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A compelling dual biography of Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle that shines new light on two of the greatest figures of the 20th century.Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle were thrown together by war. They incarnated the resistance of Britain and France to the existential threat from Nazi Germany, and their ultimate victory over Hitler has ensured their achievements will never be forgotten. But, as The Last Titans: How Churchill and De Gaulle Saved Their Nations and Transformed the World (Simon & Schuster, 2026) shows, that is only a part of a complex story. Both men influenced their countries, and the world around them, long after the war was won.There was a paradox in the parallel and intertwined lives of these extraordinary men. De Gaulle—tall, gauche, and incorruptible—exhibited qualities often associated with the English. Churchill—short, charming, witty, and a bon vivant—resembled the quintessential politician of the French Third Republic. Their working relationship was rarely smooth, but they appreciated each other's stature: de Gaulle said Churchill was “the great artist of a great history,” while Churchill recognized de Gaulle as “l'homme du destin.”Richard Vinen explores what made these men exceptional and how profoundly they were influenced by their national cultures. Beyond personal intrigue, Vinen makes a wider point that Britain and France are both haunted by perceptions of past greatness. He retraces the paths of two leaders who once helmed superpowers but lived to see their nations weakened by two world wars and the loss of empires.Written with extraordinary narrative verve, The Last Titans offers a fresh exploration into the lives of de Gaulle and Churchill. By bringing their two stories into one, each man is seen anew and we gain fresh insights into their achievements and their legacy today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
A compelling dual biography of Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle that shines new light on two of the greatest figures of the 20th century.Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle were thrown together by war. They incarnated the resistance of Britain and France to the existential threat from Nazi Germany, and their ultimate victory over Hitler has ensured their achievements will never be forgotten. But, as The Last Titans: How Churchill and De Gaulle Saved Their Nations and Transformed the World (Simon & Schuster, 2026) shows, that is only a part of a complex story. Both men influenced their countries, and the world around them, long after the war was won.There was a paradox in the parallel and intertwined lives of these extraordinary men. De Gaulle—tall, gauche, and incorruptible—exhibited qualities often associated with the English. Churchill—short, charming, witty, and a bon vivant—resembled the quintessential politician of the French Third Republic. Their working relationship was rarely smooth, but they appreciated each other's stature: de Gaulle said Churchill was “the great artist of a great history,” while Churchill recognized de Gaulle as “l'homme du destin.”Richard Vinen explores what made these men exceptional and how profoundly they were influenced by their national cultures. Beyond personal intrigue, Vinen makes a wider point that Britain and France are both haunted by perceptions of past greatness. He retraces the paths of two leaders who once helmed superpowers but lived to see their nations weakened by two world wars and the loss of empires.Written with extraordinary narrative verve, The Last Titans offers a fresh exploration into the lives of de Gaulle and Churchill. By bringing their two stories into one, each man is seen anew and we gain fresh insights into their achievements and their legacy today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
C dans l'air du 4 mars 2026 - Iran : la France entrainée dans la guerre ?Au cinquième jour de guerre au Moyen-Orient, l'armée israélienne poursuit ses tirs sur l'Iran et intensifie ses bombardements au Liban. Les États-Unis revendiquent, eux, des frappes « sur près de 2 000 » cibles depuis samedi. Mais la République islamique d'Iran résiste à la puissance de feu des États-Unis et d'Israël. Des drones frappent les ambassades américaines de la région, mais aussi les pays du Golfe, alliés de Washington, ainsi que des navires dans le détroit d'Ormuz. Les Gardiens de la révolution disent en avoir le contrôle total ce mercredi.Parallèlement, les autorités iraniennes ont annoncé le report de l'hommage national à Ali Khamenei, initialement prévu ce mercredi soir à Téhéran, alors que plusieurs frappes américaines et israéliennes ont eu lieu contre l'Assemblée des experts, chargée notamment d'élire un nouveau guide suprême.Alors, jusqu'à quand le régime des mollahs peut-il tenir ? La Turquie, qui avait exprimé ces derniers jours son inquiétude face aux attaques américano-israéliennes contre l'Iran, « déclenchées par des provocations du Premier ministre israélien Netanyahu », a mis en garde ce mercredi Téhéran après qu'un tir de missile balistique visant son espace aérien a été détruit par « les éléments de défense aérienne et antimissile de l'OTAN » déployés en Méditerranée orientale. La Turquie « n'était pas la cible du missile », a précisé en début d'après-midi un responsable turc à l'AFP. « Nous pensons qu'il visait une base militaire » à Chypre, « mais qu'il a dévié de sa course », a-t-il ajouté.La France, de son côté, a décidé de renforcer son dispositif militaire dans la région, alors que le rapatriement des ressortissants français a commencé. Le porte-avions Charles-de-Gaulle fait route vers la Méditerranée, a ainsi annoncé le chef de l'État mardi soir lors d'une allocation télévisée. Une frégate, le « Languedoc », est arrivée, elle, au large de Chypre dès hier soir, et des moyens de défense antiaérienne supplémentaires vont être envoyés pour sécuriser ce pays membre de l'Union européenne, « avec lequel nous venons de signer un partenariat stratégique », et où des drones iraniens ont visé une base britannique, a indiqué le président de la République. La première frappe avait suivi de peu l'annonce par le Premier ministre britannique, Keir Starmer, qu'il avait autorisé les États-Unis à utiliser les bases britanniques dans sa campagne militaire contre l'Iran.Alors, quelle est la situation au Moyen-Orient ? Pourquoi Chypre se retrouve-t-elle impliquée dans le conflit ? La France est-elle entraînée dans cette guerre ? Enfin, quels sont les pays engagés dans une démarche de « dissuasion nucléaire avancée » avec la France ? Nos journalistes ont eu accès à la base aérienne stratégique d'Istres, dans les Bouches-du-Rhône, qui abrite l'arme nucléaire française.Experts : - Général Dominique Trinquand - Ancien chef de la mission militaire française auprès de l'ONU, auteur de D'un monde à l'autre- Melissa Bell - Journaliste, correspondante à Paris pour CNN- Alain Pirot - Journaliste, spécialiste des questions de défense- David Rigoulet-Roze - Politologue – Chercheur associé à l'Institut français d'analyse stratégique- Magali Lacroze, journaliste #cdanslair (en duplex de Tel Aviv)
A compelling dual biography of Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle that shines new light on two of the greatest figures of the 20th century.Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle were thrown together by war. They incarnated the resistance of Britain and France to the existential threat from Nazi Germany, and their ultimate victory over Hitler has ensured their achievements will never be forgotten. But, as The Last Titans: How Churchill and De Gaulle Saved Their Nations and Transformed the World (Simon & Schuster, 2026) shows, that is only a part of a complex story. Both men influenced their countries, and the world around them, long after the war was won.There was a paradox in the parallel and intertwined lives of these extraordinary men. De Gaulle—tall, gauche, and incorruptible—exhibited qualities often associated with the English. Churchill—short, charming, witty, and a bon vivant—resembled the quintessential politician of the French Third Republic. Their working relationship was rarely smooth, but they appreciated each other's stature: de Gaulle said Churchill was “the great artist of a great history,” while Churchill recognized de Gaulle as “l'homme du destin.”Richard Vinen explores what made these men exceptional and how profoundly they were influenced by their national cultures. Beyond personal intrigue, Vinen makes a wider point that Britain and France are both haunted by perceptions of past greatness. He retraces the paths of two leaders who once helmed superpowers but lived to see their nations weakened by two world wars and the loss of empires.Written with extraordinary narrative verve, The Last Titans offers a fresh exploration into the lives of de Gaulle and Churchill. By bringing their two stories into one, each man is seen anew and we gain fresh insights into their achievements and their legacy today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography
durée : 00:13:01 - Journal de 7 h - Annoncé dans une allocution télévisée à l'adresse des Français ce mardi 3 mars, le président de la République Emmanuel Macron a justifié cet engagement au nom des accords de défense signés avec plusieurs pays partenaires dans la région.
Confira no Morning Show desta quarta-feira (04): Um veículo de luxo escoltado por viaturas, que transportava o advogado de Fabiano Zettel, cunhado de Vorcaro, cuja rendição às autoridades é aguardada para as próximas horas. A Polícia Federal realiza uma ação de cumprimento de quatro mandados de prisão expedidos pelo ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), André Mendonça, e também tem como alvo Luis Felipe Mourão e o ex-policial federal Marilson da Silva. Em uma delas, a ordem de que Fabiano Zeel se apresente para as autoridades nas próximas horas. Os investigados são suspeitos de envolvimento em um esquema que lesou fundos de pensão, com fortes ligações aos desdobramentos do Banco Master. A quebra de sigilo autorizada pelo ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), André Mendonça, revelou polêmicas, entre elas, que a organização criminosa era dividida em quatro núcleos. A revelação que mais gerou indignação na bancada do programa refere-se ao quarto núcleo, focado em intimidação e obstrução de justiça. Segundo o relatório da Polícia Federal, o grupo de Daniel Vorcaro monitorava autoridades e contratava criminosos para simular assaltos, sequestros e espancar fisicamente jornalistas e opositores que tentavam investigar as fraudes bilionárias da instituição. O Morning Show detalha a teia de fraudes e a cronologia da crise envolvendo o Banco Master e o executivo Daniel Vorcaro. David de Tarso explicou o passo a passo da quebra da instituição, que começou com o crescimento artificial da venda de CDBs com taxas muito acima da média do mercado. Após o Banco Central identificar uma crise aguda de liquidez e vetar a venda para outras instituições, o banco sofreu uma liquidação extrajudicial, o que culminou na prisão do empresário. O escândalo envolvendo o Banco Master e o executivo Daniel Vorcaro ganhou um novo e decisivo capítulo internacional. Direto de Miami, o correspondente Eliseu Caetano trouxe informações exclusivas indicando que a Justiça dos Estados Unidos abriu os olhos para a movimentação financeira do grupo, que pode ultrapassar a marca de meio bilhão de dólares no país, com dezenas de milhões concentrados apenas em imóveis de alto luxo. O deputado federal Paulo Pimenta (PT-RS) trouxe graves acusações sobre os bastidores da Comissão Parlamentar Mista de Inquérito (CPMI) que investiga o escândalo do Banco Master. Em entrevista, o parlamentar criticou o cancelamento da sessão que ouviria os executivos investigados e acusou o presidente da comissão, Carlos Viana, de atuar abertamente para blindar e proteger o banqueiro Daniel Vorcaro e seu cunhado, Fabiano Zettel, que se encontram presos preventivamente. A guerra no Oriente Médio ganha novos desdobramentos com divisões claras entre as potências europeias. Em declaração contundente, o líder espanhol afirmou que o americano está brincando de roleta russa com a vida de milhões de civis, garantindo que a Espanha não será cúmplice e proibiu a utilização de suas bases no Mar Mediterrâneo para a operação. Por outro lado, o presidente da França, Emmanuel Macron, anunciou apoio tático aos americanos e determinou o envio do porta-aviões Charles de Gaulle para as proximidades da ilha do Chipre. O repórter Rodrigo Viga informou que o terceiro suspeito, Vitor Hugo Simonin, de dezoito anos, se entregou na delegacia e já está preso. O jovem é filho de um ex-subsecretário de governança do estado do Rio de Janeiro, que foi exonerado do cargo após o escândalo vir à tona. A investigação da Polícia Civil aponta que o grupo de cinco rapazes, que já viraram réus na Justiça, agia com um modus operandi cruel. A adolescente de dezessete anos foi atraída para um quarto, onde os criminosos cometeram agressões físicas, psicológicas e o estupro, chegando a cogitar atirar a vítima pela janela para simular um suicídio. Essas e outras notícias você confere no Morning Show.
Cris d'enfants, longues embrassades et quelques larmes: un premier vol organisé pour rapatrier des Français bloqués au Moyen-Orient depuis le début de la guerre est arrivé tôt mercredi matin à l'aéroport Roissy-Charles de Gaulle en provenance d'Oman.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
A compelling dual biography of Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle that shines new light on two of the greatest figures of the 20th century.Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle were thrown together by war. They incarnated the resistance of Britain and France to the existential threat from Nazi Germany, and their ultimate victory over Hitler has ensured their achievements will never be forgotten. But, as The Last Titans: How Churchill and De Gaulle Saved Their Nations and Transformed the World (Simon & Schuster, 2026) shows, that is only a part of a complex story. Both men influenced their countries, and the world around them, long after the war was won.There was a paradox in the parallel and intertwined lives of these extraordinary men. De Gaulle—tall, gauche, and incorruptible—exhibited qualities often associated with the English. Churchill—short, charming, witty, and a bon vivant—resembled the quintessential politician of the French Third Republic. Their working relationship was rarely smooth, but they appreciated each other's stature: de Gaulle said Churchill was “the great artist of a great history,” while Churchill recognized de Gaulle as “l'homme du destin.”Richard Vinen explores what made these men exceptional and how profoundly they were influenced by their national cultures. Beyond personal intrigue, Vinen makes a wider point that Britain and France are both haunted by perceptions of past greatness. He retraces the paths of two leaders who once helmed superpowers but lived to see their nations weakened by two world wars and the loss of empires.Written with extraordinary narrative verve, The Last Titans offers a fresh exploration into the lives of de Gaulle and Churchill. By bringing their two stories into one, each man is seen anew and we gain fresh insights into their achievements and their legacy today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/french-studies
durée : 00:05:29 - L'invité de 6h20 - par : Mathilde MUNOS - Un premier vol organisé pour rapatrier des Français bloqués au Moyen-Orient depuis le début de la guerre est arrivé tôt mercredi matin à l'aéroport Roissy-Charles de Gaulle en provenance d'Oman. Environ 400 000 Français sont actuellement dans la région, plus de la moitié en Israël. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
Emmanuel Macron a annoncé le mardi 3 mars le déploiement du porte-avions Charles de Gaulle, d'avions Rafale, d'une frégate et de moyens de défense anti-aérienne au Moyen-Orient pour défendre les intérêts français et les pays alliés frappés par la riposte iranienne aux attaques israélo-américaines. La France est-elle engagée dans la guerre ? Dans cet épisode du Choix info RTL, Sébastien Rouxel revient sur la manière dont notre pays s'implique dans le conflit.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Aujourd'hui, nous vous proposons un épisode consacré à un sujet stratégique au cœur de l'actualité internationale. Puissance navale, projection de force, dissuasion nucléaire : la France dispose d'un outil militaire unique en Europe. Mais que représente réellement la marine nationale dans l'équilibre des puissances mondiales ? Pourquoi le Charles de Gaulle est-il un atout stratégique majeur, et quelles sont ses capacités concrètes ? Comment fonctionne un groupe aéronaval, et quels sont ses enjeux opérationnels ? Dans un contexte de tensions internationales croissantes, la question d'une Europe de la défense crédible se pose avec acuité. La France peut-elle en être le moteur ? Pour répondre à ces questions, j'ai le plaisir de recevoir l'amiral Richard Wilmot-Roussel Amiral Wilmot-Roussel, merci de votre participation aux podcasts de l'ISP. C'est un véritable honneur de vous recevoir.
durée : 00:13:01 - Journal de 7 h - Annoncé dans une allocution télévisée à l'adresse des Français ce mardi 3 mars, le président de la République Emmanuel Macron a justifié cet engagement au nom des accords de défense signés avec plusieurs pays partenaires dans la région.
A compelling dual biography of Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle that shines new light on two of the greatest figures of the 20th century.Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle were thrown together by war. They incarnated the resistance of Britain and France to the existential threat from Nazi Germany, and their ultimate victory over Hitler has ensured their achievements will never be forgotten. But, as The Last Titans: How Churchill and De Gaulle Saved Their Nations and Transformed the World (Simon & Schuster, 2026) shows, that is only a part of a complex story. Both men influenced their countries, and the world around them, long after the war was won.There was a paradox in the parallel and intertwined lives of these extraordinary men. De Gaulle—tall, gauche, and incorruptible—exhibited qualities often associated with the English. Churchill—short, charming, witty, and a bon vivant—resembled the quintessential politician of the French Third Republic. Their working relationship was rarely smooth, but they appreciated each other's stature: de Gaulle said Churchill was “the great artist of a great history,” while Churchill recognized de Gaulle as “l'homme du destin.”Richard Vinen explores what made these men exceptional and how profoundly they were influenced by their national cultures. Beyond personal intrigue, Vinen makes a wider point that Britain and France are both haunted by perceptions of past greatness. He retraces the paths of two leaders who once helmed superpowers but lived to see their nations weakened by two world wars and the loss of empires.Written with extraordinary narrative verve, The Last Titans offers a fresh exploration into the lives of de Gaulle and Churchill. By bringing their two stories into one, each man is seen anew and we gain fresh insights into their achievements and their legacy today. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies
Presa internațională analizează consecințele războiului împotriva Iranului, din perspectivă strategică și economică – de la prețul petrolului, la efectele asupra Rusiei și Chinei. ”Bombardând petro-monarhiile din Golf, ayatollahii au adăugat o imbecilitate strategică ideologiei lor obscurantiste”, consideră Le Figaro. Ziarul se întreabă de ce a început Iranul să bombardeze petro-monarhiile din Golf, care făcuseră tot posibilul să-l convingă pe Trump să nu intre în război. Și dacă nu ar fi fost mai inteligent să nu atace niciun stat sunnit, să-și concentreze toate atacurile împotriva Israelului și să încerce să-i incite pe predicatorii musulmani împotriva „diavolilor” sioniști. Dar ce se poate întâmpla cu prețul petrolului? Financial Times vede două scenarii: Cum 20% din vânzările globale de petrol trec prin Strâmtoarea Ormuz, închiderea pe termen mai lung ar provoca „un șoc monumental asupra prețurilor globale”. Citeste siTeheranul ameninţă Europa să nu se implice în războiul din Iran. "Porţile iadului se vor deschide" Prețul barilului ar putea depăși pragul de 100 de dolari, prevăd specialiștii. Piața gazelor naturale ar fi, de asemenea, afectată, intensificând și mai mult presiunile inflaționiste asupra economiilor majore, în special în Europa. Al doilea scenariu, cel mai probabil, este și cel mai puțin grav: strâmtoarea nu este complet închisă. În acest scenariu, prețul pe baril ajunge la cel puțin 80 de dolari. Un lucru este sigur: o creștere cu 10 dolari a prețului barilului „nu va schimba fundamental jocul” pentru inflație și creștere. Citeste siConflictul din Orientul Mijlociu: Franţa trimite portavionul „Charles-de-Gaulle” în Mediterană The New York Times analizează consecințele globale ale intervenției în Iran. ”Teheranul este, alături de Moscova și Beijing, un pilon al axei autocrațiilor care amenință lumea democratică în ansamblu. Acei membri ai stângii americane care îl critică pe Trump pentru că nu se opune vehement lui Vladimir Putin ar trebui cel puțin să ia în considerare faptul că Teheranul a furnizat Rusiei drone și tehnologii. Și acei conservatori americani care îl critică pe Trump pentru devierea resurselor militare din Pacific către războiul din Iran ar trebui, de asemenea, să remarce că Iranul furnizează în secret Chinei o mare parte din petrolul său. Dacă Teheranul nu va mai face parte din această axă, adversarii noștri rămași vor fi mai slabi”. Obișnuiesc Statele Unite să asasineze șefi de state? CNN constată că, odată cu uciderea lui Ali Khamenei este pentru prima dată în istoria modernă când SUA recurge la această metodă - în acest caz, colaborând cu Israelul Saddam Hussein a fost spânzurat după un proces desfășurat de autoritățile din Irak, după ce SUA au invadat țara și i-au răsturnat guvernul. Moammar Gaddafi din Libia a fost ucis după ce a fost capturat de forțele revoluționare, ajutate de o campanie multinațională de bombardamente. După al Doilea Război Mondial, aliații i-au judecat pe liderii naziști la Nürnberg. SUA a fost complice la răsturnarea și uciderea dictatorului vietnamez Ngo Dinh Diem, care anterior fusese susținut de Washington. CIA a fost implicată direct și în secret în înlăturarea de la putere din 1973 a liderului chilian Salvador Allende, care apoi s-a sinucis...
Președintele francez Emmanuel Macron a vorbit luni despre o cooperare sporită cu națiunile europene în domeniul nuclear. El a menționat Germania, Polonia, Grecia, Olanda, Belgia, Danemarca și Suedia. Cooperarea ar include exerciții nucleare comune și, în cele din urmă, potențiala desfășurare temporară de avioane de vânătoare franceze cu capacitate nucleară în țările aliate. Mișcarea a fost salutată de potențialii aliați, dar nu chiar toată lumea este încântată... Este cea mai mare schimbare nucleară europeană de la Războiul Rece încoace, consideră Politico. Președintele francez a indicat amenințările din partea Rusiei și Chinei, precum și schimbarea priorităților de apărare ale SUA drept motive pentru dezvoltarea armelor atomice. Mai mulți lideri europeni au reacționat pozitiv. Cancelarul german Friedrich Merz și-a exprimat aprobarea, confirmând pe rețeaua de socializare X „măsuri concrete înainte de sfârșitul acestui an”. Polonia, la rândul său, „se află în discuții cu Franța și un grup de aliați europeni apropiați cu privire la programul avansat de descurajare nucleară”, a declarat la rândul său premierul Donald Tusk. „Ne înarmăm împreună cu prietenii noștri, astfel încât dușmanii noștri să nu îndrăznească niciodată să ne atace”, a adăugat el. Premierul suedez Ulf Kristersson consideră că inițiativa franceză poate „contribui la consolidarea capacităților colective ale Europei”, care „de la cel de-al Doilea Război Mondial […] nu au fost niciodată mai importante”. Citeste siConflictul din Orientul Mijlociu: Franţa trimite portavionul „Charles-de-Gaulle” în Mediterană Premierul suedez a precizat însă, „că discuțiile vor avea loc «în consultare cu Statele Unite» și NATO. Iar un purtător de cuvânt al NATO a salutat evoluțiile în domeniul descurajării nucleare franceze și a precizat pentru AFP că se așteaptă cu nerăbdare o cooperare îmbunătățită cu Parisul pe această temă. Danemarca, țară care „a încheiat un acord de cooperare cu Franța privind descurajarea nucleară”, a salutat inițiativa prin vocea prim-ministrului Mette Frederiksen, Aceasta va „complementa și în niciun caz nu va înlocui” angajamentele Danemarcei în cadrul NATO, a precizat ea. Totuși, „unele țări, precum Italia, par reticente în acest stadiu”, notează ziarul Le Parisien. Roma vede în această inițiativă o încercare a Franței de a-și impune poziția de lider în Europa”. Giorgia Meloni ”continuă să favorizeze umbrela de securitate americană”, mai observă ziarul. Și încă un detaliu punctat de Le Parisien: perspectiva alegerilor prezidențiale din 2027 ridică îngrijorări la Berlin că o Franță condusă de Reuniunea Națională (RN) ar putea într-o zi să se schimbe în această chestiune”. Ascultați rubrica ”Eurocronica”, cu Ovidiu Nahoi, în fiecare zi, de luni până vineri, de la 8.45 și în reluare duminica, de la 15.00, numai la RFI România
Hoje é o quinto dia da guerra no Médio Oriente, desencadeada pela ofensiva israelo-americana contra o Irão no sábado. Desde então, morreram mais de mil pessoas nos ataques americanos e israelitas no Irão, de acordo com os media iranianos. Teerão continua a retaliar com ataques sobre alvos americanos nos países do Golfo e em Israel, mas o especialista em Defesa, Rui Vilar, considera que o país está a perder fôlego no contra-ataque, o que poderá levar a “esfriar o conflito”. O analista louvou, ainda, a postura do Presidente francês, Emmanuel Macron, com o anúncio do aumento do arsenal nuclear e descreveu a posição de Espanha como “isolacionista do ponto de vista europeu”. Ao quinto dia da guerra no Médio Oriente, desencadeada pela ofensiva israelo-americana contra o Irão, um conselheiro do antigo líder supremo avisou que o Irão está preparado para continuar a guerra o tempo que for preciso. Porém, o especialista em Defesa Rui Vilar considera que o Irão está a perder força. “Estamos a entrar numa fase crucial para percebermos até que ponto é que a escalada pode ir. O Irão tem reduzido gradualmente, de dia para dia, o envio de mísseis, o que pode significar que está a ficar com pouca disponibilidade e isso vai certamente esfriar o conflito”, analisou Rui Vilar, em entrevista à RFI. Esta quarta-feira, deveria começar - mas foi adiado - o funeral de Ali Khamenei, que liderou o Irão durante 36 anos antes de ser morto no sábado pelos ataques israelitas e norte-americanos. Hoje, o ministro da Defesa de Israel, Israel Katz, ameaçou quem quer que o Irão escolha para ser o próximo líder supremo do país, será "alvo de eliminação". A ameaça não é uma surpresa, sublinha Rui Vilar, acrescentando que “a ausência de lideranças vai também enfraquecer a resposta militar”. “Quem é que quer ser hoje, no Irão, designado como líder, sabendo que ao ser designado fica com um alvo na testa imediatamente e muito provavelmente será bombardeado pelos Estados Unidos? Quem é que, hoje em dia, mesmo no plano militar e de segurança e de informações, quer arriscar no Irão a fazer uma reunião para alinhar estratégias quando sabem que quer os americanos, quer os israelitas têm informações e acompanham dentro do Irão esses encontros?”, questionou Rui Vilar. Interrogado sobre a legitimidade moral e jurídica para “eliminar” o líder de um outro país e onde fica o direito internacional, Rui Vilar lembrou que “o direito internacional infelizmente há muito que tem ficado na gaveta”, pelo que o melhor escudo, nomeadamente para a Europa, neste momento, é a força. Nesse sentido, o especialista louva a postura e as medidas do Presidente francês, Emmanuel Macron. “A Europa tem que perceber que o tabuleiro mudou, o jogo mudou, as regras não são respeitadas como eram até há pouco tempo e, portanto, nós vivemos num mundo em que a lei da força está, de facto, a assumir a regra e é sobre esse tabuleiro que nós temos que jogar. Por isso saúdo, de certa forma, o Presidente Macron, que - apesar de todas as fragilidades internas que tem tido e que nós sabemos que tem tido, mesmo a nível económico - é o único líder europeu que me parece que quer assumir uma posição de força e quer liderar a Europa nesse equilíbrio de forças”, acrescentou Rui Vilar. O chefe de Estado francês fez um discurso de dissuasão nuclear em que anunciou o aumento do arsenal nuclear. Por outro lado, Emmanuel Macron anunciou que França vai enviar reforços militares para o Médio Oriente, incluindo o porta-aviões “Charles de Gaulle”, a sua escolta naval e caças Rafale. Foram também destacados equipamentos de defesa antiaérea adicionais para o Chipre. Posição diametralmente oposta é a de Espanha. O primeiro-ministro Pedro Sánchez disse não à guerra e rejeitou a utilização das suas bases militares, por parte dos EUA, para as operações relacionadas com os ataques ao Irão. Algo que enfureceu Donald Trump que já disse que vai cortar relações comerciais com a Espanha. Por causa das consequências, Rui Vilar olha para a posição espanhola como “um desastre em termos estratégicos” e “isolacionista do ponto de vista europeu”. Questionado se Portugal pode ser considerado cúmplice na agressão ao direito internacional por ter deixado a Base das Lajes, nos Açores, ser usada pelos Estados Unidos na ofensiva no Irão, o especialista em Defesa diz que Portugal o faz ao abrigo de um acordo e que em termos geestratégicos “nem podia fazer outra coisa” para “proteger as nossas alianças, a nossa Defesa e o nosso interesse estratégico”.
Au sommaire : La Chine, alliée de l'Iran, reste pour l'instant discrète face au conflit, mais s'inquiète des conséquences sur ses importations de pétrole.La guerre au Moyen-Orient a des répercussions importantes sur les échanges commerciaux mondiaux, avec le blocage du détroit d'Ormuz et la hausse des prix des conteneurs.Des entreprises françaises comme Fermob doivent s'adapter en modifiant leurs routes d'approvisionnement, ce qui engendre des surcoûts.La France déploie des moyens militaires supplémentaires en Méditerranée, avec l'envoi du porte-avions Charles de Gaulle et de la frégate Languedoc.Des Français résidant à Chypre font part de leur inquiétude face à la situation, tout en se disant rassurés par la présence de l'Union Européenne.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
O Médio Oriente está a ferro e fogo. Há uma tensão crescente nesta região do mundo depois dos Estados Unidos da América e Israel terem lançado uma operação conjunta contra o Irão. Teerão está a visar visando vários países da região. O Presidente francês, Emmanuel Macron anunciou, esta terça-feira, que iria enviar para o Mediterrâneo o porta-aviões Charles de Gaulle, o maior navio de guerra francês. França está a reforçar os meios militares na região para defender os seus interesses e também os interesses de países aliados, caso dos países do golfo. No magazine Vida em França desta semana, falámos sobre a posição francesa neste conflito. Em entrevista à RFI, Vítor Ramon Fernandes, professor de Relações Internacionais na Universidade Lusíada de Lisboa e também professor adjunto da Sciences Po Aix en Provence, começa por analisar o discurso de Emmanuel Macron, um discurso "muito pragmático", em que o chefe de estado francês "começa por responsabilizar o Irão". Neste discurso, Emmanuel Macron fez uma dupla crítica: por um lado, contra intervenção israelo-americana, feita ao arrepio do direito internacional e sem consultar previamente as Nações Unidas. Por outro, uma acérrima condenação quanto à possível intervenção terrestre israelita no Líbano, que o chefe de Estado francês diz que, se vier a acontecer, "seria um erro estratégico". Vítor Ramon Fernandes reconhece que a "situação está a escalar muito mais rápido do que imaginava", defendendo que já estamos perante a "regionalização do conflito", depois de vários países do golfo, como o Catar ou os Emirados Árabes Unidos terem sido atingidos.por ataques iranianos. Neste programa, analisámos todas estas questões, numa altura em que o xadrez internacional é cada vez mais imprevisível e está em constante mudança.
Donald Trump est furieux, furieux contre les Européens qu'il accuse de ne pas être à ses côtés dans la guerre contre l'Iran. Particulièrement visés, l'Espagne et le Royaume-Uni. Pour ce qui est de l'Espagne, « nouvelle attaque verbale de Donald Trump, note Le Figaro à Paris. Le président américain a menacé hier de "cesser tout commerce avec l'Espagne", lui reprochant son refus de laisser les États-Unis utiliser des bases militaires situées en Andalousie pour leur guerre contre l'Iran et ses dépenses militaires qu'il juge insuffisantes. "L'Espagne a été lamentable", a-t-il répété. » Motivation légitime… Madrid est dans son droit, rétorque El Pais à Madrid. « Dès le départ, le Premier ministre Pedro Sánchez a exprimé une position conforme au droit international, pointe le quotidien espagnol, en rejetant l'attaque de samedi dernier, celle-ci ne se fondant ni sur une résolution du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU ni sur le principe de légitime défense (aucune preuve tangible n'indique que l'Iran planifiait des attaques imminentes). Le refus de Pedro Sánchez d'autoriser l'utilisation des bases américaines situées sur le territoire espagnol pour le soutien logistique de l'offensive découle de ce principe et est protégé par le traité régissant leur utilisation. Le coût politique pourrait être élevé, mais sa motivation est légitime. » Reste, estime El Pais, que Pedro Sánchez doit s'expliquer publiquement et non par de simples déclarations sur les réseaux sociaux. Par ailleurs, il est essentiel que le gouvernement espagnol s'efforce de forger une position commune en Europe. Même, reconnait le journal, « s'il serait naïf de sous-estimer la difficulté d'y parvenir. » « Starmer n'est pas Churchill… » Pour ce qui est du Royaume-Uni, Donald Trump s'en est violemment pris au Premier ministre Keir Starmer hier. « Le refus initial de Keir Starmer d'autoriser les États-Unis à utiliser des bases britanniques pour bombarder l'Iran a jeté un froid, constate le Times à Londres, et a suscité une réaction sarcastique de la part de Trump. » Trump qui a lâché cette pique : « Keir Starmer n'est pas Winston Churchill… » Et le Times de s'interroger : « La "relation spéciale" entre nos deux pays est-elle morte ? » Le Guardian, pour sa part, en appelle au Parlement : « Tous nos gouvernements successifs ont consulté les députés avant d'utiliser la force. Si le territoire britannique est utilisé pour autre chose que des frappes défensives en Iran, la Chambre des communes devrait se prononcer. La Convention sur les pouvoirs de guerre vise à prévenir toute dérive. Soutenir les frappes américaines en vue d'un changement de régime ou d'une dégradation stratégique risque de faire du Royaume-Uni un cobelligérant dans une guerre illégale. » La priorité de l'Allemagne ? L'Ukraine ! Quant à l'Allemagne, elle reste prudemment à l'écart… « Ni les États-Unis, ni Israël ne s'attendent à une intervention militaire de Berlin, pointe Die Welt. La Maison Blanche n'a même pas jugé nécessaire d'informer le chancelier Friedrich Merz de la guerre imminente avant l'attaque. Pourquoi l'aurait-elle fait ? L'Allemagne, puissance moyenne, n'a aucune légitimité militaire dans la région. » Sa priorité est à ses frontières, affirme encore Die Welt : « son Moyen-Orient commence à la frontière ukrainienne » et son objectif prioritaire est « tout mettre en œuvre pour empêcher l'effondrement de l'Ukraine et ralentir la progression de la machine militaire russe ». La France plongée dans le conflit à son corps défendant Enfin, note Le Monde à Paris, « la France s'engage dans le conflit dans une logique "strictement défensive" », selon les mots d'Emmanuel Macron hier soir qui s'exprimait « depuis son bureau de l'Élysée où était posé, remarque le journal, un petit soldat de plomb de la garde napoléonienne, fusil en joue ». Le porte-avion Charles de Gaulle a mis le cap vers la Méditerranée orientale. Commentaire du Monde : « Cette guerre, la France ne l'a pas voulue. Mais voici le pays plongé, presque à son corps défendant dans un conflit régional au Proche-Orient à l'issue incertaine. (…) Le temps de 2003, où, depuis la tribune des Nations unies, la France brandissait le respect du droit international pour s'opposer à la guerre en Irak voulue par les Etats-Unis, ce temps est révolu. L'heure est au pragmatisme face à une opération militaire qui pourrait, en cas de succès, faire tanguer un régime jugé criminel. »
Le porte-avions Charles de Gaulle est en route pour la Méditerranée. Emmanuel Macron a annoncé ce mardi 3 mars, qu'il envoyait le navire français au Moyen-Orient. Pour protéger les intérêts français alors que la guerre continue entre Israël, les États-Unis et l'Iran. Quelles sont les capacités du Charles de Gaulle? On pose la question à Helen Chachaty, journaliste défense à BFM Business.
Emmanuel Macron a fait plusieurs annonces, ce mardi 3 mars, face à l'escalade au Moyen-Orient : envoi du porte-avions Charles de Gaulle, renforts militaires, vols de rapatriement pour les Français et renforcement du dispositif Sentinelle sur le territoire national. Écoutez l'édition spéciale - Allocution d'Emmanuel Macron avec Anne-Sophie Lapix du 3 mars 2026.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Dans cet épisode captivant d'Esprits Libres, Cécile Cornudet, éditorialiste politique aux Échos, et le théologien et historien Jean-François Colosimo reviennent sur le discours au sujet de la dissuasion nucléaire prononcé par le président Emmanuel Macron. Alors que le chef de l'État a choisi l'île Longue, près de Brest, pour exposer sa nouvelle doctrine, les deux invités analysent en profondeur les subtilités de ce discours qui marque un tournant dans la politique de défense française. Cécile Cornudet souligne la dimension stratégique et équilibrée du message, tout en relevant le contraste avec l'opposition qui avait initialement critiqué le projet de "partage du bouton nucléaire". Jean-François Colosimo, quant à lui, revient sur la force constitutionnelle du président en tant que chef de guerre, conférée par le général de Gaulle, et les défis de la construction d'une véritable souveraineté européenne en matière de dissuasion.Au-delà de ces enjeux géopolitiques, les invités évoquent également la figure de Marguerite Duras, à l'occasion du 30e anniversaire de sa disparition. Ils analysent l'héritage de cette écrivaine emblématique, entre avant-garde littéraire et personnage médiatique, et la trace qu'elle a laissée dans la littérature française contemporaine.Cet épisode d'Esprits Libres offre ainsi une analyse approfondie et nuancée des défis qui se posent à la France, à l'heure où la situation internationale se complexifie, tout en rendant hommage à l'une des figures majeures de la littérature du XXe siècle.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Pakistán, históricamente un país de tránsito de drogas, se está convirtiendo en un centro de producción y consumo masivo. La agitación provocada por el regreso de los talibanes al poder en Afganistán en 2021 ha acelerado esta transformación. Un reportaje de nuestros corresponsales muestra cómo iniciativas ciudadanas intentan combatir este flagelo. Shahzaib Wahlah y Ondine de Gaulle desde Karachi, la ciudad portuaria más grande de Pakistán.
Nowa doktryna strategiczna ogłoszona przez Emmanuela Macrona może oznaczać możliwość stacjonowania w Polsce francuskich myśliwców zdolnych do przenoszenia broni jądrowej. To największa zmiana w podejściu Paryża do odstraszania nuklearnego od czasów generała de Gaulle'a.
Emmanuel Macron s'est exprimé mardi soir à la télévision. "La République islamique d'Iran porte la responsabilité première de cette situation" a déclaré le président dénonçant son "programme nucléaire dangereux", le soutien à des "groupes terroristes" au Liban, au Yémen et des milices en Irak et "l'ordre de tirer sur son propre peuple." Pour le chef de l'Etat français "l'Histoire ne pleure jamais les bourreaux de leur peuple. Aucun ne sera regretté." Emmanuel Macron a aussi annoncé l'envoi du porte-avions Charles de Gaulle dans la Méditerranée, le déploiement des avions Rafale, des systèmes de défense antiaérienne et des radars aéroportés dans la région. Dans ce contexte, quel avenir pour l'Iran ? La mort du guide suprême de la Révolution islamique l'ayatollah Ali Khamenei signe-t-elle la fin du régime ? Quelles sont les options politiques possibles ? Le peuple iranien est-il libre de choisir ? Réponse avec Didier Idjadi, Sociologue, réfugié politique iranien, auteur de Iran, islamisme, laïcité : histoire d'un affrontement aux éditions Heliade.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
L'histoire vraie derrière “Le Terminal” est bien plus sombre que le filmPendant 18 ans, un homme a vécu dans un terminal de l'Aéroport de Paris-Charles-de-Gaulle. Sans pays. Sans papiers. Officiellement… sans existence. Il s'appelait Mehran Karimi Nasseri. Son histoire a inspiré le film Le Terminal avec Tom Hanks, réalisé par Steven Spielberg. Mais la réalité est bien plus troublante que le film.❤️ Soutenez La Petite Histoire sur Patreon!
Au sommaire : Un drone d'origine russe a été neutralisé par l'armée suédoise alors qu'il se dirigeait vers le porte-avions français Charles de Gaulle, en escale dans le port de Malmö.Le prix du gaz va augmenter de 5,32% à partir du 1er mars, ce qui inquiète de nombreux foyers qui devront faire face à une hausse de leur facture.À Menton, le fils de l'ancien président de la République, Louis Sarkozy, se présente aux élections municipales, faisant face à plusieurs autres listes, notamment celle du Rassemblement National.L'actrice iranienne Golshifteh Farahani a fait un discours très émouvant lors de la cérémonie des Césars, évoquant la situation en Iran et la répression des manifestations.Le gouvernement pakistanais a déclaré la guerre ouverte aux autorités talibanes après une offensive à la frontière, l'Iran proposant son aide pour faciliter le dialogue entre les deux pays.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Le porte-avions Charles de Gaulle est en mission en mer Baltique en ce début d'année 2026. Mais le mercredi 25 février un drone s'approchant du navire français a été neutralisé par l'armée suédoise. Que sait-on de cet incident? On pose la question à Patrick Sauce, chef du service international de BFMTV.
durée : 00:11:38 - Le Fil de l'histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - 31 janvier 1979. L'ayatollah Khomeiny pénètre dans l'aéroport Charles-de-Gaulle accompagné par une foule de sympathisants brandissant son portrait. Le regard toujours impassible, l'homme de 77 ans, accompagné de sa famille et d'une cinquantaine de fidèles, monte dans l'avion que le mènera à Téhéran. - invités : Bernard HOURCADE - Bernard Hourcade : Géographe, directeur de recherche émérite au CNRS et membre du comité de rédaction de la revue "Orient XXI" - réalisé par : Claire DESTACAMP Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
Dans ce nouvel épisode, nous retournons faire un tour sur le Charles de Gaulle mais Manu a aussi quelques pépites à nous faire découvrir ! Préparez vos notes
La Casa Real informa que el regreso de Juan Carlos I a España es decisión personal. Núñez Feijóo desea su vuelta, recordando su rol en la defensa democrática. El Gobierno no se posiciona. El Consejo de Estado aprueba el aborto como derecho en el artículo 43 constitucional. Miguel Herrero de Miñón lo critica como "fraude" por no emplear el artículo 15. En Suecia, detectan un dron desconocido cerca del portaaviones francés Charles de Gaulle en Malmö. El mercado laboral español ve a la Generación Z priorizar flexibilidad y vida personal, cambiando de empleo al no cumplir expectativas. Un experto en RRHH advierte que la IA amenaza más los trabajos digitales que los físicos. Las grandes empresas se adaptan con agilidad. En deportes, Cristiano Ronaldo adquiere el 25% de la UD Almería, un club de Segunda División que aspira al ascenso. En cultura, se acercan los Premios Goya, con "Los Domingos" como favorita. Se reseñan "Los Miserables, el origen", la serie "Salvador" y un documental de ...
durée : 00:05:20 - Déjà debout - par : Mathilde MUNOS - Yassamine Bari, responsable d'exploitation à l'aéroport Paris-Charles de Gaulle à Roissy. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
durée : 02:00:23 - Le 5/7 - A 5h45 : Yassamine Bari, responsable d'exploitation à l'aéroport Roissy Charles de Gaulle. A 6h20 : Isabelle Méjean, économiste, professeur à Sciences Po et conseillère scientifique au CEPII. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
durée : 00:05:20 - Déjà debout - par : Mathilde MUNOS - Yassamine Bari, responsable d'exploitation à l'aéroport Paris-Charles de Gaulle à Roissy. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
durée : 00:05:20 - Déjà debout - par : Mathilde MUNOS - Yassamine Bari, responsable d'exploitation à l'aéroport Paris-Charles de Gaulle à Roissy. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.
Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance. #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2. On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack. Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure.
[REDIFFUSION] Bienvenue dans les Fabuleux Destin, le podcast pour découvrir des histoires vraies et étonnantes. Cette semaine, découvrez l'incroyable histoire du couple Lucie et Raymond Aubrac. Véritable héros de la résistance lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils ont mené des actions dans le but d'informer les différents groupes résistants français permettant aux forces armées de perdurer pendant l'occupation. Proche de Jean Moulin, et d'autres grands noms de la résistance, ils sont des personnages incontournables de cette période historique. Joignez-vous à nous et revivez ce récit au travers de cette saison. Arrestation et torture Le 10 novembre 1942, la Wehrmacht envahit la zone sud, jusqu'ici restée « libre ». Hitler a peur : les alliés du général de Gaulle sont parvenus à s'emparer de territoires stratégiques en Afrique du Nord, tandis que la résistance en zone sud ne cesse de prendre de l'ampleur. Le Führer, craignant que ses ennemis tentent un débarquement dans la région de Toulon, décide de manière unilatérale de bafouer les accords de Montoire et d'étendre son pouvoir sur l'ensemble du territoire français. À Lyon, où Lucie et Raymond Aubrac intensifient leurs activités clandestines, les SS investissent tous les bâtiments officiels. Le réseau « Libération » doit redoubler de vigilance, d'autant qu'il n'a cessé de gagner en importance - devenant le deuxième réseau le plus important de la zone sud. Le journal, deux ans après sa création, approche désormais les 100 000 tirages par numéro. Colossal… Un podcast Bababam Originals Ecriture : Clément Prévaux Voix : Andréa Brusque Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Madeleine Pauliac et l'Escadron bleu À peine le régime nazi vaincu, la France dut rapatrier près de 300 000 de ses soldats errant en Pologne, tout juste libérée par l'Armée rouge. Le général de Gaulle confia cette mission délicate à une femme, le médecin lieutenant Madeleine Pauliac. C'est son histoire que la scénariste Virginie Illagnier raconte au micro de Jean Marc Panis, dans le roman graphique L'Escadron Bleu, 1945. sujets traités : Madeleine Pauliac, Escadron bleu, Armée rouge, nazi, Pologne Merci pour votre écoute Un Jour dans l'Histoire, c'est également en direct tous les jours de la semaine de 13h15 à 14h30 sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes d'Un Jour dans l'Histoire sur notre plateforme Auvio.be :https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/5936 Intéressés par l'histoire ? Vous pourriez également aimer nos autres podcasts : L'Histoire Continue: https://audmns.com/kSbpELwL'heure H : https://audmns.com/YagLLiKEt sa version à écouter en famille : La Mini Heure H https://audmns.com/YagLLiKAinsi que nos séries historiques :Chili, le Pays de mes Histoires : https://audmns.com/XHbnevhD-Day : https://audmns.com/JWRdPYIJoséphine Baker : https://audmns.com/wCfhoEwLa folle histoire de l'aviation : https://audmns.com/xAWjyWCLes Jeux Olympiques, l'étonnant miroir de notre Histoire : https://audmns.com/ZEIihzZMarguerite, la Voix d'une Résistante : https://audmns.com/zFDehnENapoléon, le crépuscule de l'Aigle : https://audmns.com/DcdnIUnUn Jour dans le Sport : https://audmns.com/xXlkHMHSous le sable des Pyramides : https://audmns.com/rXfVppvN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement. Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
L'Ecole militaire c'est 270 ans d'histoire d'un lieu discret au coeur du 7ème arrondissement de Paris.Elle fut créée sous le roi Louis XV pour former de jeunes officiers et en faire de futur commandants de guerre.Ce lieu fut tour à tour une école, une caserne, un centre administratif. Parmi ses élèves on compte Napoléon Bonaparte et Charles de Gaulle.L'Ecole militaire connut les heures sombres de la guerre et l"occupation de ses locaux par les allemands.Aujourd'hui c'est un centre de formation militaire réputé et de dimension internationale.Accompagnements musicaux: Lighter shades © Evert Z, Sunrise © Antony Vega, Anticipating you © Antony Vega, Special Times © Antony Vega,Tender Remains©Myuu, les Deschevalets©MrKey, The Swan Saint-Saëns ©Yael Kareth, Sleep ©Scott Buckley, Make your mine©Mina, Academy © MrKey_LMK, stage pop@Abel Kjartan, noir a minimalist and emotive piano melody for relaxation@Abel Kjartan Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
Le 21 février 1966, le général Charles de Gaulle surprend la communauté internationale en annonçant le retrait de la France du commandement militaire intégré de l'OTAN. Si la France reste membre de l'Alliance, elle affirme ainsi son indépendance stratégique et le contrôle de sa défense. Dans le contexte tendu de la guerre froide et des relations complexes avec les États-Unis, cette décision marque un tournant majeur de la diplomatie française.
Dans cet épisode, on parle de bouffe, mais garanti sans bruit de bouche ! Gâteaux des Philippines ? Pâtisseries ? Huile d'olive ? Du sel au piment ? Tu veux goûter quoi toi ?Antoine a aussi plein de péripéties à nous raconter de son tournage sur le Charles de Gaulle... Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
On imagine la sécurité extrême autour des présidents de la République. Les lieux qu'ils fréquentent sont passés au peigne fin, les communications s'opèrent via des outils cryptés, des enquêtes sont même réalisées dans leur entourage et pour la validation des ministres. Mais certains peuvent passer entre les mailles du filet. C'est peut-être le cas d'un proche parmi les proches du général de Gaulle. Ce diplomate devient, au début des années 1960, conseiller du président notamment sur les questions européennes et allemandes. Un poste qui lui permet de voir et entendre beaucoup d'informations clés. Rapidement les services de renseignement français le soupçonnent d'avoir des contacts étroits avec l'URSS. Les faisceaux d'indices sont nombreux mais rien n'est définitivement prouvé... Cette semaine, dans "Nid d'espions”, Charlotte Baris et Etienne Girard, directeur adjoint de la rédaction de L'Express et spécialiste des questions d'espionnage, vous racontent l'histoire de Pierre Maillard, haut-fonctionnaire, proche du Général et possible espion du KGB. “Nid d'espions” est un podcast de L'Express, consacré au renseignement, et au rôle majeur des espions dans les moments clés de l'Histoire. Retrouvez tous les détails de l'épisode ici et abonnez vous à L'Express Podcasts Cet épisode a été écrit par Charlotte Baris, monté par Mélanie Pierre et réalisé par Jules Krot. Pour nous écrire : podcast@lexpress.fr Crédits : Universal Pictures, Pierre Yves Média France Libre, INA, European-Security, France 24 Musique et habillage : Emmanuel Herschon / Studio Torrent Visuel : Alice Lagarde Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
Een jaar geleden gaf bijna niemand nog iets om Emmanuel Macron. Massaal zoemden de geruchten dat hij vervroegd zou moeten aftreden. En nu staat hij weer helemaal overeind en neemt de Veiligheidsconferentie in München op sleeptouw met zijn gedurfde en concrete ambitie voor een onafhankelijk en geopolitiek volwassen Europa. Het kabinet-Jetten kan daar in zijn regeringsverklaring niet omheen. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger schetsen het adembenemende parcours van Macron van zijn diepste nederlaag in juni 2024 via een reeks onverwachte experimenten en successen, onverwachte meevallers en toeslaan op het juiste moment naar een renaissance die niemand voor mogelijk hield. Wat belooft zijn laatste jaar als president? Wie volgt hem op? *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** De eerste gok na de verpletterende nederlaag bij de Europese verkiezingen van 2024 was de ontbinding van de Assemblée Nationale en vervroegde parlementsverkiezingen. "Suïcidale!" riepen de commentatoren. Een diep verdeelde Kamer en een wankele middencoalitie à la Rob Jetten was het resultaat. Macron experimenteerde daarin met oude rotten als premier - Michel Barnier, François Bayrou - en met begrotingsvoorstellen die uiteindelijk als compromis nog aangenomen werden ook. Zijn laatste troefkaart - de nieuwe premier Sébastien Lecornu – wist links te splijten en kon de extreme flanken vernederen. Intussen profiteerde Macrons reputatie van een reeks meevallers. De Olympiade in Parijs gaf de gramstorige Fransen ineens onverwacht veel goede zin. De her-inwijding van de Notre Dame was een wereldwijd bewonderd feest dat bewees dat Macron had woord gehouden met zijn belofte de iconische kathedraal te redden en in nieuwe glorie te herstellen. De herverkiezing van Donald Trump maakte hem als anti-Angelsaksische Europese Gaullist weer buitengewoon relevant. Macron is een Baron von Munchhausen die zich aan zijn eigen haren het moeras uit trok. Zijn optreden in München onderstreepte een unieke rol dankzij zijn voorstel - afgestemd met Friedrich Merz - de omvorming van de nucleaire Force de Frappe tot een Europese kernmacht op korte termijn voor te leggen ‘aan enkele andere Europese leiders’. Zijn focus op geopolitiek en Europa bevrijdt hem van bemoeienis met de binnenlandse strijd in zijn laatste jaar in het Élysée. Want iedereen is nu bezig met de vraag 'wie en wat straks?’. Allereerst de achterban van Marine le Pen. Zij staren in een afgrond. Verdedigen zij haar corruptie te lang, dan zijn zij finaal besmet. Dumpen ze haar plotsklaps, dan is burgeroorlog op radicaalrechts onvermijdelijk. Kroonprins Jordan Bardella zit klem en zwabbert. De linkerzijde is verdeeld. Via 'primaries' wil men elan en publiciteit verwerven. Zou de succesvolle Europees lijsttrekker Raphaël Glucksmann die wedstrijd opnieuw weten te winnen? Scheidt radicaal-links onder Jean-Luc Mélenchon zich dan weer af? Macrons beweging is versplinterd en krijgt voornamelijk nog steun van de burgerij van 60 jaar en ouder. Eén kandidaat uit die kring staat niettemin klaar en fier overeind. Oud-premier Edouard Philippe wil graag, maar zal de Rob Jetten der Fransen hem de loef afsnijden? Gabriel Attal is jong genoeg om nu nog te verliezen, maar zijn eerzucht is niet gering. Klassiek, fatsoenlijk rechts ziet kansen bij al deze verdeeldheid. Ruraal, katholiek, bourgeois-suburb en conservatief Frankrijk kan les Républicains weer laten winnen, zoals met Charles de Gaulle, Jacques Chirac en Nicolas Sarkozy bewezen werd. Hun nieuwe partijchef, de 65-jarige Bruno Retailleau, heeft zich formeel gekandideerd. Zijn law & order en behoudend katholieke profiel past bij zijn partij, maar zijn euroscepsis en weinig charismatisch optreden roepen weinig weerklank op. Zou hij in de peilingen blijven steken en afbladderen, dan kon wel eens een veel jongere, even conservatief-katholieke, maar veel dynamischer kandidaat à la Attal zich kunnen presenteren. François-Xavier Bellamy heeft veel ervaring in Europa, is een welbespraakt filosoof. Hij kan Bardella verbaal aan en Glucksmann intellectueel in de ogen kijken. Komt er na Macron een nieuwe jonge generatie aan het roer? *** Verder luisteren Macron en zijn politiek 492 – Macrons Europese atoombom https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/74f5b1d5-4824-482a-a504-704904c8b021 419 - Europa kán sterven - Emmanuel Macrons visie op onze toekomst https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/329dfa50-7d58-4642-b29f-febc346d5a3f 284 - Quatorze Juillet: komt onder Macron een einde aan De Gaulles Vijfde Republiek? https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/5b8ac743-7ba2-44a8-b9b9-55356d361817 Macron herleeft 505 - Donald Trump, een ramp voor Bardella en radicaal-rechts in Europa https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/f0fb8fa8-3cae-401c-8d71-ab5ef4db7f23 484 - Hoe Trump de Europeanen in elkaars armen drijft https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/c725d191-aa05-46ff-946f-de0d951a94ab 427 - Europa wordt een grootmacht en daar moeten we het over hebben https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/84273d61-0203-4764-b876-79a25695bed1 Franse politiek 534 - Nicolas Sarkozy en andere presidenten waar een luchtje aan zit https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/534-franse-schandalen-nicolas-sarkozy-en-andere-presidenten-waar-een-luchtje-aan-kleeft 339 – De geopolitiek van de 19e eeuw is terug. De eeuw van Bismarck https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/375b5051-04c8-4181-b31e-56436dfda193 124 - Jacques Delors https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/76440368-b14d-4e31-8f95-fe5c9ee88830 35 - Charles De Gaulle https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/533c3469-6307-4bd8-94fe-5887c342860b 28 - De relatie Nederland-Frankrijk https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/82efc404-4f59-4446-9a04-07c0fd012ed3 *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:28:40 – Deel 2 00:53:20 – Deel 3 01:22:46 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
La France est enlisée dans la tourmente des évènements de mai 68, et le président de la République, le général de Gaulle, disparaît, incapable de réfléchir dans la fournaise parisienne. Il s'envole dans le plus grand secret pour Baden-Baden où il retrouve le général Massu, commandant des forces françaises en Allemagne. Découvrez ces quelques heures décisives qui vont permettre à de Gaulle de reprendre en main un pays en ébullition. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Esta semana falamos de um cavaleiro da Dinamarca em Portugal, no séc. XV, e da popularização do ski por um famoso escritor inglês, nos finais do séc. XIX.Sugestões da semana1. Ricardo Noronha - A Ordem Reina Sobre Lisboa. Uma história do 25 de Novembro. Tigre de Papel, 2025.2. Patrick Gautrat - Pétain, Salazar, de Gaulle. Afinidades, Ambiguidades, Ilusões. As Relações Franco-Portuguesas (1940-1944). Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 2025.----Obrigado aos patronos do podcast:André Silva, Bruno Figueira, Cláudio Batista, Gustavo Fonseca, Isabel Yglesias de Oliveira, Joana Figueira, Miguel Pinheiro, NBisme, Oliver Doerfler, Sofia Carvalho;Alexandre Carvalho, Andre Oliveira, Carlos Castro, Civiforum, Lda., Cláudia Conceição, Daniel Murta, Domingos Ferreira, Francisco C, Hugo Picciochi, João Cancela, João Carreiro, Jorge Filipe, José Beleza, Luís André Agostinho, Patrícia Gomes, Pedro Almada, Pedro Alves, Pedro Ferreira, Rui Roque, Tiago Pereira, Vera Costa;Adriana Vazão, Ana Gonçalves, Ana Sofia Agostinho, André Abrantes, António Farelo, António J. R. Neto, Bruno Luis, Carlos Afonso, Carlos Ribeiro, Carlos Ribeiro, Catarina Ferreira, Cláudia Brandão, Diogo Freitas, Fábio Videira Santos, Gn, GusRo, Hugo Palma, Hugo Vieira, Igor Silva, João Barbosa, João Canto, João Carlos Braga Simões, João Diamantino, João Félix, João Ferreira, Joao Godinho, João Mendes, João Pedro, Joel José Ginga, Johnniedee, José Santos, Luis Colaço, Mafalda Trindade, Miguel Brito, Miguel Gama, Miguel Gonçalves Tomé, Miguel Oliveira, Miguel Salgado, Nuno Carvalho, Nuno Esteves, Nuno Moreira, Nuno Silva, Orlando Silva, Parte Cóccix, Paulo Ruivo, Paulo Silva, Pedro, Pedro Cardoso, Pedro Oliveira, Ricardo Pinho, Ricardo Santos, Rodrigo Candeias, Rui Curado Silva, Rui Magalhães, Rui Rodrigues, Simão, Simão Ribeiro, Sofia Silva, Thomas Ferreira, Tiago Matias, Tiago Sequeira, Tomás Matos Pires, Vitor Couto, Zé Teixeira.-----Ouve e gosta do podcast?Se quiser apoiar o Falando de História, contribuindo para a sua manutenção, pode fazê-lo via Patreon: https://patreon.com/falandodehistoria-----Música: "Hidden Agenda” de Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com); Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0 License, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0Edição de Marco António.
8 septembre 1961, la voiture du général de Gaulle est soufflée par une boule de feu sur la route de Colombey… Plongez dans l'histoire des grands personnages et des évènements marquants qui ont façonné notre monde ! Avec enthousiasme et talent, Franck Ferrand vous révèle les coulisses de l'histoire avec un grand H, entre mystères, secrets et épisodes méconnus : un cadeau pour les amoureux du passé, de la préhistoire à l'histoire contemporaine.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
After France fell in 1940, it was Charles de Gaulle who led the Free French forces against Nazi Germany and Vichy France. From the moment he assumed that position, de Gaulle was locked into a relationship with British prime minister Winston Churchill. The two men are the subject of the latest book by Professor Richard Vinen, The Last Titans, and here, in conversation with James Osborne, he shares his insights into the two men, their relationship, and their lasting impact. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Nichée dans le terminal 2E de l'aéroport Paris-Charles-de-Gaulle, une jeune femme aux grands yeux verts, des cheveux châtain clair attachés, pianote à toute vitesse sur son portable : « Ça y est, je suis bientôt dans l'avion, tout s'est bien passé. […] J'ai des yens. […] J'ai fini de dîner à « YO ! Sushi », on pourrait être aux aéroports de Narita ou Haneda à Tokyo ». Le message atterrit à 20h13 dans le groupe WhatsApp réunissant sa famille, baptisé L'union des chats. Régulièrement, elle lève le nez, guette sur l'immense tableau d'affichage l'annonce du vol MU570 de la compagnie China Eastern Airlines : plus qu'une escale à Shanghai, une douzaine d'heures avant la dernière ligne droite, Tokyo ! Elle attend ce moment depuis si longtemps, bataille sans doute avec une drôle de sensation, mélange d'excitation, d'impatience, un zeste d'appréhension. Elle voyage seule. Quand le détail inquiétait ses proches, elle s'empressait de les rassurer, répétant qu'il n'y avait aucun risque, que, selon l'adage, le Japon serait le pays le plus sûr au monde...Crimes • Histoires Vraies est une production Minuit. Notre collection s'agrandit avec Crimes en Bretagne, Montagne et Provence.
Host Bronwen Maddox is joined by Ben Bland, head of our Asia-Pacific Programme, and Dr Yu Jie, senior research fellow on China. They discuss the opportunities and risks of closer engagement between the UK and China, and why the opacity of Chinese elite politics makes them an unpredictable security actor. Read our latest: EU leaders echo de Gaulle, saying Europe must depend on no-one. But where should autonomy begin? UK ratification of the Chagos Archipelago treaty will not violate international law The US and Russia's nuclear weapons treaty is set to expire. Here's what's at stake Myanmar 'election' shows the military regime is here to stay. How should the world respond? Presented by Bronwen Maddox. Produced by Stephen Farrell and Sara Seth. Read the Winter issue of The World Today. Listen to The Climate Briefing podcast
Bienvenue dans Entrez ! Plat, Dessert. Dans cette série, notre journaliste Audrey Largouët part sur le terrain et se faufile dans les cuisines des chefs !Aujourd'hui, on prend la direction de Roissy-Charles-de-Gaulle, au cœur des unités de production de Newrest, où se préparent chaque jour des milliers de plateaux-repas destinés à voyager à 10 000 mètres d'altitude. Aux côtés d'Alexandre, chef exécutif, et de Marc, responsable communication du groupe, notre journaliste Audrey Largouët explore un ballet millimétré mêlant exigences sanitaires extrêmes, logistique XXL et créativité culinaire. Menus adaptés à des dizaines de régimes alimentaires, recettes pensées pour la réchauffe, sourcing responsable et innovation végétarienne : ici, chaque gramme compte et chaque saveur est calibrée pour l'altitude.Cette série audio est réalisée en collaboration avec Eureden Foodservice et produite par Lacmé.Journaliste : Audrey Largouët ; Réalisateur : Benjamin Macé ; Productrice : Alice Deroide ; Vidéaste ; Edouard Jacques Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
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