given year exceed the budget, a “scaler” is applied to reduce the conversion factor, effectively cutting everyone's pay. Therefore, any proposal to increase the value of psychotherapy, which would increase the total RVU spend, effectively asks every surgeon in the room to take a pay cut to fund the raise for psychiatrists. Given that a two-thirds majority is required to pass a recommendation, the procedural bloc holds absolute veto power over any redistribution of wealth. The Secret Chamber A hallmark of cartel behavior is the restriction of information. For nearly two decades, the RUC operated in near-total secrecy. While recent years have seen minor concessions to transparency, such as the publication of vote totals, the core deliberative process remains opaque. RUC meetings are private. The public, the press, and even non-RUC physicians are largely barred from attending the deliberations where billions of tax dollars are allocated. Participants, including the specialty advisors who present data, must sign strict non-disclosure agreements. These agreements prevent them from discussing the specific tradeoffs, deals, or arguments made within the chamber. A former RUC participant described these agreements as “draconian,” designed to insulate the committee from public accountability. The Government Accountability Office and the Center for American Progress have noted the inherent conflict of interest. The individuals setting the prices are the same individuals who receive the payments. Unlike a regulatory agency, where officials are salaried and divested of industry assets, RUC members are practicing physicians whose personal incomes are directly tied to the decisions they make. This secrecy serves a functional purpose: it allows for “logrolling.” A representative from Orthopedics might support an inflated value for a Cardiology code in exchange for Cardiology's support on a Knee Replacement code. This “I'll scratch your back” dynamic creates an upward pressure on procedural values that excludes those outside the dominant coalition, specifically primary care and mental health. The Antitrust Shield Why has the Department of Justice not broken up this cartel? The legal shield is the Noerr-Pennington Doctrine. This Supreme Court doctrine establishes that private entities are immune from antitrust liability when they are petitioning the government. Because the RUC technically only “recommends” values to CMS (that is petitioning), and CMS “decides” (that is government action), the RUC is protected by the First Amendment right to petition. This legal loophole allows the RUC to operate with monopolistic characteristics without fear of prosecution, provided CMS continues to go through the motions of “reviewing” the recommendations. And CMS accepts those recommendations over 90 percent of the time. Because private insurance companies generally base their rates on Medicare, this private committee effectively sets the price of healthcare for the entire country. If independent therapists did this, if they gathered in a room and agreed on what their services should cost, they would face criminal prosecution. But because the RUC operates under the fiction of “advising” the government, it is protected. The same regulatory framework that criminalizes therapist solidarity provides cover for industry-wide price coordination by the most powerful medical specialties. Part IV: The Mechanics of Suppression To control a market, one must control its currency. In American medicine, that currency is the Relative Value Unit. Every medical service, from a 15-minute therapy session to a heart transplant, is assigned a total RVU value. This value is the sum of three components: the Work RVU, which accounts for physician time, technical skill, mental effort, and judgment; the Practice Expense RVU, which covers overhead costs like rent, staff, and equipment; and the Malpractice RVU, which reflects professional liability insurance costs. The Work RVU, which comprises roughly 50 to 55 percent of the total value, is determined by RUC surveys. When a code is flagged for review, the relevant specialty society distributes a survey to a sample of its members. These respondents are asked to estimate the time and intensity of the service compared to a “reference service.” This methodology violates several principles of statistical validity. The surveys are voluntary and distributed by the specialty societies themselves. The respondents are typically those most active in the society and most invested in maximizing reimbursement, advocates rather than neutral observers. The sample sizes are often shockingly small; RUC surveys frequently rely on fewer than 50 or 70 respondents to set the price for services performed millions of times annually. A sample of 30 orthopedic surgeons might determine the value of a procedure costing Medicare billions. The Time Arbitrage The most critical variable in the RUC equation is time. The Work RVU is conceptually derived from the formula: Work equals Time multiplied by Intensity. Therefore, inflating the time estimate is the most direct route to inflating the price. Independent studies by RAND and the Urban Institute, often using objective data like Operating Room logs, have consistently shown that the RUC overestimates the time required for surgical procedures. A procedure valued by the RUC as taking 60 minutes may, in reality, take 30 minutes. This creates an arbitrage opportunity. If a gastroenterologist can perform a “60-minute” colonoscopy in 20 minutes, they can effectively perform three procedures in the time allotted for one. They bill for three hours of work in one hour of real time. This “efficiency gain” is captured entirely by the physician as profit. Psychotherapy cannot utilize this arbitrage. CPT codes for psychotherapy are explicitly time-based in their definition. Code 90832 requires 16 to 37 minutes. Code 90834 requires 38 to 52 minutes. Code 90837 requires 53 minutes or more. A psychiatrist cannot perform a 60-minute therapy session in 20 minutes; doing so constitutes fraud. Therefore, the revenue of a psychotherapist is capped by the linear passage of time. They can sell, at maximum, roughly 8 to 10 units of labor per day. A proceduralist, aided by RUC-inflated time assumptions, can sell 20 or 30 units of “RUC time” in the same day. This structural discrepancy creates a widening income gap that no amount of “hard work” by the therapist can close. It is not a market failure. It is market design. The “Thinking” Penalty The RUC's bias is not merely structural; it is philosophical. The committee, dominated by surgeons and proceduralists, consistently values “doing things to people,” cutting, scanning, injecting, far more highly than “talking to people,” diagnosing, counseling, managing complex chronic conditions. This creates a regulatory environment that functions as a de facto wealth transfer from cognitive care to procedural care. In 2013, a major revision of psychiatry codes exposed this bias in stark relief. Previously, psychiatrists used codes that bundled the medical evaluation with the psychotherapy. The new system required psychiatrists to bill an E/M code for the medical management plus an “add-on” code for psychotherapy. While intended to improve transparency, this change exposed psychotherapy to the raw mechanics of the RUC's valuation bias. By isolating the “therapy” component, the committee could subject it to rigorous cross-specialty comparison. And the committee, dominated by surgeons, views “talking to a patient” as low-intensity work compared to “operating on a patient.” The economic signal was clear. This created the 15-minute med check culture not because psychiatrists stopped caring, but because the regulatory environment made relational care financial suicide. It effectively “illegalized” the practice of deep, slow psychiatry for anyone who wanted to take insurance. Part V: The “Messenger Model” and Other Legal Fictions When therapists ask about collective bargaining, lawyers will often point them to the only legal loophole available: the “Messenger Model.” In this model, a third party (the messenger) acts as an intermediary between a group of providers and an insurance company. The messenger takes the insurance company's offer and conveys it to each therapist individually. Each therapist must then make a unilateral, independent decision to accept or reject it. The messenger is strictly forbidden from negotiating. They cannot say, “The group rejects this.” They cannot say, “We want 10% more.” They cannot advise the therapists on what to do. They can only carry messages. This is why “Independent Practice Associations” are often toothless. In the 2008 case North Texas Specialty Physicians v. FTC, the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals made clear that if an IPA actually tries to leverage its numbers to demand better rates, it violates antitrust laws. If it follows the messenger model, it has no leverage. It is a “heads I win, tails you lose” regulatory structure designed to protect payers, not providers. The only exception is “clinical integration,” where providers genuinely merge their practices, share infrastructure, and accept joint financial risk. But this requires substantial capital investment and essentially means ceasing to be an independent practitioner. It is a legal pathway available mainly to large physician groups and hospital systems, not to solo therapists working out of rented offices. Part VI: Market Distortions and the Flight to Cash When a cartel sets a price below the market equilibrium, suppliers exit the formal market. This is precisely what has happened in psychotherapy. Mental health providers generally have lower overhead than surgeons. They do not need MRI machines or sterile surgical suites. And they face high consumer demand; the national mental health crisis ensures a steady stream of people seeking services. This gives them an “exit option” that proceduralists do not have. They can refuse to accept insurance and operate as cash-only businesses. The statistics are stark. Nearly 50 percent of psychiatrists do not accept commercial insurance, compared to less than 10 percent of other specialists. A 2023 survey indicated that 64 percent of private practice therapists planned to increase their cash-pay rates. Research published in Health Affairs Scholar found that patients are 10.6 times more likely to go out-of-network for mental health care than for medical/surgical care. This mass exodus is a rational economic response to RUC-suppressed rates. If the RUC says an hour of therapy is worth $100 via the RVU-to-dollar conversion, but the market demand is willing to pay $250, the provider will leave the RUC-controlled sector. They are not abandoning their profession; they are abandoning a pricing regime that values their work at less than half its market rate. Ghost Networks The RUC's pricing failure creates “Ghost Networks,” directories filled with providers who are ostensibly “in-network” but are functionally inaccessible. They are either full, not accepting new patients, retired, have moved, or simply do not respond to inquiries from insurance-based patients because the administrative burden of prior authorizations and clawbacks outweighs the suppressed fee. This is not a “shortage” of providers in the absolute sense. There is no shortage of therapists in private practice. There is a shortage of therapists willing to work at the RUC-determined price point. The insurance directories are graveyards of phantom availability, creating the illusion of access where none exists. The Cost Paradox The central thesis of the RUC's defenders is that they “control costs.” By strictly managing RVUs, they claim to save taxpayer money. In psychotherapy, this logic backfires catastrophically. By suppressing reimbursement rates to a level that drives providers out of the network, the RUC forces patients into the cash market. The theoretical in-network cost might be a $20 copay with the insurer paying $100. The actual out-of-network cost is $250 cash out-of-pocket, paid in full by the patient. Thus, the “cost of therapy” for the consumer skyrockets. Therapy becomes a luxury good, accessible only to those with disposable income. For the poor and middle class, the “cost” is effectively infinite, because the service becomes inaccessible. The RUC's cost-control measure for the system becomes a cost-multiplier for the patient. It shifts the financial burden from the risk pool, where it belongs, to the individual, where it causes maximum harm. The Signal to Students The RUC sends powerful economic signals to medical students making career decisions. When a student observes that a dermatologist or radiologist can earn $500,000 working regular hours, while a psychiatrist earns $240,000 handling emotional trauma and on-call emergencies, while a primary care doctor earns even less, the choice is clear for those motivated by financial security. The undervaluation of cognitive codes discourages the best and brightest from entering mental health and primary care. The cartel's pricing structure creates a perpetual labor shortage in the fields most needed for public health, while creating a surplus in high-margin procedural specialties. We then wonder why there are not enough psychiatrists, why primary care is in crisis, why mental health access is collapsing. The answer is in the price signal, and the price signal is set by a committee of proceduralists meeting behind closed doors. The Hands Are Tied The question “Why can't therapists start a union?” is not just a labor question. It is a window into the broken soul of American healthcare. We have built a system where a secret committee of proceduralists can legally fix prices to favor surgery over therapy, but a group of social workers cannot band together to ask for a living wage. We have utilized laws meant to break up Standard Oil to break up the solidarity of caregivers. The same regulatory framework that criminalizes therapist coordination provides legal cover for industry-wide price coordination by the most powerful medical specialties. The result is a regulatory environment that drives doctors crazy, burns out therapists, and leaves patients navigating a fragmented, assembly-line system that was never designed to heal them. It was designed to process them. Until we confront the legal architecture of this system, the RUC, the Sherman Act, the 1099 trap, we will remain powerless to change it. And the reality of therapy is that quick fixes, whether in treatment or in policy, usually end up costing us more in the end. Some states are beginning to push back. New York and California have implemented strict network adequacy standards requiring mental health appointments within 10 business days. These regulations force insurers to expand their networks, which means they must attract providers, which means they must raise reimbursement rates above the RUC/Medicare floor. It is effectively a state-level override of the RUC cartel, forcing capital back into the mental health labor market. The Medicare Payment Advisory Commission has long advocated for stripping the RUC of its power, proposing the use of empirical data, tax returns, payroll records, practice invoices, to set values automatically. But these are patchwork solutions to a systemic problem. The fundamental issue remains: we have created a healthcare system that knows the price of everything and the value of nothing. We have engineered a system where the only way to survive is to stop acting like a healer and start acting like a factory. And we have wrapped this system in a legal framework that criminalizes resistance while protecting the status quo. The hands are tied. But at least now we can see the ropes. Bibliography For those interested in the primary sources and legal texts that underpin this analysis, the following external resources provide high-trust verification of the claims made above: Goldfarb v. Virginia State Bar, 421 U.S. 773 (1975): The Supreme Court decision that ended the “learned profession” exemption from antitrust laws. Read the Oyez Summary. The Sherman Antitrust Act (15 U.S.C. §§ 1–7): The foundational text of US antitrust law prohibiting restraint of trade. Read the Document at the National Archives. North Texas Specialty Physicians v. Federal Trade Commission (5th Cir. 2008): A key ruling establishing that independent physicians cannot collectively bargain on fees without financial integration. Read the Court Opinion. FTC/DOJ Statements of Antitrust Enforcement Policy in Health Care (1996): The federal guidelines explaining the “Messenger Model” and the narrow exceptions for clinical integration. Read the Guidelines (PDF). The RUC (AMA/Specialty Society RVS Update Committee): The AMA's own description of the committee structure and its role in valuing physician work. Visit the AMA RUC Page. “Special Deal” by Haley Sweetland Edwards (Washington Monthly, 2013): An investigative deep-dive into how the RUC operates and its impact on primary care vs. specialty pay. Read the Investigation. The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA): The law governing the right to unionize, which specifically excludes independent contractors. Read the NLRA. Laugesen, Miriam J. Fixing Medical Prices: How Physicians Are Paid. Harvard University Press, 2016. The definitive scholarly analysis of the RUC's history, structure, and influence on American healthcare pricing. Government Accountability Office. “Medicare Physician Payment Rates: Better Data and Greater Transparency Could Improve Accuracy.” 2015. GAO's critical analysis of RUC methodology and conflicts of interest. Center for American Progress. “Rethinking the RUC.” 2015. Policy analysis of the RUC's structural bias against primary care and cognitive services. Health Affairs Scholar. “Insurance Acceptance and Cash Pay Rates for Psychotherapy in the US.” 2023. Empirical research on out-of-network utilization in mental health care. Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC). “Report to the Congress: Medicare and the Health Care Delivery System.” 2024. Annual policy recommendations including proposals for reforming physician fee schedule methodology. Joel Blackstock, LICSW-S, is the Clinical Director of Taproot Therapy Collective in Hoover, Alabama. He specializes in complex trauma treatment and writes at GetTherapyBirmingham.com.  

Conversas de café à mesa da rádio, da RUC, naturalmente, com o António Apolinário Lourenço e o João Pedro Gonçalves. Apesar de não estar â mesa o Serafim Duarte grita, de longe, o que lhe vai na alma nesta quadra.

Nuacht Mhall. Príomhscéalta na seachtaine, léite go mall.*Inniu an tríú lá déag de mhí na Nollag. Is mise Siubhán Nic Amhlaoibh.Tá teaghlach Patrick Rooney, an chéad leanbh a fuair bás sna Trioblóidí, le "cúiteamh suntasach" a fháil tar éis caingean dlí i gcoinne Sheirbhís Póilíní Thuaisceart Éireann as a dhúnmharú mídhleathach sa bhliain 1969. Lámhachadh Patrick, buachaill 9 mbliana d'aois, ina cheann ag Árasáin Dhuibhise i mBéal Feirste le linn oibríochta ag Constáblacht Ríoga Uladh (RUC), a scaoil suas le 200 babhta ó ghunnaí meaisín suite i bhfeithiclí. Bhí Patrick ina árasán lena theaghlach, ag lorg foscadh i seomra leapa, nuair a bhuail piléar é. Chuir an RUC bac ar imscrúduithe ina dhiaidh sin, agus fuair tuarascáil Ombudsman na bpóilíní in 2021 teipeanna suntasacha oibríochtúla agus imscrúdaitheacha. Mar thoradh ar an chaingean dlí, a ghlac máthair Patrick, Alice Rooney, thángthas ar shocrú lena n-áirítear leithscéal foirmiúil ón PSNI, ina n-aithneofar fulaingt an teaghlaigh. Tugann an socrú, tar éis 56 bliain, roinnt ceartais don teaghlach.Seoladh foclóir nua Gaeilge an tseachtain seo ag an iarsmalann EPIC i mBaile Átha Cliath. Is é an foclóir seo, a sheol an tUachtarán Catherine Connolly ag imeacht Dé Máirt, an chéad fhoclóir cuimsitheach aonteangach Gaeilge-Gaeilge. Dúirt an tUachtarán Connolly gur "acmhainn ríthábhachtach in aon teanga bheo é foclóir aonteangach nua-aimseartha, ina leagann pobal na teanga amach saibhreas agus uathúlacht na teanga ina cuid focal féin, seachas trí mhéan teanga eile". Cuireadh tús le hobair ar An Foclóir Nua Gaeilge i mí Mheán Fómhair 2022, agus bhí príomheagarthóir foclóir Fhoras na Gaeilge Pádraig Ó Mianáin agus clárbhainisteoir foclóra Cormac Breathnach i gceannas ar an tionscadal. Tá sciar tosaigh de 20,000 iontráil, ina bhfuil 40,000 ciall focail, beo ar Focloir.ie. Tá príomhchéim an tionscadail foclóra le bheith críochnaithe faoi Lúnasa 2027, agus faoin am sin beidh 30,000 iontráil agus 80,000 ciall ann.Tá balla ollmhór faoi uisce aimsithe ag seandálaithe mara na Fraince amach ó chósta na Briotáine, atá thart ar 7,000 bliain d'aois. Síltear gur ó shochaí na Clochaoise a d'fhéadfadh sé a bheith agus gurbh é a imeacht faoi na farraigí mar bhunús le finscéal faoi chathair áitiúil a chuaigh faoi uisce. Creideann na seandálaithe gur gaiste éisc nó claí a bhí sa bhalla 120 méadar (394 troigh) – an foirgneamh faoi uisce is mó a fuarthas riamh sa Fhrainc – chun cosaint a thabhairt i gcoinne leibhéil na farraige ag ardú. Nuair a tógadh é ar Île de Sein ag rinn thiar na Briotáine, bhí an balla ar an chladach, ach tá sé faoi naoi méadar uisce sa lá atá inniu ann. Tá an balla 20 méadar ar leithead agus dhá mhéadar ar airde ar an mheán. Fuair tumadóirí clocha móra eibhir – nó monailití – ag gobadh amach os cionn an bhalla i dhá líne chomhthreomhara. Más ceart an hipitéis faoin ghaiste éisc, is dócha go mbíodh líonra déanta as bataí agus craobhacha faoi chúram na monailítí ag gobadh amach chun iasc a ghabháil de réir mar a tharraing an taoide siar. Le mais iomlán de 3,300 tonna, is cinnte gur obair phobail shuntasach a bhí sa bhalla.*Léirithe ag Conradh na Gaeilge i Londain. Tá an script ar fáil i d'aip phodchraolta.*GLUAIScúiteamh - compensationcaingean dlí - action at lawacmhainn - resourceaonteangach - monolingualgaiste éisc - fish trapclocha móra eibhir - large granite stones

December 12, 2025 In this episode, Scott, Mark, and Ray Painter share highlights from the recent Urology Advanced Coding and Reimbursement Seminar in Las Vegas, including robust discussions on E/M coding, prostate biopsy changes, modifiers, and the Wiser program. They also provide an important update on the AMA's recent meeting about coding and payment for algorithmic services, detailing how CPT and the RUC are approaching AI integration in healthcare. From potential reimbursement models to risk assignment and FDA considerations, this forward-looking conversation covers the groundwork being laid for AI's role in clinical care and payment policy.Urology Advanced Coding and Reimbursement SeminarInformation and RegistrationPRS Coding and Reimbursement HubAccess the HubFree Kidney Stone Coding CalculatorDownload NowPRS Coding CoursesFor UrologistFor APPsFor Coders, Billers, and AdminsPRS Billing and Other Services - Book a Call with Mark Painter or Marianne DescioseClick Here to Get More Information and Request a Quote Join the Urology Pharma and Tech Pioneer GroupEmpowering urology practices to adopt new technology faster by providing clear reimbursement strategies—ensuring the practice gets paid and patients benefit sooner.         https://www.prsnetwork.com/joinuptpClick Here to Start Your Free Trial of AUACodingToday.com   The Thriving Urology Practice Facebook group.The Thriving Urology Practice Facebook Group link to join:https://www.facebook.com/groups/ThrivingPractice/ 

Send us a textMy guest for this week is long-time Belfast -based journalist, Hugh Jordan. Hugh explains what being a journalist was like during some of Belfast's most turbulent years as elements of the Loyalist and Republican paramilitaries tried to derail the peace-process and plunge the North back into violence.Hugh tells us about how he acquired and kept his sources during this time, often members of the IRA, UVF, UDA and more. He speaks about the dangers that come with his role, threats that have made against his life, being assaulted on the job and meeting some of the conflicts most famous "touts"/informers.He also shares stories about the Shankill Butchers, ex- SF publicly director Danny Morrison and how Hugh repaired his relationship with Johnny "Mad Dog" Adair. Hope you enjoy!!00:00 Intro4:10 Paisley's role in early violence in N.I 16:00 Sources within the IRA26:10 Dealing w/ sources 34:10 Sources lying ?36:40 Meeting with INLA40:30 Willie Carlin & Ray Gilmour 52:25 Paramiltaries post- troubles 57:00 Cameron Hastie 1:00:30 Basher Bates 1:06:45 Danny Morrison story 1:10:50 Naming Thomas “Slab” Murphy 1:15:00 Patching up relationship with Johnny Adair 1:24:50 RUC man Ronnie Flanigan 1:32:30 Hugh gets PUNCHED on the job PLEASE HELP OUT THE SHOW IF YOU CAN SPARE IT.. THANK YOUhttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/goodlistenerpodcast CONTACT THE SHOW: thegoodlistenerpodcast@gmail.comLiving the Dream with CurveballOn the living the dream with curveball podcast I interview guests that inspire.Listen on: Apple Podcasts

In this engaging floor-recorded conversation from the AAO-HNSF 2025 Annual Meeting & OTO EXPO, host Rahul K. Shah, MD, MBA, AAO-HNS/F EVP and CEO, sits down with R. Peter Manes, MD, associate professor of surgery (otolaryngology) at Yale School of Medicine as well as AAO-HNS/F Board member and Chair of the Academy's Physician Payment Policy (3P) Workgroup. Together they demystify the alphabet soup of CPT, RUC, and RVUs, explaining how every otolaryngologist—academic or private—can influence reimbursement simply by completing the necessary surveys. Dr. Manes offers a candid look at how procedure codes are valued, why honest data matters, and how these processes directly shape the financial sustainability of ENT practices nationwide. He also discusses his new role as the Academy's Industry Consultant, fostering ethical collaboration between surgeons and device partners to advance innovation and patient care.

Har vi virkelig brug for begreberne "rawdogging" og "intentional makeup"? Popsmart med Chris Pedersen handler om vores sære tendens til at konceptualisere alting. Vi skal også læse kommunalvalget som et tv-drama og have svar på, om Aarhus overhovedet er en kulturby længere. Vært: Morten Runge. Medvirkende: Kalle Bjerkø: Instruktør og manuskriptforfatter. Louise Yung: Lektor ved Institut for Kommunikation og Humanistisk Videnskab på RUC. Maria Brønden: Psykolog. Karen Nordentoft: Forperson, Kunstrådet, Aarhus Kommune. Producer: David Jacobsen Turner. Redaktør: Lasse Lauridsen.

Defending British interestsHilary Benn is the 25th British Secretary of State since the Conservative government of Ted Heath scrapped the Stormont Parliament in 1972. Whitelaw was the first. I met him during the London talks in July that year. There was then a gap of 23 years before I met another British Secretary of State, Patrick Mayhew. I have met most of the rest since then.The 25 were a mixed bunch both in ability and in temperament. Most we had never heard of before they were given the job. Many we never heard of again after they left here.  A few were friendly. Some, like Roy Mason, were wannabe generals or spymasters who bought enthusiastically into the counter-insurgency strategies of the spooks, Brit military and RUC. Some, like Merlyn Rees, were bumblers who hadn't a clue about the North and probably didn't care, and some were or thought they were, clever and devious. Most of them suffered from delusions of grandeur. I used to call it the English disease but that is probably unfair. Not all English people believe they have the right to rule other countries. But whatever their personalities or politics they all had one thing in common – they were here to defend British national interests – whatever the cost.The battle for hearts and minds of UnionismMichelle O'Neill honoured her commitment to be a First Minister for All when she chose to take part in Sunday's remembrance day ceremony in Belfast. Deputy First Minister Emma Little Pengelly chose not to honour her responsibilities by refusing to attend this week's inauguration of Catherine Connolly as the 10th Uachtarán na hÉireann. The two choices taken by both leaders' highlight again the refusal by unionism to accept the core principles of equality and parity of esteem which are at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement.The battle for hearts and minds of UnionismMichelle O'Neill honoured her commitment to be a First Minister for All when she chose to take part in Sunday's remembrance day ceremony in Belfast. Deputy First Minister Emma Little Pengelly chose not to honour her responsibilities by refusing to attend this week's inauguration of Catherine Connolly as the 10th Uachtarán na hÉireann. The two choices taken by both leaders' highlight again the refusal by unionism to accept the core principles of equality and parity of esteem which are at the heart of the Good Friday Agreement.

Last month, the "Billing Boys"—Chris Jones and Phil Rodgers—joined the GeriPal podcast to demystify medical billing and coding in palliative care. This month, we're back with part two, shifting the focus to geriatrics. While billing and coding may not be the most exciting topic, they're essential for ensuring fair reimbursement for the complex care we provide and for supporting the work of our interprofessional teams, many of whom can't bill directly for their services. When we underbill or leave money on the table, we not only shortchange ourselves but also devalue the critical role of geriatrics in the healthcare system. This time, we're joined by experts Peter Hollmann, Ken Koncilja, and Audrey Chun to dive into key questions: Why does billing matter, and who does it benefit? What's the difference between CPT, E&M, and ICD-10 codes (if you need a refresher, check out our chat with the Billing Boys here)? We explore how to think about billing for complexity versus time, and unpack new and impactful codes like the Cognitive Assessment and Care Plan Services code (99483), advance care planning (ACP) billing codes, and G2211, which acknowledges the added work of managing patients with chronic conditions. We also highlight the new APCM G-codes for 2025, a set of HCPCS codes that could provide substantial financial support for interdisciplinary teams in geriatrics. Finally, we discuss the advocacy behind these codes. The American Geriatrics Society (AGS) plays a vital role on the AMA's RUC committee, helping to improve reimbursement for the complex care of older adults. Tune in to this week's GeriPal podcast for expert advice, practical strategies, and insights that will help you optimize your billing practices and sustain the future of geriatrics! Here are some of the resources we also talked about: The physician fee schedule look up tool Wwere you can find out CMS expected charge based off where you practice AGS's annual coding update Geriatrics at Your Fingertips, which has a one-pager on billing Medicare Claims Processing Manual

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

In Belfast, good fences can make for bad neighbors. David Cunningham ( Wash U. sociologist, author of There's Something Happening Here and Klansville, U.S.A and frequent RTB visitor) joins John to speak about the Troubles and their aftermath with the brilliant Northern Irish novelist/essayist/memoirist Glenn Patterson. His fiction includes The International (1999) and Where Are We Now? but the conversation's main focus is his two collections of short non-fiction, Lapsed Protestant (2006) and Here's Me Here (2016). Glenn has lifetime of insights about the boundary markers and easy to miss shibboleths that define life in divided places--and in divided times. In Belfast, everyone learns to use words without being marked out: how do you avoid uttering "the one word that gets you killed"? But Troubles that go cold also have a way of heating up again, if we forget, as Glenn puts it, that you can choose who you are. China Mieville's brilliant novel The City and the City is, says Glenn, an allegory for places like Belfast itself, where you have to learn to “unsee” residents of "the other city" even in shared areas. That kind of unseeing, in fiction and in real life, leads to distorted mental maps. Glenn sees the so-called “softening” of the peace walls as among the most pernicious occurrences of the last 40 years, since softening coupled with notion that you simply belong to one of two "communities" is what makes real traffic, real conversation, harder to achieve. He and David agree that all over the world, in ways the echo Belfast although it is rarely spelled out, all sorts of invisible architectural extensions of the security and segregation apparatus hover unobtrusively. Glenn also riffs on the names people dream up for what might lie beyond a Belfast wall's other side, spinning off writer Colin Carberry's proposal: Narnia. Mentioned in the Episode “Love poetry: the RUC and Me” was Glenn's first nonfiction piece back inthe late 1980s. Robert McLiam Wilson: Glenn's friend and fellow Troubles novelist, whose work includes Ripley Bogle (1989). Eoin Macnamie's work includes Resurrection Man (1994). “The C-word” (2014) Glenn's wonderful essay on the trouble that starts when the word "community" gets subdivided into "communities." Padraic Fiacc, sometimes called ”the Poet oft he Troubles” finally has a blue historical marker. That makes Glenn ask why are there are so many "blue plaques" for combatants, so few for non-combatants? The interface zones and the strategic cul de sacs that continue to divide Belfast neighborhoods have been brilliantly detailed and studied by various historians; eg this tour by Neil Jarman, Glenn compares Civil Rights in Northern Ireland in the 1960s with the US Civil Rights movement and with Paris 1968; the 70's bombing campaigns lines up with the actions of the Red Army Faction in Germany. Recallable Books Glennn says his inspiration to write on partition comes from reading Salman Rushdie's Shame and Midnight's Children. He also praises John Dos Passos USA trilogy. David interested in the long tail of a conflict and aingles out Glenn Patterson's own novel, The Northern Bank Job as well as Eoin McNamee The Bureau. Inspired by Glenn's account of how resident learn to see and unsee portions of Belfast, John praises Kevin Lynch's 1960 The Image of the City. Read the episode here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

(03:00): Er det ikke DF's eget ansvar, at de ikke er med på valgfolderen, når de selv har meldt sig ude af samarbejdet? Medvirkende: Michael Nedersøe, DF's spidskandidat i Horsens Kommune(12:00): Grønlands regering får medhold i sag mod mineselskab. Medvirkende: Flemming Getreuer Christiansen, geolog og har arbejdet med Grønland i 50 år.(32:00): Hvorfor er det et problem, at der ikke er flere kvinder i Læsøs kommunalbestyrelse? Medvirkende: Drude Dahlerup, gæsteprofessor statskundskab på RUC.(46:00): Har partierne i Horsens vildledt sine vælgere med valgflyer? Medvirkende: Peter Sørensen (S), borgmester i Horsens. Værter: Mathias Wissing og Peter MarstalSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Israel/Palæstina-konflikten er noget af det, der i de seneste to år har delt danskerne - og danske medier - mere end noget andet. En undersøgelse, som analyseinstituttet har lavet for RADIO IIII, viser også, at 50 procent af danskerne mener, at dækningen er farvet. Og selvom undersøgelsens konklusion ved første øjekast kan få det til at lyde som om, at danskerne er dybt splittede, så er der ifølge medieforsker ved RUC, Mads Kæmsgaard Eberholst, stadig god grund til at glæde sig over, at danskerne er mere konsensussøgende end rigtig mange andre nationer - også i spørgsmålet om Israel/Palæstina-konflikten. Men Lars Kiær, der er analytiker ved Mediekritisk Netværk, har selv lavet flere analyser af mediernes retorik i forbindelse med dækningen, og deres resultater tyder på, at der fx er en klar ulighed i måden, man bruger kilder på, og det er problematisk, lyder det. Værter: Mathias Wissing og Peter Marstal.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

With Michigan's Fiscal Year 2026 budget agreement now signed into law, this week's edition of the Talking Michigan Transportation podcast focuses on a long-discussed pilot project for a road usage charge (RUC) system, which received funding.First, State Sen. Veronica Klinefelt of Eastpointe, who chairs the Senate Transportation Appropriations Subcommittee and has been a strong advocate for studying alternative ways to fund transportation, explains why she advocated for the RUC pilot.Later, John Peracchio, a senior adviser to Michigan's Council on Future Mobility and Electrification (CFME), offers his insights on how a RUC system has worked in other states and how the council can help with the education process.

Roskilde Universitetet er under hård kritik af, at hver sjette kandidatstuderende i 2024 kom fra Bangladesh. Noget, som universitetet har tjent millioner af kroner på. Kritikken har ført til at en uddannelse på RUC blev lukket, og bestyrelsesformandens afgang. Statsministeren beskylder RUC for at føre sin egen udlændingepolitik, og Dansk Folkeparti foreslår helt at lukke universitetet. Men har RUC blot handler indenfor de rammer Christiansborg selv har sat? Fører RUC udlændingepolitik? Og skal RUC lukkes, som DF foreslår? Du kan blande dig i debatten ved at ringe ind fra 12:15-13:30 på 7021 1919 eller send en sms til 1212. Medvirkende: Jesper Langergaard, Direktør Danske Universiteter Trine Bramsen, uddannelsesordfører (S) Janne Gleerup, forperson DM Stinus Lindgreen, forskningsordfører, (RV) Mikkel Bjørn, udlændingeordfører, (DF) Sólbjørg Jakobsen, politisk ordfører (LA) Josefine Paaske, Formand for Konservative Studerende på KU Vært: Mathias Pedersen Tilrettelægger og producer: Frederikke Ernst

Mette Frederiksen er gal over, at universiteter bruger en kattelem i loven til at tjene millioner på at optage udenlandske studerende fra Bangladesh, som måske i virkeligheden er i Danmark for at arbejde. Især RUC får statsminister-skældud. Selvom universitetet intet ulovligt har gjort, anklager Mette Frederiksen dem for at føre selvstændig udlændingepolitik og svigte deres ansvar. Men måske peger fingrene tilbage på regeringen selv? Mie Louise Raatz, undersøgende journalist på Berlingske, udlægger sin afdækning. Vært: Simon Stefanski. Program publiceret i DR Lyd d. 21. september 2025.

Udenrigsminister Lars Løkke Rasmussen er kommet med fornyet krav til palæstinenserne, hvis Palæstina skal blive en selvstændig stat. Som noget nyt er de danske krav uafhængige af, hvad Israel skulle mene og gøre. Samtidig har Frankrig, Storbritannien, Canada og Portugal netop anerkendt Palæstina som stat ved FN's generalforsamling. Bør Danmark gøre det samme? Er Løkkes krav den rigtige vej at gå? Er det en sejr for Hamas? Det er dagens P1 Debat. Medvirkende: Villy Søvndal, medlem af EU Parlamentet (SF). Henrik Frandsen, gruppeformand og udenrigsordfører (M). Fatih El-Abed, Dansk Palæstinesisk Venskabsforening. Sune Haugbøll, professor i mellemøststudier, RUC. Sarah Rapaport, dansk-israeler. Vært: Sebastian Johan Lund. Producer: Oliver Breum. Tilrettelægger: Clara Spies.

Der er krig på kniven i dansk politik. På alle fronter. Mette Frederiksen har udpeget Messerschmidt, RUC og sin egen uddannelsesminister som hovedfjender. Samtidig vil Danmark købe raketter, der kan ramme Rusland. Kulturministeren vil blande politik og sport og som altid fylder konflikten i Mellemøsten meget i dansk politik. Vi runder det meste - og meget mere - når vi går helt tæt på ugens drama på Slotsholmen. Ugens politiske gæst er Venstres politiske ordfører Jan E. Jørgensen, der mener, at “hvis Mette Frederiksen var en mand og havde en anden frisure, så ville man tro, hun var Anders Fogh Rasmussen." Romancen mellem Venstre og Socialdemokratiet, når nye højder. Her får du som altid det bedste selskab fra folk, der kender alle krinkelkrogene på Christiansborg. Martin Flink stiller spørgsmålene. Anders Langballe har svarene. Tak til dig, der lytter – og dig, der støtter os på www.10er.dk. Denne episode er produceret i samarbejde med www.hellofresh.dk, hvor du kan spare op til 959 kr. på nemme og lækre retter.

Først lyder det måske som en ret almindelig sætning. Nærmest småkedelig. Men da statsminister Mette Frederiksen i weekenden udtalte de 13 ord fra talerstolen på Socialdemokratiets landsmøde, strøg de øjeblikkeligt lige så højt op på den politiske dagsorden herhjemme som Gaza, Ukraine og Donald Trump tilsammen. »Sidste år var hver sjette nye studerende på kandidaten på RUC fra Bangladesh«, sagde hun. Og tilføjede: »Altså, når man siger sætningen, så tror man jo, det er løgn«. Det er det ikke. Men der er meget forskellige meninger om, hvad slagsmålet om de mange studerende fra Bangladesh på Roskilde Universitet egentlig handler om. Har RUC – for at tjene penge – simpelthen åbnet en bagdør til Danmark og det danske arbejdsmarked for hundredvis af indvandrere – forklædt som studerende? Eller vrider Mette Frederiksen nu armen om på en uddannelsesinstitution, som sådan set har fulgt alle regler, for selv at vise fasthed i udlændingepolitikken? Og hvad går de nu og tænker på de andre danske universiteter, hvor der også er rigtig mange studerende fra Bangladesh?See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nu ser det ud til at det sker. Den længe ventede - og frygtede - israelske offensiv i Gaza City. Uddannelse på RUC bliver lukket efter sag om studerende fra Bangladesh. De helt fornemme planer er lagt, når præsident Trump besøger Storbritannien. Men hvad vil man have ud af at behandle Trump som en konge? Vært: Adrian Busk. Medvirkende: Mathias Sindberg, journalist, Information. Tess Ingram, talsperson for UNICEF og udsendt i Gaza City.

On this week's Talking Michigan Transportation podcast, a conversation recapping a Sept. 4 panel discussion in Lansing featuring a thoughtful discussion among experts from various fields on the need for sustainable transportation infrastructure funding and why it's such a challenge.John Peracchio, who helped organize the event and moderated the discussion, says he was pleased with the comments of the panelists but hoped for a more robust question-and-answer session that followed.Some key themes:Chad Livengood, politics editor and columnist at the Detroit News, talked about reporting when he was at Crain's Detroit on subdivisions being built in outer-ring suburbs with no sustainable source of funding for their roads.Lance Binoniemi of the Michigan Infrastructure and Transportation Association reiterated the job losses that would result from a lack of increased investment in road and bridge building.Baruch Feigenbaum of The Reason Foundation explained the long-term benefits of switching to a road user charge (RUC) system for funding roads, as some other states have piloted. He has previously talked about the topic on the podcast.Jane McCurry of Clean Fuels Michigan provided perspective on how fees on alternative-fuel vehicles contribute to the road funding mix.

Da Cristiano Ronaldos kæreste viser en gigantisk forlovelsesring frem, bliver det tydeligt, at parret lever ugift sammen i Saudi-Arabien - i strid med loven. Ronaldo har siden skiftet til Al Nassr i 2022 været anklaget for at sportsvaske regimet, men også hyldet som symbol på en mere progressiv udvikling under kronprins Mohammed bin Salman. Er han kronprinsens nyttige idiot eller en normstormer, der udvider rammerne for saudiernes liv? Fannie Agerschou-Madsen, forsker ved DIIS og RUC, fortæller om Ronaldos betydning på og udenfor banen. Vært: Simon Stefanski. Program publiceret i DR Lyd d. 25. august 2025.

Hvem er Israels finansminister, og hvad vil han med den nye plan om at udvide bosættelserne på Vestbredden? Der er afgifter på rigtig meget: el, chokolade og kaffe - men står det til regeringen, skal de væk, så det bliver billigere at være dansker. Men hvilke andre afgifter kunne de justere? Efter at have set to kollegers fatale styrt, kan en ung hollandsk cykelrytter ikke sætte sig tilbage på sadlen. Men hvorfor er flere ryttere egentlig ikke bange for at dø? Vært: Amalie Schroll Munk. Medvirkende: Jakob Egholm Feldt, professor i moderne jødisk og israelsk historie, RUC. Ann Lehmann Erichsen, forbrugerøkonom, Sydbank. Brian Holm, cykelkommentator, tidl. professionel cykelrytter og sportsdirektør.

Martin Galvin is the former publicity director of The Irish Northern Aid Committee, better known as "NORAID", and to many, the face of the group.A proud Irish-American, Martin joined NORAID in 1976 and, along-side his day job as a district attorney, worked tirelessly to bring awareness to the American public and political leadership about Irish republicanism and the injustices suffered by the people of Northern Ireland. He was barred from entering Northern Ireland and defied the order by sneaking in to give a speech which was violently shut-down by the RUC.Martin shares his thoughts on the IRA's campaign of violence, why he himself didn't choose to help the armed side of the conflict, how he felt when he would hear about British soldiers being k*lled , the allegations of gun-running that plagued NORAID through it's entire existence (not unjustly)  and much more.PLEASE HELP OUT THE SHOW IF YOU CAN SPARE IT.. THANK YOUhttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/goodlistenerpodcast CONTACT THE SHOW: thegoodlistenerpodcast@gmail.comTIMESTAMPS00:00 Martin reaction to recent RTE Noraid documentary 3:30 Martin's Irish roots 09:00 NORAID 15:40 NORAID members involved in g*n-running 21:34 Martin's support for The PIRA 38:00 Martin's reaction to hearing about British soldiers being k*lled in the North 42:10 Meeting IRA k*llers 44:40 Peaks in Noraid funding 47:10 Feds48:15 Gun-running trial (from Noraid documentary) 54:00 Regret not helping with armed campaign 58:15 Becoming Publicity Director of Noraid 1:09:35 MARTIN ESCAPES THE RUC1:12:50 Martin asks Bill Clinton about Gerry Adams' visa 1:17:45 Gerry Adams meets Donald Trump 1:18:35 Were NORAID “sidelined” by Sinn Fein 1:24:30 Denis Donaldson 1:29:00 Were the hunger strikers allowed to die by republican leadership ?1:30:30 Anything Martin wishes he had done differently

I said earlier this week that the Government will be re-elected next year because, all things being equal, history tends to show you get two terms. Plus, the Opposition remain the same people who stuffed the place a year and a half ago and the pain of that, the closeness of that, is still real for too many of us. Unless of course they rejuvenate the party or say sorry – none of which is going to happen. This was all backed up by Treasury who, in one of their latest papers which is well worth reading, basically says the Government overspent. They were told not to overspend. And whatever spending they were doing should've been targeted and directly linked to Covid. None of that advice was followed. They sprayed money at a rate that equated to $66billion, or 20% of GDP, and when the worst was over they kept spraying. And here we are a couple of years later bogged down in their economic incompetence. The politics of it all is in full swing as Labour tried to blame the current Government for the mess. What's making that argument slightly complicated is the ongoing criticism, which is justifiable if you ask me, that for all the announcements and noise, this is a timid Government that really had licence to go for broke and they have largely chickened out. They have dabbled and poked and prodded and done some decent, common sense stuff. In just the past few weeks we've had changes to building products, garden sheds, speed limits, RUC's and NCEA. There is no shortage of bits and pieces but it's not transformational, hence the slow progress and the opening for Labour to have a crack. Labour are praying you forget all this is on them. But it is and the Treasury paper very clearly says so. They told Grant Robertson to tighten it up, to be disciplined, but socialists with majorities and egos are not for turning and so the ruinous money party was on. Writing about it doesn't fix it. But it is proof positive that this lot inherited one of the most ill-disciplined, ill-advised, arrogant, bungling, fiscal messes of the modern age and if you don't believe the National Party, believe Treasury. Labour don't have a leg to stand on. And the same people who did that to us are still there wanting you to forget and give them another crack in a years time. That is why they will not win. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Billeder af udsultede og døende børn viser dagligt krigens umenneskelighed i Gaza. Hjemme og ude vokser protester mod Netanyahu og krigen. Beskyldninger om folkedrab og krigsforbrydelser tager til. Internationalt står Israel mere isoleret end nogensinde! Krav om sanktioner og en to-statsløsning vokser. Men små to år efter Hamas' terrorangreb på Israel ser mange israelere krigen som en overlevelseskamp! Så hvad sker der i Israel? Hvad handler den indre kamp i Israel om? Det endevender vi i Verden ifølge Gram! Deltagere er Hanne Foighel, mangeårig korrespondent, Tel Aviv, Puk Damsgaard, DR-korrespondent, Beirut og Sune Haugbølle, professor i mellemøststudier på RUC. Medvirkende: Hanne Foighel, korrespondent, Tel Aviv. Puk Damsgaard, mellemøst-korrespondent, DR. Sune Haugbølle, professor i mellemøststudier, RUC. Vært: Steffen Gram.

Shane Jones is fast becoming my favourite politician. And he might have summed up the Government's issues with one on of his increasingly famous quips. "The Ruth Richardson bare austerity approach is not delivering the economic growth we need." He is right, isn't he? Classic liberal politics, trimming and cutting, is not the massive bomb we need under us. As Chris Bishop yesterday was offering more detail on RUC rates and a move away from petrol taxes, all of which is fine, Shane and his mate Winston were wandering around Marsden Point and talking of making it a special economic zone. It'd have tax treatment and incentives to get people to invest and do things. Marsden has got land and a port, it's close to shipping lanes, etc. Ireland has made these things famous. They cut a deal on rates, or tax, bring 'em in, stoke 'em up and watch the growth explode. Image might be a problem. Shane and Winston both come from, well, Marsden, so it's a bit nepotistic. But the idea is sound. Shane has also this week announced a massive upheaval of fishing, the biggest in decades. So it's the big stuff that we may need because the regular size stuff hasn't provided the heft we hoped for. Yes, yes, yes, they inherited a mess, we get that, but the results are what count. As ACT changed the laws around garden sheds and Nicola talks about supermarkets, it might just be ideas beyond our normal comprehension are what are actually called for. The irony of the Jones' idea is it's not part of the coalition deal. I could ask, why not? Is the Ruth Richardson line an acceptance that what they thought would work, hasn't? Another irony – I'm not sure how Shane and Winston can wander around Marsden blue-skying their way out of recession, when it's them that's holding up the foreigners from buying a house after they have invested tens of millions into the country. But credit where credit is due, Jones seems to have taken on the mantle of the arse kicker. He is where a lot of us are at. This is not a bad Government, far from it. It's perhaps just a timid Government. And with October 26 and a ballot box getting closer, maybe we need to shift it up a gear. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hvad siger man i Israel til, at palæstinensere dør af sult? Sydkorea fjerner propaganda-højtalere mod Nordkorea. En ny app skal tjekke din alder, inden du klikker ind på pornosider. Vært: Amalie Schroll Munk og Adrian Busk. Medvirkende: Sune Haugbølle, professor i mellemøststudier på RUC. Sidsel Harder, sociolog ved Københavns Universitet med speciale i porno.

OBGYN Briefs - Understanding the RUC's Role in Healthcare Costs Every procedure has a price, but how is it set? In this BackTable OBGYN Brief, Dr. Mark Hoffman and Dr. Amy Park welcome back Dr. Barbara Levy, a clinical professor at George Washington University and UCSD, to discuss her work with the key organizations influencing medical billing and reimbursement. They explore Dr. Levy's extensive involvement with ACOG, AMA's CPT Editorial Panel, and the RBRVS Update Committee (RUC), offering an overview of the complex systems governing coding and reimbursement in medicine. From how new procedures receive codes to the financial impact on physicians, this brief offers valuable insights for OBGYN practitioners navigating the world of medical billing and coding. TIMESTAMPS 00:00 - Introduction  00:48 - Personal Anecdotes and Career Beginnings 02:01 - Understanding Medical Reimbursement 03:17 - Roles and Responsibilities in Medical Committees 05:34 - The Coding Process Explained 09:16 - The Role of the RUC and CPT Editorial Panel 15:16 - RVUs and Practice Expenses 17:48 - Final Thoughts CHECK OUT THE FULL EPISODE OBGYN Ep. 55 https://www.backtable.com/shows/obgyn/podcasts/55/insights-on-obgyn-coding-reimbursements

On this week's Talking Michigan Transportation podcast, Baruch Feigenbaum of the Reason Foundation returns to talk about developments in Michigan for a road user charge (RUC) model for funding roads. The concept is also referred to as mileage-based user fees (MBUF) by some.Feigenbaum, senior managing director of transportation policy at Reason, testified June 24 at a Michigan House Transportation and Infrastructure Committee about the concept, addressing concerns about privacy and other aspects. A pilot program included in both the Gov. Whitmer's and the Senate's proposed budgets would gather feedback from residents and examine implementation strategies. 

For this episode I'm joined by a man well known ex-loyalist paramilitary and one-time leader of the Lower Shankill Road's infamous UDA (Ulster Defence Association), Johnny Adair.Johnny speaks about his growing up in Belfast during some of it's most turbulent and violent times, his lifelong friend with UDA k*ller Sam McCrory and he came to join, and later lead the Lower Shankill Road's UDA C- Company. We discussed his days as an active paramilitary, his many near brushes with death and how he viewed his opposition, the Provisional IRA and the INLA/IPLO. I asked Johnny his thoughts on C-Company's victims and whether he has any regrets looking back. We spoke about the RUC's many attempts to both jail him, which they eventually would, and to recruit him as an informant. Johnny shares his surprising thoughts on the republican hunger strikers who died in 1981, whether he himself would have been willing to do the same if called upon and what life is like for him now, living away from the city that he once saw himself a defender of.PLEASE HELP OUT THE SHOW IF YOU CAN SPARE IT.. THANK YOUhttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/goodlistenerpodcast CONTACT THE SHOW: thegoodlistenerpodcast@gmail.comTIMESTAMPS00:00 Intro 1:5 Thoughts on Kneecap member's charges? 9:45 United Ireland ?15:30 If Johnny went back to the Shankill 20:21 Growing Up 29:40 Sam “SKELLY” McCrory 37:45 Training (Brian Nelson, Ken Barrett 55:20 Did C- Company do “spur-of-the-moment-k*lls” ?1:06:40 DID C-COMP EVER EVEN INJURE OR K*LL ANY IRA MEN?1:25:00 INLA1:26:40 “House-takeovers” by UDA C-comp 1:30:45 John McMichael k*lling by the IRA 1:33:15 IRA ALMOST K*LL JOHNNY ADAIR 1:49:00 SHANKILL ROAD FISH SHOP B*MB1:53:00 Dr*g-dealing & Extortion ?1:55:10 GETTING CAUGHT & JAILED 1:59:40 Special Branch's attempts to recruit Johnny as an informant 2:12:00 PRISON 2:16:10 Johnny's respect for the IRA Hunger Strikers2:26:15 Loyalist Feud 2:31:05 Relationship w/ Skelly and Regrets/Remorse?

Stand-Up to RacismIn 1972 Catholic families – who had endured three years of sustained sectarian attacks on their homes – fled Annalee St in North Belfast. Last month - fifty-three years later - Catholic homes in Annalee St. were again the target of sectarian attack and families were forced to flee. In the last fortnight we have also witnessed the firebombing of homes in Ballymena, the Larne Leisure Centre and racist attacks in other parts of the North.The images of homes in flames in Ballymena reminded me of similar scenes I first witnessed in Belfast in August 1969. The film footage of that period is of streets ablaze, frightened families hurriedly stacking furniture on lorries or carrying their most precious possessions on their backs. Then it was the racism and sectarianism of the apartheid unionist state attacking nationalist and republican families, killing residents, destroying hundreds of homes and forcing thousands to become refugees in our own city.Regrettably, the same sectarian and racist fundamentalism that motivated those attacks still exists today among some in our society who campaign against housing for Catholics, hang effigies of political leaders on bonfires and use violent rhetoric to promote hate crime against immigrants and those they define as ‘others'. That is those who are of a different religion or colour, or sexual orientation. Defending NeutralityThe Israeli rogue state has set the world on a dangerous course. Its deadly assault on Iran, allied to its violent actions in Lebanon and Syria and its genocidal war on the Palestinian people, has cast a huge shadow over the Middle East. As its military forces continue to kill scores of Palestinians daily in Gaza and its war planes attack Iran the Israeli military imposed a complete siege on the west Bank. Over a thousand military checkpoints which provide Israel with absolute control over the occupied west Bank, were completely closed imposing a siege on the Palestinian towns, villages and isolated farms of that region.As the world focusses on the exchanges between Israel and Iran the Zionists' genocidal and ethnic cleansing strategy against the Palestinian people is escalating. Those western states that have refused to challenge Israel's murder of tens of thousands of Palestinians or stand-by international law, are now defending Israel's attack on Iran using the same unacceptable excuse that Israel has the right to defend itself.Pat Finucane - End the DelayIt has been ten months since the British Secretary of State Hilary Benn first announced that he was setting up an independent inquiry into the killing of Pat Finucane under the 2005 Inquiries Act. Last week he appointed Sir Gary Hickinbottom as the Chair of the Inquiry. Hickinbottom has been given responsibility for investigating one of the most high profile examples of state collusion between loyalist death squads and British state agents and agencies during the decades of conflict.As well as Hickinbottom, former Police Ombudsman Nuala O'Loan and international human rights lawyer Francesca Del Mese have been appointed as assessors to the inquiry. Their role is to advise the Chair but they will not be involved in any final report.It has been a long difficult road for Geraldine Finucane and her family to secure this Inquiry. Twenty-four years ago the British and Irish governments agreed at Weston Park to establish public inquiries into a number of troubles-related cases. Canadian Judge Peter Cory recommended inquiries into the deaths of: Rosemary Nelson, Robert Hamill, Billy Wright, and Patrick Finucane and also into the deaths of RUC officers Bob Buchanan and Harry Breen.

Claims about Darren's sexuality bring him trouble with the RUC.

It was pandemonium in London on Wednesday morning as Kneecap's Mo Chara appeared at Westminster Magistrates Court. Hundreds turned out to support the rapper, Liam Óg Ó hAnnaidh, as he entered court – having arrived in a mocked up RUC landover. The west Belfast rapper is charged with a terror offence over the alleged display of a Hezbollah flag at a concert in London last year. Ciarán Dunbar is joined by Belfast Telegraph's crime correspondent Allison Morris who was in court and BelTel assistant producer Olivia Peden. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The boys are joined by Private military contractor Tysson Ley and talk about drinking spiced rum in Iraq's Green zone, the pitfalls of being called Tysson, joining the Welsh Guards as a teenager, operations in Northern Ireland and getting battered by the RUC. Tysson talks about going for SAS selection, having to learn to walk again after a bad accident, sailing Antonio Banderas yacht, working on the doors in Magaluf and the legend of Mucca. Tysson talks about going into the Private military sector, nearly being involved in toppling an African government, the absolute carnage of Baghdad, having Christmas dinner in Saddam Husseins palace, having to evacuate out of Yemen during the Arab Spring and doing close protection for Holly Valance plus much much more…..@ambitioniscritcal1997 on Instagram @TheAiCPodcast on Twitter

Description: In this episode of The Interventional Endoscopist, I dive divs into one of the most impactful developments in advanced GI care: the approval of dedicated Category I CPT codes for Endoscopic Submucosal Dissection (ESD). These long-awaited codes, one for upper GI and one for lower GI, go into effect on January 1, 2027 — and could finally unlock broader access, adoption, and reimbursement for ESD in the U.S. I discuss: The clinical value of ESD and why adoption has been slow How reimbursement barriers have held the technique back What Category I CPT code approval by the AMA actually means A detailed timeline of what happens between now and 2027 The role of the RUC, CMS, and commercial payers How GI practices, hospitals, ASCs, and coders should prepare Why this could signal a tipping point for training, education, and device innovation If you're performing ESD, planning to learn, or managing coding and billing for a GI practice, this episode is your roadmap.

How is reimbursement decided? Have an inside look from the committee itself as we unpack exactly how a new CPT (Current Procedural Terminology) code is created, assessed, and ultimately valued for physician Medicare reimbursement. In this episode of BackTable, Dr. Sabeen Dhand is joined by radiation oncologist Dr. Amar Rewari and interventional radiologist Dr. Curtis Anderson, both of whom sit on the RVS Update Committee (RUC).---SYNPOSISThe conversation covers who participates in the RUC, the preparation it takes to propose a new CPT code, and what it's like to collaborate with physicians from all specialties. They discuss the confidential yet crucial role of the RUC in determining physician work and practice expenses, advocacy efforts, and the impact of healthcare policies on reimbursement. The doctors stress the importance of physician engagement—especially through member surveys—and share how providers can get involved. The guests also touch on their personal journeys and motivations within the RUC and introduce Dr. Rewari's podcast, ‘Value Health Voices', which focuses on healthcare policy and economics.---TIMESTAMPS00:00 - Introduction and Importance of Surveys01:18 - Understanding the RVS Update Committee (RUC)6:36 - How Does a New CPT Code Get Introduced?09:44 - Challenges and Dynamics within the RUC20:52 - Health Value Voices Podcast22:51 - Transparency in Healthcare Policy24:39 - Future of Healthcare Payments29:00 - Getting Involved in Healthcare Policy33:43- Final Thoughts and Call to Action---RESOURCESHealth Value Voices Podcast: https://open.spotify.com/show/0cxnf4Il3QK3cvFFKxwPWL?si=212d084a09034cf2

On this week's episode of the Talking Michigan Transportation podcast, a conversation about states studying or piloting road usage charges (RUC).John Peracchio, a strategic adviser on intelligent transportation systems and mobility, and member of the Michigan Council on Future Mobility and Electrification, talks about key takeaways from a recent conference of the International Bridge, Tunnel and Turnpike Association (IBTTA), where RUC programs were a key topic.  Also discussed is what has been learned from other states and what it means that a proposal in the Michigan transportation budget would fund an RUC pilot. Hawaii has been especially aggressive in implementation, and Peracchio explains the unique nature.  As an advocate for increased funding for public transit, Peracchio also discusses how RUC could be structured to help.