Podcasts about gaulle

Broadcasting from Paris, we bring a bottle of wine and a warning: the transatlantic honeymoon is over. As America turns inward under the MAGA banner, Europe, led in thought (and theatre) by France, is starting to ask tough questions: Can we still rely on the US? Should we even try? From Macron's eerily prescient Sorbonne speech to the wild moves in the US bond market, this episode explores why France feels vindicated, why Ireland might soon have to pick a side, and why the real battlefield isn't Normandy or NATO, it's the balance sheet. With detours through wine laws, de Gaulle in Connemara, and why Nike's Vietnamese workforce matters more than you'd think, this is a global economic story told with Gallic flair and geopolitical bite. Join the gang! https://plus.acast.com/s/the-david-mcwilliams-podcast. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Dans cette édition :Des consommateurs de drogue s'installent dans un immeuble chic de Toulouse, terrorisant les habitants qui vivent dans la peur.Le gouvernement veut s'attaquer aux niches fiscales pour faire des économies dans le budget 2026.La course à la présidence des Républicains est lancée entre Laurent Wauquiez et Bruno Retailleau, avec un afflux massif de nouveaux adhérents.La Première ministre italienne Giorgia Meloni rencontre le président américain Donald Trump, suscitant des inquiétudes sur une éventuelle division des Européens.La neige tombe abondamment en Savoie, perturbant la circulation mais réjouissant les stations de ski encore ouvertes.Le Real Madrid est éliminé de la Ligue des Champions par Arsenal, qui affrontera le Paris Saint-Germain en demi-finale.Les appartements du général de Gaulle au château de Versailles sont désormais ouverts au public.Notre équipe a utilisé un outil d'Intelligence artificielle via les technologies d'Audiomeans© pour accompagner la création de ce contenu écrit.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Dans cette édition :Des consommateurs de drogue s'installent dans un immeuble chic de Toulouse, terrorisant les habitants qui vivent dans la peur.Le gouvernement veut s'attaquer aux niches fiscales pour faire des économies dans le budget 2026.La course à la présidence des Républicains est lancée entre Laurent Wauquiez et Bruno Retailleau, avec un afflux massif de nouveaux adhérents.La Première ministre italienne Giorgia Meloni rencontre le président américain Donald Trump, suscitant des inquiétudes sur une éventuelle division des Européens.La neige tombe abondamment en Savoie, perturbant la circulation mais réjouissant les stations de ski encore ouvertes.Le Real Madrid est éliminé de la Ligue des Champions par Arsenal, qui affrontera le Paris Saint-Germain en demi-finale.Les appartements du général de Gaulle au château de Versailles sont désormais ouverts au public.Notre équipe a utilisé un outil d'Intelligence artificielle via les technologies d'Audiomeans© pour accompagner la création de ce contenu écrit.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Pays démocratique et républicain, la France nourrit un paradoxe : dans la mémoire collective des Français, la figure de l'homme providentiel a une place de choix. Parmi ces hommes et femmes surgissant dans des circonstances souvent exceptionnelles, se trouve Charles De Gaulle. Incarnation de la France libre pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, instigateur de la Ve République en 1958, le Général de Gaulle a, par deux fois, fait figure de sauveur dans notre pays. Comment s'est construit le mythe gaullien de l'homme providentiel ? Pour répondre à cette question, Virginie Girod reçoit l'historien Jean Garrigues. Fin connaisseur de l'histoire de nos institutions, il est président de la commission internationale d'histoire des assemblées, et auteur, notamment, des livres "A la plage avec Charles de Gaulle, l'homme providentiel dans un transat" (Dunod) et "Les Hommes providentiels: Histoire d'une fascination française" (Payot).Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Virginie Girod raconte l'ascension de Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) et dévoile l'homme derrière le mythe. Dans le premier épisode de ce double récit inédit d'Au cœur de l'Histoire, Charles de Gaulle aspire dès l'adolescence à une grande carrière militaire. En 1914, devenu lieutenant alors qu'éclate la Première Guerre mondiale, il est blessé sur le front. Bientôt, il reçoit la Croix de Guerre et obtient le grade de capitaine. En 1916, la bataille de Verdun commence. A Douaumont, le destin du capitaine de Gaulle se joue. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Virginie Girod raconte l'ascension de Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970) et dévoile l'homme derrière le mythe. Dans le second épisode de ce double récit inédit d'Au cœur de l'Histoire, le capitaine De Gaulle est à Douaumont le 2 mars 1916. Porté disparu, il est déclaré mort. Bien vivant, il est fait captif et n'est libéré qu'à la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, malgré de multiples tentatives d'évasion. Dans les années 1930, face à la montée de l'Allemagne nazie, De Gaulle tire la sonnette d'alarme. Le 3 septembre 1939, la France entre en guerre. Charles de Gaulle entend désormais sauver son pays.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

« Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema vainqueur de la présidentielle avec 90,35 % des suffrages », constate le quotidien L'Union à Libreville.Un score « soviétique », commente le journal avec toutefois un bémol : « la participation finale de 70,4 % est loin de l'engouement attendu. (…) Un chiffre qui tranche avec les prévisions optimistes avancées la veille du scrutin. Le ministère de l'Intérieur attribue cette différence aux difficultés rencontrées par certains citoyens, notamment à l'étranger, pour exercer leur droit de vote. Des explications qui peinent à convaincre l'opposition, qui dénonce des irrégularités et un scrutin joué d'avance. Malgré ces critiques, la victoire d'Oligui Nguema ne souffre aucune contestation, affirme L'Union. Avec 575.222 voix en sa faveur, il écrase littéralement la compétition. Son principal adversaire, Alain Claude Bile by Nze, n'obtient que 3,02% des suffrages exprimés. Les autres candidats, relégués à des scores inférieurs à 1%, font office de figurants. »Reste que « Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema entame donc son mandat avec un soutien populaire mitigé, estime L'Union. Il lui faudra regagner la confiance d'une partie des Gabonais et répondre aux défis économiques et sociaux auxquels le pays est confronté. La route vers la stabilité et la prospérité s'annonce longue et semée d'embûches. »Un immense défi…« C'est un raz-de-marée électoral pour Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema », renchérit Gabonactu, qui apporte également quelques réserves : « derrière ce triomphe électoral se cachent d'immenses défis, pointe le site gabonais. Le Gabon est dans une situation économique préoccupante. La dette publique dépasse désormais 70 % du PIB, un niveau alarmant pour un pays dont l'économie repose majoritairement sur les exportations de pétrole et de minerais. Or, la volatilité des prix sur les marchés internationaux pourrait sérieusement compromettre les recettes publiques dans les années à venir. Le chômage reste endémique, notamment chez les jeunes. Les infrastructures de base — routes, hôpitaux, écoles — sont largement insuffisantes ou en délabrement. (…) Si les urnes ont donné leur verdict, les attentes de la population sont immenses, relève encore Gabonactu. La promesse d'un renouveau démocratique et économique devra rapidement se traduire en actions concrètes. Oligui Nguema qui a battu campagne sous le slogan de “Bâtisseur“ est désormais attendu au pied du mur. Transparence, justice sociale, lutte contre la corruption et relance de l'économie figurent parmi les priorités attendues. Brice Oligui Nguema a désormais les cartes en main. Reste à savoir s'il saura transformer ce plébiscite électoral en réussite politique et économique. »Gabon Review, autre site d'information gabonais pousse la critique avec cette question : « cette élection marque-t-elle un tournant démocratique ou bien n'est-elle qu'un habillage destiné à légitimer une reconduction maquillée ? Derrière la promesse de refondation, les pratiques, les réseaux et les logiques de pouvoir semblent toujours à l'œuvre. Le 12 avril 2025 devait signer la renaissance démocratique du Gabon. Mais pour beaucoup d'observateurs, le pays a peut-être simplement changé de façade, sans véritablement changer de cap. »Toujours des liens forts avec la France ?« Le positionnement sur la scène internationale de Brice Oligui Nguema est aussi très attendu. » C'est ce que relève Le Monde Afrique. « Son coup d'État (en 2023) a marqué une différence avec ceux des pays de l'Alliance des États du Sahel – Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger – dans la mesure où il n'a pas marqué de rupture avec l'ancienne classe politique, ni avec la France dans le but d'opérer un rapprochement avec Moscou. “Ses rapports avec les pays de l'AES sont bons, confirme une source (anonyme citée par Le Monde Afrique). Il a signé un important contrat avec une société burkinabé pour la construction de routes. Parallèlement, il s'est déjà rendu à quatre reprises en France, pays avec lequel il entend rester proche. Même s'il voue un culte au général de Gaulle, il attend de sa relation avec Paris qu'elle soit plus équilibrée“. »D'ailleurs, pointe Jeune Afrique, « Emmanuel Macron a appelé hier Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema pour le féliciter. Les deux hommes avaient déjà échangé la veille, lorsque les premières tendances annonçaient déjà le président de la transition vainqueur du scrutin. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema en avait profité pour convier son homologue français à sa future investiture. Les deux dirigeants échangent régulièrement par téléphone. »Et Jeune Afrique de remarquer encore que « si les relations d'Emmanuel Macron ne sont pas au beau fixe avec certains chefs d'État du continent, le président français souhaite conserver avec le Gabon un lien fort. »

« Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema vainqueur de la présidentielle avec 90,35 % des suffrages », constate le quotidien L'Union à Libreville.Un score « soviétique », commente le journal avec toutefois un bémol : « la participation finale de 70,4 % est loin de l'engouement attendu. (…) Un chiffre qui tranche avec les prévisions optimistes avancées la veille du scrutin. Le ministère de l'Intérieur attribue cette différence aux difficultés rencontrées par certains citoyens, notamment à l'étranger, pour exercer leur droit de vote. Des explications qui peinent à convaincre l'opposition, qui dénonce des irrégularités et un scrutin joué d'avance. Malgré ces critiques, la victoire d'Oligui Nguema ne souffre aucune contestation, affirme L'Union. Avec 575.222 voix en sa faveur, il écrase littéralement la compétition. Son principal adversaire, Alain Claude Bile by Nze, n'obtient que 3,02% des suffrages exprimés. Les autres candidats, relégués à des scores inférieurs à 1%, font office de figurants. »Reste que « Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema entame donc son mandat avec un soutien populaire mitigé, estime L'Union. Il lui faudra regagner la confiance d'une partie des Gabonais et répondre aux défis économiques et sociaux auxquels le pays est confronté. La route vers la stabilité et la prospérité s'annonce longue et semée d'embûches. »Un immense défi…« C'est un raz-de-marée électoral pour Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema », renchérit Gabonactu, qui apporte également quelques réserves : « derrière ce triomphe électoral se cachent d'immenses défis, pointe le site gabonais. Le Gabon est dans une situation économique préoccupante. La dette publique dépasse désormais 70 % du PIB, un niveau alarmant pour un pays dont l'économie repose majoritairement sur les exportations de pétrole et de minerais. Or, la volatilité des prix sur les marchés internationaux pourrait sérieusement compromettre les recettes publiques dans les années à venir. Le chômage reste endémique, notamment chez les jeunes. Les infrastructures de base — routes, hôpitaux, écoles — sont largement insuffisantes ou en délabrement. (…) Si les urnes ont donné leur verdict, les attentes de la population sont immenses, relève encore Gabonactu. La promesse d'un renouveau démocratique et économique devra rapidement se traduire en actions concrètes. Oligui Nguema qui a battu campagne sous le slogan de “Bâtisseur“ est désormais attendu au pied du mur. Transparence, justice sociale, lutte contre la corruption et relance de l'économie figurent parmi les priorités attendues. Brice Oligui Nguema a désormais les cartes en main. Reste à savoir s'il saura transformer ce plébiscite électoral en réussite politique et économique. »Gabon Review, autre site d'information gabonais pousse la critique avec cette question : « cette élection marque-t-elle un tournant démocratique ou bien n'est-elle qu'un habillage destiné à légitimer une reconduction maquillée ? Derrière la promesse de refondation, les pratiques, les réseaux et les logiques de pouvoir semblent toujours à l'œuvre. Le 12 avril 2025 devait signer la renaissance démocratique du Gabon. Mais pour beaucoup d'observateurs, le pays a peut-être simplement changé de façade, sans véritablement changer de cap. »Toujours des liens forts avec la France ?« Le positionnement sur la scène internationale de Brice Oligui Nguema est aussi très attendu. » C'est ce que relève Le Monde Afrique. « Son coup d'État (en 2023) a marqué une différence avec ceux des pays de l'Alliance des États du Sahel – Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger – dans la mesure où il n'a pas marqué de rupture avec l'ancienne classe politique, ni avec la France dans le but d'opérer un rapprochement avec Moscou. “Ses rapports avec les pays de l'AES sont bons, confirme une source (anonyme citée par Le Monde Afrique). Il a signé un important contrat avec une société burkinabé pour la construction de routes. Parallèlement, il s'est déjà rendu à quatre reprises en France, pays avec lequel il entend rester proche. Même s'il voue un culte au général de Gaulle, il attend de sa relation avec Paris qu'elle soit plus équilibrée“. »D'ailleurs, pointe Jeune Afrique, « Emmanuel Macron a appelé hier Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema pour le féliciter. Les deux hommes avaient déjà échangé la veille, lorsque les premières tendances annonçaient déjà le président de la transition vainqueur du scrutin. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema en avait profité pour convier son homologue français à sa future investiture. Les deux dirigeants échangent régulièrement par téléphone. »Et Jeune Afrique de remarquer encore que « si les relations d'Emmanuel Macron ne sont pas au beau fixe avec certains chefs d'État du continent, le président français souhaite conserver avec le Gabon un lien fort. »

ll est entré dans l'Histoire en appelant les Français à la Résistance le 18 juin 1940, puis il a été l'instigateur de la Ve République et sa figure tutélaire. Mais vous a-t-on déjà raconté la jeunesse de Charles de Gaulle ? Quel homme était-il avant de devenir le Général que chaque Français connaît ? La semaine prochaine, dans Au cœur de l'Histoire, découvrez les jeunes années de Charles de Gaulle, de son action pendant la Première Guerre mondiale à la veille de l'appel du 18 juin, alors qu'il chérissait déjà un rêve de grandeur pour la France. Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

durée : 00:05:15 - Comme personne - Marie Emmanuelle Py, militaire sur le porte-avions nucléaire Charles de Gaulle, est devenue coach en entreprise. Sa spécialité : philosophie existentielle et quête de sens. Elle intervient dans de grandes entreprises, mais aussi bénévolement auprès de militaires pour leur retour à la vie civile.

durée : 00:05:15 - Comme personne - Marie Emmanuelle Py, militaire sur le porte-avions nucléaire Charles de Gaulle, est devenue coach en entreprise. Sa spécialité : philosophie existentielle et quête de sens. Elle intervient dans de grandes entreprises, mais aussi bénévolement auprès de militaires pour leur retour à la vie civile.

Fini le boulevard du Général-de-Gaulle à Dakar. Voici le boulevard Mamadou-Dia. Au Sénégal, les autorités débaptisent certaines rues portant des noms français. Pareil au Mali, au Niger et au Burkina Faso. Mais comme le sujet est sensible, au Sénégal, le Premier ministre Ousmane Sonko confie cette nouvelle nomination des rues à un Conseil national de la mémoire et de la gestion du patrimoine historique. Michel Ben Arrous est géographe et chercheur associé aux universités de Genève et de Saint-Louis du Sénégal. Au micro de Christophe Boisbouvier, il analyse la stratégie du pouvoir sénégalais. RFI : Le boulevard Charles de Gaulle qui devient le boulevard Mamadou Dia, c'est tout un symbole, non ? Michel Ben Arrous : C'est un symbole, c'est une boucle qui se referme. Mamadou Dia, pour mémoire, c'était le président du Conseil à l'époque de l'indépendance du Sénégal, dans un pouvoir bicéphale avec Senghor. Et Mamadou Dia était déjà opposé à De Gaulle.Au Niger, il y a quelques mois, le nouveau régime a rebaptisé le boulevard Charles de Gaulle, boulevard Djibo Bakary, du nom du Mamadou Dia du Niger, celui qui avait appelé à voter « non » à Niamey en 1958… Oui, tout à fait. Donc, tout cet effort-là est fait au Niger, comme d'ailleurs dans les autres États de l'AES, au Burkina et au Mali.Est-ce que derrière tous ces changements de noms au Sénégal et dans les autres pays du Sahel, on peut parler d'une réappropriation de leur histoire par les habitants ? Oui, certains vont même jusqu'à parler de « décolonisation symbolique ». Mais sur la réappropriation de l'histoire, c'est tout à fait vrai. D'autant plus que c'est l'histoire des sociétés colonisées qui avait été occultée par cette toponymie coloniale, par ces pratiques de nomination commémorative toujours à la gloire de l'entreprise coloniale française. Donc les histoires locales avaient disparu, étaient devenues invisibles. Effectivement, elles reviennent en avant. Maintenant pour parler de « décolonisation », c'est peut-être un petit peu plus compliqué dans la mesure où le principe même de nommer des rues est une importation totalement coloniale. Et le principe de nommer des rues avec des ambitions idéologiques, une toponymie commémorative, ça aussi, c'est une importation coloniale qui tranche totalement avec les pratiques, on va dire anciennes, mais qui existent encore, de nommer des grottes, des arbres, même à Dakar.En 2022, quand il était maire de Ziguinchor, Ousmane Sonko a débaptisé cinq avenues qui portaient des noms français en disant « En France, vous ne verrez jamais une rue Hitler ». Que pensez-vous de cette comparaison ? Je pense qu'elle appelle deux séries de remarques. La première, c'est qu'il utilise la toponymie comme un instrument de politique internationale. Ces renominations, elles ne s'adressent pas seulement aux ziguinchorois, à ses administrés, elles s'adressent aussi au public international qui peut l'écouter. Et elles sont en particulier un outil dans ses relations avec la France. L'autre série de remarques, c'est le sort qui a été réservé à ces renominations. Au départ, à l'époque coloniale en tout cas, c'était très simple, les noms venaient d'en haut, c'était l'administration coloniale, le gouverneur et un conseil administratif qui donnaient les noms. Sous Senghor, c'était encore plus concentré, c'était par décret présidentiel que les noms changeaient. Progressivement sous Abdou Diouf, puis surtout sous Abdoulaye Wade et ensuite Macky Sall, cette capacité de renommer a été dévolue aux collectivités locales. Donc a priori, Ousmane Sonko était tout à fait fondé quand il était maire de Ziguinchor à proposer des changements de noms de rues. Mais le gouverneur de l'époque, qui n'avait a priori aucune capacité d'intervention dans ce dossier, a voulu contester les noms qui ont été invalidés par la Cour suprême. Donc ça montre que les collectivités locales n'ont jamais été jusqu'à présent épargnées par les sollicitations du pouvoir politique. Et ce qui change et ce qui peut être apaisera ou clarifiera les compétences de chacun, c'est le projet de rebaptisation qui a été annoncé par le président actuel Bassirou Diomaye Faye en Conseil des ministres, en décembre dernier, et qui prévoit de créer une commission à laquelle participerait le Premier ministre, donc l'ancien maire de Ziguinchor, Ousmane Sonko, à laquelle participeraient aussi le ministre des Collectivités locales, le ministre de la Culture et le secrétaire d'État chargé du patrimoine historique, en collaboration avec les collectivités locales. Donc, il y a un équilibrage à trouver, qui peut être clarifiera les choses, qui apaisera peut-être ces questions de renominations.À Saint-Louis du Sénégal, il y a une statue du Général Faidherbe, le colonisateur français du Sénégal, qui a failli être déboulonnée en 2020 lors de la tempête politique provoquée par l'assassinat de George Floyd aux États-Unis. Et puis finalement, elle a résisté, elle est toujours là. Comment l'expliquez-vous ? Oui, certains voudraient la conserver comme symbole historique, d'autres voudraient l'enlever. On se focalise parfois sur l'inscription de la statue sur son socle, qui est évidemment intenable, qui dit « Au gouverneur Faidherbe, le Sénégal reconnaissant », ça je ne pense pas que ça va durer très longtemps. Mais on se retrouve à nouveau dans une symbolique où, pour faire place nette, si j'ose dire, les collectivités locales réemploient finalement des techniques qui sont d'importation coloniale. De la même manière que la nomination des rues, les statues commémoratives, ce n'est pas quelque chose qui a une longue existence en Afrique. Changer une statue pour une autre, c'est réemployer des techniques, des pratiques qui finalement sont peut-être l'héritage colonial le plus profond.À écouter aussiSénégal: «Les populations n'utilisent pas les noms coloniaux des rues»

Auf der „Techno Classica“ 2025, die vom 9. bis 13. April in Essen stattfindet, wird das Jubiläum eines ikonischen Automobils mit einer besonderen Ausstellung gewürdigt. Wir sprechen von einem Auto, das ich gerne mal gefahren und noch lieber mein Eigen genannt hätte. Es sollte nicht sein, ich war schlicht und einfach zu jung dafür. Ich spreche von der „Göttin“, der DS von Citroën. Darum geht es diesmal!Es ist eigentlich nur konsequent, mit dem Begriff DS ein Wortspiel zu machen. DS sind die Buchstaben der Typenbezeichnung der wohl bekanntesten Limousine von Citroën, die zudem in unzähligen Filmen zu sehen war. Egal, ob in Krimis oder in diversen Louis de Funés Filmen. Das Wortspiel besteht übrigens darin, dass die Buchstaben D und S ausgesprochen das Wort „Déesse“ ergeben. Ich gebe zu, das können wir hier im Radio nicht visualisieren, aber das französische Wort heißt auf Deutsch übersetzt Göttin. Und genau diesen Namen trägt der Wagen zurecht. Pariser Automobilsalon 1955: Weltpremiere der DSDie Weltpremiere der DS fand übrigens 1955 anlässlich des Pariser Automobilsalons mit der Enthüllung des Modells DS 19 statt. Der Modellname leitet sich vom Motor des neuen Modells ab, der einen Hubraum von 1.911 Kubikzentimeter aufweist und 55 kW (75 PS) leistet. Dabei wurden Publikum und Journalisten von den avantgardistischen und eleganten Linien der windschnittigen Limousine buchstäblich verzaubert, sogar zahlreiche Mitbewerber loben die Genialität der DS 19. Die Legende besagt, dass bis zum Ende des Premierentages 12.000 Kaufverträge eingehen. Die Zahl erhöht sich bis zum Ende der Messe zehn Tage später auf etwa 80.000. Unvorstellbar.Die 1950er Jahre: Die DS startet durchDie Produktion der DS beginnt schon einen Tag nach der Weltpremiere am 7. Oktober 1955, die ersten Fahrzeuge auf der Straße sorgten für Menschenaufläufe. Die bahnbrechenden technischen und stilistischen Lösungen wecken Neugier. Zudem ist die DS ist nicht nur eine automobile Skulptur, sondern auch ein Manifest innovativer Technologie. Die einzigartige hydropneumatische Federung bietet ein bis dahin nie dagewesenes Maß an Komfort und sicherem Fahrverhalten, das extrem leistungsfähige, hydraulisch unterstützte Bremssystem mit Scheibenbremsen an der Vorderachse ist zu dieser Zeit noch eine Seltenheit.DS Présidentielle: Staatskarosse für den PräsidentenUnd die DS wurde präsidial, der französische Staatspräsident Charles de Gaulle bestellt eine neue Staatskarosse auf Basis der DS, die DS Présidentielle, die sogar den Lincoln der US-Präsidenten in der Länge übertraf. Nummer 1.456.115 – die letzte DSDoch alles hat ein Ende, auch die Karriere der DS. Am 24. April 1975 wird die Baureihe – nach genau 1.456.115 weltweit gefertigten Exemplaren - eingestellt. Alle Fotos: © Citroën/DS/ Stellantis     Diesen Beitrag können Sie nachhören oder downloaden unter:

Charles de Gaulle je považovaný za jednoho z nejvýznamnějších francouzských státníků 20. století. Málo se ale ví, že se narodil na severu Francie, na půl cesty mezi Paříží a Bruselem – v Lille. Dodnes tam stojí jeho rodný dům, ve kterém najdete malé muzeum.

Charles de Gaulle je považovaný za jednoho z nejvýznamnějších francouzských státníků 20. století. Málo se ale ví, že se narodil na severu Francie, na půl cesty mezi Paříží a Bruselem – v Lille. Dodnes tam stojí jeho rodný dům, ve kterém najdete malé muzeum.Všechny díly podcastu Zápisník zahraničních zpravodajů můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

On poursuit notre découverte des métiers du groupe aéronaval qui est actuellement déployé pour le compte de la Mission Clémenceau, et on retrouve aujourd'hui le maître Steeve qui exerce son métier dans la section carburéacteur à bord du porte-avions Charles de Gaulle.

durée : 00:03:33 - L'info d'ici, ici Pays d'Auvergne - Le 92eme RI, le Régiment d'Auvergne, ouvre ses portes pour célébrer les 80 ans de la remise du drapeau par le général de Gaulle le 2 avril 1945. Le quartier Desaix, la caserne du "92" depuis 1881, attend les visiteurs ce week-end.

Comment perpétuer la mémoire des soldats africains qui ont combattu pour la France ? La question agite la communauté ivoiro-guinéenne de Danané, dans l'ouest de la Côte d'Ivoire – les familles craignent d'être oubliées à la mort du dernier vétéran de l'armée coloniale. RFI a retrouvé la trace de cet ancien combattant, l'un des derniers témoins des tensions de l'époque entre la France du général de Gaulle, la Côte d'Ivoire d'Houphouet-Boigny et la Guinée de Sékou Touré. De notre envoyé spécial à Danané,Appuyé sur sa canne devant une maison modeste, le caporal Lama Niankoï a l'esprit toujours vif. À 94 ans, entouré de proches, le patriarche raconte son parcours militaire. Engagé à 19 ans à Nzerekoré, le soldat originaire de Guinée sert à Madagascar ou encore en Algérie. « À Oran et à Constantine, c'est là que j'ai combattu », se souvient-il. Mais en 1958, le caporal doit choisir son camp – la Guinée de Sékou Touré prend son indépendance de la France avec fracas.Lama Niankoï sert encore sept ans sous les drapeaux bleus-blancs-rouges, comme l'explique Félix, son fils : « Quand la Guinée a pris sa libération, l'armée s'est retirée, mais mon père devait faire 15 ans pour toucher sa pension. » Un choix et des conséquences – À sa démobilisation en 1965, les Guinéens de l'armée française sont vus comme des traîtres dans leur pays natal.Parmi eux, 37 vétérans échouent à Danané, en Côte d'Ivoire – autre pays hostile aux yeux du régime de Sékou Touré. Un nom que Lama Niankoï ne veut plus entendre. « Enlevez le nom de Sékou Touré, pas de gros mots avec moi, demande-t-il. On a beaucoup souffert. »« Au moment où Sekou Touré était au pouvoir, mon papa ne pouvait pas rentrer. Pourquoi ? Parce que ceux qui avaient choisi la France, lui considérait que c'étaient des ennemis », raconte Francine Damey qui préside l'association des enfants des anciens combattants de Danané, dont son père était le chef.Et ce passé ne passe toujours pas pour Francine, surtout quand elle se rend en Guinée. « Même en Guinée, on nous appelle les “anti-Guinéens”. Même si on dit que nous sommes guinéens, on nous appelle les Ivoiriens… eux-mêmes, ils disent “au moment où on souffrait, où étiez-vous ?” Ce n'est pas facile », regrette-t-il. Aujourd'hui, ces descendants redoutent d'être oubliés par la France, le pays que Lama Niankoï avait choisi de servir.À lire aussiLa marche du monde: Les soldats oubliés de Guinée

Nghe trọn sách nói Lãnh Đạo: 6 Chiến Lược Gia Kiệt Xuất Định Hình Thế Giới trên ứng dụng Fonos: https://fonos.link/podcast-tvsn --Về Fonos:Fonos là Ứng dụng âm thanh số - Với hơn 13.000 nội dung gồm Sách nói có bản quyền, PodCourse, Podcast, Ebook, Tóm tắt sách, Thiền định, Truyện ngủ, Nhạc chủ đề, Truyện thiếu nhi. Bạn có thể nghe miễn phí chương 1 của tất cả sách nói trên Fonos. Tải app để trải nghiệm ngay!--Lãnh Đạo: 6 Chiến Lược Gia Kiệt Xuất Định Hình Thế Giới là tác phẩm cuối cùng của Henry Kissinger trước khi ông qua đời vào năm 2023. Trong tác phẩm này, ông đã lựa chọn để dựng nên chân dung 6 nhân vật có sức ảnh hưởng lớn đến cục diện thế giới trong thế kỷ XX, bao gồm: “Adenauer với tính chính trực và bền bỉ; de Gaulle với quyết tâm và tầm nhìn lịch sử; Nixon với hiểu biết về tình hình quốc tế đa phương và sức mạnh trong việc ra quyết định; Sadat với nhận thức tinh thần cao cả mà với nó ông đã tiến nhanh tới hòa bình; Lý Quang Diệu với trí tưởng tượng trong việc xây dựng một xã hội đa dân tộc mới; Thatcher với phong cách lãnh đạo nguyên tắc và sự ngoan cường. Tất cả đều thể hiện sự dũng cảm phi thường”.Đã từng gặp gỡ các nhà lãnh đạo trên khi họ đang ở thời kỳ đỉnh cao, Kissinger thể hiện hiểu biết sâu sắc của ông về cá tính và tư duy chiến lược của họ; từ đó phân tích, trình bày điều kiện để họ trở thành nhà lãnh đạo vĩ đại. Đồng thời, ông cho chúng ta thấy một bức tranh chung rộng lớn hơn, rằng "… liệu các màn trình diễn tương tự có thể được tái hiện hay không? Liệu các nhà lãnh đạo có xuất hiện với tính cách, trí tuệ và sự cứng rắn cần thiết để đáp ứng những thách thức mà trật tự thế giới đang phải đối mặt?”Lãnh Đạo: 6 Chiến Lược Gia Kiệt Xuất Định Hình Thế Giới đã ngay lập tức trở thành cuốn sách bestseller trên New York Times khi vừa ra mắt. --Tìm hiểu thêm về Fonos: https://fonos.vn/Theo dõi Facebook Fonos: https://www.facebook.com/fonosvietnam/

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.public.newsFrance is one of the world's oldest democracies, dating back to the French Revolution of 1789. It was reaffirmed as the Fifth Republic in 1958 under President Charles de Gaulle. Since then, France has held regular, competitive elections for both the presidency and the National Assembly. The world has regarded France as a liberal democratic nation with free speech, an independent judiciary, and regular elections.That reputation is now at grave risk. A French court's decision today to prevent presidential front-runner Marine Le Pen from competing in the next presidential elections is an extraordinary attack on democracy, says journalist Pascal Clérotte, with whom I recorded a podcast this morning.French ruling elites are “just desperate,” he said. “They're scared because they know it's over for them, so they're trying to cling to power for as long as they can.” President Emmanuel Macron currently has a 31% approval rating.The ruling comes two weeks after the Romanian government prevented the presidential front-runner from competing in elections, and at a moment when the Brazilian courts appear poised to incarcerate former president Jair Bolsonaro, who is also a presidential candidate. And, over the last four years, Democrats attempted to incarcerate and otherwise prevent President Donald Trump from running for reelection.

What happens when a mother, daughter, and best friend set out on a road trip across France to celebrate a milestone birthday? In Celebrating 75 Years with Vanessa Christman, host Annie Sargent talks to Vanessa, a librarian from California, about the trip of a lifetime: Mother-Daughter Celebrating a 75th Birthday in France. Get the podcast ad-free Vanessa planned this adventure around her mom's long-time love of France. They landed at Charles de Gaulle, picked up a rental car, and hit the road. From charming Burgundy villages like Tournus, to the sparkling Mediterranean coast near Martigues, to the lavender-scented hills of Provence and the grand castles of the Loire Valley — they saw it all. Along the way, they visited abbeys, tasted Gigondas wine, created custom perfumes in Grasse, explored markets in Carpentras, and dined at a Michelin-starred restaurant in Ardèche. Vanessa shares what went right (most things), what went wrong (French tacos!), and her top tips for traveling with someone who has reduced mobility. This episode is full of practical travel advice and heartfelt reflections. It's especially helpful for anyone dreaming of a multigenerational trip to France. Subscribe to Join Us in France Travel Podcast for more stories and tips from real travelers. Whether you're planning a special celebration or just love French culture, this one's for you. Table of Contents for this Episode Introduction and Welcome Today on the podcast Podcast supporters The Magazine segment Celebrating 75 Years with a French Road Trip Travel Companions and Planning Journey Begins: From CDG to Burgundy Jet lag, app for astronauts App to Help with Jet Lag Exploring Burgundy: Tournus and Beyond Heading South: Provence and the Mediterranean Provincial Markets and Wine Tasting Shipping Wine from the US to France Archaeological Adventures and Unsettled Weather The Experience of Maing Perfume in Grasse Road Trip Games and Roundabouts If You Have a Handicaped Placard You Can Use it in France Exploring the French Countryside Michelin Star Dining Experience The Loire Wine Tasting and French Tacos Charming B&B Stay Travel Tips for Reduced Mobility Personne à Mobilité Réduite – PMR Room Thank You Patrons This Week Paris's Gothic Jewels: New VoiceMap Tour Live Guides Restaurant Recommendations  Le Petit Chatelet on 39 Rue de la Bûcherie  Le Bistrot des Victoires Bouillon Chartier Grands Boulevards Le Saint-Regis  L'Auberge des Deux Ponts Next week on the podcast Copyright More episodes about family travel in France

RTL annonce la disparition de l'ancien président très apprécié de ce côté-ci de l'Atlantique pour avoir été le chef des forces alliées de la Libération. Le Général de Gaulle salue un "ami sincère de la France". Ecoutez Les pépites RTL avec Jérôme Florin du 28 mars 2025.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Dans une interview réalisée ce 25 avril à Libreville par RFI et France 24, le général Oligui Nguema, qui a renversé Ali Bongo le 30 août 2023 et qui est candidat à la présidentielle du 12 avril, affirme qu'il ne veut pas être porté par un parti ou un clan, mais par le peuple gabonais. Interrogé sur l'exclusion de plusieurs figures de l'opposition à cette élection, il répond que c'est la loi et qu'un général qui a fait le « coup de libération » du 30 août 2023 ne peut pas avoir peur d'un Ondo Ossa, d'un Maganga Moussavou ou d'un Jean-Rémy Yama. Suite au renversement d'Ali Bongo, il affirme que le procès de sa femme Sylvia et de son fils Noureddin aura lieu et sera équitable, au terme des deux ans d'enquête maximum que prévoit le Code pénal gabonais. Il ajoute que la justice a la preuve que Sylvia signait des documents officiels à la place d'Ali, car les enquêtes détiennent notamment un cachet. France 24 : Il y a 19 mois, à la tête de la garde présidentielle, vous avez renversé Ali Bongo. Vous avez promis aux Gabonais une nouvelle ère. Vous avez promis de remettre le pouvoir aux civils. Or, vous êtes candidat pour la prochaine élection présidentielle qui est prévue le 12 avril. Pourquoi ce revirement ? Qu'est-ce qui vous a poussé à prendre cette décision ? Brice Oligui Nguema : Ali Bongo Ondimba a été renversé effectivement le 30 août 2023. Et je l'ai dit dans mon discours à la nation lorsque j'ai prêté serment : nous allons organiser des élections libres, transparentes et apaisées en vue de rendre le pouvoir aux civils. Je ne suis pas resté figé dans mes bottes de militaire. Et vous parlez français aussi bien que moi. Cette phrase est différente que de dire : Je ne serai pas candidat. Ce sont deux phrases différentes. J'ai laissé l'ouverture au peuple. Le jour où le peuple a besoin de moi et qu'il m'appelle, je répondrai, comme ce fut le cas aujourd'hui, en respectant les règles de droit. J'ai renoncé à mon statut de militaire. Je concours en tant que civil. Et pour preuve, vous ne m'avez pas appelé général. Vous avez dit Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema C'est dire que le titre de général a disparu. Je suis un civil, tout comme les autres.RFI : Alors, sur votre premier bilan, Monsieur le Président, puisque voilà 19 mois que vous êtes au pouvoir, il y a des avis partagés. C'est vrai, il y a des choses qui vont mieux : les frais de scolarité sont pris en charge, les pensions de retraite sont à nouveau versées. Mais 40 % des jeunes sont au chômage, la dette atteint 70 % du PIB, les coupures d'électricité se multiplient, notamment ici à Libreville. Est-ce que ces difficultés de la vie quotidienne ne risquent pas de ternir ce bilan ? Les difficultés de la vie quotidienne, nous les avons héritées du système déchu et aujourd'hui, nous faisons des efforts. Le chômage, comme vous l'avez dit, a baissé de 12 % parce que nous avons mis le pays en chantier. Effectivement, la dette, elle est là, elle existe. Ce n'est pas moi qui ai créé cette dette, je l'ai héritée, c'est le passif. Et en tant que chef, il faut assumer le passif des autres. C'est aussi ça la responsabilité d'un chef d'État. Oui, elle est là, mais nous arrivons à nous en sortir. Pour preuve, j'ai payé l'AFD, j'ai payé l'échéance de la Banque mondiale, le FMI, je ne dois pas. J'ai payé la Bad, j'ai payé la Bird, j'ai payé l'Afreximbank. Je vais aux élections et  j'ai réglé mes échéances. C'est vrai que la dette est là et que la notation du Gabon a baissé. Mais c'est aussi en partie à cause de vos entreprises qui me payent en retard. Comment voulez-vous que je sois à l'heure dans mes échéances quand mes dividendes et mes impôts, mes revenus sont payés en retard ? Donc cette dégradation de la note, on doit tous se la partager et l'assumer.France 24 : Depuis le 30 août 2023, vous l'avez dit, vous avez refusé le terme de coup d'État, vous dites « coup de libération ». Vous avez aussi opté pour une transition courte. Ça devait être deux ans, ça va même être moins. Les élections vont avoir lieu en avril. C'est quand même très différent de ce qui se passe au Sahel. Je vois que vous souriez. Vous ne souhaitez pas qu'on vous compare aux putschistes du Sahel ? Putschistes, je dis que le mot est un peu trop fort. Ce n'est pas un terme que je vais employer pour mes collègues militaires. Ce n'est pas la peine à chaque fois de jeter la pierre sur les autres. Je vous le dis, ce sont mes frères d'armes. Nous ne sommes pas dans la rupture avec les grandes puissances. Pour preuve, les Français au Gabon, les autres, personne n'a été inquiété.RFI : Alors justement, dans les trois pays de l'Alliance des États du Sahel qui ont connu, eux aussi, un putsch, les militaires français ont été expulsés et la France est maintenant accusée de tous les maux et notamment de néocolonialisme. Est-ce que vous n'êtes pas tenté, vous aussi, Monsieur le Président, de suivre ce chemin qui pourrait plaire peut-être à une partie de votre opinion ? Je vous l'ai dit, je suis inclusif, je ne suis aucun chemin et aucun pays au monde ne s'est construit sans alliés, sans pays amis. Je travaille avec tout le monde. Je suivrai le chemin que me guide mon peuple. Je n'ai pas un chemin de rupture avec tout le monde. Non.RFI : Et avec la France ? Avec la France, nous entretenons de bonnes relations. Vous le savez. Vous l'avez vu. Des relations d'État à État. J'ai été invité en France à quatre reprises. Une visite officielle avec le président Macron, un tête-à-tête à l'Élysée, ce sont des relations entre hommes d'État. Et j'ai été invité aux Jeux olympiques. J'ai été invité au Sommet de la Francophonie. J'ai été invité à l'ouverture de Notre-Dame de Paris. Nous avons de très bonnes relations. Et la France est notre partenaire historique.France 24 : Mais en dehors des trois États du Sahel dont on a déjà parlé, si on mentionne le Sénégal, la Côte d'Ivoire, le Tchad, partout, les militaires français quittent l'Afrique, sauf ici au Gabon. Pourquoi cette exception gabonaise ? Et est-ce que vous pensez aussi qu'il faut que les militaires français partent à terme ? C'est vous qui le pensez.France 24 : Je vous pose la question. Les Français sont bienvenus ici. Les Russes, peut-être demain, s'ils veulent venir, seront peut-être aussi les bienvenus. Je vous l'ai dit, je suis inclusif, je ne chasse personne. Les Chinois sont bienvenus ici. Ils font des affaires ici. Toutes les communautés sont les bienvenues ici. Donc je ne fais pas de distinction. Pour ce qui est de la base française, nous avons mis en place une commission mixte entre la France et le Gabon pour essayer de trouver de meilleurs accords. Et on est parvenu à ce que le camp de Gaulle ne soit plus appelé camp de Gaulle. Nous allons trouver un nom gabonais pour rebaptiser le camp de Gaulle.France 24 : Vous avez une idée ? Peut-être un général. Pourquoi pas Boulingui [le général Nazaire Boulingui, 1918 -1984] ? Ils sont plusieurs. Et nous sommes tombés d'accord sur la réduction des effectifs. Nous allons quitter les 300 effectifs fantassins pour 150 effectifs instructeurs partagés entre la moitié de Français et l'autre moitié de Gabonais. Le camp ne sera plus un poste opérationnel avancé, mais un pôle de formation sous-régional. À l'intérieur, il y aura deux écoles, l'école d'administration et l'école de protection de l'environnement. Je pense que c'est le meilleur équilibre. Il n'y aura plus de blindés, de chars français ici à Libreville, mais il y aura des instructeurs. C'est le meilleur équilibre que nous avons trouvé ensemble. Nous ne sommes pas dans la rupture. Aucun pays au monde ne s'est développé seul.France 24 : Alors, vous avez parlé d'Ali Bongo. Aujourd'hui, il n'est ni poursuivi ni maltraité, visiblement. Son épouse Sylvia, son fils Noureddin, par contre, sont en prison depuis 18 mois, poursuivis pour des malversations financières. Un de leurs avocats affirme qu'ils sont détenus illégalement, et même torturés, il y a une plainte qui a été déposée en France. Un juge enquête sur ces faits parce que, je le rappelle, ils ont aussi la nationalité française. Votre réaction ? Au Gabon, nous sommes un pays respectueux des droits de l'Homme. Si on a réussi à faire un coup d'État sans effusion de sang, ce n'est pas deux individus qui seront torturés dans ce pays. J'en doute fort. La preuve, c'est que vous avez vos responsables à l'ambassade qui leur rendent visite en prison. Posez-leur la question. Il n'y a aucune marque de torture sur leurs corps. Et laissez la justice faire son travail, c'est tout. Il y a le temps de la justice.France 24 : Monsieur le Président, le problème, c'est que le temps s'étire. Ça fait 18 mois qu'ils sont en prison. Alors, est-ce qu'il va y avoir un procès ? Quand y aura-t-il un procès ? Ou est-ce que vous songez, éventuellement, après l'élection, peut-être à les libérer ? Je ne songe à rien faire. Il y a une justice qui fera son travail. Le procès aura lieu et il sera équitable je pense. Selon le code gabonais, pour des crimes, on peut aller jusqu'à deux ans d'enquête et les enquêtes se poursuivent.France 24 : On y est presque donc. Vous le dites.RFI : Dans une interview à Jeune Afrique, Ali Bongo a déclaré il y a quelques semaines : « Tout ce dont on accuse mon épouse, les détournements, les nominations à ma place… Tout cela est faux ! »Vous savez, c'est toujours facile pour un voleur de dire : « Je suis innocent ». Il y a des preuves dans le dossier chez le juge d'instruction. Laissez la justice faire son travail.RFI : Est-ce que vous avez des éléments concrets qui prouvent que madame Bongo signait des documents officiels à la place de son mari ? Je l'ai dit. Les juges ont des preuves. Qu'est-ce que vous n'arrivez pas à comprendre ?RFI : Et vous avez des preuves de ce que... Posez la question àAli Bongo Ondimba. Et je le sais pour l'avoir vu. Après son AVC, je m'excuse, son bras, il était paralysé. Et je l'ai vu. Il ne signait aucun document.RFI : Mais cela ne prouve pas que son épouse signait à sa place, Monsieur le Président. Je vous ai dit que la justice a des preuves. Après chaque Conseil des ministres, les parapheurs étaient transférés à son domicile. Donc vous comprenez qui signait à son domicile.France 24 : Son épouse ?C'est vous qui le dites.France 24 : C'est vous qui le suggérez. Non, non, c'est la justice. Et qui le sait ? Parce qu'il y a des preuves, qu'ils ont. C'est un cachet. Et merci.France 24 : Alors beaucoup de caciques de l'ancien régime, on vient de parler des deux personnes poursuivies, peu sont poursuivies d'ailleurs, mais beaucoup se sont ralliés à votre candidature. L'ancien parti au pouvoir, symbole de l'ère Bongo, le PDG, va aussi se rallier à vous. Alors qu'est-ce que vous répondez à ceux qui disent que finalement vous ne faites que perpétuer le système qui était en place ? Qu'en somme, vous faites du Bongo sans Bongo ? Je vais aux élections, j'ai mis une plateforme en place, Les Bâtisseurs, tout comme le président Macron l'avait fait, avec La République en Marche. Je n'ai pas de parti politique, je n'ai pas d'association parce que je ne veux pas être tenu par un parti politique ou par une quelconque association. Je veux être élu par le peuple gabonais. Je veux être porté par le peuple gabonais, pas par un groupe ou un clan.RFI : Alors pour cette présidentielle, il y a huit candidats. Mais les règles sont tellement restrictives qu'en dehors de l'ancien Premier ministre Alain-Claude Bilie-By-Nze, aucun poids lourd ne peut se présenter contre vous. Du coup, on se demande si vous n'avez pas sciemment exclu le professeur Albert Ondo Ossa, qui est le vrai vainqueur d'août 2023, Pierre Claver Maganga Moussavou et le syndicaliste Jean-Rémy Yama, parce qu'ils pouvaient peut-être vous battre, ou au moins vous forcer à un deuxième tour ? Alors, au-delà de 70 ans, on ne peut plus être candidat. C'est le choix des Gabonais. Ce n'est pas mon choix. Je n'exclus personne. Avez-vous vu un général qui a peur de quelqu'un ? Quelqu'un qui fait un coup de libération et qui va avoir peur d'un Ondo Ossa, d'un Maganga Moussavou ou de quelqu'un d'autre ? C'est de la manipulation politique. Qu'on respecte pour une fois ce que les Gabonais veulent et ce que la Constitution a demandé ou exigé. Pour le cas de celui que vous avez aussi évoqué, Jean-Rémy Yama, l'inclusivité ne veut pas dire le non-respect des procédures. Ce pays doit changer et il va changer. En France, on ne respecte pas les lois ? Dites-moi.France 24 : On essaye. Les candidats ne respectent pas les lois ? Aux élections présidentielles, ils ne fournissent pas des dossiers ? Et pourquoi voulez-vous que ce soit en Afrique qu'on doive tout le temps accepter ces erreurs que nous voulons changer ?

durée : 00:21:54 - Accès privé France Bleu Paris - Le général Charles de Gaulle, le duc et la duchesse de Windsor, la famille Al-Fayed... Ils sont tous passé par ce joyau d'architecture inscrivant leurs histoires dans celle de la France. Murielle Giordan nous fait découvrir ce lieu incroyable.

To start off a new run, I'm looking at the Paranoid Thrillers of the 1970s. Joining me on this series is Joe. We kick things off with the Fred Zinnemann helmed The Day of the Jackal, about the attempted assassination of French President Charles de Gaulle. Links to my socialsBlueskyTwitterInstagramLetterboxdMusic by ANtarcticbreeze_Music from Pixabay Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Commençons par une expression qui génère pas mal de fautes, parce qu'elle comporte un mot si ancien qu'il a disparu ailleurs : avenu. Oui, avenu sans E, pas comme l'avenue Charles-de-Gaulle. Avenu, l'adjectif. Mais quel est ce drôle d'adjectif ?Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Entrevistamos al ex general Jérôme Pellistrandi sobre la decisión del gobierno francés de reinvertir en armamento ante la amenaza de Rusia, país que podría lanzar ataques contra sus vecinos. Para financiar a las empresas francesas de Defensa se recurrirá a dinero público y privado, los ciudadanos también podrán contribuir a partir de 500 euros. Pellistrandi estima que numerosos franceses van a contribuir porque saben que ‘Rusia representa una amenaza real para Francia y Europa'. Ante el cambio de posición de Estados Unidos sobre Ucrania, más proclive a las posiciones de Moscú que a las de Kiev, Europa y Francia se movilizan para inyectar más dinero en Defensa. El presupuesto del ejército francés, 50.000 millones de euros en 2025, se duplicará de aquí a cinco años. El objetivo inmediato del gobierno en el marco de su plan de rearme consiste en conseguir 5.000 millones de euros adicionales. Una meta en la que podrá contribuir cualquier ciudadano con un aporte mínimo de 500 euros. Según los servicios de inteligencia de varios países, Rusia podría lanzar dentro de unos años ataques contra sus vecinos, comenzando por los países bálticos, Estonia, Letonia y Lituania, pero también Polonia. El ex general Jérôme Pellistrandi precisó a RFI el tipo de amenaza que afronta Francia."No vamos a ver los tanques rusos desfilando en el centro de París", sostiene Pellistrandi, director de la revista francesa Defensa Nacional. "La amenaza rusa es muy híbrida, pues incluye, por ejemplo, los ciberataques contra los hospitales y las universidades en Francia, así como en otros países de Europa. Y, como decía el general de Gaulle, las amenazas contra Europa son también amenazas contra Francia", dice.  Se necesitan más efectivos, más armamento y más avionesEste experto en temas militares estima que en Francia el ejército necesita más hombres, más armamento y más aviones."Se necesita equipamientos, el aumento de la cadencia de las cadenas de montaje para producir más armamento. Por ejemplo, hoy en día la empresa Dassault es capaz de construir tres Rafale al mes. Para incrementar la producción y llegar a cuatro o cinco aviones más, se tiene que invertir. También hay que comprar más aviones, más buque de guerra", afirme.Con este objetivo, el gobierno francés ha movilizado tanto al sector público, que aportará 1.700 millones de euros, como al sector privado, del que espera obtener 3.300 millones de euros. Y esto incluye una iniciativa para los ciudadanos que muy pronto podrán convertirse en accionistas invirtiendo una suma mínima de 500 euros. ¿Qué piensa el ex general Pellistrandi sobre esta iniciativa?Rusia, amenaza directa contra Europa"Estoy seguro de que muchos franceses van a invertir. Es cierto que 500 euros es una suma no despreciable, pero es relativamente fácil hacerlo en familia. Estoy seguro de que esta propuesta va a tener éxito en la opinión pública francesa. Es cierto que hay gente que no le gustará porque significa invertir en defensa, evocar la guerra, las amenazas. Pero bueno, la realidad es que sí hay una amenaza directa contra Europa. Por eso me parece muy importante que haya gente en Francia que invierta, familias que van a poner un poquito de dinero. Y bueno, es verdad que hay siempre gente que está opuesta a poner dinero en la defensa porque se dicen que esto es la responsabilidad del Estado, la responsabilidad de los políticos. Pero hay una nueva amenaza y por eso tenemos que invertir en la defensa", concluye.

Een Europees kernwapen? Die vraag is actueler dan ooit nu Europa zich niet meer veilig waant onder de Amerikaanse atoomparaplu. Bondskanselier Friedrich Merz, de Poolse premier Donald Tusk en andere Europese leiders voeren plotsklaps een dialoog met de chef van de Franse kernwapens, president Emmanuel Macron. En die reikt hen de hand. Dat doet hij niet voor het eerst, maar nu blijkt zijn gebaar uiterst relevant.Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger duiken in de uitzonderlijke historie van de 'Force de Frappe', waarin de Fransen keer op keer een eigenwijze, lastige positie innamen en soms jaren later gelijk kregen. Gaat dat nu weer zo? En wat doet Nederland?***Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show!Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend een mailtje naar adverteren@dagennacht.nl en wij zoeken contact.Op sommige podcast-apps kun je niet alles lezen. De complete tekst plus linkjes en een overzicht van al onze eerdere afleveringen vind je hier***De Franse nucleaire ambitie is ongeveer de oudste in Europa. Wetenschappelijk liepen ze voor op bijna iedereen. Toch blokkeerde president Roosevelt deelname van Frankrijk aan het Manhattan-project. Dat trauma werkt door tot vandaag.Na 1945 was Frankrijk arm, maar ambitieus. Net als zijn geheime bondgenoot, de nieuwe en bedreigde staat Israël. Zij bundelden hun innovatief vernuft. De linkse premier Pierre Mendès France nam in 1954 het besluit een eigen kernwapen te bouwen. Dat zou van Frankrijk het leidende land in de nieuwe Europese Defensie Gemeenschap maken en het Duitsland van Konrad Adenauers Wirtschaftswunder overtreffen.In 1958 werd Charles de Gaulle president in een diepe nationale crisis. Hij pakte aan, strategisch en eigenzinnig. Ook met dat kernwapen, de 'Force de Frappe'. Zijn markante koerswending blijkt in 2025 bijna profetisch.Wat Macron nu aanbiedt is ondenkbaar zonder wat De Gaulle op eigen kracht realiseerde. De 'dissuasion' - afschrikking - van 'La Russie' en diepe argwaan naar Amerika vormden samen de kern van De Gaulles visie op Franse macht en capaciteiten.Jaap en PG vertellen over opmerkelijke momenten in deze historie. Van kernproeven in de Sahara, de Jupiter-bunker in hartje Parijs en de export van wapens en kennis naar tirannen als Saddam Hussein. En hoe dát afliep.Een verrassende rol speelde president François Mitterrand. Hij was links, maar geopolitiek een ijskoude realist. Hij verrukte Ronald Reagan. In de Bondsdag gaf-ie een spijkerhard college machtspolitiek. En hij zorgde dat het Franse kernwapen gemoderniseerd werd, juist omdát de Muur viel. Want Amerika zou na de Koude Oorlog de Europeanen meer op zichzelf gaan laten.Nu, in 2025, bouwt Macron hier onmiskenbaar op voort. Hij wil de gesneefde Europese Defensie Gemeenschap van Mendès France in nieuwe vorm laten herrijzen en deze zelfs verbinden met de veel bredere Europese Politieke Gemeenschap. Dan worden ook landen als Oekraïne, Moldavië, het Verenigd Koninkrijk en Noorwegen deel van een nieuwe 'veiligheidsarchitectuur' in Europa. Met de Franse kernmacht als een stevige garantie. Tegen 'La Russie'. En Amerika, zo nodig. Helemaal De Gaulle!In Nederland reikt het denken nog niet zo ver. Verwarring heerst. De motie-Eerdmans werkt funest door en verlamt de coalitie van premier Dick Schoof. De kans dat Nederland zichzelf marginaliseert is reëel. En verontrustend.***Verder lezenEurope thinks the unthinkable on a nuclear bomb (Economist, 12 maart 2025)Claire Mills - The French Nuclear Deterrent (House of Commons, 20 november 2020)Europese Commissie publiceert Witboek over Europese defensie en ReArm Europe / Readiness 2030***Verder luisteren490 – Duitslands grote draai. Friedrich Merz, Europa en Nederland484 - Hoe Trump chaos veroorzaakt en de Europeanen in elkaars armen drijft469 – Nieuwe kruisraketten in Europa? In de jaren '70 en '80 zat topdiplomaat Boudewijn van Eenennaam in het brandpunt van de besluitvorming461 - Ruud Lubbers zag het een slag anders447 - Als Trump wint staat Europa er alleen voor419 - Europa kán sterven - Emmanuel Macrons visie op onze toekomst378 - Dertig jaar na 'Maastricht' is Europa toe aan een nieuwe sprong voorwaarts333 - Een 'bromance' tussen Rishi Sunak en Emmanuel Macron. De haat-liefdeverhouding van Britten en Fransen272 - Dankzij Poetin: nu écht intensief debat over de toekomst van Europa45 – De liefdesbrieven van Francois Mitterrand35 - Charles De Gaulle32 - Churchill en Europa: biografen Andrew Roberts en Felix Klos (vanaf 1 uur 3)28 - De relatie Nederland-Frankrijk***Tijdlijn00:00:00 – Deel 100:29:22 – Deel 200:57:26 – Deel 301:21:48 – Einde Zie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

From this week's Moneyweek Magazine …Two rumours have been swirling around the gold markets for many years. Some have called them conspiracy theories. Others note that conspiracy theories often prove true. What's the difference between conspiracy and truth? About 30 years.The first is that China has far more gold than it says it does. We actually now know this to be true. The other is that America has far less than the 8,133 tonnes of gold it says it possesses.This rumour has been doing the rounds since 1971, when Peter Beter, a lawyer and financial adviser to former president John F. Kennedy, said he had been informed that gold in Fort Knox had been removed. He went on to write a best-selling book about it: The Conspiracy Against the Dollar.The problem is a total lack of transparency on the part of the US authorities, something that according to current US president Donald Trump, and the head of the Department of Government Efficiency, Elon Musk, will not be the case for much longer.Roosevelt triggers a boomBut to understand this situation we need to go back in time, all the way to 1933, when US president Franklin D. Roosevelt famously devalued the US dollar and revalued gold upwards by 70%, from $20 an ounce (oz) to $35/oz, in order to bolster growth. US gold reserves would increase to unprecedented levels in the next 15 years.Some of the gold came from US citizens. It was now illegal for them to own gold and they had to hand any they owned over to the authorities. Some came from the fact that the government then bought all US mined supply (the upwards revaluation of gold triggered a mining boom) and any gold imported to the US assay office. The US even began buying gold on foreign markets to protect the new higher price.Thus US official holdings in 1939 on the eve of World War II totalled 15,679 tonnes. They would only increase. With Nazi invasions, European nations sent all the gold they could across the Atlantic, either for safekeeping or to buy essential supplies; 1949 saw the high watermark of US gold holdings – 22,000 tonnes, as much as half of all the gold ever mined.In July 1944, with it clear that the Allies were going to win the war, representatives from the 44 Allied nations met at the Mount Washington Hotel in Bretton Woods for the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference to design a new system of money for the new world order.International accounts would be settled in dollars, and those dollars were convertible to gold at $35/oz. Countries had to maintain exchange rates within 1% of the US dollar. In effect, the US was on a gold standard, and the rest of the world was on a dollar standard.The system relied on the integrity of the US dollar to work, and that integrity was in question, even before the end of the war. The June 1945 Federal Reserve Act reduced required gold reserves for notes outstanding from 40% to 25%, and against deposits from 35% to 25%. Between 1944 and 1954, because of increased supply, the dollar lost a third of its purchasing power, though the $35 Bretton Woods price remained.“Six major European countries,along with the UK, co-ordinated sales to suppress the gold price”US government spending was soaring, and it began running balance of payments deficits – made worse by the costs of foreign aid, America's new welfare systems and maintaining a military presence in Europe and Asia. Gold began leaving the US. By 1965 reserves had fallen by 9,500 tonnes, down 40% from the 1949 peak.Successive US administrations tried to stop the outflow, without success. Dwight D. Eisenhower banned Americans from buying gold overseas, Kennedy imposed the “equalisation tax” on foreign investments, and Lyndon B. Johnson discouraged Americans from travelling altogether. “We may need to forgo the pleasures of Europe for a while,” he said.Fears that the dollar would devalue following the election (won by Kennedy) sent the gold price in London to $40/oz. The Bank of England, in collusion with the Federal Reserve, began increasing gold sales to keep the price down.Thus did the London gold pool begin, with the addition of six major European nations the following year (Belgium, France, the Netherlands, West Germany, Italy and Switzerland), which co-ordinated sales to suppress, or “stabilise”, to use their word, the gold price and defuse unwanted, upward market pressure.But the pool struggled against growing demand. In 1965, an ounce of gold was still $35, but the purchasing power of the dollar had decreased by 57% from 1945, while gold reserves had also fallen sharply. The culprit was the costs of the US government, in particular the Vietnam War and president Johnson's enormous welfare spending.If you are buying gold to protect yourself in these uncertain times - and you should if you do not already own some - as always I recommend The Pure Gold Company. Pricing is competitive, quality of service is high. They deliver to the UK, the US, Canada and Europe or you can store your gold with them. More here.Bretton Woods under pressureWith inflation rising at home and international confidence in the dollar waning, these programmes were not just costly – they undermined Bretton Woods. Non-American nations felt aggrieved that they had to produce $100 worth of goods and services to get a $100 bill, when the US could just print one. French finance minister Valéry Giscard d'Estaing called it “America's exorbitant privilege”.President de Gaulle, meanwhile, had had enough. He ignored the pool to turn all French dollars and sterling balances into gold. The French even sent battleships to New York to collect their gold. De Gaulle became the target of several assassination attempts – coincidence, I'm sure. There were rather more US dollars in the world than there was gold to back them, he felt, and he was right.By 1967, US foreign liabilities were $36bn, but it only had $12bn in gold reserves – a third of what was needed to back the dollar. West Germany, Spain and Switzerland began demanding gold for their dollars. Even the British, with sterling going through one of its quadrennial collapses, asked the Americans to prepare $3bn worth of Fort Knox gold for withdrawal. Private gold demand was overwhelming.“The floor of the Bank of England's weighing room collapsed under the weight of all the bullion”In November 1967, the British government devalued the pound by 14%, from $2.80 to $2.40, in order to “achieve a substantial surplus on the balance of payments consistent with economic growth and full employment”.In that month, the London market saw greater bullion demand than it would typically see in nine: as much as 100 tonnes per day. To stem demand they banned forward buying, leverage and the purchase of gold with credit. The pool still lost 1,400 tonnes that year, more than a whole year's mined supply.Selling pressure on the US dollar only increased when the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese People's Army of Vietnam launched the first of a series of surprise attacks on US armed forces in South Vietnam in January 1968.Desperate to prop up the system, US military aircraft flew tonne after tonne of gold to RAF Lakenheath from where it was trucked in military convoys to the back entrance of the Bank of England: at one point the floor of the Bank of England's weighing room collapsed under the weight of all the gold.You really should subscribe to this amazing publication.Shoring up the systemIn the four days between 11 March and 14 March 1968, some 780 tonnes were sold to market. The effort to protect the price was deemed hopeless. On 15 March, UK chancellor Roy Jenkins declared a bank holiday, and the gold market was closed for a fortnight, “at the request of the United States”.Zurich also closed. Paris stayed open with gold trading at a 25% premium. All in all, the final 15 months saw over 3,000 tonnes sold to market to protect that $35 price. The pool had lost more than an eighth of its reserves.Two days later, in the rushed-through Washington Agreement, governors of the central banks in the gold pool declared there would be one fixed gold marketfor official government transactions at $35/oz and another, free-market, price for private transactions. Not for the last time, central bankers were living in a world of their own.Gold is one thing. Gold standards are another. They tend not to last, particularly bogus ones such as this one, under which citizens themselves did not handle gold. Keynes called them barbarous – ironic, perhaps, given that he was one of the architects of this one.In August 1971, president Nixon took the US off the gold standard, a “temporary” measure that remains more than 50 years later. For the first time in history, gold – Switzerland aside – played no part in the global monetary system.Of course it was the fault of the speculators. It always is. “I have directed the secretary of the Treasury to take the action necessary to defend the dollar against the speculators,” Nixon said, deflecting responsibility, and “to suspend temporarily the convertibility of the dollar into gold”.High time for a US gold auditThe US keeps its gold in four places: at Fort Knox, Kentucky (roughly 56% of its 8,133 tonnes); at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (8%); and the remaining 36% at the mints in Denver and West Point. There has not been a proper public audit of this gold since 1953. There have been internal audits, especially between 1974 and 1986, but these were not transparent.There are many people, among them gold experts, who do not believe the gold is there. The US spent it trying to suppress the gold price in the 1960s, theysay. But in this new age of American transparency, both Trump and Musk have repeatedly pledged that this gold will be audited.There is talk of it being done on a livestream. Trump has even suggested the gold has been stolen. “We're actually going to Fort Knox to see if the gold is there,” he said, “because maybe somebody stole the gold. Tonnes of gold.”They've been making such light of it, one has to assume they know the gold is there. Musk was laughing about the conspiracies on podcasts, and he even posted a picture of a Fort Knox starter kit: a brick and some gold spray. I can't see how they would be joking if there were any serious doubts.Secretary of the Treasury, Scott Bessent, has said quite categorically that the gold is there. The last audit was in September 2024, he said in a recent Bloomberg interview, before looking down the camera and assuring the US people that “all the gold is present and accounted for”. But this would only have been an internal audit, and it would not have been a full audit.According to the US Mint, “the only gold removed has been very small quantities used to test the purity of gold during regularly scheduled audits”. No other gold has been transferred to or from the depository “for many years”. How long is many years, though? As far back as the 1960s?It's quite astonishing just how secretive the whole thing is. They opened the vaults for a congressional delegation and certain members of the press to view the gold in 1974. There were rumours swirling about then too. “We've never done this before and we'll probably never do it again,” said the then director of the US Mint Mary Brooks.“The gold commonly confiscated under Roosevelt contained some copper, and is not pure enough for sale”Then in 2017, during Trump's first administration, Treasury secretary Steven Mnuchin and Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell were invited to view the gold. “The gold was there,” Mnuchin said. He is “sure” nobody's moved it. There are “serious security protocols in place”. But there are more than 4,000 tonnes in Fort Knox. A tonne would be about the size of a medium to large suitcase. Did he see all 4,000 of them?The other big issue is the purity of the gold. What is there might not all be of good delivery quality, meaning it would not be readily accepted in international bullion markets. If much of the gold is the bullion Roosevelt confiscated in the 1930s, it will be in the form of “coinmelt”: melted down coins.The commonly confiscated coins, such as the $20 double eagle, were only 90% pure and mixed with copper to make them harder. When melted down, they were not always properly refined to modern standards, while the bars they were melted into weighed 320-330 ounces, not the 400 oz bars of good delivery standard today. In practice, this means Fort Knox gold would not be accepted without additional processing.But, until a proper audit takes place, this is all speculation, albeit reasoned speculation. We don't know the full facts. The reasons given for not conducting a full audit are flimsy: we don't need to, it would be too much of an undertaking. Please!If the US gold turns out not to be there, then the gold price goes up – potentially a lot. If it is there, it's business as usual.For now, I'd say the markets are behaving as though it is business as usual. They are climbing, and every dip is being bought, largely, it seems, by central banks (especially in Asia), who are diversifying their holdings and de-dollarising. But this audit cannot come quickly enough.Large volumes of physical gold - over 1,000 tonnes by some counts - have recently been transferred from London to New York. One theory is that was the gold was transferred in anticipation of tariffs. Another is that it was the US buying ahead of its audit. We will soon find out.Finally, I would just like to debunk one theory doing the rounds. US gold is currently marked to market at $42/oz. After the audit, those 8,133 tonnes – assuming they are there and of good delivery quality – could be marked to market at current prices, meaning a significant uplift in the value of holdings.The theory doing the rounds is that Treasury ecretary Bessent will use some of the upwards revaluation to monetise the balance sheet – not unlike how Roosevelt did in 1933 – to create funds for, among other things, the strategic bitcoin reserve. But Bessent has quite clearly stated that is not his intention.This article first appeared in Moneyweek Magazine. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

(01:05) De Franse president Macron pleitte deze week tijdens een Europese top voor een sterk Europa met Frankrijk in een voortrekkersrol. Eerder al, in de tijd van Charles de Gaulle, wilde Frankrijk niet afhankelijk zijn van Amerika als het om de Europese veiligheid gaat. Hoe schatplichtig is Macron aan de generaal De Gaulle? Historicus en Frankrijkkenner Niek Pas is te gast.    (11:55) De Europese Unie heeft, als reactie op de Amerikanen, importheffingen aangekondigd. Amerikaanse spijkerbroeken worden daardoor duurder. Hoe komt het eigenlijk dat de spijkerbroek zo'n ongeëvenaard populair kledingstuk is geworden? Kunsthistoricus en conservator mode bij het Centraal Museum Utrecht Ninke Bloemberg vertelt.  (19:38) De spiritueel leider van het boeddhisme, de Dalai Lama, is bijna negentig en heeft ondanks zijn verheven status niet het eeuwige leven. Hij weet zeker dat hij zal reïncarneren in een persoon afkomstig uit de ‘vrije wereld'. Hoe werd de huidige Lama een symbool van vrede en verzet?     (32:22) De column van Sana Valiulina    (36:24) Aankomende 5 mei vieren we 80 jaar bevrijding. Onze democratie werd gered van de nazi's. Toch zitten er ook schaduwkanten aan de bevrijding: de hongerwinter, vergisbombardementen en zelfs geallieerde oorlogsmisdaden. Moeten we nog steeds alleen maar dankbaar zijn? Christ Klep schreef De lange bevrijding van Nederland, en is te gast.     Meer info: https://www.vpro.nl/programmas/ovt/luister/afleveringen/2025/16-03-2025.html#  (https://www.vpro.nl/programmas/ovt/luister/afleveringen/2025/16-03-2025.html)

Macron pleitte deze week tijdens een Europese top voor een sterk Europa met Frankrijk in een voortrekkersrol. En dat is niet nieuw. Want eerder al, in de tijd van Charles de Gaulle, wilde Frankrijk niet afhankelijk zijn van Amerika als het om de Europese veiligheid gaat. Maar hoe zou zo'n door Frankrijk aangestuurd Europa eruitzien? En hoe schatplichtig is Macron eigenlijk aan de Generaal De Gaulle? Bij ons is historicus en Frankrijkkenner Niek Pas.

Frédéric Taddeï revient sur la carrière de Jean-Louis Debré, figure clé de la politique française. Ministre de l'Intérieur, président de l'Assemblée nationale et du Conseil constitutionnel, il a marqué son époque par sa fidélité à Jacques Chirac et son indépendance d'esprit. Anecdotes sur le pouvoir, souvenirs du général de Gaulle et évolution du Conseil constitutionnel rythment ce récit captivant.Notre équipe a utilisé un outil d'Intelligence artificielle via les technologies d'Audiomeans© pour accompagner la création de ce contenu écrit.

Fluent Fiction - French: A Map to Memories: A Souvenir of Life's True Journey Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/fr/episode/2025-03-11-22-34-02-fr Story Transcript:Fr: Au cœur de l'agitation de l'aéroport Charles de Gaulle, Élodie se fraye un chemin parmi les voyageurs pressés.En: In the heart of the bustle of aéroport Charles de Gaulle, Élodie weaves her way among the hurried travelers.Fr: Le printemps souffle une douce brise à travers les portes automatiques, apportant une fraîcheur vivifiante.En: Spring blows a gentle breeze through the automatic doors, bringing a refreshing liveliness.Fr: Élodie est en quête.En: Élodie is on a quest.Fr: Elle veut un souvenir unique, significatif, qui capture son aventure incroyable.En: She wants a unique, meaningful souvenir that captures her incredible adventure.Fr: À ses côtés, Mathieu, son frère protecteur, et Clément, un ami à l'esprit libre rencontré lors de ses voyages.En: Beside her are Mathieu, her protective brother, and Clément, a free-spirited friend she met during her travels.Fr: Les boutiques de souvenirs s'alignent le long des couloirs, débordant de petites tours Eiffel miniatures, de porte-clés colorés et de boîtes de macarons.En: The souvenir shops line the corridors, overflowing with little miniature Eiffel Towers, colorful keychains, and boxes of macarons.Fr: Mais rien qui n'attire vraiment l'attention d'Élodie.En: But nothing really catches Élodie's attention.Fr: Elle sait ce qu'elle veut : quelque chose de personnel.En: She knows what she wants: something personal.Fr: Mais les avis divergent.En: But opinions differ.Fr: Mathieu, prudent, suggère un album photo.En: Mathieu, cautious, suggests a photo album.Fr: "C'est classique et pratique," dit-il.En: "It's classic and practical," he says.Fr: Clément, plus spontané, pointe du doigt un t-shirt original.En: Clément, more spontaneous, points to an original t-shirt.Fr: "Un peu d'humour n'a jamais fait de mal," rit-il.En: "A little humor never hurt anyone," he laughs.Fr: Élodie les écoute, mais son cœur lui dit autre chose.En: Élodie listens to them, but her heart tells her something else.Fr: Elle avance, laissant ses yeux balayer les étagères.En: She moves forward, letting her eyes scan the shelves.Fr: Puis, soudain, un éclat de couleurs vieilles et douces capte son regard.En: Then, suddenly, a burst of old, soft colors catches her eye.Fr: Une carte vintage.En: A vintage map.Fr: Les contours légèrement effacés racontent des histoires, des chemins parcourus.En: The slightly faded outlines tell stories, paths traveled.Fr: Élodie sent immédiatement que c'est ce qu'elle cherche.En: Élodie immediately feels that this is what she's searching for.Fr: Elle s'approche, touchant du doigt les courbes dessinées.En: She approaches, touching the drawn curves.Fr: Chaque lieu marqué semble résonner avec des souvenirs partagés, des rires échangés avec Mathieu et Clément.En: Each marked place seems to resonate with shared memories, laughs exchanged with Mathieu and Clément.Fr: Ce n'est pas juste une carte ; c'est son voyage en image.En: It's not just a map; it's her journey captured in an image.Fr: "Je l'ai trouvée," dit-elle, levant la carte.En: "I found it," she says, lifting the map.Fr: Mathieu et Clément s'approchent, Francisco hochant la tête avec un sourire.En: Mathieu and Clément approach, both nodding with smiles.Fr: "C'est parfait," admet Mathieu en voyant l'éclat dans ses yeux.En: "It's perfect," admits Mathieu seeing the sparkle in her eyes.Fr: Dans la file d'attente pour payer, Élodie serre la carte contre elle.En: In the checkout line, Élodie holds the map close to her.Fr: Cette carte n'est pas seulement un souvenir de voyage.En: This map is not just a travel souvenir.Fr: C'est un symbole des nouveaux départs qu'elle embrasse.En: It's a symbol of the new beginnings she embraces.Fr: En sortant de l'aéroport, elle respire profondément le parfum du printemps, un sourire de satisfaction sur le visage.En: As she leaves the airport, she breathes in deeply the scent of spring, a satisfied smile on her face.Fr: Élodie sait maintenant qu'elle peut faire confiance à ses instincts, à son cœur.En: Élodie now knows she can trust her instincts, her heart.Fr: Sa décision est la sienne, riche de sens.En: Her decision is hers, rich with meaning.Fr: Et ainsi, elle commence un nouveau chapitre, pleine de confiance et de souvenir doux-amer qu'elle chérit.En: And so, she begins a new chapter, full of confidence and bittersweet memories she cherishes.Fr: Élodie, Mathieu et Clément se dirigent vers la sortie, chacun portant son propre trésor de souvenirs.En: Élodie, Mathieu, and Clément head towards the exit, each carrying their own treasure of memories.Fr: Pour Élodie, c'est une nouvelle page tournée dans le grand livre de sa vie — un voyage où le cœur est le meilleur guide.En: For Élodie, it's a new page turned in the grand book of her life—a journey where the heart is the best guide. Vocabulary Words:heart: le cœurbustle: l'agitationjourney: le voyageadventure: l'aventurecorridor: le couloirspring: le printempsbreeze: la brisetraveler: le voyageursouvenir: le souvenirshop: la boutiquekeychain: le porte-clésadvice: l'avisshelf: l'étagèresmile: le sourireconfidence: la confiancememory: le souvenirbeginning: le débutchapter: le chapitreinstinct: le instinctpath: le cheminmap: la cartecolor: la couleursparkle: l'éclatguide: le guidescent: le parfumtreasure: le trésorhumor: l'humouroutline: le contourcheck-out line: la file d'attenteeye: l'œil

Jean-Marc Lieberherr examines Jean Monnet's vital role in securing US arms for Britain and France during the Second World War and in driving international cooperation. A committed internationalist, long before becoming one of the founding fathers of the EU, Jean Monnet played a crucial role in enabling cooperation between countries in two world wars. As a member of the Executive Committee of the Allied Maritime Transport Council during the First World War, he helped coordinate shipping between the Allied powers of France, Great Britain, Italy and, from 1918, the US, before becoming the Deputy Secretary General of the League of Nations in 1919. During the subsequent world conflagration, , Monnet, trusted by Winston Churchill and Charles de Gaulle, coordinated arms procurement from the US through the Anglo-French Co-Ordinating Committee, the British Purchasing Committee and the Combined Production and Resources Board. According to economist John Maynard Keynes, Monnet's work shortened that war by one year. After 1945, Monnet continued seeking internationalist solutions, connecting the French and German markets under the European Coal and Steel Community. Seeing how the principles of cooperation could be applied more broadly, he advocated for a European Defence Community during the Korean War. While this attempt at European defence integration failed, his work inspired the founding treaties of the EU. He became the first ‘Honorary Citizen of Europe' in 1976. Jean-Marc Lieberherr is the founding chairman of the Jean Monnet Institute (JMI), which is devoted to promoting Monnet's historical heritage. Before creating the JMI in 2021, he had a career with large international groups such as LVMH, Unilever and Rio Tinto. Further Reading Jean Monnet, Memoirs (London: Harper Collins, 1978). François Duchêne, Jean Monnet: The First Statesman of Interdependence (New York, NY: W W Norton, 1994). Robert R Nathan, ‘An Unsung Hero of World War II', in Douglas Brinkley and Clifford Hackett (eds), Jean Monnet: The Path to European Unity (New York, NY: St Martin's Press, 1991). W W Rostow, ‘Jean Monnet: The Innovator As Diplomat' in Gordon A Craig and Francis L Loewenheim (eds), The Diplomats, 1939-1979 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 257–88. Sherrill Brown Wells, Jean Monnet: Unconventional Statesman (Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Reinner, 2011). Institut Jean Monnet Website, available at: https://institutjeanmonnet.eu/en/.

« 18 mois après le coup d'État qui a mis fin au règne d'Ali Bongo Ondimba, le chef du Comité pour la transition et la restauration des institutions franchit un cap décisif, s'exclame L'Union à Libreville. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, président de la Transition du Gabon, se lance dans la course à la présidence. Mettant ainsi fin au suspense qui planait sur sa possible candidature. Brandissant un bilan élogieux de son action à la tête du pays, il a déclaré : « en réponse à vos nombreux appels, j'ai décidé d'être candidat à l'élection présidentielle du 12 avril prochain. »En fait, le suspense n'était pas très marquant… Depuis sa prise de pouvoir, le général n'a jamais donné l'impression qu'il allait le lâcher. « Pas de surprise », donc, commente le site d'information Gabon Review. D'autant que « l'information avait insidieusement “fuité” sur les réseaux sociaux ces derniers jours, en rapport avec le fait qu'il souhaitait marquer le coup en annonçant officiellement sa candidature à la présidentielle le jour de son anniversaire. »Qui plus est, souligne encore Gabon Review, « certains de ses proches assurent que sa décision était prise depuis quelques mois, voire peu après l'arrivée de la transition à la tête de l'État. Ces derniers jours d'ailleurs, le président de la transition avait multiplié les promesses et les petites phrases sans équivoque, sollicitant plus ou moins explicitement les suffrages de ses concitoyens. »Lui seul…« Faux suspense et non-évènement ! », s'exclame le quotidien Aujourd'hui au Burkina. « L'homme-du-30-août annonce à coups de raffut qu'il est frappé d'amnésie par rapport à son discours d'investiture du 4 septembre 2023 où il avait prôné haut et fort de remettre le pouvoir aux civils. À l'évidence, le civil, c'est lui. Bas les masques ! Enfin, pas exactement, car il est rarissime de faire un coup d'État, rester au pouvoir quelques mois et accepter de partir. »Son principal argument de campagne, relève Jeune Afrique : lui seul est à même de sauver le Gabon, « État en déliquescence ».D'ailleurs, souligne le site panafricain, « l'ancien aide de camp d'Omar Bongo Ondimba et ex-patron de la Garde républicaine répond à ses détracteurs, qui lui reprochent son goût trop prononcé pour le pouvoir, toujours par une litanie de noms d'anciens militaires parvenus au pouvoir. Charles de Gaulle, Jerry Rawlings, George Washington, Thomas Jefferson… certains changent selon l'occasion, mais l'argument reste le même : pourquoi un militaire ne pourrait-il pas légitimement occuper la magistrature suprême, et œuvrer pour le bien de son pays ? »Justement, pointe Ledjely en Guinée, plutôt que de gloser sur le faux-suspense, « le débat devrait se concentrer sur ce que l'on peut attendre d'un homme qui, même s'il s'efforce de se présenter comme nouveau, reste un authentique produit du système façonné par les Bongo. »Un moindre mal…Un homme qui a su rester discret et mesuré… En effet, précise Ledjely, « le général s'est distancié des envolées souverainistes et des discours à connotations nationalistes de ses homologues du Sahel. Pas un mot de trop contre le néocolonialisme et l'impérialisme occidental. Du coup, il est passé incognito sans se faire remarquer. Au grand dam de ses opposants, dont aucune des revendications n'a trouvé d'écho favorable chez les partenaires du Gabon. Dans un contexte où tout le monde semble avoir oublié le principe de l'Union africaine qui défend à un militaire auteur d'un coup d'État de se présenter à l'élection présidentielle qui parachève la Transition, le président Nguema était vu comme un moindre mal. D'autant que les opposants gabonais qui s'agitent sont tout autant responsables du parcours peu enviable de ce pays. »Scrutin test…En tout cas, relève Afrik.com, « l'élection du 12 avril prochain s'annonce comme un test décisif pour la démocratie gabonaise. Plusieurs candidats ont déjà manifesté leur intention de concourir, dont Michel Ongoundou Loundah, le leader du parti Réappropriation du Gabon, de son indépendance, pour sa reconstruction. Ce dernier plaide pour une véritable rupture avec l'ancien système et une reconstruction démocratique du pays. Si certains voient en Oligui Nguema une figure de stabilisation, d'autres redoutent que son accession au pouvoir par les urnes ne soit qu'une légitimation du statu quo. Tout semble mis en place, conclut Afrik.com, pour permettre la continuité de la présidence de Brice Oligui Nguema sous un vernis, cette fois, démocratique. »

Ba năm liên tiếp, tàu chiến Pháp đến thăm Việt Nam. Từ ngày 01-07/03/2025, tàu khu trục đa nhiệm La Provence, thuộc nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay Charles de Gaulle thực hiện chiến dịch CLEMENCEAU 25, cập cảng Lotus, thăm xã giao thành phố Hồ Chí Minh. Hoạt động này « thể hiện mối quan hệ tin cậy và hợp tác ngày càng tăng », cũng như « cam kết của Pháp đối với hòa bình và an ninh tại khu vực Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương », theo thông cáo của sứ quán Pháp tại Việt Nam. Pháp tăng cường hiện diện thông qua « ngoại giao hải quân »Hoạt động thăm cảng nằm trong khuôn khổ thỏa thuận Đối tác Chiến lược Toàn diện được Việt Nam và Pháp ký tại Paris ngày 07/10/2024. Trong tuyên bố chung, hai nước nhấn mạnh đến « cam kết phát triển quan hệ trong lĩnh vực quốc phòng nhằm tăng cường năng lực tự cường, phù hợp với nhu cầu của mỗi bên ». Ngoài ra, « Việt Nam sẽ tạo thuận lợi cho các tàu quân sự của Pháp cập cảng Việt Nam theo quy định của pháp luật Việt Nam, nhằm phát triển hợp tác và trao đổi chuyên môn giữa hải quân và lực lượng cảnh sát biển hai nước ».Trả lời RFI Tiếng Việt ngày 28/02, nhà nghiên cứu Pháp Laurent Gédéon, trường Sư phạm Lyon (Ecole normale supérieure de Lyon), nhận định những diễn biến tích cực này được thúc đẩy thêm sau khi Hà Nội và Paris tỏ thiện chí củng cố hợp tác song phương nhân chuyến công du của bộ trưởng Quân Lực Sébastien Lecornu và dự lễ kỷ niệm 70 năm Điện Biên Phủ :« Sự hiện diện của tàu khu trục Pháp hoặc các chiến hạm Pháp thỉnh thoảng đi qua và dừng lại ở Việt Nam gắn liền với điều có thể gọi là « ngoại giao hải quân », tức là hiện diện tại cảng của các quốc gia có quan hệ tích cực và hữu nghị. Theo tôi, ngoài khuôn khổ Việt Nam, cần phải coi rằng Pháp tham gia vào chiến lược do Hoa Kỳ phát triển trong khu vực, bao gồm việc tái khẳng định sự hiện diện của Hải Quân Mỹ và các đồng minh, đặc biệt là ở Biển Đông, trước những tuyên bố bá quyền của Trung Quốc đối với khu vực hàng hải này.Theo tôi, nếu nhìn xa hơn một chút về sự hiện diện và sự tham gia của Pháp vào hoạt động này, thì điều đó không chỉ liên quan đến các nguyên tắc về tự do hàng hải trên vùng biển quốc tế mà Pháp ủng hộ, mà cũng cần lưu ý rằng Pháp có một vùng biển rộng lớn ở Thái Bình Dương nhưng không hẳn có thể kiểm soát được hết bằng những phương tiện quân sự hiện có. Vì vậy, Paris cần sự ủng hộ của Washington. Và việc Paris can dự vào một khu vực thực sự rất xa - ở Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương - là cách để Pháp đánh dấu sự gần gũi với người Mỹ và tham gia vào hoạt động giữa Mỹ và Pháp ở khu vực mà hai nước có chung lợi ích địa -chiến lược ».Đọc thêmViệt Nam : Đối tác mới cho chiến lược Ấn Độ - Thái Bình Dương của Pháp ?Duy trì hoạt động thăm cảng nhưng tránh « động » đến Trung QuốcKhi thiết lập được mối quan hệ ở cấp cao nhất trong chính sách ngoại giao của Việt Nam, Pháp tăng cường được hiện diện và củng cố hoạt động ở khu vực Đông Nam Á, đặc biệt là Biển Đông, nơi có tuyến hàng hải huyết mạch, thông qua những chương trình tăng cường hợp tác quân sự với Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore. Tuy nhiên, trả lời RFI Tiếng Việt trước đó, nhà nghiên cứu Laurent Gédéon cũng nhấn mạnh đến « khía cạnh quân sự không được làm quá nổi bật » trong tuyên bố chung Pháp-Việt ngày 07/10/2024 « để không “xúc phạm” Trung Quốc ». Cũng chính để tránh làm « phật lòng » Bắc Kinh và cũng trong chính sách « Bốn Không », Việt Nam không tham gia các cuộc thao dượt mang tính chất quân sự trong vùng hoặc do bên thứ ba ngoài khu vực tổ chức. Nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay Charles de Gaulle, gồm tàu sân bay Charles De Gaulle (R91), tàu khu trục đa nhiệm La Provence (D652), tàu tiếp tế Jacques Chevallier (A725), tàu hộ tống phòng không Forbin (D620) và khinh hạm Alsace (D656) lớp Aquitaine thăm cảng Subic Bay ở Philippines từ ngày 21/02 và tham gia Hoạt động hợp tác hàng hải (MCA) với Hải Quân Philippines.Tuy nhiên, chỉ có tàu khu trục đa nhiệm La Provence đến thăm cảng Lotus, thành phố Hồ Chí Minh và tiến hành luyện tập chung với tàu Cảnh sát biển Việt Nam tại vùng biển ngoài khơi Vũng Tàu. Nhà nghiên cứu Laurent Gédéon giải thích :« Theo tôi, điều này liên quan đến việc Pháp là đồng minh của Mỹ, cũng như việc Philippines cũng có liên minh quân sự với Mỹ. Vì vậy, chúng ta thấy có sự gần gũi về mặt địa chiến lược và quân sự giữa Pháp và Philippines. Hoàn cảnh này không giống như với Việt Nam bởi vì Việt Nam không tham gia vào kiểu liên minh này tại khu vực hoặc bất kỳ nơi nào khác. Tôi nghĩ rằng sự hiện diện của nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay Pháp trong khuôn khổ các cuộc tập trận chung này là nhằm kiểm tra khả năng tương tác giữa các đơn vị hải quân khác nhau. Và như tôi nêu ở trên, đó là cách để Pháp thể hiện sự can dự. Có rất nhiều quan ngại mang tính chất địa chiến lược đặc trưng với Mỹ nhưng không liên quan trực tiếp đến lợi ích của Pháp ở Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương. Vì vậy, đây là thông điệp gửi tới Trung Quốc, cũng là thông điệp gửi tới Hoa Kỳ, chủ yếu theo quan điểm của tôi. Và tôi không nghĩ rằng giữa Pháp và Việt Nam có sự hợp tác ở cấp độ này.Một yếu tố khác là nhóm tàu ​​sân bay tượng trưng cho khả năng quân sự và hình thức đe dọa cao. Và tôi nghĩ rằng đối với một quốc gia như Pháp, việc gửi một đội tàu ​​sân bay vào Biển Đông sẽ gửi đi một thông điệp ngoại giao rất tiêu cực tới Trung Quốc và trong bối cảnh hiện tại, điểm này không nằm trong những bận tâm ngoại giao của Paris ».Pháp bảo vệ chủ quyền ở Ấn Độ-Thái Bình DươngPháp là thành viên duy nhất trong Liên Hiệp Châu Âu có chủ quyền tại Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương với bảy vùng lãnh thổ hải ngoại có hơn 1,6 triệu công dân. 90% diện tích vùng đặc quyền kinh tế (ZEE) của Pháp cũng trong vùng Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương. Lực lượng tàu chiến của quân đội Pháp tại các căn cứ ở đảo Réunion, Nouvelle-Calédonie hay Polynésie thuộc Pháp đều tương tác thường xuyên với các đối tác. Còn những chiến dịch quy mô lớn, như CLEMENCEAU 25, được bộ Quân Lực Pháp nhấn mạnh là nhằm « củng cố và khẳng định mối liên hệ mà quân đội Pháp đã phát triển ở khu vực Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương trong nhiều năm ».Chiến dịch CLEMENCEAU 25 được triển khai từ cuối tháng 11/2024 và được chuẩn đô đốc Jacques Mallard, chỉ huy nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay, giới thiệu trong buổi họp báo ngày 08/11/2024 :« Chiến dịch có bốn mục tiêu chính. Trước hết, đóng góp vào các hoạt động của Pháp và Châu Âu ở Hồng Hải và Ấn Độ Dương. Các hoạt động này nhằm mục đích tăng cường an ninh hàng hải trong khu vực và nguồn lực của nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay. Chiến dịch cũng giúp phát triển khả năng tương tác với các đối tác và đồng minh của chúng ta (Pháp) ở Ấn Độ Dương cũng như ở Thái Bình Dương. Thông qua hoạt động này, thúc đẩy một không gian Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương tự do, cởi mở và ổn định với các đối tác khu vực trong khuôn khổ luật pháp quốc tế. Và cuối cùng, góp phần bảo vệ người dân và lợi ích của Pháp ở vùng Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương mà Pháp là quốc gia ven biển và phải thực hiện chủ quyền của mình đối với tất cả các vùng lãnh thổ hải ngoại này ».Đọc thêmChiến lược Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương của Pháp sẽ có lợi cho Việt NamKhông chỉ chiến dịch CLEMENCEAU 25 mà tất cả những chiến dịch trước đó, nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay Pháp đều phối hợp với tàu từ các đối tác và đồng minh. Cho nên, số lượng hộ tống nhóm tàu sân Pháp được tăng cường thường xuyên với tàu khu trục hoặc tàu ngầm nước ngoài, như của Hy Lạp, Bồ Đào Nha, Ý, Maroc, Anh, Úc, Canada, Nhật Bản… và lần lượt thông qua ba cuộc tập trận quy mô lớn, theo giải thích của chuẩn đô đốc Jacques Mallard.« Sau khi đi qua Địa Trung Hải và Hồng Hải, nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay Charles de Gaulle tham gia cuộc tập trận song phương thường niên Varuna, góp phần duy trì khả năng tương tác giữa hải quân Pháp và Ấn Độ. Ấn Độ là đối tác quan trọng của Pháp ở Ấn Độ Dương. Giai đoạn hợp tác hoạt động chính của chiến dịch CLEMENCEAU 25 diễn ra với các đồng minh và đối tác của Pháp ở phía đông Ấn Độ Dương. Trong cuộc tập trận La Pérouse, Pháp phối hợp với Hải Quân các nước giáp với quần đảo Indonesia (trong đó có Philippines, Malaysia, Indonesia) về bảo đảm an ninh hàng hải ở ba eo biển chính. Cuối cùng, lần đầu tiên kể từ rất lâu, tàu sân bay Charles de Gaulle và đội tàu hộ tống di chuyển trên Thái Bình Dương, trong đó phải kể đến cuộc tập trận Pacific Steller (ngoài khơi phía đông Philippines), nhằm tăng cường khả năng tương tác với Hạm đội 7 Hoa Kỳ. Pháp có ít cơ hội tương tác với Hạm đội 7 vì lực lượng này ở rất xa so với Hạm đội 5 và 6 mà Pháp thường hoạt động chung. Trong suốt hành trình, nhóm tác chiến tàu sân bay sẽ nhận được hỗ trợ của các đối tác thông qua các điểm dừng chân và hỗ trợ hậu cần, cũng như tiếp nhận đội máy bay tuần tra hàng hải tầm xa Atlantic 2 ».Đội tàu tác chiến tàu sân bay (groupe aéronaval, GAN) được bộ Quân Lực Pháp giới thiệu là lực lượng chính thực hiện các nhiệm vụ triển khai sức mạnh. Tàu sân bay Charles de Gaulle có thể di chuyển hàng nghìn km mỗi ngày trong nhiều tháng, có hai đường băng, một nhà kho để bảo trì, sửa chữa 40 máy bay. Khoang tàu có thể chứa 600 tấn đạn dược, 3.200 tấn xăng máy bay, tương đương với 2 tuần hoạt động với cường độ cao.Sự can dự của Pháp ở Ấn Độ-Thái Bình Dương còn được thể hiện qua việc chỉ huy Hải Quân Pháp tham gia vào hai diễn đàn chính trong khu vực : Hội nghị chuyên đề Hải quân Ấn Độ Dương (IONS) và Hội nghị Hải quân Tây Thái Bình Dương (WPNS). Mục đích của hai tổ chức này là cải thiện đối thoại, hợp tác về an ninh, khả năng tương tác giữa hải quân của các quốc gia giáp ranh với từng khu vực. Tại khu vực Đông Nam Á, Pháp luôn bày tỏ nguyện vọng gia nhập Hội Nghị Bộ Trưởng Quốc Phòng ASEAN Mở Rộng (ADMM+), quy tụ các nước thuộc ASEAN và tám cường quốc chính của khu vực, trong đó có Trung Quốc và Hoa Kỳ. Và Paris kỳ vọng vào sự ủng hộ của Hà Nội để được gia nhập ADMM+.Đọc thêmShangri-La : Pháp sẽ tăng cường hiện diện quân sự tại châu Á – Thái Bình Dương

When viewed from above the North Pole, the Earth rotates from left to right and now some of its inhabitants appear to be headed the same way. From Giorgia Meloni's Brothers of Italy through Geert Wilders' far-right Freedom Party in the Netherlands to Germany's AfD party and the ever-encroaching Chega (Enough) party in Portugal, the boots on the ground appear to be facing one way, so are we looking at a new world order that's suddenly leaning towards the right?  Plus, is war finally over for Ukraine? What is NATO really for? What is the true meaning of power and how do we grab it? And did we finally answer all the questions Sarah Vine's mum asked of us? On our reading list this week:  ·      Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands – Richard Sakwa ·      How the West Brought War to Ukraine: Understanding How U.S. and NATO Policies Led to Crisis, War, and the Risk of Nuclear Catastrophe – Benjamin Abelow ·      A Certain Idea of France: The Life of Charles de Gaulle – Julian Jackson To get in touch, email: alas@dailymail.co.uk, you can leave a comment on Spotify or even send us a voice note on Whatsapp – on 07796 657512, start your message with the word ‘alas'.   Presenters: Sarah Vine & Peter Hitchens Producer: Philip Wilding Editor: Chelsey Moore Production Manager: Vittoria Cecchini Executive Producer: Jamie East   A Daily Mail production. Seriously Popular Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Laurent Joly "Le savoir des victimes (Grasset)Comment l'histoire du régime de Vichy et du génocide des juifs a-t-elle été écrite en France depuis 1945 ? Sous quelle forme, dans quel contexte et au terme de quels combats la vérité sur les crimes antisémites de Vichy s'est-elle imposée au plus grand nombre ?C'est ce que cet essai d'histoire de l'histoire se propose d'interroger : une plongée dans l'histoire de France des années 1940 jusqu'à nos jours, à travers les livres, les polémiques de presse, les controverses intellectuelles, les films, les émissions de télévision, et aussi les politiques commémoratives et les affaires judiciaires. Laurent Joly, dans cette synthèse magistrale, raconte le récit mensonger, largement diffusé jusqu'à la fin des années 1960, fondée sur la stratégie judiciaire de Pétain et Laval, qui tentèrent de faire passer leur action criminelle pour une politique de « moindre mal » destinée à sauver les juifs français. Il révèle aussi un travail historique fondé sur les archives, élaboré par les chercheurs d'une institution unique au monde, le Centre de documentation juive contemporaine (CDJC), dès 1945 ; et  une approche « pacifiante » - portée par journalistes ou universitaires soucieux de « réconciliation nationale », au prix de la vérité scientifique…Cette histoire fut racontée aussi à travers des travaux et des destins - historiens, journalistes, militants de la mémoire et hommes politiques, témoins, sur plus de cinquante ans : Léon Poliakov, Joseph Billig, Serge Klarsfeld ; Henri Michel, Robert Paxton ou Henry Rousso ; Raymond Aron, Robert Aron ou Henri Amouroux ; Josée Laval, René de Chambrun, Me Isorni ou Alfred Fabre-Luce ; Charles de Gaulle ou François Mitterrand.La vérité sur un crime d'Etat ne peut résider dans un « juste milieu » entre le point de vue des « bourreaux » et celui des « victimes ». Ce n'est que lorsque les intermédiaires culturels, ainsi que les autorités politiques et judiciaires, ordinairement portés vers la vision « pacifiante », prennent sérieusement en compte la souffrance des « victimes » et portent un regard véritablement critique sur les justifications des « bourreaux », s'approchant ainsi de la posture scientifique des chercheurs spécialisés, que l'apaisement civique et la réconciliation nationale sont possibles.Musique: Françoiz Breut : "Cavales animales". Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Vous aimez notre peau de caste ? Soutenez-nous ! https://www.lenouvelespritpublic.fr/abonnementUne émission de Philippe Meyer, enregistrée au studio l'Arrière-boutique le 23 janvier 2025.Avec cette semaine :Jean-Louis Bourlanges, essayiste.Raphaël Doan, essayiste, haut fonctionnaire.Antoine Foucher, spécialiste des questions sociales, auteur de Sortir du travail qui ne paie plus.Richard Werly, correspondant à Paris du quotidien helvétique en ligne Blick.frLE RÉFÉRENDUM, À QUOI ÇA SERT ?Lors de son allocution à l'occasion des vœux de fin d'année, le président de la République a émis l'idée de recourir à un ou des référendums à propos de certains « sujets déterminants ». Il s'inscrit ainsi dans la lignée de ses déclarations précédentes, puisqu'il avait déjà proposé de recourir à cet outil au moment de la crise des Gilets Jaunes. L'annonce d'un potentiel recours au peuple par ce biais a suscité de nombreux commentaires, à gauche comme à droite. Le Rassemblement National défend de longue date la tenue d'un référendum sur les questions migratoires, tandis qu'une partie de la gauche souhaite que ce soit la réforme des retraites qui fasse l'objet d'une consultation. Le président (Insoumis) de la Commission des Finances de l'Assemblée nationale, Éric Coquerel, a quant à lui suggéré que soit organisé un « référendum révocatoire » qui remettrait en jeu le mandat du président de la République.Historiquement, la question du référendum est indissociable de la figure du général de Gaulle, dont la pratique régulière des consultations populaires s'est terminée par sa démission après l'échec de son projet de réforme régionale et du Sénat. Cette défaite, combinée au rejet en 2005 du projet de constitution européenne, ont contribué à raréfier la pratique du référendum dont la perception a également été modifiée : instrument permettant de dénouer les conflits pour les uns, il est présenté par les autres comme l'outil populiste par excellence, puisqu'il a pour fonction de faire appel directement au peuple dont la volonté serait supposément mal comprise par les élites. Ses détracteurs attaquent en outre son manichéisme et la personnalisation du pouvoir qu'il entraîne, un référendum sur une question se trouvant bien souvent assimilé à un plébiscite pour ou contre celui l'ayant proposé.Dans le climat politique français actuel, la question du gouvernement par référendum se pose avec d'autant plus d'acuité qu'Emmanuel Macron ne dispose pas de la majorité absolue à l'Assemblée. Proposer des référendums lui permettrait alors de faire passer des textes sans passer par la représentation nationale. De l'autre côté, une défaite l'exposerait à l'intensification des appels à sa démission, approfondissant un peu plus la crise politique ouverte par la dissolution de juin dernier. Cette proposition est donc loin de faire l'unanimité au sein même de la majorité présidentielle. Dans un entretien publié en 2017 dans la revue Esprit, le philosophe Bernard Manin diagnostiquait le passage d'une démocratie de partis à une démocratie du public, dans laquelle « les différents segments de la population ne se reconnaissent plus durablement dans les partis, mais peuvent se regrouper momentanément pour produire le succès ou l'échec de l'un d'entre eux ». En creux, le référendum apparaît comme un moyen d'outrepasser ces divisions en forçant une adhésion claire. Subsiste cependant le risque d'une alliance des contraires qui ferait échouer les projets présidentiels.Chaque semaine, Philippe Meyer anime une conversation d'analyse politique, argumentée et courtoise, sur des thèmes nationaux et internationaux liés à l'actualité. Pour en savoir plus : www.lenouvelespritpublic.fr

Bienvenue dans les Fabuleux Destin, le podcast pour découvrir des histoires vraies et étonnantes. Cette semaine, découvrez l'incroyable histoire du couple Lucie et Raymond Aubrac. Véritable héros de la résistance lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ils ont mené des actions dans le but d'informer les différents groupes résistants français permettant aux forces armées de perdurer pendant l'occupation. Proche de Jean Moulin, et d'autres grands noms de la résistance, ils sont des personnages incontournables de cette période historique. Joignez-vous à nous et revivez ce récit au travers de cette saison.  Arrestation et torture  Le 10 novembre 1942, la Wehrmacht envahit la zone sud, jusqu'ici restée « libre ». Hitler a peur : les alliés du général de Gaulle sont parvenus à s'emparer de territoires stratégiques en Afrique du Nord, tandis que la résistance en zone sud ne cesse de prendre de l'ampleur. Le Führer, craignant que ses ennemis tentent un débarquement dans la région de Toulon, décide de manière unilatérale de bafouer les accords de Montoire et d'étendre son pouvoir sur l'ensemble du territoire français. À Lyon, où Lucie et Raymond Aubrac intensifient leurs activités clandestines, les SS investissent tous les bâtiments officiels. Le réseau « Libération » doit redoubler de vigilance, d'autant qu'il n'a cessé de gagner en importance - devenant le deuxième réseau le plus important de la zone sud. Le journal, deux ans après sa création, approche désormais les 100 000 tirages par numéro. Colossal…  Pour découvrir d'autres récits passionnants, cliquez ci-dessous : [INEDIT] L'incroyable aventure de Junko Tabei : une femme sur l'Everest [INEDIT] L'incroyable aventure d'Emma Gatewood : il n'est jamais trop tard [INEDIT] L'incroyable aventure de Christopher McCandeless : perdu dans l'Alaska [INEDIT] L'incroyable aventure de Cheryl Strayed : un nouveau départ pour sevrage Un podcast Bababam Originals Ecriture : Clément Prévaux Production : Bababam (montage Joey Daou) Voix : Andréa Brusque  Première diffusion le 19 juillet 2024. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

2nd VP Bryan Gaulle on getting the call to run for higher service to his Union, the importance of listening before acting, the committees he liaisons, the role of the 2nd VP, and the biggest issues facing our Local moving forward in 2025.

Stéphane Bern nous entraine en Crimée, sur les bords de la mer noire, pour revivre la conférence de Yalta qui a réuni, il y a 80 ans jour pour jour, à la demande de Staline, les dirigeants américains et anglais, Franklin Delano Roosevelt et Winston Churchill, pour imaginer le monde d'après-guerre. Une guerre qui n'était pas encore terminée... Quelles décisions ont été prises durant cette conférence ? Peut-on considérer, comme l'a affirmé le Général de Gaulle, qu'elle a planté le décor de la Guerre Froide ? Comment a-t-elle permis d'avancer dans la future Organisation des Nations Unies ? Pour en parler, Stéphane Bern reçoit Nicolas Badalassi, professeur des Universités en histoire contemporaine, auteur de "Reconstruire l'Europe 45 ans après Yalta : La Charte de Paris" (Editions du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques)

Last time we spoke about the return to Bataan. In late January, the 43rd Division secured the Rosario region, while the 25th and 6th Divisions eliminated enemy detachments and advanced towards Manila. General Krueger received reinforcements and planned a coordinated attack. On January 28, an assault began, with guerrillas aiding American forces in capturing strategic locations. A daring raid freed 522 POWs, while MacArthur planned further landings to cut off Japanese retreat. By January's end, American forces were poised for a final offensive, pushing closer to victory in Luzon. The ZigZag Pass became a fierce battleground, where Colonel Nagayoshi's well-camouflaged defenses faced relentless assaults from American forces. Despite challenges, the 129th and 20th Regiments made strategic gains, while the 35th Regiment maneuvered through treacherous terrain. Meanwhile, paratroopers from the 511th struggled with scattered landings but secured key positions. As the fighting intensified, the Allies prepared for a decisive invasion of Iwo Jima, aiming to establish a stronghold for future operations against Japan. This episode is the Battle of Manila Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  As we last observed, by February 3, General Iwanaka's 2nd Tank Division was fending off assaults from the 6th and 25th Divisions in the San Jose area but was on the verge of being encircled. Meanwhile, General Griswold's 14th Corps had successfully taken control of Clark Field and was reorganizing for a final offensive against the Kembu Group. General Hall's 11th Corps had landed on the Bataan Peninsula and was engaged in combat with the Nagayoshi Detachment at ZigZag Pass. Additionally, General Swing's 11th Airborne Division had landed at Nasugbu and had successfully captured Tagaytay Ridge in preparation for an advance toward Manila from the south. The 37th and 1st Cavalry Divisions were advancing on Manila from the north, with the latter's two Flying Columns reaching the outskirts of the Filipino capital. At this stage, the capital was defended by Admiral Iwabuchi's Manila Naval Defense Force, which had consolidated its forces into three primary operational sectors: the Northern Force, led by Colonel Noguchi Katsuzo, responsible for Intramuros on the south bank and all areas of the city north of the Pasig; the Central Force, commanded by Iwabuchi himself, encompassing all of metropolitan Manila south of the Pasig River and extending inland to Guadalupe; and the Southern Force, under Captain Furuse Takesue, covering the Nichols Field and Fort McKinley sectors, as well as the Hagonoy Isthmus. Iwabuchi intended for the Noguchi Force to retreat to Intramuros after disabling the Pasig bridges, while other units carried out extensive demolitions of military infrastructure, including the port area, bridges, transportation systems, water supply, and electrical installations. However, since the Japanese did not anticipate the Americans' arrival for another two weeks, they were ill-prepared to execute these missions or launch any significant counterattacks. Recognizing that the cavalry units were twelve hours ahead of the 148th Regiment, Griswold authorized General Mudge to enter the city. Consequently, late in the afternoon, the 8th Cavalry's Flying Column encountered minimal resistance as it crossed the city limits and advanced towards the gates of Santo Tomas University, where nearly 4,000 American and Allied civilian internees were being held, facing severe shortages of food and medical supplies. Upon their arrival at Santo Tomas, the advance elements of the 8th Cavalry, a medium of the 44th Tank Battalion serving as a battering ram, broke through the gates of the campus wall. Inside, the Japanese Army guards--most of them Formosans--put up little fight and within a few minutes some 3500 internees were liberated amid scenes of pathos and joy none of the participating American troops will ever forget. But in another building away from the internees' main quarters some sixty Japanese under Lt. Col. Hayashi Toshio, the camp commander, held as hostages another 275 internees, mostly women and children. Hayashi demanded a guarantee for safe conduct from the ground for himself and his men before he would release the internees. General Chase, who had come into the university campus about an hour after the 8th Cavalry entered, had to accept the Japanese conditions. In the end, Hayashi obtained permission to lead his unit out with what arms they could carry in exchange for the release of the Allied internees held as hostages. They were then taken by the Americans to the outskirts of Manila early on February 5 and released. Meanwhile, Hayashi was subsequently killed in action. While General Chase worked to secure the release of the internees, Troop G of the 8th Cavalry continued its march south towards the Pasig River but was ultimately compelled to retreat due to heavy fire from the Far Eastern University. Meanwhile, frustrated with the slow progress of General Jones' 38th Division, Hall ordered the 34th Regiment to move past the 152nd and press the attack eastward. Unfortunately, Colonel William Jenna's enveloping assault with the 1st Battalion also failed to penetrate Colonel Nagayoshi's robust defenses. As a result, Jenna opted to deploy his entire regiment in a coordinated three-pronged attack, which commenced on February 4. Initially, the attack, supported by the 1st Battalion of the 152nd Regiment, showed promise; however, due to ongoing strong resistance, including intense mortar and artillery fire, the 34th Regiment had to relinquish much of the territory it had captured by dusk. To the north, the 149th Regiment resumed its advance along the bypass trail and successfully made contact with patrols from the 40th Division near Dinalupihan by the end of February 4, having already reached the town. Looking northeast, with enemy armored units at Muñoz and Lupao effectively contained, the 161st Regiment successfully established roadblocks on Route 8 southeast of San Isidro. Most notably, the 1st Regiment entered San Jose in the morning with little resistance and quickly secured the area, thereby completely isolating the majority of the 2nd Tank Division before it could receive orders to withdraw. As a result, the 6th and 25th Divisions were able to methodically eliminate the enemy's isolated strongholds at their convenience. Further south, by the end of the day, the 8th Cavalry liberated 4,000 internees at Santo Tomas; Troop F also secured Malacañan Palace; the 2nd Squadron, 5th Cavalry advanced toward Quezon Bridge but faced strong resistance at Far Eastern University, where the enemy successfully destroyed the bridge before retreating; and the 148th Regiment entered Manila, moving south through the Tondo and Santa Cruz Districts to reach the northwest corner of Old Bilibid Prison, where they freed 800 prisoners of war and 530 civilian internees. Finally, to the south, the 2nd Battalion, 511th Parachute Regiment departed from Tagaytay Ridge along Route 17, swiftly passing through Imus and Zapote to secure the Las Piñas River bridge. The 1st Battalion followed in the late afternoon but was ultimately halted by mortar and artillery fire at Parañaque. On February 5, the paratroopers managed to cross the Parañaque and began advancing north along Route 1, engaging in house-to-house and pillbox-to-pillbox combat as they moved 2,000 yards north over the next two days. Simultaneously, the majority of the 145th Regiment commenced operations in the densely populated Tondo District along the bay, while other units advanced into the San Nicolas and Binondo Districts to combat the fires ignited by Noguchi's demolitions. Throughout February 5 the 37th Division's men had heard and observed Japanese demolitions in the area along and just north of the Pasig in the Binondo and San Nicolas Districts as well as in the North Port Area, on the 145th's right front. The Northern Force was firing and blowing up military stores and installations all through the area and, as these tasks were completed, was withdrawing south across the river. Insofar as 14th Corps observers could ascertain, there was no wanton destruction, and in all probability the fires resulting from the demolitions would have been confined to the North Port Area and the river banks had not an unseasonable change in the wind about 20:30 driven the flames north and west. The 37th Division, fearing that the flames would spread into residential districts, gathered all available demolitions and started destroying frame buildings in the path of the fire. The extent of these demolitions cannot be ascertained--although it is known that the work of destruction continued for nearly 24 hours--and is an academic point at best since the demolitions proved largely ineffectual in stopping the spread of the flames. The conflagration ran north from the river to Azcarraga Street and across that thoroughfare into the North Port Area and Tondo District. The flames were finally brought under control late on February 6 along the general line of Azcarraga Street, but only after the wind again changed direction. The 148th Regiment fought its way to the Santa Cruz District but was unable to reach the bridges before they were destroyed. The 5th and 8th Cavalry Regiments cleared the eastern part of the city north of the Pasig with minimal resistance, and the 7th Cavalry secured the Novaliches Dam and the Balara Water Filters, which were found intact but rigged for demolition. To the northwest, the battle for ZigZag Pass continued. Dissatisfied with his progress, Hall had previously informed Jones that the exhibition of his division was the worst he had ever seen--a rather severe indictment of an entire division, as only the 152nd Regiment had yet seen any real action on Luzon. Furthermore, the 152nd was a green unit that had been in combat scarcely 48 hours by February 2. Nevertheless, as he believed that the 152nd had at most encountered only an outpost line of resistance, that the principal Japanese defenses lay a mile or so east of the horseshoe, and that the 152nd had found "nothing that an outfit ready to go forward could not overcome quickly", Hall assumed direct control over the 34th Regiment for the main assault and left only the 152nd under Jones' command, which was to follow the 34th through the ZigZag to mop up bypassed pockets of Japanese resistance. Yet the fighting at the horseshoe on February 3 and 4 was equally disappointing, costing the 34th some 41 men killed, 131 wounded, and 6 missing while on the same days the 152nd lost 4 men killed, 48 wounded, and 1 missing. The 34th had extended the front a little to the north of the horseshoe and a bit east of the eastern leg, but neither the 34th nor the 152nd had made any substantial gains beyond the point the 152nd had reached on February 2. The Japanese still held strong positions north of the horseshoe and they still controlled the northeastern corner and about half the eastern leg. The 34th's greatest contribution during the two days, perhaps, was to have helped convince Hall that the Japanese had strong defenses throughout the ZigZag area and that the regiment had indeed reached a Japanese main line of resistance. It had not been until evening on February 4 that Hall was convinced that the 34th and 152nd Regiments had encountered a well-defended Japanese line. Hall instructed Jones to launch an eastward attack with all available forces. Although the initial phase of the attack was promising, the 2nd Battalion of the 34th Regiment became trapped and had to retreat. After sustaining significant casualties, Jenna ordered the 1st Battalion to fall back as well and halted the 3rd Battalion's advance. This left the 152nd Regiment, which achieved considerable progress and cleared much of the northern and central sections of the ridge; however, its 1st Battalion was ultimately ambushed at close range and forced to retreat in chaos during the night. The following day, due to heavy losses, the 34th Regiment was withdrawn from combat, and the reserve 151st Regiment was deployed to support the 152nd. The 2nd Battalion of the latter was also pulled back from the southeastern corner of the horseshoe as artillery focused on Nagayoshi's defenses. Nevertheless, at noon, Hall called for another assault, prompting Jones to reluctantly advance the 152nd Regiment, with only its 3rd Battalion making significant headway against the northeast corner of the horseshoe. Hall had already made his decision; he relieved Jones and appointed Brigadier-General Roy Easley to take temporary command, with General Chase scheduled to arrive on February 7 to lead the 38th Division. Looking westward, after a week of securing previously held areas, General Brush had positioned the 185th Regiment in the north and the 108th Regiment in the south, while the 160th Regiment maintained its positions at Storm King Mountain in preparation for a renewed assault on the Kembu Group. However, before the divisional attack could resume, the 160th Regiment became engaged in a fierce battle for McSevney Point, which was finally secured by dusk on February 8. After fending off several banzai-style counterattacks, the Americans learned on February 10 that the Takaya Detachment had retreated. Meanwhile, the 185th began its advance toward Snake Hill North on February 7, taking three days of intense fighting to capture half the ground leading to this objective. The 108th also moved westward on February 8, making slow progress as it cleared the paths to the Japanese hill strongholds. Further northwest, the 6th and 25th Divisions were conducting mop-up operations in the San Jose sector. By February 6, the 20th Regiment's pressure on Muñoz had resulted in the destruction of nearly 35 tanks, although another 20 remained operational. The next morning, Colonel Ida finally attempted to escape via Route 5; however, the entire Japanese column was successfully destroyed while the 20th Regiment secured Muñoz. At Lupao, the 35th Regiment continued to push the Japanese garrison into an increasingly confined area. As a result, on the night of February 7, the defenders attempted to flee, with five tanks successfully breaking through the 35th's perimeter. The dismounted Japanese forces in the town dispersed, and by noon on February 8, the 35th had taken control of Lupao with minimal resistance. Meanwhile, the Japanese garrison at San Isidro had retreated before the 161st Regiment could capture the town on February 6. The 63rd Regiment successfully took Rizal on February 7, while the 20th Regiment secured Bongabon and cleared the route to Cabanatuan on February 8. Strong patrols were then dispatched toward Dingalen and Baler Bays, which were found deserted by February 12. Back in Manila on February 7, the 37th Division assumed control of the eastern part of the city, while cavalry units advanced beyond the city limits to clear the suburbs east of the San Juan River, with the 8th Cavalry pushing toward San Juan del Monte despite heavy resistance. Most notably, under a strong artillery barrage, the 148th Regiment crossed the Pasig River in assault boats, facing intense machine-gun, mortar, and artillery fire. Despite this fierce opposition, two battalions managed to assemble in the Malacañan Gardens area by the end of the day. Further south, the 511th Parachute and the reinforced 188th Glider Regiment launched an unsuccessful coordinated attack on Nichols Field. Over the next two days, the 511th secured a narrow strip of land between the Parañaque River and the western runway of the airfield, overrunning some defenses at the northwest corner, while the 188th struggled to gain ground in the south and southeast. On ZigZag, Chase managed to deploy three regiments for his initial assaults, with the 151st and 152nd Regiments attacking from the west, while the 149th Regiment advanced from the east. The 5th Air Force initiated an extensive bombing and strafing campaign against the pass, and corps and division artillery increased their support fire. Despite this, the Japanese stubbornly held their ground, and it wasn't until the evening of February 8 that the 151st and 152nd Regiments overcame the last significant defenses near the horseshoe area. On that day, the 7th Cavalry captured San Juan Reservoir, and the 8th Cavalry successfully attacked San Juan del Monte, completing the area's reduction as the defenders retreated toward Montalban. The 145th Regiment launched a final assault on the Tondo District pocket, which would be completely eliminated the following day, while the 148th Regiment cleared the Pandacan District with minimal resistance. The 129th Regiment crossed the Pasig River in the afternoon and moved west toward Provisor Island but was halted by heavy fire at the Estero de Tonque. On February 9, the 8th Cavalry secured El Deposito, an underground reservoir supplied by artesian wells, and advanced south to reach the north bank of the Pasig River. The 148th Regiment began clearing the Paco District but failed to eliminate a strongpoint at Paco Railroad Station and the nearby Concordia College and Paco School buildings. Meanwhile, Company G of the 129th Regiment managed to cross to Provisor and entered the boiler plant, only to be quickly repelled by a Japanese counterattack. After an improvised evacuation overnight, tith close support--so close that the fifteen survivors had to keep prone--from the 2nd Battalion's mortars, Company G's isolated group hung on for the rest of the day while the battalion made plans to evacuate them so that artillery could again strike the island. After dark Company G's commander, Captain George West, swam across the Estero de Tonque dragging an engineer assault boat behind him. Although wounded, he shuttled his troops back to the east bank in the dim light of flames from burning buildings on and south of the island. When a count was taken about midnight, Company G totaled 17 casualties--6 men killed, 5 wounded, and 6 missing--among the 18 men, including Captain West, who had reached Provisor Island during the previous eighteen hours. Despite facing strong resistance, Company E successfully crossed and captured the eastern half of the boiler plant. The Americans gradually cleared the remainder of the boiler house, but every attempt to venture outside drew fire from all available Japanese weapons in range of Provisor Island. At the same time, the 148th Regiment finally secured the Paco District after the enemy abandoned their stronghold during the night, allowing the Americans to gain control of the east bank of the Estero de Paco. The 1st Battalion of the 129th Regiment advanced to both this estero and the Estero de Tonque. The 8th Cavalry crossed the Pasig, establishing a bridgehead about 1,000 yards deep in the Philippine Racing Club area, while the 5th Cavalry moved south alongside the 8th, encountering only scattered resistance as they also crossed the Pasig at Makati. Swing's forces consolidated their gains and established a solid line from the northwest corner to the southwest corner of Nichols Field, eliminating the last Japanese resistance on the western side, while elements of the 511th Parachute Regiment advanced along Route 1 nearly a mile beyond the field's northwest corner. On this day, the 11th Airborne Division came under the control of the 14th Corps, with Griswold ordering Swing to maintain pressure on Nichols Field without launching a general assault toward Manila. Now, however, it was time to leave the Philippines and shift focus to Bougainville to cover the ongoing Australian offensive. Following the capture of Pearl Ridge, Brigadier Stevenson's 11th Brigade assumed control of the central and northern sectors, while General Bridgeford's 3rd Division focused its efforts in the Jaba River region to prepare for an offensive southward. By the end of December, the 15th Battalion had landed in the Tavera River area, and the 47th Battalion launched an attack up the Jaba River to disrupt enemy forces. In the first week of January, Brigadier Monaghan redeployed his troops, with the 42nd Battalion and 2/8th Commando Squadron taking over from the 47th to enable its movement down the coast to support the 15th Battalion. As a result, the Australians swiftly occupied the mouth of the Adele River and secured the Tavera area. By January 12, the 47th Battalion had advanced to the mouth of the Hupai River; however, with the Japanese seemingly reinforcing the Kupon-Nigitan-Mendai area on the Australian flank, Monaghan decided to slow his advance while the 2/8th Commandos conducted reconnaissance toward the Pagana River. With no threats emerging, the 42nd Battalion relieved the 47th on January 17 and advanced unopposed to Mawaraka. In the subsequent days, a long-range patrol from the New Guinea Battalion landed by sea and moved forward to Motupena Point, where they caught a Japanese listening post by surprise. While Monaghan awaited relief from Brigadier Field's 7th Brigade in late January, patrols ventured deep into the Sisiruai area and continued to scout beyond Mawaraka. Meanwhile, the 2/8th Commandos moved to Sovele Mission and patrolled the mountains toward Kieta, occasionally assisting the Kapikavi people in their guerrilla warfare against the Japanese. While the 11th Brigade concentrated in its northern operations, patrols generally guided by native police were sent out for from 1 day to 6 days to probe forward through the bush. The 11th Battery relieved the 10th and it replaced its short 25-pounders with long 25-pounders, with their greater range, in order to support these deep patrols more effectively; from posts on Pearl Ridge and Keenan's Ridge observers directed the bombardment of the Japanese positions on the slopes beyond. The firing of the guns, far below at the foot of the Laruma escarpment, could not be heard at Pearl Ridge and the only warning that the Japanese had was the brief whistle of the approaching shells. Partly as a result of the skilful guidance of the native police the patrols killed many Japanese and suffered relatively small losses. The 26th Battalion, the first to do a tour of duty here, suffered its first death in action on January 7 when a patrol led by Lieutenant Davis met an enemy patrol. Private Smith died of wounds and three corporals were wounded as a result, so the hill where the clash occurred was then named Smith's Hill. As the 26th Battalion advanced toward Smith's Hill, Stevenson had assembled Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Kelly's 31st/51st Battalion at Sipaai by January 7. The strategy involved moving towards Soraken Harbour through extensive inland patrols designed to drive the enemy back to the coastal area, where they could be decisively defeated. Consequently, the main contingent of the 31st/51st began its advance along the coastal route, while a long-range patrol headed inland via Totokei towards Lalum. By January 16, the Australians reached Rakussia without any issues; however, in the following days, they would need to fight their way to Puto, as the flanking force was also advancing towards Kunamatoro. On January 21, the 31st/51st launched an assault on Tsimba Ridge, where the Japanese had set up their primary defensive positions. The determined defenders successfully repelled several attacks over the next few days, prompting the Australians to attempt an outflanking maneuver on January 25, with a company moving inland to cross the Genga River and attack Tsimba from the north. For the next six days, the Japanese launched strong counterattacks against this bridgehead but suffered significant losses. Ultimately, after a heavy artillery bombardment on February 6, the Australians were able to advance to the western end of the northern side of Tsimba, completely encircling the Japanese forces. The following day, the defenders counterattacked but were pushed back, yet they stubbornly held onto their remaining position at the western tip of the ridge. After an air and mortar assault, Tsimba was finally cleared on February 9, as the Japanese retreated towards the harbour during the night. In the subsequent two weeks, the Australians secured Lalum and the Gillman River, while another flanking force took control of Kunamatoro. On February 22, the 31st/51st Battalion was relieved by the 26th Battalion. Subsequently, the 55th/53rd Battalion took over at Pearl Ridge, where it continued to advance along the Numa Numa trail to engage the majority of the 81st Regiment. The nature of the deep patrols may be illustrated by drawing on the report of the one which killed the largest number of Japanese (26 confirmed kills). Lieutenant Goodwin and 10 infantrymen of the 55th/53rd, with an artillery observer (Lieutenant Ford) and his team, a native police boy and 2 native scouts, set out on March 2 to gain topographical information and information about the enemy, and find suitable supply-dropping points. They were out for 5 days. On the first morning they saw signs of a Japanese patrol of 3 some 45 minutes ahead of them and traced their movements. The Australians moved 5400 yards that day. Next morning near the Numa Numa trail one of the natives reported that Japanese were nearby. Goodwin detailed 3 men to block the track and led 3 others in from the side to deal with the enemy. They crept stealthily forward and found 6 Japanese in a lean-to. Goodwin gave each man a target and all 6 of the enemy were killed. While Goodwin was examining the bodies there was a burst of fire from a ridge overlooking them. The Australians withdrew to dead ground, circled the enemy and marched on into his territory, the Japanese fire continuing for 15 minutes after they had gone. They travelled 7600 yards that day. The 4th was spent reconnoitring the area they had then reached. Next day they had moved some 5000 yards on the return journey when scouts reported Japanese round the junction of their native pad and a creek that lay ahead. Goodwin moved the patrol to a ridge overlooking the Japanese and sent 3 men to cover the track to the west. After killing 15 Japanese and throwing 15 grenades into the area, the patrol then moved 700 yards and bivouacked for the night. Next day—the 6th—6 hours of marching brought them back to their starting point.  Meanwhile, in the south, Field initiated his own offensive by deploying the 61st Battalion to capture the Kupon-Nigitan-Mosina area, which was successfully taken by February 9. Concurrently, the 25th Battalion advanced along the Tavera despite facing strong resistance, eventually connecting with the 61st Battalion in the Mendai-Sisiruai area. The 9th Battalion also progressed along the Hupai, successfully occupying Makotowa by the end of January and then embarking on a challenging march toward Mosigetta, which was captured on February 16. The following day, a company from the 61st Battalion linked up with the 9th Battalion from the north. Additionally, after quickly securing the Sovele area, the 2/8th Commandos began reconnoitering the Sisiruai-Birosi area on February 2. By February 13, they had established a new base at Opai and discovered that the gardens north of the Puriata River were free of enemy forces. Furthermore, a detached company of the 25th Battalion traveled by barge from Motupena Point to Toko and began pushing inland toward Barara, with the remainder of the battalion expected to arrive shortly to support this advance. However, it is now time to shift focus from Bougainville to the ongoing Burma offensives. Initially, in the north, General Matsuyama's 56th Division began its retreat towards Hsenwi and Lashio, successfully breaching the roadblocks established by the 114th Regiment in late January. Meanwhile, the Mars Task Force struggled to dislodge the determined defenders at Namhpakka. Despite capturing Hpa-pen and executing a clever encirclement against Loikang in early February, they managed to take the ridge only after the Japanese had already completed their withdrawal to Hsenwi on February 4. The 56th Division then focused its efforts on the Lashio region, while the 4th, 55th, and 168th Regiments returned to their original divisions, with the 168th specifically tasked with defending Meiktila. On that same day, the first official convoy from the India-Burma Theater reached Kunming via the Ledo Road, which would later be renamed the Stilwell Road in honor of the individual who initiated this ambitious endeavor. Meanwhile, on February 1, General Festing's 36th Division attempted to cross the Shweli River at Myitson but was met with heavy small arms fire from the Japanese. As a result, the British opted to mislead the enemy, stationing the 72nd Brigade, which included the 114th Regiment, on a small island while the 26th Brigade crossed downstream on February 8, successfully capturing Myitson two days later. In the following days, the 26th Brigade fortified its positions; however, General Naka decided to go on the offensive, deploying his 56th Regiment in increments as it advanced north from Mongmit. Consequently, the 114th and 56th Regiments launched a series of intense counterattacks against the 26th Brigade's foothold, effectively containing the British-Indian forces, although they were unable to push them back across the river. Simultaneously, the Chinese 1st Provisional Tank Group, leading the 30th Chinese Division southward, fought its way to Hsenwi on February 19. The 50th Chinese Division, which crossed the Shweli River without opposition, reached the significant nonferrous Bawdwin mines on February 20. Meanwhile, General Slim continued his Extended Capital offensive, with General Stopford's 33rd Corps advancing towards Mandalay, while General Messervy's 4th Corps quietly maneuvered through the Myittha valley toward the Irrawaddy River in the Chauk-Pakokku region. In early February, Stopford made persistent and determined attempts from the north to seize Mandalay, reinforcing the perception that this was Slim's primary focus. By February 12, General Gracey's 20th Indian Division had also arrived at Allagappa, where the 80th Brigade promptly began crossing the Irrawaddy. In the following days, the British-Indian forces would need to defend this bridgehead against fierce counterattacks from the 33rd Division. Additionally, negotiations began to persuade General Aung San's Burma National Army to join the Allies.  In Burma, one man above all others could see the writing on the wall for the Japanese. The Allies received news on January 1 that the Burmese military leader General Aung San and his Burma National Army (BNA) would be prepared to switch sides. An operation by Special Operations Executive (SOE) – codenamed Nation – was launched to liaise with the BNA and the leadership of another group, the Anti-Fascist Organization (AFO), and so facilitate this delicate transfer of loyalties. The first parachute drop of agents was to Toungoo on January 27 and comprised an all-Burma force. It reported that the BNA – or significant parts of it – was ready to turn, but that the AFO needed arming. A team parachuted into Burma on March 20 reported that action by the BNA would begin in a week.  At the same time, General Evans' 7th Indian Division was advancing toward the Irrawaddy, aiming to cross the river at Nyaungu. Comprehensive deception tactics, known as Operation Cloak, were implemented to disguise the Nyaungu crossings. The 28th East African Brigade feigned a southward movement to reclaim the Chauk and Yenangyaung oilfields, and dummy parachute drops were carried out east of Chauk to support this ruse. The 114th Indian Brigade also exerted significant pressure on Pakokku to create the impression that crossings were planned there as well. While the 33rd Indian Brigade stealthily approached Nyaungu via Kanhla, the 48th and 63rd Brigades of the 17th Indian Division, reorganized as motorized units, departed from Imphal and began their descent down the Myitha valley. Worried about the enemy buildup near Nyaungu and Pakokkku, General Tanaka opted to send one battalion from the 215th Regiment to bolster defenses in Nyaungu and Pagan. From February 10 to 12, the 114th Brigade successfully captured Pakokku, while the 28th Brigade took control of Seikpyu. Although the 114th Brigade managed to fend off strong enemy counterattacks, elements of the 153rd Regiment recaptured Seikpyu after several days of intense fighting. On the morning of February 14, the 2nd Battalion of the South Lancashire Regiment crossed the Irrawaddy, landing on a beach a mile northeast of Nyaungu and quickly securing the high ground above, followed shortly by the rest of the 33rd Brigade. The next day, the 89th Indian Brigade began crossing the river, with Evans' forces advancing outward and successfully clearing the Nyaungu area by the end of February 16. Meanwhile, to the south, General Christison's 15th Corps continued its offensive in Arakan in early February. General Wood's 25th Indian Division repelled fierce counterattacks from the 154th Regiment, while General Stockwell's 82nd West African Division pursued the retreating Japanese forces. General Lomax's 26th Indian Division chose to bypass the enemy stronghold at Yanbauk Chaung to the northeast, moving swiftly through Sane and engaging some delaying forces at Namudwe. Additionally, due to the perceived weakness in the boundary between the 28th and 15th Armies, General Sakurai had to send the Kanjo Force, centered around the 112th Regiment, to reinforce Yenangyaung. At this point, most of the 2nd Division had also been dispatched to Saigon to stage a coup against the French government in Indochina, leaving Sakurai with only the depleted 49th Division and 16th Regiment in reserve. By 1944, with the war going against the Japanese after defeats in Burma and the Philippines, they then feared an Allied offensive in French Indochina. The Japanese were already suspicious of the French; the liberation of Paris in August 1944 raised further doubts as to where the loyalties of the colonial administration lay. The Vichy regime by this time had ceased to exist, but its colonial administration was still in place in Indochina, though Admiral Jean Decoux had recognized and contacted the Provisional Government of the French Republic led by Charles de Gaulle. Decoux got a cold response from de Gaulle and was stripped of his powers as governor general but was ordered to maintain his post with orders to deceive the Japanese. Instead Decoux's army commander General Eugène Mordant secretly became the Provisional Government's delegate and the head of all resistance and underground activities in Indochina. Following the South China Sea Raid in January 1945, six US navy pilots were shot down but were picked up by French military authorities and housed in the central prison of Saigon for safe keeping. The French refused to give the Americans up and when the Japanese prepared to storm the prison the men were smuggled out. The Japanese then demanded their surrender but Decoux refused, so Lieutenant-General Tsuchihashi Yuitsu, the Japanese commander of the 38th Army, decided to begin preparations for a coup against the French colonial administration in Indochina. As a result, he chose to send the Kamui Detachment, centered around the 55th Cavalry Regiment, to Letpadan to bolster his reserve forces, which also welcomed the arrival of the Sakura Detachment in Prome. Meanwhile, Lomax's troops successfully captured Ramree village on February 8, forcing the Japanese defenders to retreat chaotically to the mainland. The remainder of the month was spent clearing the rest of the island. Consequently, Stockwell was instructed to bypass Kangaw and initiate an advance toward An. However, by February 15, the 154th Regiment had started to withdraw to positions west and north of the Dalet River, while the Matsu Detachment hurried toward Tamandu, the next target for an amphibious assault. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The battle for Manila was just kicking up. Over 4000 internees at Santo Tomas had been rescued and hard earned victories were being won over the formidable ZigZag Pass. Meanwhile the efforts on Bougainville continued against fierce and stubborn Japanese resistance.

Stéphane Bern nous entraine en Crimée, sur les bords de la mer noire, pour revivre la conférence de Yalta qui a réuni, il y a 80 ans jour pour jour, à la demande de Staline, les dirigeants américains et anglais, Franklin Delano Roosevelt et Winston Churchill, pour imaginer le monde d'après-guerre. Une guerre qui n'était pas encore terminée... Quelles décisions ont été prises durant cette conférence ? Peut-on considérer, comme l'a affirmé le Général de Gaulle, qu'elle a planté le décor de la Guerre Froide ? Comment a-t-elle permis d'avancer dans la future Organisation des Nations Unies ? Pour en parler, Stéphane Bern reçoit Nicolas Badalassi, professeur des Universités en histoire contemporaine, auteur de "Reconstruire l'Europe 45 ans après Yalta : La Charte de Paris" (Editions du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques)

You really think this guy gets a job 40 days before the assassination, moving to Dallas from New Orleans and just happens to work in a high rise building right at the end of the motorcade rout that had an empty (meaning no people) room on the top floor?You'd have to say one of 3 things. Either he was part of a plan, was extremely well handled, or was a super rare coincidence.Think about it, a covert asset of ONI and CIA who could speak Russian and was certainly not lacking intelligence, moves to a new city to get a minimum wage job moving books. And then as testified by Roselli, he was shot so as to silence him.Remember what Hoover wrote Nov 24th 1963Why say the Real Assassin?”It is nteresting because Nick Katzenbach who Hoover is referring to, himself wrote the next day in a memo to Bill Moyer “THE PUBLIC MUST BE SATISFIED THAT OSWALD WAS THE ASSASSIN; THAT HE HAD NO CONFEDERATES WHO ARE STILL AT LARGE; AND THAT EVIDENCE WAS SUCH THAT HE WOULD HAVE BEEN CONVICTED AT TRIAL.””Jack Ruby, also a Jew, even told the warren commission he had to do it “because of his Jewish faith”and what was he talking about when he told Earl Warren“Unfortunately, Chief Earl Warren, had you been around 5 or 6 months ago, and I know your hands were tied, you couldn't do it, and immediately the President would have gotten a hold of my true story, or whatever would have been said about me, a certain organization wouldn't have so completely formed now, so powerfully, to use me because I am of the Jewish extraction, Jewish faith, to commit the most dastardly crime that has ever been committed. Can you understand now in visualizing what happened, what powers, what momentum has been carried on to create this feeling of mass feeling against my people, against certain people that were against them prior to their power?” That goes over your head doesn't it.…I want to say this to you. The Jewish people are being exterminated at this moment. Consequently, a whole new form of government is going to take over our country, and I know I won't live to see you another time. Do I sound sort of screwy–in telling you these things?… All I know is maybe something can be saved. Because right now, I want to tell you this, I am used as a scapegoat, and there is no greater weapon that you can use to create some falsehood about some of the Jewish faith, especially at the terrible heinous crime such as the killing of President Kennedy….Now maybe something can be saved. It may not be too late, whatever happens, if our President, Lyndon Johnson, knew the truth from me. But if I am eliminated, there won't be any way of knowing. Right now, when I leave your presence now, I am the only one that can bring out the truth to our President, who believes in righteousness and justice.”Note that later while talking to the press that Jack Ruby says the Truth may never come above board and that it goes all the way to the top. If LBJ isn't in the loop and at the top as it were, then who is he talking about?“But he has been told, I am certain, that I was part of a plot to assassinate the President…. I am sorry, Chief Justice Warren, I thought I would be very effective in telling you what I have said here. But in all fairness to everyone, maybe all I want to do is beg that if they found out I was telling the truth, maybe they can succeed in what their motives are, but maybe my people won't be tortured and mutilated. ….No; the only way you can do it is if he knows the truth, that I am telling the truth, and why I was down in that basement Sunday morning, and maybe some sense of decency will come out and they can still fulfill their plan, as I stated before, without my people going through torture and mutilation. …But I won't be around, Chief Justice. I won't be around to verify these things you are going to tell the President. … I have been used for a purpose, and there will be a certain tragic occurrence happening if you don't take my testimony and somehow vindicate me so my people don't suffer because of what I have done. …All I want is a lie detector test, and you refuse to give it to me. Because as it stands now—and the truth serum, and any other–Pentothal–how do you pronounce it, whatever it is. And they will not give it to me, because I want to tell the truth. And then I want to leave this world. But I don't want my people to be blamed for something that is untrue, that they claim has happened. “It seems that Jack Ruby is paranoid that the president has been told already that he was party of a plot to kill the president that that “his people” meaning Jewish people or the Israeli state was behind it. Israel had several motives to want both JFK and RFK dead. It was in their eye a matter of survival.1 The Kennedys want Israel inspected for nuclear weapons. RFK also had information and testing done around Dimona showing the Uranium there had come from the US's Nautilus project, since it was the only uranium in the world enriched to that high a % at that point in time. It was all over the area.2 The Kennedys supported Palestinians right of Return.3 They wanted Israel's foreign lobbies to register as foreign agents4 JFK along with France's Charles de Gaulle who also survived an assassination attempt, supported Algeria independence.The John Birch Society, who Ruby tries to paint a picture of as all powerful, didn't kill the President. As much as big oil was tied to LBJ, and Texas oil man David Harold Byrd owning the building where Lee Harvey Oswald worked, they didn't control Jack Ruby nor did they gain anything worth the risk when RFK was assassinated in California. Guys like David Ferrie and Jacob Rubenstein were working for the Mafia. And the Mafia lost a billion dollars in revenue when Castro shut down the casinos. They had every reason to work with the CIA when they came knocking and they did, and the CIA had every reason to seek plausible deniability that the mafia provided for a variety of illegal activities, from narcotic and gun running to assassination. The CIA's Victor Marchetti testified that Ferrie worked for the CIA.Jack Ruby was a central mafia figure and knew almost every cop in Dallas. He also went the Cuba and even rode with FBN agents to the airport. So was Oswald's childhood friend and fellow closet f****t Efraim Sullivan, who became a chief of police in Louisiana and got 4 cops killed as well as 5 civilians all in one shooting. According to his son he work for the Mossad. These southern mafia heads guys were bragging about JFK AND Robert getting killed before both happened. The Kennedys demanded the ZAC/ZOA/AIPAC register as a foreign agent. RFK issued them a moratorium with 72 hrs to comply in November of 63. The PM resigned over it to stall for time and Kennedy was killed the same month.The mafia was the CIA's plausible deniability and ground distribution network for narcotics which is how they were covertly financing anti communist resistance in Cuba, China, and USSR. Vietnam's opium was a natural market move as Europe was recovered from WWII. RFK was prosecuting the same mob leaders who the CIA was secretly working with to sell drugs and even attempt to assassinate Castro. Think back to the CIA's earliest operations in the Middle East, operation Ajax and the Suez Crisis, which was itself the product of a botched 1956 Israel false flag operation, Operation Suzanna, now commonly called the Lavon Affair. As a Senator, Johnson blocked the Eisenhower administration's attempts to apply sanctions against Israel following the 1956 Sinai Campaign. Who did these CIA operation in Iran and Egypt really benefit? Not the United States. But of course both Dulles brothers were hardcore Zionists. Bobby was killed on the first anniversary of the six day war and set up a Palestinian. Now who would want to do that?The plan was to replace him with Katzenbach, which LBJ did. And none of it could move until JFK was out of the way. The mob lost a billion dollars a year in gambling revenue when Castro shut down casinos. Hoffa using teamster pension funds to create Las Vegas as the new Cuba was in reaction to this. These are the guys who end up in a series of murders for or before finishing testimony to the House Committee on assassination. Giancana had been Ruby's boss. Trafficante had him killed.The Jewish finger prints are all over both assassinations. Johnson's domestic and foreign policies on Cuba on Russia on Vietnam didn't really change. Kennedy was not getting out of Vietnam. This is wishful thinking on par with the fools who thought Obama was going to be an antiwar president. JFK had already procured 6 billion dollars, most of it left over from Eisenhower who had had enough of the MIC, to spent on the F111 fighter jet. Oh it is interesting that the Crown family benefited when Johnson lobbied to have the contract go to General Dynamics. They also married into the family who owned the hotel where Bobby was shot and allowed Jewish mobsters to use it for gambling operations. It was Henry Crown's personal lawyer Albert E Jenner, who was appointed by Johnson and to be part of the Warren Commission whitewash, was hired to look into the backgrounds of the two most important individuals, Lee Harvey Oswald and Jack Ruby. Of course he found no intelligence ties or mob ties. Jenner was also a director for general Dynamics. Reading the biographies given for these men by the WC and comparing them to the mountains of information we have now is enough to make even the most crooked lawyer blush. Jack Ruby's first jail visitor was the mob boss of Dallas.The only dramatic changes under LBJ were on his Middle East policy. He had Americans killed! About the USS Liberty which the Israelis attacked in the Six Day War, LBJ told Admiral Lawrence Geis “I dont care if that ship sinks to the bottom of the ocean.” LBJ stacked his admin with Zionists and the US has never recovered. Israel kept it nukes, Palestinians never got right of return, (it was never even brought up again) the lobbies never registered as foreign agents, and America as subsidized the racist apartheid state with billions every year from then to now. Of Course Johnson didn't want the ZOA (Zionist Organization of America) to be registered as a foreign lobby. His aunt, Jessie Johnson was on it! Few people know that according to Jewish law, LBJ was himself Jewish. His mother was Rebekah Baines, thus Johnson's middle name. She was Jewish. Her mother was Ruth Ament Huffman, and her mother was Mary Elizabeth Perrin all of whom were Jewish. Perrin's husband was John S. Huffman whose mother was Suzanne Ament, thus Ruth's Middle name. Ament was a German Jew. The Huffman's settled in Fredrick Maryland and from there went to Kentucky and finally Texas. The Jewish times brags ” The line of Jewish mothers can be traced back three generations in Lyndon Johnson's family tree. There is little doubt that he was Jewish.” Regardless there is no doubt that LBJ was a Zionist and put Israel's needs first. Writing that list would take a long time.On November 21, 1963, a government informant named Thomas Mosley was negotiating the sale of machine guns to a Cuban exile named Echevarria. In the course of the transaction, Echevarria said that “we now have plenty of money – our new backers are Jews” and would close the arms deal “as soon as we [or they] take care of Kennedy.” The next day, Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas.You wont see that in Oliver Stone's film on JFK of course the Executive producer of that film was Arnon Milchan, Israel's largest arms dealer. It is unfortunate but many laymen JFK researcher use that film as their initiation.Echevarria's words are often associated with the Mocone -Rowley memo. CD 498 [Rowley memorandum| which does reference it. It goes on to explain how the conversation was interrupted by other bus drivers. The follow up interview with the informant is of course classified.Furthermore this adds. “I further told Mr Johnson that the informant had worked with us in a recent counterfeiting Case and had proved to be reliable.”However the primary source is a Secret Service ReportSpecial Agent Joseph E Noonan.What is the Jewish (mafia/state) doing mixed up with anti-Castro Cuban exiles who were illegally buying arms? And why isn't this pre Kennedy assassination foreknowledge more well known? Oh but you see it is, only the Jews part is usually removed. I don't think researchers should omit this just to be Politically Correct. The international angle and Johnson's deep ties with Israel and Israel's motives to kill not only JFK but RFK as well, is seldom explored. Stone's movie doesn't even mention middle eastern policy or Israel and instead focuses on the Bay of Pigs and Vietnam. I think enough eyeballs have been over every inch of those theories for over 5 decades. I have a working theory that cleanly ties both assassinations together. But I am censored on everything.How Israel stole the bomb and killed JFKI need you to subscribe, it is just $6 a month less if you sign up for a year. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.ryandawson.org/subscribe

This is an episode for turning points. The year's 1943. The Battle of Stalingrad, where the unstoppable German offensive into Russia was finally stopped and turned around, with Soviet forces essentially fighting forwards to the two remaining, and grim years, of their war with the Nazis. The Battle of the Atlantic reached a peak where Britain looked as though it might actually lose not just that battle but the whole war, when a number of vital technical developments and the release, at last, of some more resources for convoy protection, at last gave them the edge over the U-boats. The man who replaced Auchinleck at the head of the British Eighth Army in North Africa, Bernard Montgomery, though always so cautious that he consistently failed to take advantage of any victory, nonetheless took credit for defeating Rommel because he was in charge at the Second Battle of El Alamein when that success was secured. With hindsight, it's clear that credit should in large part go to Auchinleck for the First Battle which laid the ground for the Second. With Operation Torch landing US and British troops in Morocco and Algeria, the Axis forces were caught in a pincer between them advancing eastward and the Eighth army pushing them westward. They finally surrendered on 13 May 1943. In the meantime, there'd been an ugly quarrel among the French about who should lead the newly liberated territories. Eventually, it would be won by de Gaulle, deservedly, but that was by no means obvious from the start. Finally, the episode gives a little insight into the character of a remarkable Free French general, Philippe de Leclerc, and one unit that came under his command, the Ninth Company of his Second Armoured Division, made up of exiled Republican veterans of Spain's Civil War. We'll be hearing about it, and about him. Illustration: Philippe Leclerc, the Free French general who never compromised with the collaborationist Vichy regime. Music: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License

Personal chef for French President Charles de Gaulle. 16 James Beard Awards. France's Legion of Honor. At 90, Jacques Pépin is fully synonymous with French cooking — a cuisine that’s frequently misunderstood in the popular imagination, he tells José. The two talk about his early days in America, cooking with Julia Child and a chef’s most important tool. Bienvenue!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The story of the Résistance is the story of ordinary men and women rising to the occasion. Risking everything to fight oppression, to defend their homes, their country, their way of life. Being a résistant could mean many things. You could be part of a network, you could just run errands or messages, you could spy on the Germans or just not answer their questions properly. The Résistance took many, many forms, just like the collaboration.Join us as we explore this troubled, violent and fascinating period of French history!TimecodesIntroduction05:29 - Rising from the Ashes13:47 - Deciding to Fight20:31 - Unifying the Movements26:56 - Liberating France37:07 - ConclusionRelevant Episodes:The Fall of France of 1940, German Victory or French Defeat?Charles de Gaulle, Tales of GrandeurMusic: Marche pour la cérémonie des Turcs, composed by Jean-Baptiste Lully, arranged and performed by Jérôme Arfouche.Photograph: The Résistance fighter Simone Segouin, aka "Nicole Minet", on August 23rd 1944.Support the showReach out, support the show and give me feedback! Contact me or follow the podcast on social media Leave a 5-star review on Apple Podcasts or on Spotify Become a patron on Patreon to support the show Buy me a Coffee

Le nom Charlie Hebdo est emblématique, mais son origine est enracinée dans l'histoire de la presse satirique française des années 1960 et 1970. Pour comprendre pourquoi ce journal s'appelle ainsi, il faut remonter à ses débuts et à ses influences culturelles.Avant de devenir Charlie Hebdo, le journal satirique s'appelait Hara-Kiri. Fondé en 1960 par François Cavanna et Georges Bernier (alias le Professeur Choron), Hara-Kiri se distinguait par son humour provocateur, souvent absurde et irrévérencieux, et se qualifiait lui-même de « journal bête et méchant ». Cette ligne éditoriale choquante mais drôle visait à moquer les institutions, la société et les tabous.En 1970, à la suite de la mort de l'ancien président Charles de Gaulle, Hara-Kiri publia une une provocante titrée : « Bal tragique à Colombey – 1 mort », faisant allusion à un incendie meurtrier survenu dans une discothèque quelques jours plus tôt. Cette satire irrespectueuse suscita une énorme controverse. Résultat : le journal fut interdit de publication par le ministère de l'Intérieur.Pour contourner cette interdiction, l'équipe de Hara-Kiri décida de relancer le journal sous un nouveau nom. Ainsi, en novembre 1970, Charlie Hebdo fut créé. Le choix de ce nom a deux explications principales : Charlie Brown et la bande dessinée : « Charlie » fait référence à Charlie Brown, le personnage principal des Peanuts de Charles M. Schulz, une bande dessinée très populaire à l'époque. Cette influence souligne l'attachement du journal à l'univers graphique et à l'humour.Un hommage à Charles de Gaulle : Le prénom « Charlie » est egalement une référence sarcastique à Charles de Gaulle, dont la mort avait provoqué la censure de Hara-Kiri. Ce choix montre la continuité de l'esprit irrévérencieux du journal.Le mot « Hebdo » renvoie à sa parution hebdomadaire. Charlie Hebdo conserve l'esprit de provocation et de satire de son prédécesseur, devenant rapidement une tribune incontournable pour les caricaturistes et chroniqueurs qui défient les conventions sociales et politiques.En résumé, Charlie Hebdo tire son nom à la fois d'un hommage sarcastique à Charles de Gaulle et d'une influence culturelle venant des Peanuts, tout en incarnant la continuité de l'audace satirique amorcée par Hara-Kiri. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

A European flying tour from North America, a symphony of alcohol (with two specific colors), a flight sim in an airport (well, nearly), the Paris Olympics from the inside (Paul is jealous), the alternative timeline of CDG T1 and Concorde (we want to switch to it!), an appreciation for Ryanair (nope, we're not in another timeline). getting sea sick whilst taxiing (included in your expensive ticket), the tiny ground dots of Charles de Gaulle and Zurich (bring them back!), the dark underground link between Orly and Luton (ok, not really, but you'll get it), the fabulous Musée de l'air et de l'espace at Le Bourget (does it get any better than this?) — Vinod is back (and not only for the insane Spotify numbers he brings along).Happy New Year everyone & Happy Flying!