Podcasts about african blood brotherhood

Jordan from The Dugout continues teaching Margaret about the long history of Black antifascism that brought people to fight in the Spanish Civil War. James Yates, Mississippi to MadridSalaria Kea, “Doing Christ’s Duty”Canute Frankson’s letter from Spain (1937)“The Good Fight” (Documentary)Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln BrigadeALBA-Valb.org archivesTrussel.com, “The Peekskill Riots”National Archives & Harlem Oral History ProjectKuykendall, Ronald A. "African Blood Brotherhood: Independent Marxism During the Harlem Renaissance." Western Journal of Black Studies 26 (Spring 2002): African Blood Brotherhood. The Principles of the African Blood Brotherhood. New York: African Blood Brotherhood, David Motadel, Islam and the European Empires (2014)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jordan from The Dugout teaches Margaret about the long history of Black antifascism that brought people to fight in the Spanish Civil War. James Yates, Mississippi to MadridSalaria Kea, “Doing Christ’s Duty”Canute Frankson’s letter from Spain (1937)“The Good Fight” (Documentary)Peter N. Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln BrigadeALBA-Valb.org archivesTrussel.com, “The Peekskill Riots”National Archives & Harlem Oral History ProjectKuykendall, Ronald A. "African Blood Brotherhood: Independent Marxism During the Harlem Renaissance." Western Journal of Black Studies 26 (Spring 2002): African Blood Brotherhood. The Principles of the African Blood Brotherhood. New York: African Blood Brotherhood, David Motadel, Islam and the European Empires (2014)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

theGrio Daily's Michael Harriot hosts a discussion on "Red Flags,"  the companion podcast for theGrio Black Podcast Network's, "Harlem and Moscow."  "Harlem and Moscow" is an audio drama based on the true story of the Harlem Renaissance in the Soviet Union.    In this episode of Harlem and Moscow: Red Flags, host Michael Harriot is talking to experts about the conditions in America circa the 1930s that made the Soviet Union and Communism very appealing to Black folks in the states. We learn more about the African Blood Brotherhood, the CPUSA, and other communist movements led by Black Americans. The experts dispel myths about Black Americans' relationship to communism and dive into the history of Black workers' movements in the South. Plus we learn about the real origins of the phrase “Stay Woke,” and much more! Michael is joined by historian and author of the book “Hammer and Hoe,” Dr. Robin D.G. Kelley as well as the playwright of “Harlem and Moscow” Alle Mims. CREDITSMusic Courtesy Of:Transition “Город под подошвой”OxxxymironScady, Max Kravtsov, Erik GamansCourtesy of Sonic Librarian “Scottsboro Boys”Lead BellyThe Smithsonian Folkways CollectionSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Combining the insights of previous scholarship with information gathered from Bureau of Investigation (BOI, predecessor of the FBI) surveillance documents, Ian Szabo presents a new angle on the history of the African Blood Brotherhood (ABB), illustrating the organizations' particular synthesis of Black radical politics and Marxism, as well as revealing the racial fantasy through which contemporaneous mainstream U.S. media and the state understood its methods and goals. Read by: Luke Intro Music: ворожное озеро Гроза vwqp remix Outro Music: We are Friends Forever performed by Felix Dzerzhinsky Guards Regiment.

When the U.S. entered World War I, W.E.B. DuBois and Tulsa lawyer B.C. Franklin saw a rare opportunity: Black Americans serving in the military might finally persuade white citizens that they deserved equal respect. But the discrimination they faced in civilian life continued in the trenches and on the homefront. After the war, white mobs plundered and burned Black neighborhoods throughout the country. And during the “Red Summer” of 1919, whites lynched more than 80 people, including Black veterans. Groups like the African Blood Brotherhood responded by urging people to defend themselves — with force, if necessary. On May 31, 1921 the fight arrived in Greenwood.

This episode contains descriptions of graphic violence and racially offensive language. When the U.S. entered World War I, W.E.B. DuBois and Tulsa lawyer B.C. Franklin saw a rare opportunity: Black Americans serving in the military might finally persuade white citizens that they deserved equal respect. But the discrimination they faced in civilian life continued in the trenches and on the homefront. After the war, white mobs plundered and burned Black neighborhoods throughout the country. And during the “Red Summer” of 1919, whites lynched more than 80 people, including Black veterans. Groups like the African Blood Brotherhood responded by urging people to defend themselves — with force, if necessary. On May 31, 1921 the fight arrived in Greenwood.

William Monroe Trotter was among the richest, best-educated, and most-well-connected African-American men in the United States--and he dedicated every ounce of his privilege into helping his fellow black Americans. By 1919, he had fought with the elder statesmen of his community, been arrested in protests over "Birth of a Nation," and denounced Woodrow Wilson's racial policies to president's face. But 1919 would bring one of Trotter's greatest challenges: he would need to learn how to peel potatoes. William Monroe Trotter was one of the most significant civil rights leaders in Amerian history, yet he is little remembered today. Trotter crossed the Atlantic on the SS Yarmouth as assistant cook--a strange position for a Harvard graduate with two degrees and a Phi Beta Kappa key. Trotter's father James Monroe Trotter fought in the 55th Massachusetts Infantry Regiment during the Civil War. Afterward, he served as the first Recorder of Deeds for the District of Columbia, a lucrative position where he earned a small fortune. James' only son William would inherit both wealth and influence, but James insisted that this privilege should be employed to fight for African-American rights. In 1899, William Monroe Trotter married Geraldine Pindell, known by friends and family as Deenie. She was passionate about civil rights as her husband. A year after his marriage, Trotter decided to fulfill the mission laid upon him by his father by publishing a newspaper, The Guardian. The weekly was dedicated to exposing racial issues across the United States.

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 18th 2019, Episode number 15 N.B.A. Shownotes 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America - The New York Times Mon, 18 Nov 2019 12:50 In Hollywood, Harriet Tubman is played in a new movie by a black British woman, much to the annoyance of some black Americans. On the United States census, an ultrawealthy Nigerian immigrant and a struggling African-American woman from the South are expected to check the same box. When many American universities tout their diversity numbers, black students who were born in the Bronx and the Bahamas are counted as the same. A spirited debate is playing out in black communities across America over the degree to which identity ought to be defined by African heritage '-- or whether ancestral links to slavery are what should count most of all. Tensions between black Americans who descended from slavery and black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean are not new, but a group of online agitators is trying to turn those disagreements into a political movement. They want colleges, employers and the federal government to prioritize black Americans whose ancestors toiled in bondage, and they argue that affirmative action policies originally designed to help the descendants of slavery in America have largely been used to benefit other groups, including immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean. The American descendants of slavery, they say, should have their own racial category on census forms and college applications, and not be lumped in with others with similar skin color but vastly different lived experiences. The group, which calls itself ADOS, for the American Descendants of Slavery, is small in number, with active supporters estimated to be in the thousands. But the discussion they are provoking is coursing through conversations far and wide. Those who embrace its philosophy point to disparities between black people who immigrated to the United States voluntarily, and others whose ancestors were brought in chains. Roughly 10 percent of the 40 million black people living in the United States were born abroad, according to the Pew Research Center, up from 3 percent in 1980. African immigrants are more likely to have college degrees than blacks and whites who were born in the United States. A 2007 study published in the American Journal of Education found that 41 percent of black freshmen at Ivy League colleges were immigrants or the children of immigrants, even though those groups represent 13 percent of the black population in the United States. In 2017, black students at Cornell University protested for the admission of more ''underrepresented black students,'' who they defined as black Americans with several generations in the United States. ''There is a lack of investment in black students whose families were affected directly by the African Holocaust in America,'' the students wrote to the president of the university. University administrators say that black students from other countries contribute to increased diversity on campus, even if their admittance does not mitigate the injustices of American slavery. Many black immigrant groups are also descended from slavery in other countries. The film producer Tariq Nasheed is among the outspoken defenders of the idea that the American descendants of slavery should have their own ethnic identity. ''Every other group when they get here goes out of their way to say, 'I'm Jamaican. I'm Nigerian. I'm from Somalia,''' he said. ''But when we decide to say, 'O.K. We are a distinct ethnic group,' people look at that as negative.'' This year, responding to requests for ''more detailed, disaggregated data for our diverse American experience,'' the Census Bureau announced that African-Americans will be able to list their origins on census forms for the first time, instead of simply checking ''Black.'' The goal of ADOS's two founders '-- Antonio Moore, a Los Angeles defense attorney, and Yvette Carnell, a former aide to Democratic lawmakers in Washington '-- is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Embracing their role as insurgents, Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell held their first national conference in October, and have made reparations for the brutal system of slavery upon which the United States was built a key tenet of their platform. Their movement has also become a lightning rod for criticism on the left. Its skepticism of immigration sometimes strikes a tone similar to that of President Trump. And the group has fiercely attacked the Democratic Party, urging black voters to abstain from voting for the next Democratic presidential nominee unless he or she produces a specific economic plan for the nation's ADOS population. Such tactics have led some to accuse the group of sowing division among African-Americans and engaging in a form of voter suppression not unlike the voter purges and gerrymandering efforts pushed by some Republicans. ''Not voting will result in another term of Donald Trump,'' said Brandon Gassaway, national press secretary of the Democratic National Committee. Shireen Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, has been embroiled in an online battle with ADOS activists for months. Ms. Mitchell contends that the group's leaders are ''using reparations as a weapon'' to make Mr. Trump more palatable to black voters. Others have pointed out that Ms. Carnell once appeared on her YouTube channel in a ''Make America Great Again'' hat. Image Attendees take selfies with ADOS founder Yvette Carnell at the group's inaugural conference in Louisville, Ky. in October. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The goal of the group's two founders is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The founders of ADOS have described the group as nonpartisan, but the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image Marianne Williamson, who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a presidential candidate, attended the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Over a thousand people attended the group's first national conference, hosted by Simmons College of Kentucky. Guest speakers included Marianne Williamson, a white self-help author who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a minor Democratic presidential candidate, as well as Cornel West, a black Harvard professor who said ADOS is giving a voice to working-class black people. [Read more about how Farah Stockman reported on the American Descendants of Slavery.] Tara Perry, a 35-year-old paralegal, was among the attendees. A former employee of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center, which used to count the number of black laborers at construction sites, Ms. Perry said she believed that the influx of Mexican immigrants had made it more difficult for black men to find construction jobs in the city. ''People call us divisive. We're not divisive. We're self-interested,'' said Ms. Perry, adding that she was prepared to see Mr. Trump re-elected. Critics consider the movement a Trojan horse meant to infiltrate the black community with a right-wing agenda, and question why the group would target Democrats, who have been far more open to discussions of reparations. ''You are willing to let Donald Trump win, who clearly says he doesn't see reparations happening?'' asked Talib Kweli Greene, a rapper and activist who has become a vocal opponent of the group. ''Get out of here!'' Recently, Hollywood has become the source of much of the frustration around the dividing line between United States-born African-Americans and black immigrants. When the black British actress Cynthia Erivo was hired to play the abolitionist Harriet Tubman, the casting received immediate backlash. Similarly, the filmmaker Jordan Peele has been criticized for hiring Lupita Nyong'o, who is Kenyan, and Daniel Kaluuya, who is British, to play African-American characters in his movies. But Mr. Moore, 39, and Ms. Carnell, 44, say they are not scapegoating black immigrants or trying to lead black voters astray. They say they are merely demanding something tangible from Democrats in exchange for votes and trying to raise awareness around the economic struggles of many black Americans. Ms. Carnell said she learned of the huge disparities in inherited wealth that left black Americans with a tiny share of the economic pie by reading reports, including an Institute for Policy Studies report that predicted the median wealth of black families would drop to zero by 2053. Mr. Moore had been talking about some of the same studies on his own YouTube channel. The two joined forces in 2016 and coined the term ADOS, which spread as a hashtag on social media. Image From front left to back left, Ms. Carnell, Cornel West and Antonio Moore before the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times ''What they have done is taken the racial wealth divide field out of academia and packaged it under a populist hashtag,'' said Dedrick Asante-Muhammad, of the Institute for Policy Studies. Mr. Asante-Muhammad lamented that the rhetoric of the movement comes off as anti-immigrant and said that Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell ''over-dramatize'' the impact of African immigrants on the wealth and opportunities available to black Americans. William Darity Jr., a professor at Duke University, has written a series of reports about wealth inequality cited by Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell. In one report, Dr. Darity found that the median net worth of white households in Los Angeles was $355,000, compared with $4,000 for black Americans. African immigrants in the city had a median net worth of $72,000. Dr. Darity's research also shows that not all immigrant groups are wealthy. Dr. Darity did not attend the recent conference in Kentucky, but he said he saw ADOS as a social justice movement on behalf of a segment of the black population that is being left behind. But not everyone agrees with Dr. Darity's view that empowering disadvantaged African-Americans is the extent of the group's message. Some who have used the hashtag have used racist, violent language when going after their detractors. Ms. Carnell once defended the term ''blood and soil,'' a Nazi slogan, on Twitter. Ms. Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, said she was harassed online by the group's supporters after she mentioned ADOS on Joy Reid's MSNBC show in a segment about Russian disinformation campaigns. During the segment, Ms. Mitchell implied that ADOS was made up of Russian bots impersonating real black people online. After the segment aired, the group's supporters harassed Ms. Mitchell as well as Ms. Reid, who they noted was born to immigrants. ''If you do not agree with them, or acknowledge their existence, they go after you,'' Ms. Mitchell said. Ms. Carnell has also been criticized for her past service on the board of Progressives for Immigration Reform, an anti-immigration group that has received funding from a foundation linked to John Tanton, who was referred to as ''the puppeteer'' of the nation's nativist movement by the Southern Poverty Law Center. A September newsletter from Progressives for Immigration Reform touted the growing political clout of ADOS and praised it as ''a movement that understands the impact unbridled immigration has had on our country's most vulnerable workers.'' This summer, ADOS ignited a flurry of criticism after Ms. Carnell complained that Senator Kamala Harris, Democrat of California, was running for president as an African-American candidate but had failed to put forth an agenda for black people. She noted that Ms. Harris is the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father. Critics quickly accused Ms. Carnell of ''birtherism'' and xenophobia. And although Ms. Carnell and Mr. Moore say ADOS is a nonpartisan movement, the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. ''I like #ADOS,'' Ann Coulter, a white conservative commentator, wrote on Twitter. ''But I think it should be #DOAS '-- Descendants of American slaves. Not Haitian slaves, not Moroccan slaves.'' At the conference in Kentucky, supporters pushed back against the idea that they were anti-immigrant or surrogates of the president's agenda. ''We're not xenophobes,'' said Mark Stevenson, a director of talent acquisition in the Navy who said he founded an ADOS chapter in Columbus, Ohio, this summer. ''If you ask somebody who is Latino what is their heritage, they'll tell you they are Puerto Rican or Dominican or Cuban.'' ''This is our heritage,'' he added. ''I don't see the issue.'' Farah Stockman Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:06 Latest Search Search Latest Articles Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pa­ses que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Search Articles 114 results for sorted by Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pa­ses que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Shireen Mitchell - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Shireen Mitchell is an American entrepreneur, author, technology analyst and diversity strategist. She founded Digital Sisters/Sistas, Inc.,[1] the first organization dedicated to bringing women and girls of color online and Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW),[2] a project that addresses laws and policies to provide protections for women while online. Career [ edit ] Shireen Mitchell began designing bulletin board systems and gopher (protocol) sites prior to the advent of websites. She was the webmaster for PoliticallyBlack.com, a site that was sold to Netivation (NTVN)[3] a large media company as one of the web transactions in the late 1990s that later went public.[4] Mitchell formed the first woman of color web management firm in 1997, the Mitchell Holden Group (MHG). She then founded Digital Sisters/Sistas in 1999, first as a website and then an advocacy and training organization that focuses on technology, new media and diversity. Digital Sisters was the first organization created specifically to help women and girls of color get into the STEM field and use technology in their daily lives. In 2010, she formed Tech Media Swirl LLC, a digital social strategy company focused integrated media strategies for outreach to diverse communities. In 2013, she founded Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW). The project highlights diverse voices of women, and in particular, women of color. Honors and awards [ edit ] Eelan Media, Top 100 Most Influential Black People on digital/social media,[5] 2014DC Inno, Top Ten Influencers in Social Media,[6] 2012Fast Company Most Influential Women in Tech,[7] 2010Washingtonian's Tech Titans,[8] 2009The Root, 100 African-American Leaders of Excellence,[9] 2009Published works [ edit ] Gaining Daily Access to Science and Technology, 50 Ways to Improve Women's Lives . Inner Ocean Publishing. 21 June 2007. ISBN 978-1-930722-45-3. References [ edit ] External links [ edit ] Digital SistersStop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW) Comcast Shouldn't Challenge the Civil Rights Act of 1866 | Fortune Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Sign Up for Our Newsletters Sign up now to receive FORTUNE's best content, special offers, and much more. Subscribe Marcus Garvey - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:04 Jamaica-born British political activist, Pan-Africanist, orator, and entrepreneur Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr. ONH (17 August 1887 '' 10 June 1940) was a Jamaican political activist, publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, and orator. He was the founder and first President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL, commonly known as UNIA), through which he declared himself Provisional President of Africa. Ideologically a black nationalist and Pan-Africanist, his ideas came to be known as Garveyism. Garvey was born to a moderately prosperous Afro-Jamaican family in Saint Ann's Bay, Colony of Jamaica and apprenticed into the print trade as a teenager. Working in Kingston, he became involved in trade unionism before living briefly in Costa Rica, Panama, and England. Returning to Jamaica, he founded UNIA in 1914. In 1916, he moved to the United States and established a UNIA branch in New York City's Harlem district. Emphasising unity between Africans and the African diaspora, he campaigned for an end to European colonial rule across Africa and the political unification of the continent. He envisioned a unified Africa as a one-party state, governed by himself, that would enact laws to ensure black racial purity. Although he never visited the continent, he was committed to the Back-to-Africa movement, arguing that many African-Americans should migrate there. Garveyist ideas became increasingly popular and UNIA grew in membership. However, his black separatist views'--and his collaboration with white racist groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to advance their shared interest in racial separatism'--divided Garvey from other prominent African-American civil rights activists such as W. E. B. Du Bois who promoted racial integration. Committed to the belief that African-Americans needed to secure financial independence from white-dominant society, Garvey launched various businesses in the U.S., including the Negro Factories Corporation and Negro World newspaper. In 1919, he became President of the Black Star Line shipping and passenger company, designed to forge a link between North America and Africa and facilitate African-American migration to Liberia. In 1923 Garvey was convicted of mail fraud for selling its stock and imprisoned in the Atlanta State Penitentiary. Many commentators have argued that the trial was politically motivated; Garvey blamed Jewish people, claiming that they were prejudiced against him because of his links to the KKK. Deported to Jamaica in 1927, where he settled in Kingston with his wife Amy Jacques, Garvey continued his activism and established the People's Political Party in 1929, briefly serving as a city councillor. With UNIA in increasing financial difficulty, in 1935 he relocated to London, where his anti-socialist stance distanced him from many of the city's black activists. He died there in 1940, although in 1964 his body was returned to Jamaica for reburial in Kingston's National Heroes Park. Garvey was a controversial figure. Many in the African diasporic community regarded him as a pretentious demagogue and were highly critical of his collaboration with white supremacists, his violent rhetoric, and his prejudice against mixed-race people and Jews. He nevertheless received praise for encouraging a sense of pride and self-worth among Africans and the African diaspora amid widespread poverty, discrimination, and colonialism. He is seen as a national hero in Jamaica, and his ideas exerted a considerable influence on movements like Rastafari, the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement. Early life [ edit ] Childhood: 1887''1904 [ edit ] A statue of Garvey now stands in Saint Ann's Bay, the town where he was born Marcus Mosiah Garvey was born on 17 August 1887 in Saint Ann's Bay, a town in the Colony of Jamaica. In the context of colonial Jamaican society, which had a colourist social hierarchy, Garvey was considered at the lowest end, being a black child who believed he was of full African ancestry; later genetic research nevertheless revealed that he had some Iberian ancestors.[3] Garvey's paternal great-grandfather had been born into slavery prior to its abolition in the British Empire. His surname, which was of Irish origin, had been inherited from his family's former owners. His father, Malchus Garvey, was a stonemason; his mother, Sarah Richards, was a domestic servant and the daughter of peasant farmers. Malchus had had two previous partners before Sarah, siring six children between them. Sarah bore him four additional children, of whom Marcus was the youngest, although two died in infancy. Because of his profession, Malchus' family were wealthier than many of their peasant neighbours; they were petty bourgeoise. Malchus was however reckless with his money and over the course of his life lost most of the land he owned to meet payments. Malchus had a book collection and was self-educated; he also served as an occasional layman at a local Wesleyan church. Malchus was an intolerant and punitive father and husband; he never had a close relationship with his son. Up to the age of 14, Garvey attended a local church school; further education was unaffordable for the family. When not in school, Garvey worked on his maternal uncle's tenant farm. He had friends, with whom he once broke the windows of a church, resulting in his arrest. Some of his friends were white, although he found that as they grew older they distanced themselves from him; he later recalled that a close childhood friend was a white girl: "We were two innocent fools who never dreamed of a race feeling and problem." In 1901, Marcus was apprenticed to his godfather, a local printer. In 1904, the printer opened another branch at Port Maria, where Garvey began to work, traveling from Saint Ann's Bay each morning. Early career in Kingston: 1905''1909 [ edit ] In 1905 he moved to Kingston, where he boarded in Smith Village, a working class neighbourhood. In the city, he secured work with the printing division of the P.A. Benjamin Manufacturing Company. He rose quickly through the company ranks, becoming their first Afro-Jamaican foreman. His sister and mother, by this point estranged from his father, moved to join him in the city. In January 1907, Kingston was hit by an earthquake that reduced much of the city to rubble. He, his mother, and his sister were left to sleep in the open for several months. In March 1908, his mother died. While in Kingston, Garvey converted to Roman Catholicism. Garvey became a trade unionist and took a leading role in the November 1908 print workers' strike. The strike was broken several weeks later and Garvey was sacked. Henceforth branded a troublemaker, Garvey was unable to find work in the private sector. He then found temporary employment with a government printer. As a result of these experiences, Garvey became increasingly angry at the inequalities present in Jamaican society. Garvey involved himself with the National Club, Jamaica's first nationalist organisation, becoming its first assistant secretary in April 1910. The group campaigned to remove the British Governor of Jamaica, Sydney Olivier, from office, and to end the migration of Indian "coolies", or indentured workers, to Jamaica, as they were seen as a source of economic competition by the established population. With fellow Club member Wilfred Domingo he published a pamphlet expressing the group's ideas, The Struggling Mass. In early 1910, Garvey began publishing a magazine, Garvey's Watchman'--its name a reference to George William Gordon's The Watchman'--although it only lasted three issues. He claimed it had a circulation of 3000, although this was likely an exaggeration. Garvey also enrolled in elocution lessons with the radical journalist Robert J. Love, whom Garvey came to regard as a mentor. With his enhanced skill at speaking in a Standard English manner, he entered several public speaking competitions. Travels abroad: 1910''1914 [ edit ] Economic hardship in Jamaica led to growing emigration from the island. In mid-1910, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where an uncle had secured him employment as a timekeeper on a large banana plantation in the Lim"n Province owned by the United Fruit Company (UFC). Shortly after his arrival, the area experienced strikes and unrest in opposition to the UFC's attempts to cut its workers' wages. Although as a timekeeper he was responsible for overseeing the manual workers, he became increasingly angered at how they were treated. In the spring of 1911 be launched a bilingual newspaper, Nation/La Naci"n, which criticised the actions of the UFC and upset many of the dominant strata of Costa Rican society in Lim"n. His coverage of a local fire, in which he questioned the motives of the fire brigade, resulted in him being brought in for police questioning. After his printing press broke, he was unable to replace the faulty part and terminated the newspaper. In London, Garvey spent time in the Reading Room of the British Museum Garvey then travelled through Central America, undertaking casual work as he made his way through Honduras, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. While in the port of Col"n in Panama, he set up a new newspaper, La Prensa ("The Press"). In 1911, he became seriously ill with a bacterial infection and decided to return to Kingston. He then decided to travel to London, the administrative centre of the British Empire, in the hope of advancing his informal education. In the spring of 1912 he sailed to England. Renting a room along Borough High Street in South London, he visited the House of Commons, where he was impressed by the politician David Lloyd George. He also visited Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park and began speaking there. There were only a few thousand black people in London at the time, and they were often viewed as exotic; most worked as labourers. Garvey initially gained piecemeal work labouring in the city's dockyards. In August 1912, his sister Indiana joined him in London, where she worked as a domestic servant. In early 1913 he was employed as a messenger and handyman for the African Times and Orient Review, a magazine based in Fleet Street that was edited by Dus(C) Mohamed Ali. The magazine advocated Ethiopianism and home rule for British-occupied Egypt. In 1914, Mohamed Ali began employing Garvey's services as a writer for the magazine. He also took several evening classes in law at Birkbeck College in Bloomsbury. Garvey planned a tour of Europe, spending time in Glasgow, Paris, Monte Carlo, Boulogne, and Madrid. During the trip, he was briefly engaged to a Spanish-Irish heiress. Back in London, he wrote an article on Jamaica for the Tourist magazine, and spent time reading in the library of the British Museum. There he discovered Up from Slavery, a book by the African-American entrepreneur and activist Booker T. Washington. Washington's book heavily influenced him. Now almost financially destitute and deciding to return to Jamaica, he unsuccessfully asked both the Colonial Office and the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines' Protection Society to pay for his journey. After managing to save the funds for a fare, he boarded the SS Trent in June 1914 for a three-week journey across the Atlantic. En route home, Garvey talked with an Afro-Caribbean missionary who had spent time in Basutoland and taken a Basuto wife. Discovering more about colonial Africa from this man, Garvey began to envision a movement that would politically unify black people of African descent across the world. Organization of UNIA [ edit ] Forming UNIA: 1914''1916 [ edit ] To the cultured mind the bulk of our [i.e. black] people are contemptible['...] Go into the country parts of Jamaica and you will see there villainy and vice of the worst kind, immorality, obeah and all kinds of dirty things['...] Kingston and its environs are so infested with the uncouth and vulgar of our people that we of the cultured class feel positively ashamed to move about. Well, this society [UNIA] has set itself the task to go among the people['...] and raise them to the standard of civilised approval. '-- Garvey, from a 1915 Collegiate Hall speech published in the Daily Chronicle Garvey arrived back in Jamaica in July 1914. There, he saw his article for Tourist republished in The Gleaner. He began earning money selling greeting and condolence cards which he had imported from Britain, before later switching to selling tombstones. Also in July 1914, Garvey launched the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, commonly abbreviated as UNIA. Adopting the motto of "One Aim. One God. One Destiny", it declared its commitment to "establish a brotherhood among the black race, to promote a spirit of race pride, to reclaim the fallen and to assist in civilising the backward tribes of Africa." Initially, it had only few members. Many Jamaicans were critical of the group's prominent use of the term "Negro", a term which was often employed as an insult: Garvey, however, embraced the term in reference to black people of African descent. Garvey became UNIA's president and travelling commissioner; it was initially based out of his hotel room in Orange Street, Kingston. It portrayed itself not as a political organisation but as a charitable club, focused on work to help the poor and to ultimately establish a vocational training college modelled on Washington's Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Garvey wrote to Washington and received a brief, if encouraging reply; Washington died shortly after. UNIA officially expressed its loyalty to the British Empire, King George V, and the British effort in the ongoing First World War. In April 1915 Brigadier General L. S. Blackden lectured to the group on the war effort; Garvey endorsed Blackden's calls for more Jamaicans to sign up to fight for the Empire on the Western Front. The group also sponsored musical and literary evenings as well as a February 1915 elocution contest, at which Garvey took first prize. In August 1914, Garvey attended a meeting of the Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, where he met Amy Ashwood, recently graduated from the Westwood Training College for Women. She joined UNIA and rented a better premises for them to use as their headquarters, secured using her father's credit. She and Garvey embarked on a relationship, which was opposed by her parents. In 1915 they secretly became engaged. When she suspended the engagement, he threatened to commit suicide, at which she resumed it. I was openly hated and persecuted by some of these colored men of the island who did not want to be classified as Negroes but as white. '-- Garvey, on how he was received in Jamaica Garvey attracted financial contributions from many prominent patrons, including the Mayor of Kingston and the Governor of Jamaica, William Manning. By appealing directly to Jamaica's white elite, Garvey had skipped the brown middle-classes, comprising those who were classified as mulattos, quadroons, and octoroons. They were generally hostile to Garvey, regarding him as a pretentious social climber and being annoyed at his claim to be part of the "cultured class" of Jamaican society. Many also felt that he was unnecessarily derogatory when describing black Jamaicans, with letters of complaint being sent into the Daily Chronicle after it published one of Garvey's speeches in which he referred to many of his people as "uncouth and vulgar". One complainant, a Dr Leo Pink, related that "the Jamaican Negro can not be reformed by abuse". After unsubstantiated allegations began circling that Garvey was diverting UNIA funds to pay for his own personal expenses, the group's support began to decline. He became increasingly aware of how UNIA had failed to thrive in Jamaica and decided to migrate to the United States, sailing there aboard the SS Tallac in March 1916. To the United States: 1916''1918 [ edit ] The UNIA flag, a tricolour of red, black, and green. According to Garvey, the red symbolises the blood of martyrs, the black symbolises the skin of Africans, and the green represents the vegetation of the land. Arriving in the United States, Garvey began lodging with a Jamaican expatriate family living in Harlem, a largely black area of New York City. He began lecturing in the city, hoping to make a career as a public speaker, although at his first public speech was heckled and fell off the stage. From New York City, he embarked on a U.S. speaking tour, crossing 38 states. At stopovers on his journey he listened to preachers from the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Black Baptist churches. While in Alabama, he visited the Tuskegee Institute and met with its new leader, Robert Russa Moton. After six months traveling across the U.S. lecturing, he returned to New York City. In May 1917, Garvey launched a New York branch of UNIA. He declared membership open to anyone "of Negro blood and African ancestry" who could pay the 25 cents a month membership fee. He joined many other speakers who spoke on the street, standing on step-ladders; he often did so on Speakers' Corner in 135th Street. In his speeches, he sought to reach across to both black West Indian migrants like himself and native African-Americans. Through this, he began to associate with Hubert Harrison, who was promoting ideas of black self-reliance and racial separatism. In June, Garvey shared a stage with Harrison at the inaugural meeting of the latter's Liberty League of Negro-Americans. Through his appearance here and at other events organised by Harrison, Garvey attracted growing public attention. After the U.S. entered the First World War in April 1917, Garvey initially signed up to fight but was ruled physically unfit to do so. He later became an opponent of African-American involvement in the conflict, following Harrison in accusing it of being a "white man's war". In the wake of the East St. Louis Race Riots in May to July 1917, in which white mobs targeted black people, Garvey began calling for armed self-defense. He produced a pamphlet, "The Conspiracy of the East St Louis Riots", which was widely distributed; proceeds from its sale went to victims of the riots. The Bureau of Investigation began monitoring him, noting that in speeches he employed more militant language than that used in print; it for instance reported him expressing the view that "for every Negro lynched by whites in the South, Negroes should lynch a white in the North." By the end of 1917, Garvey had attracted many of Harrison's key associates in his Liberty League to UNIA. He also secured the support of the journalist John Edward Bruce, agreeing to step down from the group's presidency in favor of Bruce. Bruce then wrote to Dus(C) Mohamed Ali to learn more about Garvey's past. Mohamed Ali responded with a negative assessment of Garvey, suggesting that he simply used UNIA as a money-making scheme. Bruce read this letter to a UNIA meeting and put pressure on Garvey's position. Garvey then resigned from UNIA, establishing a rival group that met at Old Fellows Temple. He also launched legal proceedings against Bruce and other senior UNIA members, with the court ruling that the group's name and membership'--now estimated at around 600'--belonged to Garvey, who resumed control over it. The growth of UNIA: 1918''1921 [ edit ] In 1918, UNIA membership grew rapidly. In June that year it was incorporated, and in July a commercial arm, the African Communities' League, filed for incorporation. Garvey envisioned UNIA establishing an import-and-export business, a restaurant, and a launderette. He also proposed raising the funds to secure a permanent building as a base for the group. In April 1918, Garvey launched a weekly newspaper, the Negro World, which Cronon later noted remained "the personal propaganda organ of its founder". Financially, it was backed by philanthropists like Madam C. J. Walker, but six months after its launch was pursuing a special appeal for donations to keep it afloat. Various journalists took Garvey to court for his failure to pay them for their contributions, a fact much publicised by rival publications; at the time, there were over 400 black-run newspapers and magazines in the U.S. Unlike may of these, Garvey refused to feature adverts for skin-lightening and hair-straightening products, urging black people to "take the kinks out of your mind, instead of out of your hair". By the end of its first year, the circulation of Negro World was nearing 10,000; copies circulated not only in the US, but also in the Caribbean, Central, and South America. In April 1918, Garvey's UNIA began publishing the Negro World newspaper Garvey appointed his old friend Domingo, who had also arrived in New York City, as the newspaper's editor. However, Domingo's socialist views alarmed Garvey who feared that they would imperil UNIA. Garvey had Domingo brought before UNIA's nine-person executive committee, where he was accused of writing editorials professing ideas at odds with UNIA's message. Domingo resigned several months later; he and Garvey henceforth became enemies. In September 1918, Ashwood sailed from Panama to be with Garvey, arriving in New York City in October. In November, she became General Secretary of UNIA. At UNIA gatherings, she was responsible for reciting black-authored poetry, as was the actor Henrietta Vinton Davis, who had also joined the movement. After the First World War ended, President Woodrow Wilson declared his intention to present a 14-point plan for world peace at the forthcoming Paris Peace Conference. Garvey was among the African-Americans who formed the International League of Darker Peoples which sought to lobby Wilson and the conference to give greater respect to the wishes of people of colour; their delegates nevertheless were unable to secure the travel documentation. At Garvey's prompting, UNIA sent a young Haitian, Elizier Cadet, as its delegate to the conference. The world leaders who met at the conference nevertheless largely ignored such perspectives, instead reaffirming their support for European colonialism. In the U.S., many African-Americans who had served in the military refused to return to their more subservient role in society and throughout 1919 there were various racial clashes throughout the country. The government feared that black people would be encouraged to revolutionary behavior following the October Revolution in Russia, and in this context, military intelligence ordered Major Walter Loving to investigate Garvey. Loving's report concluded that Garvey was a "very able young man" who was disseminating "clever propaganda". The BOI's J. Edgar Hoover decided that Garvey was worthy of deportation and decided to include him in their Palmer Raids launched to deport subversive non-citizens. The BOI presented Garvey's name to the Labor Department under Louis F. Post to ratify the deportation but Post's department refused to do so, stating that the case against Garvey was not proven. Success and obstacles [ edit ] Garvey speaking at Liberty Hall in 1920 UNIA grew rapidly and in just over 18 months it had branches in 25 U.S. states, as well as divisions in the West Indies, Central America, and West Africa. The exact membership is not known, although Garvey'--who often exaggerated numbers'--claimed that by June 1919 it had two million members. It remained smaller than the better established National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), although there was some crossover in membership of the two groups. The NAACP and UNIA differed in their approach; while the NAACP was a multi-racial organisation which promoted racial integration, UNIA was a black-only group. The NAACP focused its attention on what it termed the "talented tenth" of the African-American population, such as doctors, lawyers, and teachers, whereas UNIA emphasized the image of a mass organisation and included many poorer people and West Indian migrants in its ranks. NAACP supporters accused Garvey of stymieing their efforts at bringing about racial integration in the U.S. Garvey was dismissive of the NAACP leader W. E. B. Du Bois, and in one issue of the Negro World called him a "reactionary under [the] pay of white men". Du Bois generally tried to ignore Garvey, regarding him as a demagogue, but at the same time wanted to learn all he could about Garvey's movement. In 1921, Garvey twice reached out to DuBois, asking him to contribute to UNIA publications, but the offer was rebuffed. Their relationship became acrimonious; in 1923, DuBois described Garvey as "a little fat black man, ugly but with intelligent eyes and big head". By 1924, Grant suggested, the two hated each other. To promote his views to a wide audience, Garvey took to shouting slogans from a megaphone as he was driven through Harlem in a Cadillac. UNIA established a restaurant and ice cream parlour at 56 West 135th Street, and also launched a millinery store selling hats. With an increased income coming in through UNIA, Garvey moved to a new residence at 238 West 131st Street; in 1919, a young middle-class Jamaican migrant, Amy Jacques, became his personal secretary. UNIA also obtained a partially-constructed church building in Harlem, which Garvey named "Liberty Hall" after its namesake in Dublin, Ireland, which had been established during the Easter Rising of 1916. The adoption of this name reflected Garvey's fascination for the Irish independence movement. Liberty Hall's dedication ceremony was held in July 1919. Garvey also organised the African Legion, a group of uniformed men who would attend UNIA parades; a secret service was formed from Legion members, providing Garvey with intelligence about group members. The formation of the Legion further concerned the BOI, who sent their first full-time black agent, James Wormley Jones, to infiltrate UNIA.In January 1920, Garvey incorporated the Negro Factories League.According to Grant, a personality cult had grown up around Garvey within the UNIA movement; life-size portraits of him hung in the UNIA HQ and phonographs of his speeches were sold to the membership. In August, UNIA organized the First International Conference of the Negro Peoples in Harlem. This parade was attended by Gabriel Johnson, the Mayor of Monrovia in Liberia. As part of it, an estimated 25,000 people assembled in Madison Square Gardens. At the conference, UNIA delegates declared him the Provisional President of Africa, charged with heading a government-in-exile. Some of the West Africans attending the event were angered by this, believing it wrong that an Afro-Jamaican, rather than an African, was taking on this role. Many outside the movement ridiculed Garvey for giving himself this title. The conference then elected other members of the African government-in-exile, and resulted in the production of a Bill of Rights which condemned colonial rule across Africa. In August 1921, UNIA held a banquet in Liberty Hall, at which Garvey gave out honors to various supporters, including such titles as Order of the Nile and the Order of Ethiopia. UNIA established growing links with the Liberian government, hoping to secure land in the West African nation where various African-Americans could move to. Liberia was in heavy debt, with UNIA launching a fundraising campaign to raise $2 million towards a Liberian Construction Loan. In 1921, Garvey sent a UNIA team to assess the prospects in Liberia.Internally, UNIA experienced various feuds. Garvey pushed out Cyril Briggs and other members of the African Blood Brotherhood from UNIA, wanting to place growing distance between himself and black socialist groups. In the Negro World, Garvey then accused Briggs'--who was of mixed heritage'--of being a white man posing as a black man. Briggs then successfully sued Garvey for criminal libel. Assassination attempts, marriage, and divorce [ edit ] In July 1919, Garvey was arrested and charged with criminal libel for claims made about Edwin Kilroe in the Negro World. When this eventually came to court, he was ordered to provide a printed retraction. In October 1919, George Tyler, a part-time vendor of the Negro World, entered the UNIA office and tried to assassinate Garvey. The latter received two bullets in his legs but survived. Tyler was soon apprehended but died in an escape attempt from jail; it was thus never revealed why he tried to kill Garvey. Garvey soon recovered from the incident; five days later he gave a public speech in Philadelphia. After the assassination attempt, Garvey hired a bodyguard, Marcellus Strong. Shortly after the incident, Garvey proposed marriage to Amy Ashwood and she accepted. On Christmas Day, they had a private Roman Catholic church wedding, followed by a major ceremonial celebration in Liberty Hall, attended by 3000 UNIA members. Jacques was her maid of honour. After the marriage, he moved into Ashwood's apartment. The newlyweds embarked on a two-week honeymoon in Canada, accompanied by a small UNIA retinue, including Jacques. There, Garvey spoke at two mass meetings in Montreal and three in Toronto. Returning to Harlem, the couple's marriage was soon strained. Ashwood complained of Garvey's growing closeness with Jacques. Garvey was upset by his inability to control his wife, particularly her drinking and her socialising with other men. She was pregnant, although the child was possibly not his; she did not inform him of this, and the pregnancy ended in miscarriage. Three months into the marriage, Garvey sought an annulment, on the basis of Ashwood's alleged adultery and the claim that she had used "fraud and concealment" to induce the marriage. She launched a counter-claim for desertion, requesting $75 a week alimony. The court rejected this sum, but ordered Garvey to pay her $12 a week, but also refused to grant him the divorce. The court proceedings continued for two years. Now separated, Garvey moved into a 129th Street apartment with Jacques and Henrietta Vinton Davis, an arrangement that at the time could have caused some social controversy. He was later joined there by his sister Indiana and her husband, Alfred Peart. Ashwood, meanwhile, went on to become a lyricist and musical director for musicals amid the Harlem Renaissance. The Black Star Line [ edit ] From 56 West 135th, UNIA also began selling shares for a new business, the Black Star Line.The Black Star Line based its name on the White Star Line. Garvey envisioned a shipping and passenger line travelling between Africa and the Americas, which would be black-owned, black-staffed, and utilised by black patrons. He thought that the project could be launched by raising $2 million from African-American donors, publicly declaring that any black person who did not buy stock in the company "will be worse than a traitor to the cause of struggling Ethiopia". He incorporated the company and then sought about trying to purchase a ship. Many African-Americans took great pride in buying company stock, seeing it as an investment in their community's future; Garvey also promised that when the company began turning a profit they would receive significant financial returns on their investment. To advertise this stock, he travelled to Virginia, and then in September 1919 to Chicago, where he was accompanied by seven other UNIA members. In Chicago, he was arrested and fined for violating the Blue Sky Laws which banned the sale of stock in the city without a license. A certificate for stock of the Black Star Line With growing quantities of money coming in, a three-man auditing committee was established, with found that UNIA's funds were poorly recorded and that the company's books were not balanced. This was followed by a breakdown in trust between the directors of the Black Star Line, with Garvey discharging two of them, Richard E. Warner and Edgar M. Grey, and publicly humiliating them as the next UNIA meeting. People continued buying stock regardless and by September 1919, the Black Star Line company had accumulated $50,000 by selling stock. It could thus afford a thirty-year old tramp ship, the SS Yarmouth. The ship was formally launched in a ceremony on the Hudson River on 31 October. The company had been unable to find enough trained black seamen to staff the ship, so its initial chief engineer and chief officer were white. The ship's first assignment was to sale to Cuba and then to Jamaica, before returning to New York. After that first voyage, the Yarmouth was found to contain many problems and the Black Star Line had to pay $11,000 for repairs. On its second voyage, again to the Caribbean, it hit bad weather shortly after departure and had to be towed back to New York by the coastguard for further repairs.Garvey planned to obtain and launch a second ship by February 1920, with the Black Star Line putting down a $10,000 down payment on a paddle ship called the SS Shadyside. In July 1920, Garvey sacked both the Black Star Line's secretary, Edward D. Smith-Green, and its captain, Cockburn; the latter was accused of corruption. In early 1922, the Yarmouth was sold for scrap metal. In 1921, Garvey travelled to the Caribbean aboard a new BSL ship, the Antonio Maceo, which they had renamed the Kanawha. While in Jamaica, he criticised its inhabitants as being backward and claimed that "Negroes are the most lazy, the most careless and indifferent people in the world". His comments in Jamaica earned many enemies who criticised him on multiple fronts, including the fact he had left his destitute father to die in an almshouse. Attacks back-and-forth between Garvey and his critics appeared in the letters published by The Gleaner. From Jamaica, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where the United Fruit Company assisted his transportation around the country, hoping to gain his favour. There, he met with President Julio Acosta. Arriving in Panama, at one of his first speeches, in Almirante, he was booed after doubling the advertised entry price; his response was to call the crowd "a bunch of ignorant and impertinent Negroes. No wonder you are where you are and for my part you can stay where you are." He received a far warmer reception at Panama City, after which he sailed to Kingston. From there he sought a return to the U.S., but was repeatedly denied an entry visa. This was only granted after he wrote directly to the State Department. Criminal charges: 1922''1923 [ edit ] In January 1922, Garvey was arrested and charged with mail fraud for having advertised the sale of stocks in a ship, the Orion, which the Black Star Line did not yet own. He was bailed for $2,500. Hoover and the BOI were committed to securing a conviction; they had also received complaints from a small number of the Black Star Line's stock owners, who wanted them to pursue the matter further. Garvey spoke out against the charges he faced, but focused on blaming not the state, but rival African-American groups, for them. As well as accusing disgruntled former members of UNIA, in a Liberty Hall speech, he implied that the NAACP were behind the conspiracy to imprison him. The mainstream press picked up on the charge, largely presenting Garvey as a con artist who had swindled African-American people. After the arrest, he made plans for a tour of the western and southern states. This included a parade in Los Angeles, partly to woo back member

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in.

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Minkah Makalani is the author of a new intellectual history on the efforts of early twentieth century black radicals to organize an international movement, one that would address both racial and class oppression around the globe. The book is called In the Cause of Freedom: Radical Black Internationalism from Harlem to London, 1917-1939 (The University of North Carolina Press, 2011). As the title suggests, the focus of the study is on two black radical groups: One in Harlem, the African Blood Brotherhood; and the other in London, the International African Service Bureau. The book examines among other things, “how they communicated across continents.” This is important not only because it illustrates that race was a concern outside of the U.S., but to show just how intricately race and class are linked; so much so that the two cannot be separated. This new study explores provocative questions, and also definitively adds to ongoing debates regarding: * African Americans and communism * Tensions about which is more important, race or class? * Definitions of black radicalism * International black figures of the Harlem Renaissance * The relationship among artists, the arts and politics during the Harlem Renaissance * How the Communist Party perceived race in relation to class oppression These and other insightful topics are addressed at length in this wonderful history. But you can find an appetizing introduction to them in this lively interview. Please, listen in. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies