Podcasts about Ji

What happens when the man guarding the Iron Curtain decides to escape through it himself? In 1975, Jiří Barteček was a Czechoslovak border guard, trained to track fugitives with a German shepherd and ordered to stop anyone attempting to reach Austria. Yet Jiří had no intention of defending the communist system. Haunted by the Soviet-led invasion of 1968 and determined never to shoot an innocent person, he secretly studied the border's weaknesses and planned an audacious escape. One night, accompanied by two friends and carrying his AK-47, he disabled the alarm, slipped beneath the wire and plunged into a river crossing. His ordeal did not end in the West. After days hiding around Vienna, Jiří entered an Austrian refugee camp—where an unknown gunman twice tried to kill him. This is a story of courage, chance and survival, told by the border guard who turned the Iron Curtain against itself. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Sorry to everyone for making you wait this long. Welcome to the inaugural episode of this series, which will offer you a concise overview of Chinese history from mythical times to the time of the last emperor of the last imperial dynasty. We'll start off with the traditional stories surrounding the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors 三皇五帝 and cover the Xia 夏 and Shang 商 dynasties. The amazing story of the Oracle Bones will also be presented, and how this marked the beginning of recorded Chinese history. In this episode, the story of Jiang Ziya 姜子牙 and his role in supporting the Ji Clan 姬家族 in their efforts to establish the Zhou Dynasty. In the following episodes, we'll wander through all the dynasties and look at all the people, places, incidents, and events that make up the rich tapestry of Chinese history. Appearing in this episode will be: Pángǔ 盘古, Nǚwā 女娲, Tiān Huáng 天皇, Dì Huáng 地皇, Tài Huáng 太皇, Fúxī 伏羲, Shénnóng 神农, The Yellow Emperor 黃帝, Chīyóu 蚩尤, Shàohào 少昊, Zhuānxū 颛顼, Kù 喾, Yáo 尧, Shùn 舜, Hòuyì 后羿, Dà Yǔ 大禹, King Jié 夏桀王, Mò Xǐ 妺喜, Yī Yǐn 伊尹, Chéng Tāng 成汤, Wáng Yìróng 王懿荣, Wáng Guówéi 王国维, Wǔ Dīng 武丁, Fù Hǎo 妇好 / Mǔ Xīn 母辛, Pán Gēng 盤庚, Jī Chāng 姬昌 / Zhōu Wén Wáng 周文王, King Zhòu 商纣辛 / Zhóu Xīn 商轴心, Dá Jǐ 妲己, Jiāng Zǐyá 姜子牙, Jī Fā 姬发, Jī Dàn 姬旦, Yuánshǐ Tiānzūn 元始天尊.

Svědectví bývalých zaměstnanců a rodičů odhalují hrubé a násilné praktiky v českobudějovické soukromé škole. Případem se zabývala i policie, ředitelka připustila, že jde o citlivou záležitost a pak narychlo odešla do důchodu. Přijďte na naše živé vystoupení dne 26. 8. ke kauze v Zoo Praha. Bližší informace a vstupenky naleznete zde. Těšíme se na vás.

Ve středočeské obci lidé bojují s prachem a hlukem z lomu. Pořad Ve stínu přináší srovnání: v Rakousku má stejná firma násobně větší povrchový důl a podle starosty řeší stížnosti obyvatel výrazně aktivněji. Proč to nejde v Česku? Přijďte na naše živé vystoupení dne 26. 8. ke kauze v Zoo Praha. Bližší informace a vstupenky naleznete zde. Těšíme se na vás.

Opozičná strana Jabloko dostala v Rusku zákaz zúčastniť sa na septembrových parlamentných volieb. Vraj v kampani porušovala ľudské práva. To aspoň tvrdí nacionalistická strana Vlasť, ktorá požiadala o jej vyradenie. Rusko tak prichádza o ďalší z mála opozičných subjektov, ktoré ešte fungujú na politickej scéne. Aké sú reálne dôvody za koncom Jabloka, prečo s ním doteraz nemal režim problém a k čomu sú vôbec parlamentné voľby v krajine, ktorá nefunguje demokraticky a všetko riadi už 26 rokov jeden človek? Eva Frantová sa v podcaste Dobré ráno pýta Jiřího Justa, publicistu, politológa a novinára, ktorý dlhodobo žije v Rusku. Zdroje zvukov: CT24, TA3 Odporúčanie Konečne teploty klesli na únosnejšie čísla, a ak nemáte večerný program na najbližšie dni, skúste si vybrať niektoré z letných kín v okolí. Ja sa chystám v nedeľu na film Pred úsvitom, ale možností je neskutočne veľa azda v každom jednom meste. – Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ sme.sk/podcasty⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ – Odoberajte aj audio verziu denného newslettra⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ SME.sk⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ s najdôležitejšími správami na⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ sme.sk/brifingSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

ODS by si po letošních komunálních volbách ráda udržela nejen vedení Prahy, ale i druhého největšího města. O Brno zabojuje v čele s nestraničkou a filmovou producentkou Kamilou Zlatuškovou. Vyjde straně tato překvapivá sázka? Hostem Ptám se já byla lídryně společné kandidátky ODS a TOP 09 v Brně a kandidátka na primátorku Kamila Zlatušková. Zpráva o kandidatuře Zlatuškové mnohé překvapila. Členové brněnské ODS totiž dlouho spoléhali, že dosavadní primátorka Markéta Vaňková překoná zdravotní obtíže a po osmi letech ve funkci bude chtít pokračovat. Ta ale místo toho na jaře představila jako svoji nástupkyni právě Zlatuškovou. Rozhodnutí bylo překvapivé i proto, že uznávaná filmová producentka dosud nemá s politikou žádné zkušenosti (na rozdíl od svého otce Jiřího Zlatušky, bývalého rektora Masarykovy univerzity a exposlance za hnutí ANO). Do širšího povědomí ji dostal seriál Ptáčata o segregované romské třídě na brněnské základní škole, na kterém se podílela jako dramaturgyně. V České televizi pak produkovala seriály 8. A nebo Zlatá mládež. Po odchodu z ČT založila mezinárodně uznávaný festival Serial Killer, ze kterého se nyní kvůli kandidatuře stáhla. Vedle toho Zlatušková v roce 2020 například založila vzdělávací platformu Televizní institut. Předsedá také správní radě Ženského vzdělávacího ústavu Brno, známého jako Vesna. Magazín Forbes ji pravidelně zařazuje do žebříčku nejvlivnějších žen Česka. Ke kandidatuře známou filmařku podle jejích slov vyburcoval současný vývoj na politické scéně. Zároveň odmítá, že by její jméno posloužilo kmotrům v pozadí brněnské ODS, jejíž pověst pošramotila jak bitcoinová aféra, která vedla k pádu dlouhodobého krajského lídra a exministra spravedlnosti Pavla Blažka, ale i další kauzy spojené například s machinacemi s městskými byty. Vymezuje se proti spolupráci s ANO, přitom kandiduje za ODS, která po minulých komunálních volbách utvořila s hnutím premiéra Babiše koalici v Brně. „Kandidátka, kterou reprezentuju, je úplně jiná. Co se týká rozhodnutí z minulého volebního období, já tomu z pragmatického úhlu rozumím. Pro mě je to zároveň uzavřená věc. Já se vůči spolupráci s ANO jasně vymezila. Myslím si, že v tuto chvíli ta spolupráce s ANO je problém ještě mnohem vyšší. (…) Ten ples příšer, který se tam děje ve smyslu té koalice s SPD a Motoristy, to už je pro mě no-go,“ řekla Zlatušková. Podaří se ODS uhájit primátorský post? Proč si výrazná a neortodoxní filmařka a producentka vybrala ODS? A rozhodne o výsledku popularita místních osobností, nebo celostátní preference stran? -- Podcast Ptám se já. Rozhovory s lidmi, kteří mají vliv, odpovědnost, informace. Sledujte na Seznam Zprávách, poslouchejte na Podcasty.cz a ve všech podcastových aplikacích. Archiv všech dílů najdete tady. Své postřehy, připomínky nebo tipy nám pište prostřednictvím sociálních sítí pod hashtagem #ptamseja nebo na e-mail: audio@sz.cz.

Koks yra Lietuvos skonis? Į šį klausimą žada atsakyti Ekonomikos ir inovacijų ministerija. Ji rengia nacionalinės gastronomijos strategiją, turinčią atvilioti minias turistų. Tuo metu kritikai sako, kad Lietuva svečius gali nustebinti nebent didžiulėmis kainomis. Esą mes niekaip negalime konkuruoti su senas kulinarijos tradicijas turinčiomis šalimis. Ar gali Lietuva tapti gastronominio turizmo Meka?Laidoje dalyvauja ekonomikos ir inovacijų ministro patarėja strateginės komunikacijos klausimais Dalia Vencevičienė, „Bocuse d'Or Lietuva“ prezidentas Darius Katinas, virtuvės šefas Alfas Ivanauskas, maisto istorikas Rimvydas Laužikas.Ved. Jurga Tvaskienė.

The San Francisco 49ers and Tennessee Titans' joint practice got WILD.In this episode of 49ers Access, we break down everything that happened during a highly physical and chaotic day of 49ers-Titans joint practices, including multiple fights, big hits and standout performances on both sides of the football.Brock Purdy was sensational, completing 21-of-27 passes with at least three touchdowns while making several impressive throws against the Titans defense. De'Zhaun Stribling may have been the biggest story of the day, hauling in eight catches and emerging as one of the top performers on the field.We also discuss DeMarcus Robinson's strong performance, Deebo Samuel getting significant work out of the backfield, and Mac Jones' 15-of-19 performance.On defense, the 49ers brought the physicality. Renardo Green continued his impressive training camp, Osa Odighizuwa wreaked havoc up front, Romello Height gave Titans left tackle Dan Moore problems throughout practice, and Ji'Ayir Brown came away with a pick-six off Cam Ward.Plus, we break down the numerous fights that erupted between the 49ers and Titans, including Upton Stout vs. Tony Pollard, Fred Warner's huge hit on Carnell Tate, Renardo Green's collision with WanDale Robinson and Austin Deculus being kicked out of practice.We also have the latest injury updates on Christian McCaffrey, Nick Bosa and Mike Evans.Topics include:• 49ers-Titans joint practice• Brock Purdy's dominant performance• De'Zhaun Stribling breakout• DeMarcus Robinson• Deebo Samuel• Mac Jones• Cam Ward• Ji'Ayir Brown pick-six• Renardo Green• Fred Warner• Osa Odighizuwa• Romello Height• 49ers training camp fights• Christian McCaffrey injury update• Nick Bosa injury update• Mike Evans returnSubscribe to 49ers Access for daily San Francisco 49ers news, analysis, training camp coverage, roster updates, NFL news and everything surrounding the 49ers.Purchase G.O.A.T Fuel: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://goatfuel.com/?rfsn=8542698.99750d3⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Visit Sports Spyder for up to date 49ers content: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://sportspyder.com/nfl/san-francisco-49ers/news⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow us on Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ @49ers_Access⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow us on Instagram⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@49ers.access

Ústavní soud se zastal Tomáše Jiřikovského v jeho stížnosti na vazbu. Krajský soud chyboval, když obhajobě neumožnil reakci na vyjádření žalobců, za mřížemi ale jeden z obviněných v bitcoinové kauze zůstává na základě dřívějšího rozhodnutí. „Obžalovaní využívají svá procesní práva, a protože jsme právní stát, soud dal jednomu z nich za pravdu,“ říká novinář Ondřej Kundra. Projednávání kauzy to podle něj neovlivní, s ročním odstupem ale začíná být jasnější, k čemu došlo.

„Táta toho ve mně zanechal strašně moc,“ říká scénografka Klára Formanová. V Hovorech vzpomíná na svého otce, spisovatele, skauta a politického vězně Jiřího Stránského, který by letos oslavil nedožité 95. narozeniny. „Věta ‚můžeš-li udělat radost, musíš‘ je u nás v rodině na denním pořádku. Je to takový základ hodnotového žebříčku,“ přibližuje. Připomíná také obrovský smysl pro humor svého otce, jeho nadhled a ochotu okamžitě pomoci druhým.

Czech farmers turn to sunflowers, experiment with figs and olives, as drought and heat intensify, Secret Soviet bunker built to survive a nuclear blast opens to visitors in Czechia, Jiřina Šiklová Library offers over 9,000 books on feminism, gender and queerness, Inside Prague's summer school of Czech

Zpívat Rusalku v češtině je pro barytonistu Jiřího Rajniše přirozené. Jak se s tím ale perou jeho kolegové v La Scale v italském Miláně? V Hostu Radiožurnálu Jiří Rajniš popisuje, jak těžká byla cesta z Opavy až do světové operní špičky, proč má dodnes sbalený kufr a jak mu kariéru v rozhodující chvíli zachránil tatínek.Všechny díly podcastu Host Radiožurnálu můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Zpívat Rusalku v češtině je pro barytonistu Jiřího Rajniše přirozené. Jak se s tím ale perou jeho kolegové v La Scale v italském Miláně? V Hostu Radiožurnálu Jiří Rajniš popisuje, jak těžká byla cesta z Opavy až do světové operní špičky, proč má dodnes sbalený kufr a jak mu kariéru v rozhodující chvíli zachránil tatínek.Všechny díly podcastu Host Radiožurnálu můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Zpívat Rusalku v češtině je pro barytonistu Jiřího Rajniše přirozené. Jak se s tím ale perou jeho kolegové v La Scale v italském Miláně? V Hostu Radiožurnálu Jiří Rajniš popisuje, jak těžká byla cesta z Opavy až do světové operní špičky, proč má dodnes sbalený kufr a jak mu kariéru v rozhodující chvíli zachránil tatínek.

Ústavní soud se zastal Tomáše Jiřikovského v jeho stížnosti na vazbu. Krajský soud chyboval, když obhajobě neumožnil reakci na vyjádření žalobců, za mřížemi ale jeden z obviněných v bitcoinové kauze zůstává na základě dřívějšího rozhodnutí. „Obžalovaní využívají svá procesní práva, a protože jsme právní stát, soud dal jednomu z nich za pravdu,“ říká novinář Ondřej Kundra. Projednávání kauzy to podle něj neovlivní, s ročním odstupem ale začíná být jasnější, k čemu došlo.Všechny díly podcastu Interview Plus můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Czech farmers turn to sunflowers, experiment with figs and olives, as drought and heat intensify, Secret Soviet bunker built to survive a nuclear blast opens to visitors in Czechia, Jiřina Šiklová Library offers over 9,000 books on feminism, gender and queerness, Inside Prague's summer school of Czech

„Táta toho ve mně zanechal strašně moc,“ říká scénografka Klára Formanová. V Hovorech vzpomíná na svého otce, spisovatele, skauta a politického vězně Jiřího Stránského, který by letos oslavil nedožité 95. narozeniny. „Věta ‚můžeš-li udělat radost, musíš‘ je u nás v rodině na denním pořádku. Je to takový základ hodnotového žebříčku,“ přibližuje. Připomíná také obrovský smysl pro humor svého otce, jeho nadhled a ochotu okamžitě pomoci druhým.Všechny díly podcastu Hovory můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Proslavil ho hit Karel nese asi čaj, který zpíval s Jiřím Kornem. Působil v Pražském výběru a dnešní generace čtyřicátníků má jistě v paměti znělku seriálu Kačeří příběhy. I tu stále hraje na svých koncertech, ale nevyhýbá se ani tvorbě nových písní.

Proslavil ho hit Karel nese asi čaj, který zpíval s Jiřím Kornem. Působil v Pražském výběru a dnešní generace čtyřicátníků má jistě v paměti znělku seriálu Kačeří příběhy. I tu stále hraje na svých koncertech, ale nevyhýbá se ani tvorbě nových písní.

Fluent Fiction - Korean: Finding Inspiration: Ji-won's Transformative Beach Escape Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/ko/episode/2026-08-11-07-38-19-ko Story Transcript:Ko: 제주의 달빛 해변, 여름 밤.En: The moonlit Jeju Beach, on a summer night.Ko: 지-원은 고요한 바다 소리를 들으며 모래 위를 걸었다.En: Ji-won walked along the sand, listening to the calm sounds of the sea.Ko: 카메라 가방은 그녀의 곁에서 흔들렸다.En: Her camera bag swayed by her side.Ko: 도시의 소음에서 벗어나 이곳에 왔다.En: She came here to escape the noise of the city.Ko: 그녀는 창의성이 막혀 있었고, 새로운 영감을 찾고 싶었다.En: Her creativity was blocked, and she wanted to find new inspiration.Ko: 지-원은 훌륭한 사진작가였다.En: Ji-won was an excellent photographer.Ko: 하지만 최근에는 뭐든 새로운 시도를 두려워하고 있었다.En: However, recently she was afraid of trying anything new.Ko: 그녀의 마음은 혼란스럽고 피곤해졌다.En: Her mind became confused and tired.Ko: “왜 이렇게 되었을까?En: "Why did this happen?"Ko: ” 그녀는 자문했다.En: she asked herself.Ko: 그래서 그녀는 처음 보는 장소로 향했다.En: So she headed to a place she had never been before.Ko: 그곳은 관광객들이 많이 오지 않는 곳이었다.En: It was a spot not frequented by many tourists.Ko: 해변에 도착한 지-원은 카메라를 들어 주변을 둘러봤다.En: Upon arriving at the beach, Ji-won picked up her camera and looked around.Ko: 해변은 조용하고 신비로웠다.En: The beach was quiet and mysterious.Ko: 절벽과 용암암석들이 해안을 감싸고 있었다.En: Cliffs and lava rocks surrounded the shore.Ko: 그녀는 이런 아름다운 풍경을 어떻게 놓쳤는지 의아했다.En: She wondered how she had missed such a beautiful landscape.Ko: 달빛이 해변을 은은하게 비추고 있었다.En: The moonlight softly illuminated the beach.Ko: 그녀는 일찍 깨어서 해가 뜨는 순간을 놓치지 않기로 결심했다.En: She decided to wake up early to not miss the sunrise.Ko: 새벽의 빛은 부드럽고 몽환적이었다.En: The dawn light was soft and dreamy.Ko: 지-원은 카메라를 준비하고 해변에 앉아 기다렸다.En: Ji-won prepared her camera and sat on the beach to wait.Ko: 그녀의 마음은 여전히 불안했지만, 이번 여행이 자신을 깨우길 바랐다.En: Her heart was still anxious, but she hoped this trip would awaken her.Ko: 해가 떠오르며 하늘이 밝아졌다.En: As the sun rose, the sky brightened.Ko: 그 순간, 바다와 하늘이 하나가 되는 듯한 놀라운 광경이 펼쳐졌다.En: At that moment, an amazing sight unfolded as if the sea and sky had become one.Ko: 평화롭고 숨 막힐 듯한 순간이었다.En: It was a peaceful and breathtaking moment.Ko: 지-원은 본능적으로 카메라 셔터를 눌렀다.En: Instinctively, Ji-won pressed the camera shutter.Ko: 그녀는 알았다.En: She knew.Ko: 이 사진이 그녀의 마음을 열어줄 거라고.En: This photo would open her heart.Ko: 도시로 돌아온 지-원은 자신감이 넘쳤다.En: Returning to the city, Ji-won was full of confidence.Ko: 전시회를 앞두고 새로운 열정이 피어올랐다.En: A new passion sprang up as she prepared for an exhibition.Ko: 그녀는 자연과 고향의 아름다움을 새롭게 되새겼다.En: She freshly reflected on the beauty of nature and her hometown.Ko: 달라진 것은 그녀의 눈과 마음이었다.En: What had changed were her eyes and heart.Ko: 이번 여행은 그녀의 인생에 있어서 큰 전환점이 되었다.En: This trip became a significant turning point in her life.Ko: 이제, 지-원은 자연의 아름다움을 사람들에게 전하고 싶었다.En: Now, Ji-won wanted to convey the beauty of nature to people.Ko: 그녀의 사진은 그 순간의 평온함과 아름다움을 간직하고 있었다.En: Her photos captured the tranquility and beauty of that moment.Ko: 그녀는 다시 창의성이 넘쳤고, 전시회를 향한 기대감으로 가득 찼다.En: She was overflowing with creativity again and filled with anticipation for the exhibition. Vocabulary Words:moonlit: 달빛listening: 들으며escape: 벗어나creativity: 창의성blocked: 막혀inspiration: 영감excellent: 훌륭한confused: 혼란스럽고afraid: 두려워frequented: 많이 오지mysterious: 신비로웠다cliffs: 절벽lava rocks: 용암암석illuminated: 비추고dawn: 새벽dreamy: 몽환적anxious: 불안awaken: 깨우길unfolded: 펼쳐졌다peaceful: 평화로운breathtaking: 숨 막힐 듯한instinctively: 본능적으로shutter: 셔터confidence: 자신감passion: 열정significant: 큰turning point: 전환점convey: 전하고tranquility: 평온함anticipation: 기대감

If you enjoy this episode, we're sure you will enjoy more content like this on The Occult Rejects.  In fact, we have curated playlists on occult topics like grimoires, esoteric concepts and phenomena, occult history, analyzing true crime and cults with an occult lens, Para politics, and occultism in music. Whether you enjoy consuming your content visually or via audio, we've got you covered - and it will always be provided free of charge.  So, if you enjoy what we do and want to support our work of providing accessible, free content on various platforms, please consider making a donation to the links provided below.  Thank you and enjoy the episode!Links For The Occult Rejectshttps://linktr.ee/theoccultrejectsOccult Research Institutehttps://www.occultresearchinstitute.org/Substackhttps://substack.com/@theoccultrejects?r=7auau0&utm_campaign=profile&utm_medium=profile-pageCash Apphttps://cash.app/$theoccultrejectsVenmo@TheOccultRejectsBuy Me A Coffeebuymeacoffee.com/TheOccultRejectsPatreonhttps://www.patreon.com/TheOccultRejectsDarkness, Sensory Deprivation, Caves, and Visionary ConditionsUstinova, Yulia. Caves and the Ancient Greek Mind: Descending Underground in the Search for Ultimate Truth. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.Use for: caves, descent, darkness, ancient Greek revelation, incubation, inspired prophecy, and altered states in underground sacred settings.Lewis-Williams, David. The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and the Origins of Art. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002.Use for: caves, prehistoric imagery, altered consciousness, visual phenomena, and symbolic environments. Use carefully because some interpretations of prehistoric religion remain debated.Eliade, Mircea. The Sacred and the Profane: The Nature of Religion. New York: Harcourt, 1959.Use for: sacred space, threshold, the difference between sacred and profane space, and the way religious environments reorganize orientation and meaning.Zuckerman, Marvin, and Nathan Cohen. “Sources of Reports of Visual and Auditory Sensations in Perceptual-Isolation Experiments.” Psychological Bulletin 61, no. 1, 1964: 1–20.Use for: sensory deprivation, perceptual isolation, visual/auditory sensations, and internally generated experiences under reduced stimulation.Wackermann, Jiří, Peter Pütz, and Carsten Allefeld. “Ganzfeld-Induced Hallucinatory Experience, Its Phenomenology and Cerebral Electrophysiology.” Cortex 44, no. 10, 2008: 1364–1378.Use for: Ganzfeld states, reduced/uniform sensory fields, pseudo-hallucinatory imagery, altered perception, and EEG findings.Metzger, Wolfgang. “Optische Untersuchungen am Ganzfeld.” Psychologische Forschung 13, 1930: 6–29.Use for: early Ganzfeld research and the effect of homogeneous visual fields on perception.Shenyan, O., et al. “Visual Hallucinations Induced by Ganzflicker and Ganzfeld Differ in Frequency, Complexity, and Content.” Scientific Reports 14, 2024.Use for: modern comparison between Ganzfeld and flicker-induced visual phenomena. Useful if connecting this episode back to the earlier flicker-light show.Candlelight, Firelight, Sacred Atmosphere, and the Agency of LightBille, Mikkel, and Tim Flohr Sørensen. “An Anthropology of Luminosity: The Agency of Light.” Journal of Material Culture 12, no. 3, 2007: 263–284.Use for: light as a social, material, emotional, and cultural agent; how light shapes atmosphere, social meaning, and movement.Bille, Mikkel, and Tim Flohr Sørensen, eds. Elements of Architecture: Assembling Archaeology, Atmosphere and the Performance of Building Spaces. London: Routledge, 2016.Use for: architecture, atmosphere, materiality, embodied space, and how built environments shape experience.Pallasmaa, Juhani. The Eyes of the Skin: Architecture and the Senses. Chichester: Wiley, 1996; later editions.Use for: architecture as multisensory experience, not just visual design; helpful for sacred architecture, embodied space, and sensory atmosphere.Barrie, Thomas. “Sacred Space and the Mediating Roles of Architecture.” European Review 20, no. 4, 2012: 505–514.Use for: sacred architecture as a mediating threshold between ordinary and sacred worlds.Kieckhefer, Richard. Theology in Stone: Church Architecture from Byzantium to Berkeley. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004.Use for: Christian sacred architecture, spatial theology, light, ritual orientation, and the way buildings teach belief through space.Do, Michael T. H. “Melanopsin and the Intrinsically Photosensitive Retinal Ganglion Cells: Biophysics to Behavior.” Neuron 104, no. 2, 2019: 205–226.Use for: melanopsin, intrinsically photosensitive retinal ganglion cells, non-image-forming vision, and the biological effects of light beyond ordinary sight.Hattar, Samer, H. W. Liao, Motoharu Takao, David M. Berson, and King-Wai Yau. “Melanopsin-Containing Retinal Ganglion Cells: Architecture, Projections, and Intrinsic Photosensitivity.” Science 295, no. 5557, 2002: 1065–1070.Use for: retinal ganglion cells that detect light for non-image-forming functions, including circadian-related pathways.Blume, Christine, Corrado Garbazza, and Manuel Spitschan. “Effects of Light on Human Circadian Rhythms, Sleep and Mood.” Somnologie 23, 2019: 147–156.Use for: light, circadian rhythms, sleep, mood, and why sunlight, darkness, dawn, and dusk matter biologically.Cajochen, Christian. “Alerting Effects of Light.” Sleep Medicine Reviews 11, no. 6, 2007: 453–464.Use for: light's alerting effects beyond image-forming vision.Stained Glass, Religious Light, and Visual TheologyBinski, Paul. Gothic Wonder: Art, Artifice, and the Decorated Style, 1290–1350. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014.Use for: Gothic visual culture, sacred display, ornament, and the emotional force of medieval religious space.Camille, Michael. Gothic Art: Glorious Visions. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996.Use for: Gothic imagery, religious seeing, visual devotion, and sacred art as visionary environment.Kessler, Herbert L. Seeing Medieval Art. Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 2004.Use for: medieval Christian theories of seeing, devotional image use, sacred art, and vision as religious practice.Hamburger, Jeffrey F. The Visual and the Visionary: Art and Female Spirituality in Late Medieval Germany. New York: Zone Books, 1998.Use for: visionary art, devotional seeing, mystical imagery, and the relationship between images and religious experience.Freedberg, David. The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.Use for: why images provoke emotion, devotion, fear, desire, reverence, and acts of ritual engagement.Scrying, Black Mirrors, Crystal Gazing, and Reflective VisionCaputo, Giovanni B. “Strange-Face-in-the-Mirror Illusion.” Perception 39, no. 7, 2010: 1007–1008.Use for: mirror-gazing under low light, face distortion, visual instability, and apparitional perception.Caputo, Giovanni B. “Apparitional Experiences of New Faces and Dissociation of Self-Identity During Mirror Gazing.” Perceptual and Motor Skills 110, no. 3, 2010: 1125–1138.Use for: mirror-gazing, dissociation, altered self-recognition, and strange-face experiences.Caputo, Giovanni B. “Strange-Face Illusions During Inter-Subjective Gazing.” Consciousness and Cognition 22, no. 1, 2013: 324–329.Use for: prolonged eye-to-eye gazing, face alteration, dissociative effects, and interpersonal gaze phenomena.Caputo, Giovanni B. “Visual Perception During Mirror-Gazing at One's Own Face in Patients with Depression.” The Scientific World Journal, 2014.Use for: mirror-gazing research and altered self-perception. Useful for grounding black mirror and psychomanteum discussion, but do not overgeneralize.Moody, Raymond A., with Paul Perry. Reunions: Visionary Encounters with Departed Loved Ones. New York: Villard, 1993.Use for: modern psychomanteum practice, mirror-gazing, grief, and visionary encounters. Use cautiously; this is experiential/parapsychological material, not mainstream neuroscience.Roll, William G. “Psychomanteum Research: A Pilot Study.” Journal of Near-Death Studies 22, no. 4, 2004: 251–270.Use for: psychomanteum research, bereavement visions, mirror-gazing, and altered perception. Use cautiously.Northcote, Thomas. “Scrying.” In The Encyclopedia of Occultism and Parapsychology, edited by J. Gordon Melton. Detroit: Gale, various editions.Use for: general historical overview of scrying traditions, crystal gazing, mirror gazing, and divinatory seeing.Agrippa, Heinrich Cornelius. Three Books of Occult Philosophy. Translated by James Freake; edited and annotated by Donald Tyson. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn, 1993.Use for: Renaissance magical imagination, correspondences, planetary symbols, spirits, and visual/ritual operations.Barrett, Francis. The Magus. London, 1801.Use for: later ceremonial magic, mirrors, spirits, correspondences, and visual ritual imagination. Use historically, not as scientific evidence.Magical Gaze, Concentration, Visualization, and Ceremonial PracticeCrowley, Aleister. Liber E vel Exercitiorum. In The Equinox.Use for: concentration, posture, breath, mental discipline, and the training of attention as a magical foundation.Crowley, Aleister. Magick: Liber ABA, Book 4. York Beach, ME: Samuel Weiser, various editions.Use for: ceremonial magic, concentration, visualization, ritual method, symbols, and disciplined magical practice.Regardie, Israel. The Golden Dawn. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn, variousAlso want to remind people about the website, if you're into reading we have tons of information by multiple contributors, and we got t-shirts up on the site if you're interested. Fun fact, the art is all based on the eyeball. 

Zpravidla podmínka, ale občas skončí viník dopravní nehody za mřížemi. Nejvyšší soud přerušil trest řidiči kamionu, který při rozjíždění přejel chodkyni. V podobný verdikt věří i muž, který na rozbité silnici srazil motorkáře. Přijďte na naše živé vystoupení dne 26. 8. ke kauze v Zoo Praha. Bližší informace a vstupenky naleznete zde. Těšíme se na vás.

Jana Litomiského v roce 1981 odsoudili na tři roky za podvracení republiky. Putoval na Bory, kde při výměně prádla klábosil třeba s Jiřím Dienstbierem a Václavem Havlem, potkával se s Dominikem Dukou. Jednomu z nich zachránil život.

Zaujetí, odvaha, přesné a třaskavé výrazivo. Takhle popsal hudební publicista Jiří Černý dlouholetou novinářskou práci jednoho z legendárních redaktorů Svobodné Evropy v osmdesátých letech Karla Moudrého.Všechny díly podcastu Portréty můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Di vê bûletene de: Ji ber belavbêna agirên daristanan li seranserê DYA, bi deh hezaran kes ji malên xwe derketin ... Dikandarekî Melbourne piştî êrîşa dizên ciwan li ser dikanê jiyana xwe ji dest da... Û di werzîşê de, Tîmê Sydney Roosters ji bo serkeftina rahênerê NSW Blues piştgiriyê dide Matt King. Ew nûçeyana û nûçeyên din di bûlentenê de hene.

Posloucháte Jedno procento Miloše Čermáka. Já jsem Miloš Čermák a moje jedno procento jsou dva centimetry na výšku a asi kilogram živé váhy. Jedno procento je taky podcast, kam si zvu zajímavé a zábavné hosty. Nebo prostě lidi, které mám rád či z různých důvodů obdivuju.Emila Čeledu jsem neviděl dvacet let, a přesto jsem ho před studiem poznal na sto metrů. Podle vlasů. Dlouhé, blonďaté, kudrnaté – a jak mi hned v úvodu odpřisáhl, takhle vypadají od přírody. Žádná trvalá. A navíc, jsou to vlasy vybojované: Emil začínal v osmdesátých letech jako policista a na kriminálku se dostal jako jeden z nejmladších v historii, protože ještě v uniformě chytil na pěší zóně dva zločince. Po revoluci si nechal narůst vlasy, a když po něm nadřízení chtěli písemné vysvětlení, napsal jim, že občany spíš znepokojují kolegové ostříhaní ve stylu skinheads. A byl klid.Dva roky sloužil na oddělení vražd, po chodbách potkával Jiřího Markoviče a další kriminalisty zvučných jmen, která dnes známe hlavně z televizních seriálů. V roce 1997 od policie odešel. Zčásti kvůli platu, protože jeho švagrová, čerstvá absolventka ekonomky, si jako sekretářka vydělala víc než on jako nadporučík specialista. A zčásti kvůli jednomu obrazu. Emil totiž vypátral slavnou Pražskou Madonu, ztracené dílo připisované Rafaelovi – jenže pak mu policejní prezidium případ vzalo a obraz zmizel znovu. Jak tahle detektivka pokračovala, uslyšíte v podcastu.Z kriminalisty se stal znalec a sběratel umění. Objevil poslední olej Josefa Mánesa, obraz 140 let skrytý před zraky všech včetně kunsthistoriků. A dnes s lítostí říká, že trh s uměním je zaplavený falzy, že sběratele vystřídali investoři a že tam, kde bývalo srdce a duše, jsou dnes jen peníze. Mluvili jsme i o tom, jak si samozvaní malíři budují uměleckou slávu pomocí AI, a zavzpomínali jsme na legendární kauzu malíře Kečíře, což byl podvod cimrmanovského střihu.A pak je tu dům. Emil si v Praze postavil viktoriánskou vilu, jakou tady podle znalců nikdo nepostavil sto let. Bez jediného kompromisu, od otočných porcelánových vypínačů po břidlicovou střechu. Japonští turisté si ji fotí z autobusů v domnění, že jde o chráněnou památku odvedle.Došlo i na historku, ze které mrazí dodnes: jak si člověk, který sloužil na vraždách, po letech nevědomky podá ruku s vrahem. A nechá si od něj uvařit večeři.Připomínám, že na webu inspiruj tečka se najdete nabídku našich workshopů o umělé inteligenci a na webu Jednoho procenta zase texty o všem, co mě v dnešním neuvěřitelně zajímavém světě překvapuje a vyráží dech.Rozhovor jsme natočili v našem studiu v Holešovicích. Přeju příjemný a nikým a ničím nerušený poslech.

Je doba dovolených a spousta z nás už v duchu balí kufry a míří za exotikou. Jenže touha po dobrodružství občas zastíní zdravý rozum, zvlášť když vyměníme pohodlí hotelu za autentický zážitek. „Pokud zamíříte třeba do Afriky s batůžkem a tam jezdíte hromadnou dopravou a stravujete se na ulici, tak je dobré kontaktovat odborníky na cestovní medicínu a nechat si poradit ohledně očkování či léků na cestu,“ radí virolog Jiří Černý v rozhovoru s Michaelou Maurerovou.Všechny díly podcastu Blízká setkání můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Je doba dovolených a spousta z nás už v duchu balí kufry a míří za exotikou. Jenže touha po dobrodružství občas zastíní zdravý rozum, zvlášť když vyměníme pohodlí hotelu za autentický zážitek. „Pokud zamíříte třeba do Afriky s batůžkem a tam jezdíte hromadnou dopravou a stravujete se na ulici, tak je dobré kontaktovat odborníky na cestovní medicínu a nechat si poradit ohledně očkování či léků na cestu,“ radí virolog Jiří Černý v rozhovoru s Michaelou Maurerovou.

If you enjoy this episode, we're sure you will enjoy more content like this on The Occult Rejects.  In fact, we have curated playlists on occult topics like grimoires, esoteric concepts and phenomena, occult history, analyzing true crime and cults with an occult lens, Para politics, and occultism in music. Whether you enjoy consuming your content visually or via audio, we've got you covered - and it will always be provided free of charge.  So, if you enjoy what we do and want to support our work of providing accessible, free content on various platforms, please consider making a donation to the links provided below.  Thank you and enjoy the episode!Links For The Occult Rejectshttps://linktr.ee/theoccultrejectsOccult Research Institutehttps://www.occultresearchinstitute.org/Substackhttps://substack.com/@theoccultrejects?r=7auau0&utm_campaign=profile&utm_medium=profile-pageCash Apphttps://cash.app/$theoccultrejectsVenmo@TheOccultRejectsBuy Me A Coffeebuymeacoffee.com/TheOccultRejectsPatreonhttps://www.patreon.com/TheOccultRejectsBibliographyCore Eye Anatomy, Retina, Optic Nerve, and Visual PathwaysBelliveau, A. P., & Somani, A. N. “Pupillary Light Reflex.” StatPearls. Treasure Island, FL: StatPearls Publishing, updated 2023.Cleveland Clinic. “Optic Nerve: What It Is, Function, Anatomy & Conditions.” Cleveland Clinic, updated 2024.Gupta, M., & Ireland, A. C. “Neuroanatomy, Visual Pathway.” StatPearls. Treasure Island, FL: StatPearls Publishing, updated 2022.Kolb, H. “Simple Anatomy of the Retina.” Webvision: The Organization of the Retina and Visual System. University of Utah / NCBI Bookshelf.Purves, D., Augustine, G. J., Fitzpatrick, D., et al., eds. Neuroscience. Sunderland, MA: Sinauer Associates.Szabadi, E. “Functional Organization of the Sympathetic Pathways Controlling the Pupil: Light-Inhibited and Light-Stimulated Pathways.” Frontiers in Neurology 9, 2018.University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston. “Ocular Motor System.” Neuroscience Online.Pupillometry, Cognitive Load, Attention, and Mental EffortBeatty, Jackson. “Task-Evoked Pupillary Responses, Processing Load, and the Structure of Processing Resources.” Psychological Bulletin 91, no. 2, 1982: 276–292.Beatty, Jackson, and Brennis Lucero-Wagoner. “The Pupillary System.” In Handbook of Psychophysiology, edited by John T. Cacioppo, Louis G. Tassinary, and Gary G. Berntson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.Kahneman, Daniel, and Jackson Beatty. “Pupil Diameter and Load on Memory.” Science 154, no. 3756, 1966: 1583–1585.Kahneman, Daniel. Attention and Effort. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1973.Laeng, Bruno, Sylvain Sirois, and Gustaf Gredebäck. “Pupillometry: A Window to the Preconscious?” Perspectives on Psychological Science 7, no. 1, 2012: 18–27.Mathôt, Sebastiaan. “Pupillometry: Psychology, Physiology, and Function.” Journal of Cognition 1, no. 1, 2018.Piquado, Tepring, David Isaacowitz, and Arthur Wingfield. “Pupillometry as a Measure of Cognitive Effort in Younger and Older Adults.” Psychophysiology 47, no. 3, 2010: 560–569.Zekveld, Adriana A., Sophia E. Kramer, and Tammo Houtgast. “The Pupil Dilation Response to Auditory Stimuli: Current State of Knowledge.” Trends in Hearing 22, 2018.Emotion, Attraction, Arousal, and the PupilBradley, Margaret M., Laura Miccoli, Miguel A. Escrig, and Peter J. Lang. “The Pupil as a Measure of Emotional Arousal and Autonomic Activation.” Psychophysiology 45, no. 4, 2008: 602–607.de Winter, Joost C. F., et al. “Replicating Five Pupillometry Studies of Eckhard Hess.” International Journal of Psychophysiology 165, 2021: 145–161.Hess, Eckhard H. “Attitude and Pupil Size.” Scientific American 212, no. 4, 1965: 46–54.Hess, Eckhard H., and James M. Polt. “Pupil Size as Related to Interest Value of Visual Stimuli.” Science 132, no. 3423, 1960: 349–350.Lang, Peter J., Margaret M. Bradley, and Bruce N. Cuthbert. International Affective Picture System (IAPS): Affective Ratings of Pictures and Instruction Manual. Gainesville: University of Florida, 2008.Pan, J., et al. “The Effects of Emotional Arousal on Pupil Size Depend on Background Luminance and Stimulus Type.” Scientific Reports 14, 2024.Locus Coeruleus, Norepinephrine, Salience, and AttentionAston-Jones, Gary, and Jonathan D. Cohen. “An Integrative Theory of Locus Coeruleus–Norepinephrine Function: Adaptive Gain and Optimal Performance.” Annual Review of Neuroscience 28, 2005: 403–450.Joshi, Siddhartha, Yin Li, Ram M. Kalwani, and Joshua I. Gold. “Relationships Between Pupil Diameter and Neuronal Activity in the Locus Coeruleus, Colliculi, and Cingulate Cortex.” Neuron 89, no. 1, 2016: 221–234.Murphy, Peter R., Ian H. Robertson, James H. Balsters, and Redmond G. O'Connell. “Pupillometry and P3 Index the Locus Coeruleus–Noradrenergic Arousal Function in Humans.” Psychophysiology 48, no. 11, 2011: 1532–1543.Sara, Susan J. “The Locus Coeruleus and Noradrenergic Modulation of Cognition.” Nature Reviews Neuroscience 10, 2009: 211–223.Uddin, Lucina Q. “Salience Processing and Insular Cortical Function and Dysfunction.” Nature Reviews Neuroscience 16, 2015: 55–61.Memory, Emotion, Initiation, and Ritual EncodingCahill, Larry, and James L. McGaugh. “Mechanisms of Emotional Arousal and Lasting Declarative Memory.” Trends in Neurosciences 21, no. 7, 1998: 294–299.McGaugh, James L. “Memory—A Century of Consolidation.” Science 287, no. 5451, 2000: 248–251.McGaugh, James L. “The Amygdala Modulates the Consolidation of Memories of Emotionally Arousing Experiences.” Annual Review of Neuroscience 27, 2004: 1–28.Seligman, Rebecca, and Laurence J. Kirmayer. “Dissociative Experience and Cultural Neuroscience: Narrative, Metaphor and Mechanism.” Culture, Medicine, and Psychiatry 32, 2008: 31–64.Seligman, Rebecca, Ryan A. Brown, and Laurence J. Kirmayer. “Theory and Method at the Intersection of Anthropology and Cultural Neuroscience.” Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience 5, no. 2–3, 2010: 130–139.Whitehouse, Harvey. Arguments and Icons: Divergent Modes of Religiosity. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.Whitehouse, Harvey. Modes of Religiosity: A Cognitive Theory of Religious Transmission. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2004.Ritual, Synchrony, Social Bonding, and Embodied MeaningHobson, Nicholas M., Juliana Schroeder, Jane L. Risen, Dimitris Xygalatas, and Michael I. Norton. “The Psychology of Rituals: An Integrative Review and Process-Based Framework.” Personality and Social Psychology Review 22, no. 3, 2018: 260–284.Jackson, Joshua Conrad, Brock Bastian, and others. “Synchrony and Physiological Arousal Increase Cohesion and Cooperation in Large Naturalistic Groups.” Scientific Reports 8, 2018.McCauley, Robert N., and E. Thomas Lawson. Bringing Ritual to Mind: Psychological Foundations of Cultural Forms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.Rappaport, Roy A. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.Turner, Victor. The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine, 1969.Xygalatas, Dimitris. Ritual: How Seemingly Senseless Acts Make Life Worth Living. New York: Little, Brown Spark, 2022.Xygalatas, Dimitris, et al. “Extreme Rituals Promote Prosociality.” Psychological Science 24, no. 8, 2013: 1602–1605.Meditation, Prayer, Trance, and AbsorptionFox, Kieran C. R., Matthew L. Dixon, Savannah Nijeboer, et al. “Functional Neuroanatomy of Meditation: A Review and Meta-Analysis of 78 Functional Neuroimaging Investigations.” Neuroscience & Biobehavioral Reviews 65, 2016: 208–228.Jerath, Ravinder, John W. Crawford, Vernon A. Barnes, and Kyler Harden. “Self-Regulation of Breathing as a Primary Treatment for Anxiety.” Applied Psychophysiology and Biofeedback 40, 2015: 107–115.Lutz, Antoine, John D. Dunne, and Richard J. Davidson. “Meditation and the Neuroscience of Consciousness.” In The Cambridge Handbook of Consciousness, edited by Philip David Zelazo, Morris Moscovitch, and Evan Thompson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.Tellegen, Auke, and Gilbert Atkinson. “Openness to Absorbing and Self-Altering Experiences (‘Absorption'), a Trait Related to Hypnotic Susceptibility.” Journal of Abnormal Psychology 83, no. 3, 1974: 268–277.Vago, David R., and David A. Silbersweig. “Self-Awareness, Self-Regulation, and Self-Transcendence: A Framework for Understanding the Neurobiological Mechanisms of Mindfulness.” Frontiers in Human Neuroscience 6, 2012.Darkness, Sensory Deprivation, Ganzfeld, and Visual InstabilityCaputo, Giovanni B. “Strange-Face-in-the-Mirror Illusion.” Perception 39, no. 7, 2010: 1007–1008.Caputo, Giovanni B. “Visual Perception During Mirror-Gazing at One's Own Face in Patients with Depression.” The Scientific World Journal, 2014.Caputo, Giovanni B. “Strange-Face Illusions During Eye-to-Eye Gazing in Dyads.” Imagination, Cognition and Personality 38, no. 1, 2018: 51–77.Metzger, Wolfgang. “Optische Untersuchungen am Ganzfeld.” Psychologische Forschung 13, 1930: 6–29.Shenyan, O., et al. “Visual Hallucinations Induced by Ganzflicker and Ganzfeld Differ in Frequency, Complexity, and Content.” Scientific Reports 14, 2024.Wackermann, Jiří, Peter Pütz, and Carsten Allefeld. “Ganzfeld-Induced Hallucinatory Experience, Its Phenomenology and Cerebral Electrophysiology.” Cortex 44, no. 10, 2008: 1364–1378.Zuckerman, Marvin, and Nathan Cohen. “Sources of Reports of Visual and Auditory Sensations in Perceptual-Isolation Experiments.” Psychological Bulletin 61, no. 1, 19Also want to remind people about the website, if you're into reading we have tons of information by multiple contributors, and we got t-shirts up on the site if you're interested. Fun fact, the art is all based on the eyeball. 

Klaipėdai – 774-eri. Ji buvo įkurta 1252-aisiais, kai Livonijos ordinas pastatė Memelburgo pilį, aplink kurią ėmė formuotis miestas. Klaipėda – vienas seniausių miestų Lietuvoje.Karinės jūrų pajėgos - unikalus Lietuvos kariuomenės dalinys, veikiantis išskirtinai Klaipėdoje. Kokias užduotis jie atlieka ir kaip atrodo sprogmenų paieška bei išminavimas Baltijos jūroje?774-asis Klaipėdos gimtadienis - tai proga ne tik prisiminti miesto istoriją, bet ir pažvelgti į tai, kuo Klaipėda gyvena šiandien ir kokią ją norime matyti ateityje. Kaip keičiasi uostamiestis, kokie didžiausi iššūkiai laukia artimiausiais metais – nuo gyventojų skaičiaus iki investicijų, būsto, viešųjų erdvių ir jaunų žmonių pritraukimo? Apie tai šiandien kalbėsimės su Klaipėdos meru Arvydu Vaitkumi.Lietuvoje veikia daugiau nei du tūkstančiai kaimo bendruomenių, vienijančių vietos gyventojus bendriems kaimų plėtros, socialiniams, verslo ir kultūriniams tikslams. Vilkaviškio rajono Gudkaimio bendruomenė būrėsi kaip ir daugelis prieš du dešimtmečius, bet pirmoji šalyje, 2019-aisiais ėmėsi socialinio verslo ir įkūrė savarankiško gyvenimo namus.Ved. Paulius Selezniovas

V Česku se množí invazivní mužský druh. Podvodníci, kteří si sérií lží, nereálných slibů a bájením o svém jmění k sobě připoutávají ženy a pomalu je vysávají. Vše je překotné, než se oběti rozkoukají, padají do dluhových pastí. Přijďte na naše živé vystoupení dne 26. 8. ke kauze v Zoo Praha. Bližší informace a vstupenky naleznete zde. Těšíme se na vás.

We continue to look at the life and times of Uno no Sarara, aka Jito Tenno, female sovereign ruling in her own right.  We look at some of the places she traveled to as sovereign and, ultimately, what she did to ensure that her grandson would succeed her. For more, check our podcast blog page:  https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-154 Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.  My name is Joshua and this is episode 154: Queen Uno no Sarara, Part II   Light drifted in from outside the grand audience hall.  It filtered through barred windows and screens, and glinted off of bright gold and bronze accents, as well as the polished stone floor.  Upon a raised dais, surrounded by curtains, sat the tennou, arrayed in all of his youthful majesty.  Before him were princes and high ranking nobles, dressed in their finest court clothing.  Rich brocades of silk and black gauze hats only added to the pomp and circumstance of the moment. The nobles bowed and brought out a small tray.  Upon it were seventeen scrolls, freshly made, representing the latest updates to the laws and punishments of the land.  The nobles presented the work they had overseen, the culmination of a year's effort to further bring into line the organization of the state.  Off to the side, behind a screen of her own, Uno no Sarara watched the proceedings.  She thought back on all that had happened to bring them to this point.  This glittering hall was a far cry from the plain wooden structures of the old Kiyomihara palace.  And while she had never visited them, she could only imagine that this must rival the courts on the continent.  Everything that she and her husband had worked and fought for—all of the battles  they had fought, and all of the friends and children they had lost—she watched as it all came to fruition. The court was never going to be entirely peaceful—there would always be those striving for wealth and power, however they could attain it—but at this moment she no doubt felt as confident as she ever had that her efforts hadn't been for naught.  No matter what happened from here, the State, and her line, would continue.   So let's recap: We started with Part I of Uno no Sarara's reign back in episode 152, and then last episode we took a bit of a detour to go more in depth on the history of Ise and of the worship of Amaterasu more generally.  We talked about how there is good reason to believe that Ise shrine's prominence—and even many of the stories about Amaterasu and her importance in the story of the royal family—were either created or at least emphasized during the reigns of Ohoama and Uno no Sarara.  We ended with a discussion of the Jingikan, the newly created government organization developed to deal with so-called "Kami Matters", formally bringing the administration various shrines under the administration of the State.  Specifically it seems to have focused on State sponsored rituals.  I have no doubt that they took charge of the rituals at court itself, and they were likely involved in the worship at Ise Shrine, as well as the shrines of Tatsuta and Hirose.  On the other hand, as with the spread of Buddhist temples, direct State control was likely limited, at least at this stage, likely focused on the most influential institutions. This episode I want to continue with Uno no Sarara's reign.  She continued to make her mark on the court, tweaking how things worked, especially around the concept of rank.  And then there were her various travels.  These were mostly to her palace in Yoshino, but several other journeys, including a tour of the land of Kii—modern Wakayama prefecture—as well as a visit to her half-sister, Royal Princess Asuka. For all of that, however, the entry in the Nihon Shoki ends with what was perhaps one of the most direct and unique things she did:  Ensuring a smooth transition of power to her grandchild, Prince Karu. And while in this episode we'll (spoiler alert) cover both this power transition and Uno no Sarara's eventual death, we won't be done with her reign and its impact after this episode.  After all, there is still a lot going on around this time, and multiple different threads to pull on.  I expect several more episodes to cover things, such as the creation of hunting and fishing preserves, Buddhist merit-making, crime and punishment, and more.  There are also a few more people to talk about, such as Kakinomoto no Hitormaro, the court poet, and Fujiwara no Fubito and the establishment of the Fujiwara family as we know it.    So let's take a look at Uno no Sarara and what she was up to. She was still very much putting her stamp on things, tweaking the codes and making edicts.  One of the more impactful edicts would seem to be one where she had the government officials and people of the Home provinces all divided into nine classes.  This seems to be introducing yet another rank system, though this one is a bit more technical than the ones that came before. For one thing, it divided everyone up into nine ranks.  To do this, the court were going to take a look at a period of up to 6 years for those who already had rank and up to 7 years for those who did not.  The court—presumably court appointed judges—would use that period to evaluate individuals and slot them into a new system of nine classes.  Those in the first four classes would be given cap-rank based on their individual merits, the services that they had performed, and the importance of their house.  There isn't really a mention about the other five classes, but as they were theoretically the lower classes of society, it may not have been quite so pertinent.  BTW, of the three things that they were using to determine cap-rank, that last one, the importance of the individual's house, strikes me as the nod to the fact that the Japanese had not yet gotten away from the idea of "kabane" type hierarchy.  Granted, it isn't like family was unimportant in the Tang court, the Japanese were just being much more blatant and direct about it. Once everyone was properly sorted into the appropriate cap-rank, new edicts were issued on the official court clothing, which we discussed in Episode 150, and if you check out the blogpost you should be able to see what that looked like. I would note that the cap-rank system would eventually go away and be replaced by a rank system also based on 9 ranks, which then were broken up into upper and lower and junior and senior, so very similar to what we see with cap-rank, with some slight changes.  Uno no Sarara continued to make tweaks to the system, while working on the various large scale projects of the reign.  She wasn't exactly a homebody, however.  As she did all of this, she was regularly taking trips away from the capital. For example, between 689 and 697 she took at least 30 trips to visit Yoshino, sometimes taking as many as five trips in a year.  These were often short—a couple of days and then back to the grind of the court.  However, that's all that we get.  Based on the dates, we can at least make a few inferences.  For one, she was going down in all seasons, so she really must have enjoyed it, and it doesn't seem like it was attached to any particular official date or ritual.  Perhaps it just got her away from the pressure of official life. Some of her travel appear to have been work trips.  Her travel to Ise, which we talked about in the previous episodes, as well as things like traveling to visit the Castle of Takayasu and also to inspect horses at the embankment of Wani-no-kami.  Those appear to have been both trips where she was keeping an eye on things. Other trips, however, provide fewer details.  Mostly we know where she went.  This included trips to Hatsuse, Kii, Takamiya, and Yonabari, in Uda.  We are also told she ascended the Peak of Tou no Mine and later that she made another journey out to the Futatsuki Palace—presumably at the same place.  And we also have a trip out to the country-house of Royal Princess Asuka. Now Hatsuse, Kii, and Uda are all places we've previously talked about.  They are all on the Kii peninsula.  Hatsuse—or Hase—and Yonabari, in Uda, are both due east of modern Sakurai, following the Yamato upriver and then branching off to the aptly named Yonabari river.  These areas are well-referenced in the rest of the Nihon Shoki.  "Kii" is a bit more ambiguous.  Kii refers to the entire land of Kii, or Kii no Kuni—by the way, if you are familiar with the Japanese bookseller "Ki-no-kuni-ya", that name directly references the land of Kii as the family who started it were from Wakayama in Kii, where they served under the Kishu—or Kii—branch of the Tokugawa family during the Edo period.  That said, there were others who also used the name "Kinokuni" as a locative name as well, and you will occasionally see it here or there, even outside of the famous bookstore. The land of Kii is basically all of the southern Kii peninsula.  On the west side, it starts at roughly Wakayama, and includes the mountainous regions south of the Nara basin, wrapping around to the east side of the peninsula, to just south of Ise.  Today it is split between Wakayama prefecture and parts of Mie prefecture, including the towns of Kihoku—literally "Northern Kii"—and Taiki—"Big Kii".  Today, "Taiki" is part of the Watarai district, Watarai being the name of the location where Ise shrine was located.  So you can see that Kii basically included everything from one side of the peninsula to the other. Most of the time, though, I would generally assume that travel to Kii is a reference to the nearby area of Wakayama, especially as there are other references to that area in the form of hunting and fishing restrictions, which we'll discuss more fully in a later episode. This particular trip to Kii sounds like it was a bit of a longer trip, incorporating several locations.  We know that it took roughly eleven days—about a week and a half.  That's enough time to do quite a bit of sightseeing.  In fact, shortly before leaving, Uno no Sarara says that she is going on a "tour" of the land of Kii, and as such the land-tax and poll-tax for Kii would not be collected for a year, since, instead, they were expected to support her visit so that she could travel in appropriate style and so that temporary palaces could be made available for her use.  Kii is an interesting place for Uno no Sarara to visit.  It is mentioned occasionally throughout the chronicles, and its position puts it squarely in Yamato's sphere of influence.  At the same time, its mountainous nature means that it was never quite as populated as regions like the Nara basin or the Kawachi plains, where the large, flat areas were better suited to wet rice paddy agriculture.  In Kii, there are only a few areas really suitable for supporting large populations through agriculture alone, and even today the mountains make travel and construction in the area more difficult, so you don't have the highly concentrated population centers as in other regions.  The area around modern Wakayama city provides some of the best land for agriculture, with some other coastal regions as well. But it is mountains that Kii is known for, and the mountains often have spiritual significance.  Mt. Koya, or Koyasan, would be found in 805 as the center of Shingon Buddhism, but well before that you have the Kumano shrines, also known as the Kumano Sanzan—the three mountains of Kumano. There is a lot of evidence that worship at the three mountains of Kumano was heavily influenced by Buddhism and Buddhist traditions, but that this was a later influence on areas that were already important spiritual sites well before Buddhism arrived in the archipelago.  The exact nature of worship is debated, but the area was important, with "Kumano" once treated as its own land, overseen by the Kumano Kuni no Miyatsuko.  The deities of Kumano and the area more generally features in the Nihon Shoki in the legendary stories of Iware Biko, aka Jimmu Tenno. The Kumano shrines are, ultimately, a series of shrines in the Kumano region, roughly 20-40 kilometers from each other.  There are three main shrines—Kumano Hongu Taisha, Kumano Hayatama Taisha, and Kumano Nachi Taisha—known as the three mountains.  There are numerous other shrines as well.  There are three main deities worshipped, but then also another nine that are considered important as well, for at least twelve kami.  The three main kami – Kumano Musubi no Ohokami, Hayatama no Ohokami, and Ketsumi Mikoto Ohokami – are also considered to be manifestations of Izanami, Izanagi, and Susano'o.  Izanami and Izanagi are famously the progenitor kami of the archipelago, while Susano'o is the storm and ocean deity said to be the rambunctious and troublesome brother to Amaterasu Ohokami.   It is quite likely that the connection with these other kami—who feature prominently in the later stories, was actually a later addition.  Similarly, around the 9th century, the Kumano shrines were heavily influenced by Buddhism, which often co-opted indigenous kami worship by associating the native kami with incarnations of Buddhist figures.  In this case:  Thousand-armed Kannon, Yakushi—or the Medicine—Buddha, and Amithabha.  I must say that associating Amithaba—or Amida—with Susano'o seems like a bold move.  The deity who tossed a backwards flayed colt into Amaterasu's weaving hut is also the Buddha who made the promise that all who call on his name would find their way to the western pure land? I guess. Together, the kami of Kumano are known as the Kumano Gongen, and there is a pilgrimage trail, even today, that leads between the various shrines and peaks, as well as various temple complexes in the area. There is one other interesting connection with Kumano shrines, and that is the fact that there is a Kumano Taisha up in the Izumo region.  Today, they claim that despite the names being identical, there are no actual ties between Kumano Taisha and the Kumano Sanzan.  The Kumano Taisha of Izumo is actually considered the Ichinomiya, or most important shrine, of Izumo—even more important than the famous Izumo shrine, itself.  It lies 30 minutes south of modern Matsue, and enshrines a kami known as Kushi-mikenu-no-Mikoto, said to be another name for none other than the famous Susano'o. Kumano Taisha claims to have been first mentioned in the Nihon Shoki back in the time of Takara Hime, aka Saimei Tennou, in an entry from 659, though that entry simply states that the Izumo no Miyatsuko was to repair the shrine of the "Itsuki" kami, and doesn't specifically mention Kumano Taisha by name.  There is an entry attributed to the Izumo fudoki, which claims a shrine was located on Mt. Kumano, identified with modern day Tenguyama.  And then, Kumano Taisha appears in the Engi Shiki in the 10th century.  Suffice it to say, there are many different ways that this can be interpreted. Scholars have attempted to look into the potential connections between Kumano Taisha in Izumo and the Kumano Gongen of Wakayama, but it does not appear that there is a fully formed consensus.  I would note that we certainly see various important worship centers branching out throughout the archipelago, setting up branches elsewhere, and we also see the association of various local kami with other, more famous kami, making the claim that they are simply another name for the same entity.  This would appear to be one way to bring different groups into communion with each other, as it were, and helping to gloss over the potential difficulties found in diverse belief and worship practices. As a side note, there is at least one other Kumano Taisha of note, found up in the Tohoku region.  It claims to be the "Ise of Tohoku", with a focus on Izanami and Izanagi.  It seems to claim a founding around the early 9th century at the Tenno's request.  Given that, I think we can ignore it for our current discussion. To bring this all back around, it is unclear if Uno no Sarara's tour of Wakayama included the Kumano shrines at this time.  Certainly Kumano would play an important role in the legends and stories that the court was putting together, but what structures were in place at this point in the story are unclear.  Her tour may have focused much more on the area around modern Wakayama.  Her tour of the area took a total of eleven days, which is more than enough time to have seen a fair bit of the area, and certainly would have been enough time to get down to the Kumano region, but we don't have any clear details that I see to say exactly what happened. Still, I do find it interesting to look at the juxtaposition of the Kumano shrine story with that of Ise.  Both took on some aspects of the official stories of the founding of Japan and appear to have been important shrines for the court to some extent, and both the trip to Ise and the trip to Kumano were events such that local taxes were commuted for a time to help pay for the royal visit. But whereas Ise would go on to reject the merging of Buddhism with local kami worship, Kumano appears to have embraced it.  Kumano worship took on a highly syncretic character, with Buddhism and Kami worship becoming inextricably intertwined, maintaining that character even today, despite numerous historical attempts to extricate the two from each other. Ultimately, Ise shrine would take pride of place as the national shrine of the royal family, but I can't help but wonder what would have happened if Kumano had been more ascendant. Getting back to our discussion of Uno no Sarara's various peregrinations:  we also have what appear to be two trips up to Tou-no-mine—the modern pronunciation for the name which Aston transliterates as "Tamu no Mine".  This is the peak where, about forty years earlier, Takara Hime is said to have built a circular enclosure and called "Futa-tsuki" or two "Tsuki" trees palace.  It was also known as "Ama-tsu-miya", the Heavenly Palace.  The modern Tou-no-mine is a mountain to the southeast of Asuka, however, there is also a theory that the Tou-no-mine and Futa-tsuki palace were actually on a small hill just due east of the Kiyomihara palace site.  This is where we find walls, the Sakafune-ishi stone, and other examples of work from the time when the Futa-tsuki palace would have been built. That said, to get to Tou-no-mine, we are told it was a two day trip—one day out and one day back.  That said, it wouldn't have all been spent traveling.  In fact, Tou-no-mine, today, is under two hours walking distance.  The site by the palace is much closer, and the entry for going to the Futatsuski is only mentioned on a single day.  So none of that is particularly helpful, in my opinion.  Ultimately, we know that it was a location near Asuka and that it was associated with Takara Hime, the last female sovereign in her own right—even though her reign was arguably run largely by her son, Crown Prince Naka no Oe. Speaking of whom, Naka no Oe was not only the father of Uno no Sarara, but also of Royal Princess Asuka.  So when Uno no Sarara went to Asuka's country house, also known as the Denso or Tadokoro, she was actually going to pay a visit on her own half-sister.  By the way, "country-house" is the Aston translation.  A more direct translation might be something like "Field Place".  It was a private estate belonging to powerful families, such as the local elites—or in this case the royal family.  It is a rare glimpse into the living conditions of those royal princes and princesses who were not resident in the palace itself.  I do find it interesting that it specifically identifies the royal princess and not some male relative or husband—and Uno no Sarara isn't really noted as visiting a lot of family members all over the place.  I've seen a suggestion that Asuka may have been married to Prince Osakabe, one of Temmu's sons, but if so it is interesting that Uno no Sarara goes to visit *her* house and not *his* house. Princess Asuka is not mentioned much, but given this and a few other things—including being mentioned in the Man'yoshu in connection with a poem by the famous Kakinomoto no Hitomaro—she seemed to be someone important, even though we don't have a lot of information on what that looked like at the time. And with that, we've covered most of Uno no Sarara's travels.  We discussed her near-constant trips to Yoshino, then there were official visits to inspect the fortifications and horses.  Granted, that latter duty was also done just at the palace, in Asuka, so it wasn't necessarily terribly special.  There was her expedition to Ise, which we discussed in a previous episode, and then down to tour the land of Kii.  There were short jaunts out to Hatsuse and Yonabari.  And the largely unexplained visits to Tou-no-mine and the enigmatic Futa-tsuki palace.  Finally, there was a note about her calling on her half-sister, Princess Asuka. So that was what Uno no Sarara was doing when she wasn't at the court.  Otherwise, whether it was in the Asuka Kiyomihara palace or in the new Fujiwara Palace, she was dealing with the business of the state.  Much of what is recorded are fairly common things—banquets, archery competitions, and similar events that are interesting in aggregate, perhaps, but maybe not so helpful in figuring out the larger trends that were occurring at the time.  There were edicts and changes, but we can talk about those separately.  There were natural disasters, as well. Overall, she spent eleven years on the throne, from 686 to 697.  In that time, she finished much of the work started by her husband, put her own stamp on the new government, and, perhaps most importantly, she set up her grandson for success.  It is worth nothing that Uno no Sarara's posthumous regnal name is Jitou Tennou, and while that was probably not something she chose for herself, it may give us some insight into how the Chroniclers viewed her.  Remember that the brothers, Naka no Oe and Ohoama, were given the names "Tenji" and "Temmu", respectively.  Tenji is "Heavenly Wisdom", and he is counted as the brains behind the Great Change, the Taika reforms, and much of the shape that the state took from 645 onwards.  Temmu is something like "Heavenly Warrior".  The victor of the Jinshin no Ran was remembered for his military strategy, even though that was really only a small part of his overall reign.  The characters of Jitou's posthumous title are two characters.  The first, "Ji", means "to hold" or "to have".  The other character is "tou" and generally means "relationship" or "to control".  It can also refer to unification. This is often considered to mean that her role was seen as continuing to hold the throne and continue the work of her husband and his line, his progeny.  In this case, that means strengthening the state that Ohoama had built, following through on his national projects, and ultimately ensuring that the throne passed seamlessly to Ohoama's grandson, ensuring that his line would continue.  Of course, it probably should be noted that of course it was also her own bloodline that she was continuing as well, something that would become important in later years. And it is easy for us to look at this as simply editorializing by the Chroniclers, who were, after all, trying to craft a national narrative as well as record the history.  In many ways the use of these posthumous titles allowed them to do that—to summarize an entire reign into something that could be easily remembered.  And yet, based on the actions that she has taken, there certainly seems to be something to this description of Uno no Sarara and her motivations. We saw, early on, how she cleared the way for her own son, Crown Prince Kusakabe, getting rid of his potential rival for the throne, Prince Ohotsu, and thus potentially averting another conflict at the start of the reign.  But then Kusakabe died, leaving her with his young son, and while placing a young infant on the throne might have become a thing in later centuries, that precedent had not quite been set just yet.  Even as it was, Uno no Sarara likely had some concept that she could not know how many years she would get.  A decade on the throne was nothing to sneeze at, and many sovereigns had much less.  And so, beyond setting up the structure of government that her grandson would inherit, she also had a few more things to ensure.  She would want him to be old enough to be taken seriously, and she would need to make sure that there were no other claimants that could complicate matters.  There was only one other serious candidate that fit that description, and that was Prince Takechi. Remember, Prince Takechi was Ohoama's eldest son.  He was also a maternal descendant of the Munakata, meaning that he didn't have the double-royal imprimatur that was presumably required to take the throne as the sovereign.  And yet, Uno no Sarara was no doubt savvy enough to understand that those kinds of traditions changed quickly and easily in the past, as long as one had the right political backing. At the same time, Uno no Sarara appears to have leaned heavily on Prince Takechi's support.  It was a risk, but his support for her efforts would help her do what she needed to do.  Not only that, but if anything did happen to the young Prince Karu, Prince Takechi was the next in line.  He was also the Dajou Daijin—the most powerful court position short of Uno no Sarara herself.  For many reasons, it would have been difficult if the Queen felt she needed to take him out of the picture. Perhaps then it was fortuitous that in 696 the issue resolved itself, when Royal Prince Takechi passed away. This was no doubt a sad event, and yet it also may have set things in motion.  Prince Karu had been born in 683, so he was fourteen years old—still quite young, but old enough.  He was also surrounded by supporters, including his own mother, widow to the late Prince Kusakabe, Royal Princess Abe. While it isn't mentioned in the Nihon Shoki, we get a glimpse of how all this was planned in the Kaifuso, published in 751.  There, in an entry for Prince Kadono, a son of Prince Ohotomo, we are told that after Prince Takechi's death, Prince Kadono met with Uno no Sarara and others and suggested a course of action.  He encourage Uno no Sarara to pass on the kingdom to Prince Karu, despite his youth.  If true, this is quite the statement from someone whose own father was killed in the Jinshin no Ran, which brought Ohoama and Uno no Sarara to power in the first place.  It appears as though she heeded his advice, setting up what would come next over the following year. And so it is from the year after Prince Takechi's death that we start to really see entries focused on Prince Karu.  In the second month of 697, for instance, we see that Tahema no Mabito no Kunimi was appointed to be Prince Karu's tutor.  Likewise we see Michi no Mabito no Atomi and Kose no Ason no Ahamochi appointed as director and assistant director of the Spring Palace—the palace for the Crown Prince, the Heir Apparent.  Interestingly, Aston notes that the Nihon Shoki never actually gives an entry for when Prince Karu was named Heir Apparent—it just seems to be assumed. Ten days after the new directors were appointed, a public great-congregation was held at the Crown Prince's palace—here called the Eastern Palace, and I'll admit I'm not sure if "Eastern Palace" and "Spring Palace" were different names for the same place or what.  I assume these were all part of the newly built Fujiwara Palace, though the most important part is the implications for Prince Karu.  He was being introduced to the court, it seems, with a large congregation at his residence where the court would be expected to acknowledge his position as the crown prince and heir apparent. Three months later, we are told that Uno no Sarara grew ill.  The Ministers and various government officials made votive images of the Buddha in an attempt to make merit and help her to recover.  While she would recover from whatever illness she experienced, I suspect that this was something of a wake-up call.  Uno no Sarara was in her early 50s, and she wasn't getting any younger.  She also lived at a time where she had to realize that many others hadn't made it as far, and perhaps her illness made her realize that if she was going to do something, she had better do it sooner, rather than later.  And so, just a little more than a month later, on the first day of the 8th month, Uno no Sarara abdicated the throne in favor of her grandchild, Prince Karu, soon to become the next Tennou. This isn't the first time we've seen an abdication in the history of Yamato, but it is perhaps the first time we've seen it quite like this.  When Takara Hime abdicated, I think we can agree that it was largely under duress.  She had just seen her son lead a bloody coup against the most powerful court nobles, and that really does seem to have shaken her.  No such bloody struggle was happening here, however.  In fact, there is plenty to suggest that avoiding a bloody struggle was exactly Uno no Sarara's point.  By overseeing Prince Karu's ascension while she was still around, Queen Uno no Sarara maintained significant control over the process. Part of this rested on the fact that when she retired from the position of Tennou she didn't just become some commoner or retreat to the position of Queen Mother or Dowager Queen or something similar.  Instead, she took on a new titled:  Retired Sovereign, or Dajou-Tennou.  Technically this means that her own title was something like "Greater Sovereign", compared to Karu's "sovereign".  This position was new, and may not have even been fully formed at the time of the initial abdication.  Unlike when Takara Hime abdicated, effectively acknowledging that she wasn't actually in charge, Uno no Sarara was planning to remain an active force in government.  Her grandson would be set up as the formal sovereign, or Tennou.  He would be responsible for the rituals and ensuring everything was properly carried out, but his mother, the Dajou-Tennou, would have a tremendous amount of clout and control. By all accounts, this abdication and creation of the "Dajou-Tennou" position really does seem to have been specifically set up for this occasion, to ensure the smooth transition of power.  This way, when Uno no Sarara eventually did pass away, there would be no question about who was seated on the throne.  Given everything she had witnessed—from stories about her how her own father had come to power as well as the events of the Jinshin no Ran and then everything that happened in the aftermath of her own husband's death—I can understand why Uno no Sarara would have been pre-occupied with the idea of ensuring a smooth transition to the next sovereign.  She likely could not foresee how this new position would be used in the future, and yet it would become something of a staple in the politics of the Japanese court. Initially, retired sovereigns were typically doing so for reasons similar to Uno no Sarara—to ensure a smooth transition of power from one to the other and to ensure that the next tennou could be established to avoid instability.  However, it would become something even more.  After all, why wait until your heir is actually ready?  If you are going to be running things, anyway, why not remove yourself from the tedium of ritual while retaining your authority?  And in later centuries we see the tennou retiring younger, leaving younger and younger heirs to hold the actual throne.  There would also be a certain Buddhist aspect to it as well, allowing the retired tennou to be seen as a kind of Golden Wheel Turning Sovereign who was theoretically beyond the material cares of the day to day.  The retired sovereigns would be referred to as "In", which is likely a reference to the suffix given to their compounds, rather than the common "Miya" or "Gu".  And so the government under these retired sovereigns would become known as the Insei, or government by cloistered sovereigns, but that system was still in the future.  For now, we are just seeing the seeds of what was to come, eventually. To understand this later phase of Uno no Sarara's life, we need to take our first few steps into a new source:  The Shoku Nihongi.  The Nihon Shoki ceases to describe anything after Uno no Sarara's abdication, and the official history of Prince Karu's reign—known to us as Monmu Tennou—is taken up by the Shoku Nihongi.  This is literally the continued Japanese history, and we'll talk about it in depth at some point.  For now, I would note that it was compiled in 797 – so literally a century after the last entry in the Nihon Shoki.  That said, it likely had much better records to go off of compared to the Nihon Shoki, though it was still likely compiled with a view that was still quite friendly towards the royal family and the position of the Tennou. And so, when Uno no Sarara largely disappears from the narrative, I don't know that we should assume that she had truly gone completely hands off.  After all, with everything we've seen, do we think that this is a woman who would just hand the reins over to a fourteen or fifteen year old boy?  And yet the first time she appears is in 701, when she is making a trip to her favorite vacation spot:  the Palace at Yoshino.  That said, there were some pretty big events that happened during this period, after her abdication and assumption of the title of Dajou-Tennou.  The biggest was the creation of the Taihou Code.  Once again, this will need a fuller treatment, but the Taihou Code was an update to the Kiyomihara code.  The Asuka-Kiyomihara code was 22 volumes, and focused on  the laws, the "ryou", but not necessarily the punishments, or "ritsu".  In contrast the Taihou code was 6 volumes of "ritsu" and 11 volumes of "ryou", for 17 volumes in total.  Unfortunately, we mostly have scraps of indications here and there, and the codes that came afterwards, which were each based on what came before.  For instance, we do know that they completely overhauled the rank system yet again.  Unlike the Kiyomihara  code, which took years to develop, the compilation of the Taiho code is ordered in 700 and completed by 701—likely because it was really more of an update and a compilation of what was already on the books. This was perhaps the most significant thing that happened while Uno no Sarara was still available to exert her influence.  Karu was still only about 19 years old at this point.  He would turn 20 the following year, 702.  That same year, Uno no Sarara would travel all the way out to Mikawa no Kuni, which is the eastern half of the modern prefecture of Aichi.  The royal procession, which started in the 10th month of 702, then made its way back through Owari a month later, and from there up to Mino, and then down to Ise and back through Iga.  The royal procession is first recorded on the 10th day of the 10th month and returned on the 25th day of the 11th month—a round-trip time of roughly 45 days.  Throughout we are told that various ranks and awards were given out to important individuals at each stop. Unfortunately, that trip may have taken a toll.  A few weeks later, on the 13th day of the 12th month, Uno no Sarara grew ill.  There was a great amnesty pronounced throughout the realm, and one hundred men took Buddhist vows on her behalf.  They even read the Sutra of Golden Light in the Home Provinces.  Alas, it was all to no avail.  Uno no Sarara passed away on the 22nd day of the 12th month—or January 13th in 703.  It was roughly six years from her abdication.  She would have died with at least some knowledge that the realm was largely in order.  Her grandson was on the  throne and had been ruling for the past six years.  He had attained the age of majority, and things seemed relatively stable.  There was even a new, grand, permanent capital city, just like on the continent. But that closes out the life of Uno no Sarara.  She lived in interesting times, experienced tremendous fortune and misfortune, and she put her indelible stamp on the state of Yamato and thus the future of Japan.  There is still more to go over in this period—we have interactions with the Emishi, updates to society, and various impacts to Buddhism.  We'll also take a look at some more important people from this period, including Kakinomoto no Hitomaru, the famous poet, and the poems of the Man'yoshu, and Fujiwara no Fubito, the son of Nakatomi no Kamatari and the one largely responsible for making the Fujiwara house the most influential house in the entire court. Until then if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts.  If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website,  SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page.  You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com.  Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now.  Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.

宜蘭 Yílán - Yilan, a county in northeastern Taiwan東北部 dōngběibù - northeastern area/region客運 kèyùn - long-distance bus service靠海 kàohǎi - located near the sea太平洋 Tàipíngyáng - the Pacific Ocean海景 hǎijǐng - ocean view; sea scenery療癒 liáoyù - healing; relaxing; comforting田園風光 tiányuán fēngguāng - countryside scenery天然 tiānrán - natural溫泉 wēnquán - hot spring龜山島 Guīshān Dǎo - Guishan Island著名 zhùmíng - famous; well-known地標 dìbiāo - landmark賞鯨 shǎngjīng - whale watching鯨魚 jīngyú - whale牛奶海 niúnǎihǎi - “milk sea”; milky-blue ocean water phenomenon太平山國家森林遊樂區 Tàipíngshān Guójiā Sēnlín Yóulèqū - Taipingshan National Forest Recreation Area森林 sēnlín - forest古步道 gǔ bùdào - old hiking trail穿梭 chuānsuō - to shuttle through; to move back and forth through礁溪 Jiāoxī - Jiaoxi, a famous hot spring town in Yilan泡腳 pàojiǎo - to soak one's feet溫泉魚 wēnquán yú - hot spring fish (doctor fish)咬腳皮 yǎo jiǎopí - to nibble dead skin on feet溫泉度假飯店 wēnquán dùjià fàndiàn - hot spring resort hotel三星蔥油餅 Sānxīng cōngyóubǐng - scallion pancake made with Sanxing scallions外酥內軟 wài sū nèi ruǎn - crispy outside and soft inside羅東夜市 Luódōng Yèshì - Luodong Night Market糕渣 gāozhā - a traditional Yilan fried savory jelly dish高湯 gāotāng - rich broth; stock冷卻 lěngquè - to cool down凝固 nínggù - to solidify裹粉 guǒfěn - to coat with flour/batter油炸 yóuzhá - deep-fried燙 tàng - hot (temperature)入口即化 rùkǒu jí huà - melts in your mouth小籠湯包 xiǎolóng tāngbāo - soup dumplings花生捲冰淇淋 huāshēng juǎn bīngqílín - peanut ice cream rollFollow me on Instagram: fangfang.chineselearning !

Diskuze vznikla v rámci Meltingpot forum na Colours of Ostrava. Děkujeme za příležitost.Po rozhovoru jsme si s Prof. Horáčkem povídali dál. Toto je zkrácená verze ( 61 min). Celý díl (111 min) a bez reklam jen za 100,-/měsíc si můžeš pustit⁠ ⁠⁠⁠zde a odemknou další⁠⁠:⁠⁠ https://open.spotify.com/episode/7tpc1FCPXT8HRQqDt8GHIT?si=b7fa93271e8548c2⁠⁠Žijeme v pohodlí, o kterém se většině předchozích generací ani nesnilo. Přesto roste pocit nejistoty, osamělosti a ztráty směru. S profesorem Jiřím Horáčkem hledáme, co se stalo ve chvíli, kdy se rozpadly velké společné příběhy a člověku zůstal především on sám, jeho potřeby, jeho výkon a nekonečný projekt vlastního vylepšování. Mluvíme o touze, antické filozofii, útěku ze svobody i o tom, proč štěstí možná neleží za další dosaženou metou.Dostáváme se také k sociálním sítím, dopaminu a teorii sociální homeostázy, podle které digitální spojení nabízí množství kontaktu bez kvality, kterou nervový systém skutečně potřebuje. Rozhovor se postupně otevírá směrem ke smyslu, příběhům, kráse, psychedelikům a hranicím myslitelného. Jak si vytvořit životní příběh, který není jen přesvědčivý, ale také krásný? A jak se znovu přiblížit realitě, když ji vždy vnímáme skrze modely vlastní mysli?Děkujeme Meltingpotu a Colours of Ostrava za pozvání a možnost tohohle rozhovoru!Minutáž:00:00 Úvod01:48 Čemu se teď nejvíce věnuješ?03:02 Proč se cítíme tak blbě i přes dnešní hojnost?09:23 Co je to vlastně štěstí a pocit spokojenosti?14:30 Jak učit nervový systém prožívat štěstí tady a teď16:31 Důležitost osobní filozofie a ukotvení ve světě18:27 Epistemologické chyby a jak věřit vlastní zkušenosti22:59 Ztráta kontaktu s realitou a digitální pasti29:19 Proč neumíme předpovídat vlastní emoce30:44 Evoluce láskyplnosti a její napojení na oxytocin36:24 Láskyplný vztah k abstraktním konceptům37:58 Sociální sítě, polarizace a ztráta sdíleného smyslu42:07 Fyzická synchronizace jako lék na digitální odpojení45:34 Antihedonistické aktivity a hluboké konverzace49:21 Jak najít smysl života v nesmyslně krátké době54:41 Otázky z publika: Jak získat kontrolu nad tělem a myslí59:42 Praktický tip pro zvýšení každodenní spokojenostiPřechod do VIP části01:01:18 Tři pilíře smyslu a důležitost významu ve společnosti01:06:31 Krize příběhovosti a jak s ní pracuje psychoterapie01:10:12 Vnímání krásy jako zrcadlení našeho nervového systému01:11:58 Proč nás mozek odměňuje za krásu a harmonii01:16:58 Kontakt s realitou jako alfa a omega našeho žití01:18:26 Jak kultivovat transcendentální myšlenky v každodenním životě01:23:10 Pyramida vědění a integrace poznání do praxe01:31:24 Jak si po dekonstrukci světa znovu vybudovat vlastní pravdu01:36:19 Lze na psychedelikách vnímat rašení vlastních synapsí?01:45:02 Teorie zfetované opice a vliv psychedelik na evoluci vědomí01:47:41 Fyzický limit lidských myšlenek a jak myslet nemyslitelné01:51:02 Závěr a backstage rozhovor o konspiračních teoriích

Na cɔk aa lɔ̈n ci ɣok bɛɛn pan kɔc ɣeer kawic buk ciɛ̈ɛ̈ŋ da muk ciök ku buk nyuöth miith ku wïc raan ka ye Jiëëŋ lueel "Ɣääth bith Jiëëŋ" wɛt de yic wïc kuɔɔny.

„Vienas iš mūsų atradimų yra tai, kad pilkieji ruoniai į krantą išlipa naktį. Iki šiol buvo pasvarstymų ir pastebėjimų, bet tai nebuvo publikuota“, – sako Lietuvos jūrų muziejaus vyr. biologė Laura Lupeikaitė-Kuncienė, kuri tyrinėja šią prie Lietuvos krantų atklystančią saugomą rūšį. Ji tikisi, kad nauji faktų apie šią rūšį, padės ją dar geriau pažinti ir apsaugoti.Šiemet ji tapo pirmąja lietuve, pelniusia UNESCO programos „Žmogus ir biosfera“ jaunųjų mokslininkų apdovanojimą. Šis tarptautinis įvertinimas skiriamas už išskirtinius ekologijos ir darnių ekosistemų tyrimus, o Klaipėdos universiteto doktorantė apdovanota už darbus apie tai, kaip ruoniai po reabilitacijos adaptuojasi Baltijos jūroje.Tyrimo metu mokslininkai palydoviniais siųstuvais stebėjo 30 Baltijos jūros gyvūnų reabilitacijos centre slaugytų pilkųjų ruonių jauniklių. Surinktų duomenų analizė parodė, kad didžioji dauguma paleistų gyvūnų sėkmingai prisitaiko ir apsigyvena tose vietose, kur veisiasi Baltijos jūros ruonių populiacijos.Be to, tyrimai taip pat atskleidė naujų faktų apie šią rūšį, kurie, kaip tikimasi, padės ją geriau pažinti ir apsaugoti.Aut. Vaida Pilibaitytė

Vezměte pokojovou rostlinu na procházku. Jiřinka s Alenkou vám představí nenáročný pepřinec, vydáme se za borůvkami a poradíme, jak si je uchovat na zimu.

V dalším díle videopodcastu týdeníku Respekt Dělníci kultury spolu Jindřiška Bláhová, Pavel Turek a Jan H. Vitvar debatují o tom, co je v uplynulém týdnu v kultuře zaujalo a o své aktuální práci.Tentokrát došlo na:filmy Christophera Nolana Odyssea a Bohdana Karáska Mistryněturné Bad Bunnyho Debí Tirar Más Fotoszkázu sochy Josefa Klimeše Rovnováhasoutěž filmového festivalu v Benátkáchvyužívání AI v hudběseriál Ted Lasso (Aple TV)knihu Anny Burns Mostly Hero (Faber Stories) a knižní rozhovor Patrika Garaje s Denisem Bangem Všetci sme anarchisti (N Press)nová alba kapely The Strokes a zpěvačky Charli XCXvýstavy Barvy nesouhlasu (Severočeská galerie výtvarného umění v Litoměřicích), Matouš Hrbek a Arnošt Šťáva: Když ti vzadu v hlavě roste plot (M6 Gallery) a Matouš Hrbek: Slunce svoje světlo spouští (Regionální muzeum a galerie v Jičíně)Když už člověk jednou je, tak má sledovat kulturu v Respektu.

Omeletky se nechaly inspirovat nosem. Čeština má pro něj spoustu jmen: čenich, frňák, rypák, skoba. Na druhou stranu statistikové spočítali, že o nose se píše nejmíň básní. Dozvíte se, který skladatel s velkým nosem chybí na střeše Rudolfina. A že policejní identifikační program obsahuje 152 typů nosů a říká se mu frňákovník. O nosu si budeme povídat s Vaškem Šandou, uslyšíte povídku Jiřího Čutky s názvem Muška jenom… a Halina Pawlowská přidá recept na meruňkové knedlíky.

Kartais kapstinėjantis po vienos pakankamai netoli mūsų esančios šalies (ar darinio, prisistatančio ja) istorijas apima jausmas, jog dugnas iš tiesų yra tik iliuzija. Prieš nerdami į vasaros pertraukėlę, paliekame jus su dar viena true crime istorija. Ji, nepaisant savo svorio, susilaukia stebėtinai mažai dėmesio populiariojoje sąmonėje. Michailo Popkovo, o tuo pačiu, turbūt, ir jo miesto istorija rodo, ką gali sukurti institucinio puvėsio ir asmeninės moralinės degradacijos kokteilis. Norite sužinoti, koks turėtų iš tikrųjų būti pirmasis rusijos konstitucijos straipsnis, į kokius gyvūnus Tomas žiūri su įtarumu, kaip lengviausiai konstruoti pravardes žmonėms, bei kodėl su Popkovo istorija dar toli gražu nėra viskas baigta? Įsijunkite epizodą! Vaizdas: @korinavaicikone Garsai: Grand_Project, leberch, NastelBom, Pink Tara, Sonican, SoundReality ---- Gaukite išskirtinę 15% nuolaidą Saily duomenų planams! Naudokite kodą protopemza atsiskaitydami. Atsisiųskite Saily programėlę arba apsilankykite https://saily.com/protopemza 

Od pádu Saigonu letos uplynulo 51 let a od následného sjednocení Severního a Jižního Vietnamu rovné půlstoletí. Někdejší metropole Jižního Vietnamu dnes nese jméno Ho Či Minovo Město a jeho dravá ekonomika ho proměňuje k nepoznání. Mezi výškovými budovami ale stále zůstávají místa, kde se jako by zastavil čas v roce 1975.Všechny díly podcastu Zápisník zahraničních zpravodajů můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Every offseason, 49ers fans expect multiple young players to break out—but history tells us everybody can't make the leap.In this episode of The BAM Show, Wayne Breezie and Mike debate which players are primed for a breakout, who's carrying the most pressure, and who could disappoint once training camp unfolds. From Brock Purdy and Ricky Pearsall to Romello Height, Jaden Dugger, Ji'Ayir Brown, Osa Odighizuwa, and more, they separate realistic expectations from offseason hype.If you love bold takes, spirited debates, and in-depth 49ers analysis, this episode is for you.

České premiéry, ale i známé tváře. Přesně takový byl 23. ročník festivalu Colours of Ostrava. V industriálním areálu vystoupili umělci ze 23 zemí a někteří z nich měli před podiem opravdu nespočet fanoušků. Celý týden byl v Ostravě i náš hudební reportér Jiří Štefl, se kterým teď festival zhodnotíme.

Listováním deníkovými záznamy Jiřinky začalo další setkání. Pak přišly na stůl dvě Jiřinčiny kuchařské knihy a v nich recept Jiřího Krampola na americký salát.

Jana Šustová nahlédla do života druhé generace Vietnamců v rámci vietnamských večerek. Oleksandra Simochko si povídala s Ilnarou Dudash, předsedkyní organizace Ukrajinská iniciativa Jižní Moravy a ředitelkou Ukrajinského centra v Brně. Lidija Stevanović natočila rozhovor s Vladimirem Tepavčevićem, který se před více než 30-ti lety kvůli válce v Jugoslávii přestěhoval do Česka. Moderuje: Tatiana Čabáková. Připravila: Tajana Mančalová.

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: Serendipity at the Summer Palace: Inspiration Through Connection Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2026-07-18-22-34-01-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 夏天的颐和园总是那么美丽，湖水闪烁着阳光，凉亭藏在郁郁葱葱之中。En: The Xiàtiān, or summer, at the Yíhéyuán, or the Summer Palace, is always so beautiful.Zh: 湖水闪烁着阳光，凉亭藏在郁郁葱葱之中。En: The lake water sparkles in the sunlight, and the pavilions are hidden among the lush greenery.Zh: 梅走在长廊里，手里握着小巧的素描本。En: Méi walked along the long corridor, holding a small sketchbook in her hand.Zh: 她是本地的艺术家，正在寻找创作灵感。En: She is a local artist, seeking inspiration for her creations.Zh: 最近，她感到艺术的方向有些模糊。En: Lately, she felt the direction of her art had become a bit blurry.Zh: 简则是另一个故事。En: Jiǎn, on the other hand, is a different story.Zh: 他是个历史爱好者，正忙着准备一个关于颐和园的演讲。En: He is a history enthusiast, busy preparing a presentation about the Summer Palace.Zh: 他需要独特的见解来打动导师们。En: He needs unique insights to impress his mentors.Zh: 正午的太阳灼热，梅决定在湖边的一个凉亭里歇息。En: The midday sun was scorching, so Méi decided to rest in a pavilion by the lake.Zh: 不久，简也来到这里。En: Not long after, Jiǎn also arrived.Zh: 同样为了躲避炎热，他踏进凉亭时，遇见了微笑的梅。En: Seeking shelter from the heat as well, he stepped into the pavilion and met Méi with a smile.Zh: 凉风轻抚，水面微波荡漾。En: A gentle breeze stroked the surface of the water, creating tiny ripples.Zh: 梅看着简，友好地打了个招呼。En: Méi looked at Jiǎn and greeted him warmly.Zh: 简微微一笑，坐在梅旁边。En: He replied with a slight smile and sat down next to her.Zh: 他们开始谈论彼此的目的和烦恼。En: They started discussing their respective goals and troubles.Zh: 梅说：“我需要新的灵感，但最近总是觉得画不出想象中的东西。”En: Méi said, “I need new inspiration, but lately I can't seem to draw what's in my imagination.”Zh: 简回答：“我也有困难。En: Jiǎn responded, “I'm having difficulties too.Zh: 我必须准备一个重要的演讲。然而，我觉得自己缺少独特的视角。”En: I have to prepare an important presentation, yet I feel like I'm lacking a unique perspective.”Zh: 不久后，天空开始变得阴沉，一场夏季暴风雨突然来临。En: Soon after, the sky turned gloomy, and a sudden summer storm arrived.Zh: 他们一起躲在凉亭下，雨声敲击着屋顶，反而带来宁静。En: They stayed under the pavilion together, the sound of the rain tapping the roof brought a sense of tranquility.Zh: 在这样的氛围下，他们开始深入交谈。En: In this atmosphere, they began a deep conversation.Zh: 梅注意到简对于历史的热情，“也许换个角度来看颜色和历史的结合，能给我新的灵感。”En: Méi noticed Jiǎn's passion for history, “Perhaps looking at the combination of color and history from a different angle could give me new inspiration.”Zh: 简若有所思地点点头，“而你对艺术的独特理解，也许正是我在寻找的新视角。”En: Jiǎn nodded thoughtfully, “And your unique understanding of art may be the new perspective I am searching for.”Zh: 雨停后，他们都感到轻松了许多。En: After the rain stopped, they both felt much more at ease.Zh: 梅找到了她所需的灵感，开始着手新的画作。En: Méi found the inspiration she needed and began working on a new painting.Zh: 简则充满自信，准备回去完善他的演讲。En: Jiǎn, filled with confidence, prepared to go back and perfect his presentation.Zh: 自那以后，他们常在颐和园见面，分享各自的进步。En: Since then, they often met at the Summer Palace to share their progress.Zh: 从凉风习习的午后同行到黄昏时分的漫步，他们的友情渐渐升温为暖暖的情感。En: From leisurely afternoons with a cool breeze to twilight strolls, their friendship gradually warmed into a tender emotion.Zh: 梅重新找到了艺术的方向，而简也在自己的领域中获得了新的动力。En: Méi rediscovered her artistic direction, while Jiǎn found new motivation in his field.Zh: 他们都变得更加自信，对未来充满期待。En: They both became more confident and full of anticipation for the future.Zh: 颐和园那年的夏天，见证了他们的成长与相遇。En: The Summer Palace witnessed their growth and encounter that summer.Zh: 故事在此告一段落，然而，他们的旅程才刚刚开始。En: This story comes to a temporary end, but their journey has only just begun. Vocabulary Words:sparkles: 闪烁pavilions: 凉亭lush: 郁郁葱葱sketchbook: 素描本artist: 艺术家blurry: 模糊enthusiast: 爱好者presentation: 演讲insights: 见解scorching: 灼热shelter: 躲避breeze: 凉风ripples: 微波荡漾perspective: 视角gloomy: 阴沉storm: 暴风雨tranquility: 宁静combination: 结合angle: 角度motivation: 动力twilight: 黄昏strolls: 漫步anticipation: 期待atmosphere: 氛围confidence: 自信encounter: 相遇temporary: 暂时journey: 旅程unique: 独特gentle: 轻抚

Tékkneski fisflugmaðurinn Jiří Pruša flaug yfir Norðurpólinn þann 4. júlí 2026 og var það í fyrsta sinn sem fisflugvél er flogið yfir pólinn og til baka. Jiří er mikill Íslandsvinur og hafði viðkomu hér á landi á leið sinni frá pólnum og heim til Tékklands. Hann segir hér frá ferðalaginu á fisflugvélinni frá Svalbarða til Norðurpólsins, en ferðin krafðist mikils undirbúnings og það tók langan tíma að afla allra tilskilinna leyfa og uppfylla kröfur norskra flugmálayfirvalda um þjálfun og búnað. Viðtalið við Jiří var tekið á Heiði við félagsaðstöðu Fisfélag Reykjavíkur þar sem hann er alltaf aufúsugestur enda á hann orðið marga góða vini í hópi íslenskra fisflugmanna. Jiří segir frá ýmsu fleiru í þessu spjalli og m.a. frá atviki sem hann lenti í þegar fisvél hans skemmdist við lendingu á flugvellinum í Nýjadal fyrir um tveimur árum síðan, en þar komu vinir hans í Fisfélagi Reykjavíkur til bjargar.

V pondelkových letných epizódach podcastu Dobré ráno predstavuje Tatiana Čabáková Slovenky a Slovákov, ktorí sa presadili a zanechávajú výraznú stopu v českej spoločnosti. Tentoraz je jej hostkou galeristka Olga Foglar, ktorá v Prahe založila prvú súkromnú galériu súčasného umenia s medzinárodným programom. Keď v roku 2009 zakladala DSC Gallery, nadväzovala na svoje päťročné skúsenosti s výstavným projektom Sculpture Grande, v rámci ktorého predstavovala monumentálne sochy v centre Prahy. Inšpirovali ju aj skúsenosti zo zahraničia, kde mala možnosť sledovať fungovanie popredných galérií v Európe aj v New Yorku. Galéria zastupuje významných českých autorov, akými sú Jiří Georg Dokoupil, David Černý, Lubomír Typlt, Václav Cigler, Krištof Kintera či Jakub Špaňhel, a pravidelne predstavuje aj medzinárodne uznávaných umelcov, medzi nimi Jonasa Burgerta, Martina Edera, Helen Beardovú a Justina Mortimera. V rozhovore sa dozviete: ako Olga Foglar začínala v Prahe s projektom Sculpture Grande a prečo sa rozhodla ho ukončiť, prečo od začiatku chcela vybudovať galériu, ktorá bude patriť medzi najprestížnejšie výstavné priestory v Prahe, akú úlohu zohráva kvalitný kurátor pri budovaní úspešnej galérie aj kariéry umelca, čo potrebuje mladý výtvarník, aby sa dokázal presadiť, prečo práve na vysokých umeleckých školách vznikajú nové smery a trendy v súčasnom umení, ako pomáha svojim klientom budovať umelecké zbierky a prečo môže byť umenie zaujímavou investíciou. – Všetky podcasty denníka SME nájdete na⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ sme.sk/podcasty⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ – Odoberajte aj audio verziu denného newslettra⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ SME.sk⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ s najdôležitejšími správami na⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ sme.sk/brifingSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

CELÝ DÍL NAJDETE NA https://herohero.co/studion A V RÁMCI KLUBOVÉHO PŘEDPLATNÉHO DENÍKU N https://denikn.cz/podcast-studio-n/ Dvě stě padesát let po vyhlášení nezávislosti se Amerika ocitla v období hluboké politické a společenské nejistoty. Mezinárodní indexy ji postupně zařazují mimo skupinu liberálních demokracií. Spojené státy, které dlouhodobě fungovaly jako symbol západní demokracie, dnes čelí otázce, co vlastně jejich demokratický model ještě drží pohromadě. Ve společné epizodě podcastů Studio N a Amerika, bejby mluví Filip Titlbach s Barborou Chaloupkovou a Jiřím Sobotou, kteří se vrátili z třítýdenní cesty po Texasu. Podle Barbory Chaloupkové Američané jen těžko hledají společný rámec pro to, co se s jejich zemí děje. „Američané neumějí přemýšlet o propadech, neumějí jim nastavit proporci,“ říká. Jiří Sobota upozorňuje, že zároveň dochází k postupnému ústupu USA z role globálního garanta demokracie. „Amerika opouští roli, kterou hrála vůči světu,“ zaznívá v rozhovoru. Co je dnes americký sen? Je Donald Trump neporazitelný lídr? A co by na současný stav Spojených států řekli otcové zakladatelé? Podívejte se na celou epizodu, kterou jsme natáčeli v Knihovně Václava Havla. Celé díly Studia N najdete na platformě Herohero, na webu Deníku N jsou přístupné předplatitelům a předplatitelkám Klubu N. Bezplatné části zveřejňujeme v podcastových aplikacích Spotify, Apple Podcasts, Podbean či na YouTube. Sledovat nás můžete také na Instagramu.

Last time we spoke about the battle of Shanggao. From late March to early April 1940, Japanese forces attacked Shanggao in Jiangxi with a multi‑pronged offensive. Chinese commanders used elastic defense and coordinated counter-moves, trading space for time through layered positions until the Japanese advanced into prepared strongpoints. As the 34th Division moved toward the town, assaults repeatedly hit ridges and bridge lines held by the 74th Corps. Heavy air strikes caused chaos, but timely flank redeployments prevented a decisive breakthrough. During the crisis around March 21–24, Chinese units maneuvered an encirclement and executed a controlled breakout at the critical moment. After intense fighting and bombing, the Japanese were routed and fell back to their original positions. The wider war did not change, yet Shanggao proved that disciplined Chinese planning could reverse Japanese offensives against superior initiative and numbers.   #207 Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By the spring of 1941, the War of Resistance against Japan had been grinding for nearly four years, and the map of China looked increasingly like a wound. Japan controlled the coastal cities, the major river valleys, and most of the productive lowland plains of the north and east. The Nationalist government had retreated far inland to Chongqing, governing a rump state of mountainous hinterland, foreign sympathies, and diminishing resources. The war had long since ceased to look like a conventional conflict between organized fronts and had settled into something grimmer and more ambiguous — a slow war of attrition fought in the mud and rocks of the Chinese interior, punctuated by Japanese offensives designed not to end the war but to compress it, to squeeze the Nationalists tighter with each season until surrender became a rational calculation rather than a humiliation. Japan had tried other methods first. In the late 1930s, Tokyo made serious overtures to Chiang Kai-shek's government, proposing a negotiated settlement that would see China aligned with Japan and the puppet Wang Jingwei government elevated as the vehicle for that arrangement. Chiang refused. He had gambled, and would continue to gamble, that the war in Europe would eventually draw in the Western powers, that American patience with Japanese aggression would run out, and that time was ultimately on China's side. The strategy required suffering in the present to buy survival in the future. Germany's invasion of Poland in September 1939 and the subsequent expansion of war across Europe only reinforced Japan's desire to accelerate its operations in China before the international situation made them impossible. By 1940, Japan signaled it intended to resolve the "China Incident" — the bureaucratic euphemism it used to avoid officially acknowledging that it was fighting a full-scale war — once and for all. The question was where. The front was hundreds of miles long. The Japanese army in China was stretched thin despite its nominal strength. Spectacular victories in the lowlands had failed to produce the political capitulation Tokyo expected. And in the mountains of Shanxi Province, a particular irritant had been festering for three years — one that the Japanese could neither ignore nor seem to dislodge. The Zhongtiao Mountains rise along the southern edge of Shanxi Province, running roughly east to west for some two hundred miles, forming a natural wall between the loess plateaus of Shanxi and the plains of northern Henan below. The range is not dramatic by Chinese standards — it is not the soaring, cloud-piercing landscape of Sichuan or Yunnan — but it is rugged, deeply ridged, and extraordinarily difficult to move through quickly. For a defending army with knowledge of the terrain, the Zhongtiao range was close to ideal. For an attacker, especially one dependent on mechanized firepower and coordinated logistics, it was a nightmare. Chinese forces had occupied the Zhongtiao Mountains since 1938, following the fall of Taiyuan and the retreat of Nationalist forces from the broader Shanxi campaign. At a moment when much of northern China was collapsing around them, the garrison there dug in and refused to move. Over the following three years, the Japanese Army mounted thirteen separate offensives against the Zhongtiao position. All thirteen failed. The mountains held. Chinese soldiers would later call it the "Eastern Maginot Line," a nickname that was simultaneously a boast and, in retrospect, a warning — the original Maginot Line, after all, had also been considered impregnable until the enemy simply went around it. But the strategic importance of Zhongtiao went beyond prestige. The mountains commanded the northern approach to the Yellow River crossings — the great geographic boundary that separated Japanese-controlled northern China from the Nationalist-held central and western regions. From their positions in the mountains, Chinese troops could threaten Japanese supply lines, protect their own river logistics, and maintain at least a symbolic presence north of the Yellow River. As long as the Zhongtiao garrison held, Japan could not claim complete control of northern China. It was also a potential launching point for a Chinese counteroffensive, should one ever become possible. The Japanese understood this perfectly. By 1940, eliminating the Zhongtiao position had become not merely desirable but strategically necessary. The First War Zone command responsible for the Zhongtiao garrison was, at least on paper, an imposing force. Between 170,000 and 180,000 men were deployed across the mountain range and its approaches, drawn from multiple armies and organized into several large groupings. The 5th Army Group under Zeng Wanzhong held the central area. The 14th Army Group under Liu Maoen operated in the eastern sector. The 4th Army Group, known as the "Iron Pillar of Zhongtiao" for its tenacious defense of the position over three years, was stationed as the backbone of the force. Individual armies were spread across specific nodes: Pei Changhui's 9th Army at Jiyuan in northern Henan; Zhao Shiling's 43rd Army at Yuanqu at the southernmost tip of Shanxi; Tang Huaiyuan's 3rd Army and Kong Lingxun's 80th Army in the Wenxi and Xiaxian areas; Wu Shimin's 98th Army at Dongfeng Town; Wu Tinglin's 15th Army near Gaoping. The man responsible for holding all of this together was Wei Lihuang, a gifted commander and one of Chiang Kai-shek's most capable generals. Wei had organized the Zhongtiao defense from the beginning, and his strategic instincts were widely respected. He was, by most accounts, the indispensable figure in the garrison's survival. The problem was that Wei had made powerful enemies. His refusal to participate in anti-Communist friction operations — at a time when the Nationalist government was increasingly focused on neutralizing the Communists even at the cost of Japanese resistance — had alienated him from a circle of powerful rivals, including the influential Hu Zongnan. Outmaneuvered at court, Wei was summoned to Chongqing in early 1941 and, under the pretext of strategic consultations, was effectively detained at Mount Emei. He never returned to his command in the Zhongtiao Mountains. The army he had built was left without its architect. The garrison that remained was compromised far beyond its missing commander, however. Three years of static defense had created conditions that corroded military discipline in predictable and insidious ways. Supply lines were unreliable, rations were short, and the soldiers garrisoning remote mountain positions had turned, by necessity and then by habit, to the local economy to sustain themselves. A bustling illicit trade in grain and opium had sprung up across the mountain zone, with Chinese troops selling what they could and buying what they needed from merchants who operated equally comfortably on both sides of the Japanese-Chinese frontier. This was not merely a logistical failure. It meant that Japanese intelligence had abundant commercial cover to infiltrate the garrison area, that security was a fiction, and that the defensive posture of the entire force had quietly shifted from warlike readiness to something closer to bureaucratic occupation. The Japanese had not missed any of this. For months before the offensive, Japanese intelligence agents had worked their way into the garrison's supply networks, trading relationships, and eventually its command structure itself. Japanese special forces had identified key headquarters positions. Informants had mapped the positions of individual units, traced the routes between them, and assessed the readiness of the men holding them. By the spring of 1941, Japanese planners believed, with considerable justification, that they could paralyze the entire Chinese command system within an hour of opening fire. This was not boasting. It was reconnaissance. Back in Chongqing, the intelligence picture was worse than unclear — it was actively distorted. The Nationalist intelligence apparatus issued warnings about Japanese troop movements near the Zhongtiao perimeter in April 1941, but the warnings were partial, their significance disputed, and the political will to act on them absent. A series of conferences were convened at Luoyang, the regional headquarters. Fortification orders were issued. Additional supplies were promised. Almost none of the follow-through actually materialized. The garrison's most powerful formation, the 4th Army Group, had already been transferred away from the area. Its absence left a hole in the defensive line that no amount of paper orders could fill. On the Japanese side, the operation that would eliminate the Zhongtiao garrison was carefully and systematically prepared. It was codenamed the "Central Plains Campaign" — a name that reflected its true ambition, which was not merely to take a mountain range but to reshape the strategic geography of the entire region. The operation was assigned to the North China Area Army under Lieutenant General Tada Shun, an experienced commander who had studied the Zhongtiao problem for years and had a clear understanding of why previous offensives had failed. The core of the attacking force was seven divisions: the 33rd, 35th, 36th, 37th, 41st, and 21st Divisions, along with several independent mixed brigades, puppet Chinese formations, cavalry, and a substantial artillery and air component. The 3rd Air Group, operating from airfields at Yuncheng and Xinxiang, would provide tactical air support throughout the operation. In total, the frontline assault force numbered approximately 100,000 men. This was not a repeat of the previous thirteen offensives, in which the Japanese had probed and pressed at the mountains frontally. This was a comprehensive annihilation plan. Tada's design exploited the geographic shape of the Zhongtiao position itself. The Chinese garrison occupied a roughly crescent-shaped area, with its back to the Yellow River and its front facing north and east into Japanese-held territory. The obvious previous approach — attacking from the north — had failed repeatedly because the terrain favored the defenders. Tada's solution was to attack from three directions simultaneously, with the town of Yuanqu on the Yellow River as the primary objective. Yuanqu was the hinge of the entire Chinese position: it controlled the main river crossings, served as the central supply point for the garrison, and sat at the narrowest point between the mountains and the water. If Yuanqu fell, the Chinese would be cut off from their supply line and divided into two separate pockets. Then each pocket could be destroyed at leisure. To execute this, Tada organized his forces into three attack groups. The eastern group, built around Lieutenant General Harada Yukichi's 35th Division with elements of the 21st Division and the 4th Independent Cavalry Brigade — totaling roughly 25,000 men with armor, artillery, and supporting puppet forces — would drive westward along the Daoqing Road, pushing through Jiyuan and Mengxian toward the eastern flank of the Chinese position. The northeastern group, under Lieutenant General Shozo Sakurai commanding the 33rd Division and an Independent Mixed Brigade, would descend from Yangcheng southward, striking at the middle of the Chinese line. The western and northwestern group, the largest, comprising the 36th, 37th, and 41st Divisions along with the 9th and 16th Independent Mixed Brigades, would push southward from multiple points between Sangchi and Zhangdian, driving straight for Yuanqu. The final element of the plan was the most audacious. Japanese special forces and paratroopers were to land behind Chinese lines on the opening night of the offensive, targeting the Chinese headquarters and communications nodes. If the Chinese command could be blinded and paralyzed in the first hours of the battle, resistance would collapse before it could organize. Given the penetration of the garrison by Japanese intelligence, the paratroopers knew precisely where to go. From late April, Japanese forces quietly moved into their assault positions. Supply dumps were stocked. Artillery was registered on Chinese positions. The attack was set for the morning of May 7, 1941. Everything was ready. The battle opened before dawn on May 7, and it opened everywhere at once. On the eastern front, Harada's 35th Division and its attached formations crossed the start line and drove westward in three parallel columns along the Daoqing Road. More than 5,000 infantrymen, 1,000 cavalry, dozens of artillery pieces, over 100 tanks and armored vehicles, and the supporting puppet troops of Zhang Lanfeng and Liu Yanfeng poured into the Chinese-held area around Jiyuan and Mengxian. The assault had an almost mechanical quality — it moved at the pace of its armor and artillery, methodically grinding through whatever lay in its path. On the northeastern front, Sakurai's 33rd Division descended from Yangcheng with more than 10,000 men, striking at Wu Shimin's 98th Army at Dongfeng Town. Wu was one of the more aggressive Chinese commanders in the garrison, and he did not wait to be overwhelmed. He threw his forces into active resistance on multiple axes, contesting each Japanese advance rather than simply absorbing it. In the fighting around Wangcun, his troops achieved one of the campaign's rare Chinese tactical successes, routing approximately 2,000 Japanese attackers and killing more than 700, including Colonel Hamada, a Japanese regimental commander. It was a genuine local victory, but it could not change the larger picture. On the western and northwestern front, the main Japanese force pushed south with its eyes fixed on Yuanqu. The coordinated weight of three divisions and two independent brigades, all moving along converging axes, was designed to be overwhelming. Individually, a Chinese unit might hold a ridge or a pass for a day. Collectively, there was no way to stop what was coming. And that same night, as the Chinese scrambled to respond to attacks on every side, Japanese paratroopers landed near Chinese headquarters positions. They found what intelligence had promised: a command system already in disarray, staffed by officers who had received no coherent orders and had lost communications with most of their subordinate units. The Japanese were not wrong when they predicted they could paralyze the Chinese command within hours. By the morning of May 8, the Chinese First War Zone headquarters had effectively ceased to function as a coordinating body. Individual armies would fight on, but they would fight alone. The second day of the battle brought the decisive blow. On the afternoon of May 8, the 9th Army under Pei Changhui — already reeling from the pressure of the eastern Japanese columns — abandoned the cities of Ji and Meng and fell back westward. The withdrawal opened a path through the Chinese line, and the Japanese exploited it immediately. That evening, with the assistance of paratroopers who had secured key access routes overnight, Japanese forces reached Yuanqu on the Yellow River's northern bank and took it. The fall of Yuanqu changed everything. At a single stroke, the Chinese garrison's supply line from the south bank of the Yellow River was severed. The main crossing points were in Japanese hands. The two halves of the Chinese position — those to the east of Yuanqu and those to the west — were now separated, unable to reinforce one another. The double encirclement that Tada had designed on paper became a physical reality on the ground. The trap had closed. May 9 brought further disaster. Japanese forces captured Wufujian, another significant point in the Chinese rear. And on this day the battle's human cost began to register in the most stark terms possible. Wang Jun, commander of the newly formed 27th Division of Kong Lingxun's 80th Army, was killed in action fighting in the southern Shanxi mountains. Major General Chen Wenqi, deputy commander of the 24th Division, died in fierce combat near Taizhai Village. And Major General Liang Xixian, having retreated with the remnants of his force to Taizhai and found every route blocked — his options reduced to surrender or death — walked into the Yellow River and drowned himself. He was not the last Chinese officer to choose death over capture. The loss of three generals in a single day was not merely tragic. It reflected something about the nature of the battle that the casualty statistics alone could not capture: the Chinese officers who fought most fiercely and refused to abandon their positions were precisely the men dying, while the broader institutional structure that should have supported them had already failed. The garrison was being consumed from its fighting edge inward. Over the following two days, the Japanese methodically tightened the ring. The eastern column, having taken Yuanqu, split into two prongs: one drove eastward, capturing Shaoyuan by the morning of May 12 and linking up with the forces that had been pressing westward from Jiyuan; the other drove westward to Wufujian, joining with the troops already there. The inner encirclement was now complete and continuous. The Yellow River crossings along the entire Chinese front were blocked. There was no route south that wasn't already under fire or in Japanese hands. The fighting in the mountain passes was, by all accounts, ferocious. At Fengmenkou — a critical pass that both sides recognized as a key chokepoint — the Chinese 9th Army committed the main force of its newly formed 24th Division along with elements of the 54th Division, fighting for every ridge and ravine. The Japanese sent reinforcements and simply absorbed the punishment, pressing forward until numbers and artillery told. By May 12, the position at Jianshan had been surrounded as well, and the outer ring of encirclement had sealed. The Chinese armies in the Zhongtiao Mountains were now divided into isolated pockets, each fighting separately, each trying to find a gap in the Japanese lines that simply wasn't there. Beyond the mountains, the Chinese high command in Luoyang was issuing desperate orders. Units that had already been overrun were instructed to hold positions they no longer occupied. Army commanders who had lost contact with their corps were told to coordinate with formations they couldn't reach. The gap between the orders flowing from headquarters and the reality on the ground had become absolute. The First War Zone command was, in practical terms, a spectator to the destruction of its own army. Of all the days in the three-week battle, May 13 was perhaps the most devastating for Chinese morale. At Cunbu, in the western sector, the 3rd Army under Lieutenant General Tang Huaiyuan had been surrounded and cut off. Tang was among the finest officers in the Nationalist army — a career soldier of exceptional ability, admired by subordinates and superiors alike, the kind of commander who by his personal presence could steady troops on the edge of breaking. He had led the 3rd Army in continuous fighting since May 7, conducting a fighting retreat that had preserved more of his force than most. But there was nowhere left to retreat to. Cunbu was surrounded on all sides. The Yellow River was behind him. The Japanese were in front. Tang Huaiyuan sat with his surviving officers and told them that he would not surrender. Then he shot himself. He was fifty-seven years old. On the same day, Cun Xingqi, commander of the 12th Division, was hit eight times during close combat and died on the field. The tally of dead general officers had now reached five in the space of a week. Tang Huaiyuan's death, unlike the others, resonated as something more than a military loss. He was a symbol of what the Zhongtiao defense had once represented: the possibility that courage and skill could compensate for disadvantages in firepower and logistics. His death seemed to say, loudly, that that possibility was exhausted. Chiang Kai-shek, when news reached him in Chongqing, personally ordered that Tang Huaiyuan be posthumously promoted and honored. The gesture was well-intentioned and entirely beside the point. Tang was dead. His army was destroyed. The gesture could not undo either fact. With the double encirclement complete and the primary Chinese resistance broken, the Japanese Army entered the second and less dramatic but equally brutal phase of its operation: the systematic clearance of what remained. Beginning around May 15, Japanese units shifted from the headlong offensive drives of the first week to methodical sweep operations, moving through the mountain terrain in organized formations, pressing into each remaining pocket and eliminating whatever resistance they found. The Yellow River's northern bank was secured by Japanese forces who established posts at the crossing points, blocking retreat and interdicting any resupply attempt. From the western front, sweep operations continued in a series of movements that lasted until well into June, each one driving Chinese remnants further into smaller and more untenable positions. Japanese after-action reports from this period read with the clinical detachment of men doing carpentry rather than fighting: so many positions cleared, so many prisoners taken, so many bodies counted. For the surviving Chinese forces, this period was one of desperate improvisation. With coordinated resistance impossible and every organized position either taken or surrounded, the remnant armies broke up into smaller columns and attempted to find their own routes out of the encirclement. Their experiences varied enormously depending on their starting position, the initiative of their commanders, and fortune. The remnants of the 3rd Army and 15th Army, under Zeng Wanzhong of the 5th Army Group, managed to push through to Yellow River crossings in the west and get their men across to the south bank, eventually reorganizing at Luoyang and Xin'an. The 93rd Army, which had occupied positions in the northeast, shook off the Japanese pursuit with sufficient speed and organization to cross at Yumenkou and escape into Hancheng County in Shaanxi Province, preserving more of its fighting strength than most. Wu Shimin's 98th Army — whose fighting at Wangcun had been one of the campaign's genuine bright spots — was pushed northward into the Taiyue Mountains, conducting guerrilla operations as it went. Wu himself was wounded during the withdrawal and would spend months recovering; he never fully recovered his health, and would die by suicide the following year. The 43rd Army under Zhao Shiling, which had held Yuanqu before its fall, managed a fighting withdrawal toward Fushan and Yicheng in the north. Pei Changhui's 9th Army conducted several days of guerrilla operations along the Daoqing Road before finding crossings at Xiaodukou and Guanyangdukou and getting across the Yellow River to safety. By May 27, the great majority of the Zhongtiao Mountain garrison had either been destroyed, captured, or withdrawn. The mountains that had held for three years were in Japanese hands. The battle, for all practical purposes, was over. The two sides emerged from the battle with starkly different accounts of what had happened, and the gap between those accounts is itself revealing. Japanese operational records claimed that their forces had killed approximately 42,000 Chinese soldiers on the battlefield, taken around 35,000 prisoners, captured enormous quantities of weapons and supplies, and inflicted total Chinese casualties exceeding 100,000. Against this, Japanese headquarters reported their own losses as 673 killed and 2,292 wounded — a ratio so lopsided that it seemed to describe a completely different kind of warfare. Whether or not the precise numbers are accurate, Japanese sources were consistent in portraying the battle as a catastrophic one-sided rout. The Chinese government's official figures, presented to the public and to allied nations, told a very different story. Nationalist records acknowledged approximately 13,751 officers and soldiers killed, wounded, gassed, or missing, while claiming Japanese casualties of around 9,900. These numbers, by the standards of the actual fighting and the geographic scale of the defeat, strained credulity. They were the numbers of a government that needed, for political and morale reasons, to minimize a disaster it could not afford to fully acknowledge. What is beyond dispute is the strategic result. The Zhongtiao garrison, which had held for three years against thirteen prior offensives, had been destroyed in twenty days. The last significant Nationalist Chinese presence north of the Yellow River in the region had been eliminated. Japan now controlled the northern bank of the river for a substantial stretch, had secured its supply lines through southern Shanxi, and had opened the door for future pressure on Luoyang and ultimately Xi'an. The mountain barrier that had allowed Chinese forces to threaten Japanese logistics was gone. It would not be rebuilt. Six senior Chinese generals had died in the battle: Wang Jun, Chen Wenqi, Liang Xixian, Tang Huaiyuan, Cun Xingqi, and others in the fighting. Their deaths were individually remarkable — men choosing death over surrender at rate that reflected both the desperate conditions of the battle and a code of honor that many of them explicitly invoked in their final moments. They were also, in aggregate, a measure of how completely the officer corps had been consumed. In the decades since the battle, historians have returned repeatedly to the question of why a position held for three years collapsed so completely in three weeks. The answers are neither simple nor flattering to the Nationalist government, and they were debated with bitter intensity in Chongqing even while the battle was still being fought. The most immediate cause was the removal of Wei Lihuang. This was not merely the loss of a capable general — it was the destruction of the institutional knowledge and personal relationships that had made the defense function. The Zhongtiao garrison was not simply a collection of soldiers in mountain positions; it was a system, carefully constructed over three years, that depended on specific command relationships, established logistics arrangements, and particular allocation of resources. Wei had built that system. Without him, and without any adequate replacement, it became something far more brittle than it appeared. Below the level of high command, the garrison's gradual corruption was an equally powerful factor. The trading networks, the opium commerce, the penetration by Japanese intelligence — these were not incidental problems but symptoms of a deeper institutional failure. An army that has spent three years in static defensive positions, chronically undersupplied and without a meaningful offensive mission, tends toward exactly this kind of decay. The Nationalist government's decision to prioritize anti-Communist friction operations over Zhongtiao's fighting readiness had removed the 4th Army Group — the backbone of the defense — and had consumed Wei Lihuang's attention and political capital at the worst possible moment. The Japanese plan, too, deserves credit it rarely receives in Chinese accounts of the battle. The three-pronged converging attack on Yuanqu was not simply overwhelming force applied to an obvious target. It was an elegant solution to the genuine tactical puzzle that the Zhongtiao mountains presented, exploiting the garrison's geographic vulnerability with a precision that turned the defenders' mountain terrain from an asset into a trap. The use of paratroopers to decapitate the Chinese command in the opening hours was a sophisticated operational concept that worked almost exactly as designed. Tada Shun was not lucky. He was thorough. Finally, there is the question of Chiang Kai-shek's own priorities. His reported weeping upon receiving news of the defeat was genuine, in the sense that the loss clearly shocked and grieved him. But the decisions that led to the defeat — Wei Lihuang's removal, the transfer of the 4th Army Group, the neglect of fortification and resupply in the months preceding the battle — had been made in Chongqing, not in the mountains. The Zhongtiao garrison had been strategically sacrificed, piece by piece, for political calculations in the internal factional struggle between Nationalists and Communists. Whether Chiang understood the cost of those choices before May 7, 1941, is debatable. After that date, it was difficult to pretend otherwise. The fall of the Zhongtiao Mountains did not end the War of Resistance, but it substantially worsened China's strategic position in the north. Over the following months, Japan used its consolidated control of southern Shanxi to increase pressure on the Yellow River line and probe toward Luoyang. The surviving Chinese armies, reorganized south of the river, were in no position to counterattack. The mountains themselves, stripped of their garrison and secured by Japanese occupation troops, became part of the extended Japanese occupation zone — a territory to be administered and exploited rather than contested. For the men who had fought there, the battle left wounds that went beyond the physical. Entire armies had to be rebuilt from remnants. Officers who had retreated, whether under orders or on their own initiative, faced boards of inquiry in an atmosphere of recrimination and blame-seeking. Some were cashiered. Some faced criminal proceedings. The search for culpability — which was genuine enough, since the failure was genuine — tended to fall on those least able to defend themselves rather than on the senior commanders and political figures whose decisions had created the conditions for defeat. The posthumous honors awarded to Tang Huaiyuan, Liang Xixian, Wang Jun, and the other officers who died in battle were heartfelt, and they were also convenient. The heroic dead could be elevated without requiring the living to answer uncomfortable questions. Their sacrifice was real. The system that wasted it was also real. In the broader history of the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain tends to be overshadowed by more famous engagements — Shanghai, Nanjing, Taierzhuang, the later battles along the Salween. This is partly because the Chinese side lost comprehensively and had little interest in memorializing the loss, and partly because the battle's significance was more strategic than dramatic. There was no great last stand, no single moment of heroism sufficient to redeem the catastrophe. There were only men dying in mountain passes, generals walking into rivers, and an entire defensive system disintegrating under the weight of its own contradictions. What the Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain represents, in the end, is a case study in how military positions are really lost. They are rarely lost on the battlefield alone. They are lost in the staff meetings where capable commanders are removed for political reasons. They are lost in the supply depots that never get restocked. They are lost in the informal economies that grow up when institutions stop functioning. They are lost in the intelligence assessments that are written and ignored. They are lost, finally and irreversibly, in the early morning hours when the guns open simultaneously on three sides and the men at the radios discover that no one is answering.     I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On May 7, 1941, Japan opened a three-front assault on Zhongtiao Mountains; paratroopers disrupted command night. With the 9th Army withdrawing, Yuanqu fell on May 8, severing supply and trapping the garrison. Fighting raged through May 13, costing generals, until Japanese sweeps cleared pockets; survivors escaped south of Yellow River.