Podcasts about negroes

Bigotry and hatred, fear and loathing, are on the rise. Vulnerable groups are being targeted. It's happened before. Decades ago, speaking to the National Jewish Congress, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr said, “My people were brought to America in chains. Your people were driven here to escape the chains fashioned for them in Europe. There are Hitlers loose in America today, both in high and low places. As the tensions and bewilderment of economic problems become more severe, history's scapegoats, the Jews, will be joined by new scapegoats, the Negroes. The Hitlers will seek to divert people's minds and turn their frustrations and anger to the helpless, to the outnumbered.” Recorded at the University of Colorado.

Many of you have heard about Dawn Robinson being homeless. She went live a few days ago and expressed her feelings about being homeless for three years. After wards she went viral, and many celebrities including Jermaine Dupri, had something to say. The music industry and hollywood elite all commented on her situation and her reasoning for staying homeless. But what struck many of us was the way Jermaine responded to her situation, after people reached out to him and others to help Dawn get out of  living in her car. In this podcast Cool Water responds to the situation and Jermaine Dupr's ilogical narrative. Click the link to listen comment and share.Blog site: Ishiphopdead.com Homesite: Thedigitaldopeman.com 

Louis Cameron Gossett Jr. (May 27, 1936 – March 29, 2024) was an American actor. He made his stage debut at the age of 17. Shortly thereafter, he successfully auditioned for the Broadway play Take a Giant Step. Gossett continued acting onstage in critically acclaimed plays including A Raisin in the Sun (1959), The Blacks (1961), Tambourines to Glory (1963), and The Zulu and the Zayda (1965). In 1977, Gossett appeared in the popular miniseries Roots, for which he won Outstanding Lead Actor for a Single Appearance in a Drama or Comedy Series at the Emmy Awards.Gossett continued acting in high-profile films, television, plays, and video games. In 1982, for his role as Gunnery Sergeant Emil Foley in An Officer and a Gentleman, he won the Academy Award for Best Supporting Actor and became the first African-American actor to win in this category. At the Emmy Awards, Gossett continued to receive recognition, with nominations for The Sentry Collection Presents Ben Vereen: His Roots (1978), Backstairs at the White House (1979), Palmerstown, U.S.A. (1981), Sadat (1983), A Gathering of Old Men (1987), Touched by an Angel (1997), and Watchmen (2019). He won and was nominated at other ceremonies including the Golden Globe Awards, Black Reel Awards, and NAACP Image Awards. Gossett was also well known for his role as Colonel Chappy Sinclair in the Iron Eagle film series (1986–1995).Gossett's other film appearances include Hal Ashby's The Landlord (1970), Paul Bogart's Skin Game (1971), George Cukor's Travels with My Aunt (1972), Stuart Rosenberg's The Laughing Policeman (1974), Philip Kaufman's The White Dawn (1974), Peter Yates's The Deep (1977), Wolfgang Petersen's Enemy Mine (1985), Christopher Cain's The Principal (1987), Mark Goldblatt's The Punisher (1989), Daniel Petrie's Toy Soldiers (1991), and Blitz Bazawule's The Color Purple (2023), his television appearances include Bonanza (1971), The Jeffersons (1975), American Playhouse (1990), Stargate SG-1 (2005), Boardwalk Empire (2013), The Book of Negroes (2015).PICTURE: By Los Angeles Times - https://digital.library.ucla.edu/catalog/ark:/13030/hb40000626, CC BY 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=146890888

With Black History Month coming to an end, why not close it out by diving into white shenanigans? This week, we're talking white-on-white crime, political scams, AI boyfriends, and why New York is officially out of pocket.Before we get into the madness, Ryan kicks things off with some deep thoughts, while Joyhdae shares an unfortunate encounter with NYC's lack of human decency. Then we dive into the real chaos: Topics We Cover: • White-on-White Crime: Bhad Bhabie vs. Alabama Barker – Two white girls beefing over rap careers nobody asked for. Is this real hip-hop or just cosplay gone too far? • Trump's “Gold Card” Visa Scam – A $5 million VIP pass to U.S. citizenship? The rich get richer while everyday immigrants get left behind. • Congress' Budget Cuts – The House just passed a plan slashing $880 billion from Medicaid, food assistance, and education. Who's really getting screwed? (Spoiler: It's not the 1%.) • Eric Adams Thinks He's Jesus – NYC's mayor is calling his critics “Negroes” and comparing himself to the Messiah. Are we in the Twilight Zone? • AI Boyfriend Madness – A married woman has fallen in love with her ChatGPT boyfriend and her real husband is just chilling. Are we really replacing human relationships with robots? • Fyre Festival 2.0 – Billy McFarland is back with another luxury scam. Who's dumb enough to buy in this time?And of course, we close it out with some classic dad jokes—because no matter how chaotic the world gets, bad puns always make it better. Join the conversation: What's the craziest topic this week? Are we really letting AI steal relationships? And is NYC's mayor okay??#VirgoSeasonPodcast ----We want to hear from you: What was your favorite topic?  Did Ryan or Joyhdae win the Dad vs Auntie joke battle?  Drop a comment! LIKE, SUBSCRIBE & JOIN THE VIRGO SEASON COMMUNITY!Subscribe for more pop culture insights, celebrity news, and hilarious takes!Hit the  to never miss an episode!Share this episode with a friend who loves juicy trending topics. CONNECT WITH US:Instagram: @VirgoSeasonShowFacebook: Virgo Season PodcastWebsite: VirgoSeasonShow.com STREAM US EVERYWHERE:Available on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, YouTube, and more!----00:00 Intro00:05 Observations02:21 Vibe Check07:04 Revenge on a Cheating Husband12:35 White Nonsense: Rap Beef (Bhad Bhabie vs Alabama Barker)17:11 Fyre Festival 2.020:00 Trump's Gold Card Visa Program27:10 Controversial Republican Budget40:10 Critique of Eric Adams47:30 Joy Reid's Firing and Media Reactions52:19 AI Relationships and Modern Loneliness01:00:14 Dad vs Auntie Jokes01:07:25 Find Us On All The Things!01:08:14 One More For The Road...

Host Lee Hawkins investigates how a secret nighttime business deal unlocked the gates of a Minnesota suburb for dozens of Black families seeking better housing, schools, and safer neighborhoods. His own family included.TranscriptIntroLEE HAWKINS: This is the house that I grew up in and you know we're standing here on a sidewalk looking over the house but back when I lived here there was no sidewalk, and the house was white everything was white on white. And I mean white, you know, white in the greenest grass.My parents moved my two sisters and me in 1975, when I was just four years old. Maplewood, a suburb of 25,000 people at the time, was more than 90% white.As I rode my bike through the woods and trails. I had questions: How and why did these Black families manage to settle here, surrounded by restrictions designed to keep them out?The answer, began with the couple who lived in the big house behind ours… James and Frances Hughes.You're listening to Unlocking The Gates, Episode 1.My name is Lee Hawkins. I'm a journalist and the author of the book I AM NOBODY'S SLAVE: How Uncovering My Family's History Set Me Free.I investigated 400 years of my Black family's history — how enslavement and Jim Crow apartheid in my father's home state of Alabama, the Great Migration to St. Paul, and our later move to the suburbs shaped us.My producer Kelly and I returned to my childhood neighborhood. When we pulled up to my old house—a colonial-style rambler—we met a middle-aged Black woman. She was visiting her mother who lived in the brick home once owned by our neighbors, Mr. and Mrs. Hutton.LEE HAWKINS: How you doing? It hasn't changed that much. People keep it up pretty well, huh?It feels good to be back because it's been more than 30 years since my parents sold this house and moved. Living here wasn't easy. We had to navigate both the opportunities this neighborhood offered and the ways it tried to make us feel we didn't fully belong.My family moved to Maplewood nearly 30 years after the first Black families arrived. And while we had the N-word and mild incidents for those first families, nearly every step forward was met with resistance. Yet they stayed and thrived. And because of them, so did we.LEE HAWKINS: You know, all up and down this street, there were Black families. Most of them — Mr. Riser, Mr. Davis, Mr. White—all of us can trace our property back to Mr. Hughes at the transaction that Mr. Hughes did.I was friends with all of their kids—or their grandkids. And, at the time, I didn't realize that we, were leading and living, in real-time, one of the biggest paradigm shifts in the American economy and culture. We are the post-civil rights generation—what I call The Integration Generation.Mark Haynes was like a big brother to me, a friend who was Five or six years older. When he was a teenager, he took some bass guitar lessons from my dad and even ended up later playing bass for Janet Jackson when she was produced by Minnesota's own Jimmy Jam and Terry Lewis.Since his family moved to Maplewood several years before mine, I called him to see what he remembered.MARK HAYNES: "It's a pretty tight-knit group of people,"Mark explained how the community came together and socialized, often –MARK HAYNES: "they—every week, I think—they would meet, actually. I was young—maybe five or six.LEE HAWKINS: And what do you remember about it? I asked. What kind of feeling did it give you?MARK HAYNES: It was like family, you know, all of them are like, uh, aunts and uncles to me, cousins. It just felt like they were having a lot of fun. I think there was an investment club too."Herman Lewis was another neighbor, some years older than Mark—an older teenager when I was a kid. But I remember him and his brother, Richard. We all played basketball, and during the off-season, we'd play with my dad and his friends at John Glenn, where I'd eventually attend middle school. Herman talked to me about what it meant to him.HERMAN LEWIS: We had friends of ours and our cousins would come all the way from Saint Paul just to play basketball on a Friday night. It was a way to keep kids off the street, and your dad was very instrumental trying to make sure kids stayed off the street. And on a Friday night, you get in there at five, six o'clock, and you play till 9, 10 o'clock, four hours of basketball. On any kid, all you're going to do is go home, eat whatever was left to eat. And if there's nothing left to eat, you pour yourself a bowl of cereal and you watch TV for about 15 to 25-30, minutes, and you're sleeping there, right in front of the TV, right?LEE HAWKINS: But that was a community within the community,HERMAN LEWIS: Definitely a community within the community. It's so surprising to go from one side of the city to the next, and then all of a sudden there's this abundance of black folks in a predominantly white area.Joe Richburg, another family friend, said he experienced our community within a community as well.LEE HAWKINS: You told me that when you were working for Pillsbury, you worked, you reported to Herman Cain, right? We're already working there, right? Herman Cain, who was once the Republican front runner for President of the United States. He was from who, who was from the south, but lived in Minnesota, right? Because he had been recruited here. I know he was at Pillsbury, and he was at godfathers pizza, mm hmm, before. And he actually sang for a time with the sounds of blackness, which a lot of people would realize, which is a famous group here, known all over the world. But what was interesting is you said that Herman Cain was your boss, yeah, when he came to Minnesota, he asked you a question, yeah. What was that question?Joe Richburg: Well, he asked me again, from the south, he asked me, Joe, where can I live? And I didn't really understand the significance of that question, but clearly he had a sense of belonging in that black people had to be in certain geographic, geographies in the south, and I didn't have that. I didn't realize that was where he was coming from.Before Maplewood, my family lived in St. Paul's Rondo neighborhood—a thriving Black community filled with Black-owned businesses and cultural icons like photojournalist Gordon Parks, playwright August Wilson, and journalist Carl T. Rowan.Like so many other Black communities across the country, Rondo was destroyed to make way for a highway. it was a forced removal.Out of that devastation came Black flight. Unlike white flight, which was driven by fear of integration, Black flight was about seeking better opportunities: better funded schools and neighborhoods, and a chance at higher property values.Everything I've learned about James and Frances Hughes comes from newspaper reports and interviews with members of their family.Mr. Hughes, a chemist and printer at Brown and Bigelow, and Frances, a librarian at Gillette Hospital, decided it was time to leave St. Paul. They doubled down on their intentions when they heard a prominent real estate broker associate Blacks with “the ghetto.” According to Frances Hughes, he told the group;FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “You're living in the ghetto, and you will stay there.”She adds:FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “I've been mad ever since. It was such a bigoted thing to say. We weren't about to stand for that—and in the end, we didn't.”The Hughes began searching for land but quickly realized just how difficult it could be. Most white residents in the Gladstone area, just outside St. Paul, had informal agreements not to sell to Black families. Still, James and Frances kept pushing.They found a white farmer, willing to sell them 10 acres of land for $8,000.And according to an interview with Frances, that purchase wasn't just a milestone for the Hughes family—it set the stage for something remarkable. In 1957, James Hughes began advertising the plots in the Twin Cities Black newspapers and gradually started selling lots from the land to other Black families. The Hughes's never refused to sell to whites—but according to an interview with Frances, economic justice was their goal.FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “Housing for Blacks was extremely limited after the freeway went through and took so many homes. We wanted to sell to Blacks only because they had so few opportunities.”By the 1960s, the neighborhood had grown into a thriving Black suburban community. The residents here were deeply involved in civic life. They attended city council meetings, started Maplewood's first human rights commission, and formed a neighborhood club to support one another.And over time, the area became known for its beautiful homes and meticulously kept lawns, earning both admiration and ridicule—with some calling it “The Golden Ghetto.”Frances said:FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “It was lovely. It was a showplace. Even people who resented our being there in the beginning came over to show off this beautiful area in Maplewood.”And as I pieced the story together, I realized it would be meaningful to connect with some of the elders who would remember those early daysANN-MARIE ROGERS: In the 50s, Mr. Hughes decided he was going to let go of the farming. And it coincided with the with 94 going through the RONDO community and displacing, right, you know, those people. So, at that time, I imagine Mr. Hughes had the surveyors come out and, you know, divided up into, you know, individual living blocks.That is Mrs. Ann-Marie Rogers, the mother of Uzziel and Thomas Rogers, who I spent a lot of time with as a kid. I shared what I'd uncovered in the archives, hoping she could help bring those early experiences to life.ANN-MARIE ROGERS: So, everyone played in our yard, the front yard, the yard light that was where they played softball, baseball, because the yard light was the home plate, and the backyard across the back was where they played football.Throughout this project, we found similar stories of strength, including one from Jeson Johnson, a childhood friend with another Minnesota musical connection. His aunt, Cynthia Johnson, was the lead singer of Lipps Inc., whose hit song “Funkytown” became a defining anthem of its time when many of us were just kids. We were proud of her, but I now know the bigger star was his grandmother.JESON JOHNSON: She was actually one of the first black chemists at 3M. So what she told me is that they had told her that, well, you have to have so much money down by tomorrow for you to get this house. It was really, really fast that she had to have the money. But my grandmother was she was really smart, and her father was really smart, so he had her have savings bonds. So what she told him was, if you have it in writing, then I'll do my best to come up with the money. I don't know if I'll be able to. She was able to show up that day with all her savings bonds and everything, and have the money to get it. And they were so mad, yes, that when she had got the house, they were so mad that, but they nothing that they could do legally because she had it on paper, right, right? And then that kind of started out in generation out there. It was the NAACP that kind of helped further that, just because she was chemist, they got her in the 3M, and all their programs started there.Decades later, as my friends and I played, I had no concept of any of the struggles, sacrifices and steps forward made by the pioneers who came before us. I checked in with my friend, Marcel Duke.LEE HAWKINS: did they tell you that mister Hughes was the guy that started, that started it?MARCEL DUKE: It probably never was conveyed that way, right to us kids, right? I'm sure back then, it was looked as an opportunity, yes, to get out of the city. Mm, hmm, and and where people that look like us live. And obviously that's the backstory of Mister Hughes, yeah, ultimately, we went out there because he made it known in the city, inner city, that we could move out there and be a community out there.Marcel is about four years older, I figured he may have clearer memories of Mr. Hughes than I do.MARCEL DUKE: I used to cut mister Hughes grass. I was like, like the little hustler in the neighborhood. I wanted to cut because I wanted money to go to spend on candy.Mr. Hughes' significance transcends the extra cash he put in the pockets of neighborhood kids. His granddaughter, Carolyn Hughes-Smith, told us more his multigenerational vision for Black American wealth building. But before he became a historical figure, he was just...grandpa.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: the things that I really remember about him. He could whistle like I not whistle, but he could sing like a bird, you know, always just chirping. That's how we know he was around. He was more of a, like a farmer.He didn't talk much with his grandchildren about how he and Frances had unlocked the gates for Blacks. But she was aware of some of the difficulty he faced in completing that transaction that forever changed Maplewood.HUGHES-SMITH: I just heard that they did not, you know, want to sell to the blacks. And they, you know, it was not a place for the blacks to be living. And so, what I heard later, of course, was that my grandpa was able to find someone that actually sold the land to him out there and it, you know, and that's where it all started, reallyThat someone was a white man named Frank Taurek. He and his wife, Marie, owned the farm that Mr. Hughes and Frances had set their sights on. But the purchase was anything but straightforward. They had to make the deal through “night dealing.” Frances explains in a 1970s interview.FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): "It was just after the war. There was a tremendous shortage of housing, and a great deal of new development was going on to try to fix that. But, my dear, Negroes couldn't even buy a lot in these developments. They didn't need deed restrictions to turn us away. They just refused to sell."She describes the weekend visit she and her husband made to put in an offer on the land. By Monday morning, a St. Paul real estate company had stepped in, offering the Taurek's $1,000 more to keep Blacks out.FRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): "But he was a man of his word, which gives you faith in human nature. The average white person has no idea of how precarious life in these United States is for anybody Black at any level. So often it was a matter of happenstance that we got any land here. The farmer could have very easily accepted the $1,000 and told us no, and there would have been nothing we could have done."What led Frank Taurek to defy norms and his neighbors, to sell the land to a Black family?DAVIDA TAUREK: I'm already moved to tears again, just hearing about it, [but and] hearing you talk about the impact of my, you know, my lineage there. It seems so powerful.This perspective comes from his great-granddaughter, Davida Taurek, a California-based psychotherapist. When I tracked her down, she was astonished to hear the long-buried story of how her white great grandparents sold their land to a Black family, unwittingly setting into motion a cascade of economic opportunities for generations to come.DAVIDA TAUREK: When I received your email, it was quite shocking and kind of like my reality did a little kind of sense of, wait, what? Like that somehow I, I could be in this weird way part of this amazing story of making a difference. You know, like you said, that there's generational wealth that's now passed down that just didn't really exist.I've seen plenty of data about what happens to property values in predominantly white neighborhoods when a Black family moves in. The perception of a negative impact has fueled housing discrimination in this country for decades, you may have heard the phrase: “There goes the neighborhood.” It's meant to be a sneer—a condemnation of how one Black family might “open the door” for others to follow. In this case, that's exactly what the Taurek's facilitated.As Carolyn Hughes- Smith sees it, the power of that ripple effect had a direct impact on her life, both as a youngster, but later as well.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: We were just fortunate that my grandfather gave us that land. Otherwise, I don't, I don't know if we would have ever been able to move out thereHer parents faced some tough times –CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: making house payments, keeping food in the house, and that type. We were low income then, and my dad struggled, and eventually went back to school, became an electrician. And we, you know, were a little better off, but that happened after we moved out to Maplewood, but we were struggling.But they persevered and made it through –CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: after I grow got older and teen and that, I mean, I look back and say, Wow, my grandfather did all of this out hereOn the Taurek side of the transaction, the wow factor is even more striking. As I dug deeper into his story, it wasn't clear that he Frank Taurek was driven by any commitment to civil rights.Davida never met her great grandfather but explains what she knows about him.DAVIDA TAUREK: What I had heard about him was through my aunt that, that they were, you know, pretty sweet, but didn't speak English very well so there wasn't much communication but when they were younger being farmers his son my grandfather Richard ran away I think when he was like 14 years old. his dad was not very a good dad you know on a number of levels. There's a little bit of an interesting thing of like where Frank's dedication to his own integrity or what that kind of path was for him to stay true to this deal and make it happen versus what it meant to be a dad and be present and kind to his boy.Carolyn Hughes-Smith still reflects on the courage of her family—for the ripple effect it had on generational progress.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: Would the struggle be the same? Probably not. But what makes me like I said, What makes me happy is our family was a big part of opening up places to live in the white community.LEE HAWKINS: Next time on Unlocking The GatesCAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: The one thing that I really, really remember, and it stays in my head, is cross burning. It was a cross burning. And I don't remember exactly was it on my grandfather's property?OUTRO THEME MUSIC/CREDITS.You've been listening to Unlocking the Gates: How the North led Housing Discrimination in America. A special series by APM Studios AND Marketplace APM with research support from the Alicia Patterson Foundation and Mapping Prejudice.Hosted and created by me, Lee Hawkins. Produced by Marcel Malekebu and Senior Producer, Meredith Garretson-Morbey. Our Sound Engineer is Gary O'Keefe.Kelly Silvera is Executive Producer.

Racial covenants along with violence, hostility and coercion played an outsized role in keeping non-white families out of sought after suburbs. Lee learns how these practices became national policy after endorsement by the state's wealthy business owners and powerful politicians.TranscriptPart 2 – Discrimination and the Perpetual FightCold Open:PENNY PETERSEN: He doesn't want to have his name associated with this. I mean, it is a violation of the 14th Amendment. Let's be clear about that. So he does a few here and there throughout Minneapolis, but he doesn't record them. Now, deeds don't become public records until they're recorded and simultaneously, Samuel Thorpe, as in, Thorpe brothers, is president of the National Board of Real EstateFRANCES HUGHES (ACTOR): “Housing for Blacks was extremely limited after the freeway went through and took so many homes. We wanted to sell to Blacks only because they had so few opportunities.”LEE HAWKINS: You know, all up and down this street, there were Black families. Most of them — Mr. Riser, Mr. Davis, Mr. White—all of us could trace our property back to Mr. Hughes at the transaction that Mr. Hughes did.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: What makes me happy is our family was a big part of opening up places to live in the white community.You're listening to Unlocking The Gates, Episode 2.My name is Lee Hawkins. I'm a journalist and the author of the book I AM NOBODY'S SLAVE: How Uncovering My Family's History Set Me Free.I investigated 400 years of my Black family's history — how enslavement and Jim Crow apartheid in my father's home state of Alabama, the Great Migration to St. Paul, and our move to the suburbs shaped us.We now understand how the challenges Black families faced in buying homes between 1930 and 1960 were more than isolated acts of attempted exclusion.My reporting for this series has uncovered evidence of deliberate, systemic obstacles, deeply rooted in a national framework of racial discrimination.It all started with me shining a light on the neighborhood I grew up in – Maplewood.Mrs. Rogers, who still lives there, looks back, and marvels at what she has lived and thrived through.ANN-MARIE ROGERS: My kids went to Catholic school, and every year they would have a festival. I only had the one child at the time. They would have raffle books, and I would say, don't you dare go from door to door. I family, grandma, auntie, we'll buy all the tickets, so you don't have to and of course, what did he do? And door to door, and I get a call from the principal, Sister Gwendolyn, and or was it sister Geraldine at that time? I think it was sister Gwendolyn. And she said, Mrs. Rogers, your son went to a door, and the gentleman called the school to find out if we indeed had black children going to this school, and she said, don't worry. I assured him that your son was a member of our school, but that blew me away.In all my years in Maplewood, I had plenty of similar incidents, but digging deeper showed me that the pioneers endured so much more, as Carolyn Hughes-Smith explains.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: The one thing that I really, really remember, and it stays in my head, is cross burning. It was a cross burning. And I don't remember exactly what's it on my grandfather's property? Well, all of that was his property, but if it was on his actual home site.Mrs. Rogers remembers firsthand –ANN-MARIE ROGERS: I knew the individual who burned the cross.Mark Haynes also remembers –MARK HAYNES: phone calls at night, harassment, crosses burnedIn the archives, I uncovered a May 4, 1962, article from the St. Paul Recorder, a Black newspaper, that recounted the cross-burning incident in Maplewood. A white woman, Mrs. Eugene Donavan, saw a white teen running away from a fire set on the lawn of Ira Rawls, a Black neighbor who lived next door to Mrs. Rogers. After the woman's husband stamped out the fire, she described the Rawls family as “couldn't be nicer people.” Despite the clear evidence of a targeted act, Maplewood Police Chief Richard Schaller dismissed the incident as nothing more than a "teenager's prank."Instead of retreating, these families, my own included, turned their foothold in Maplewood into a foundation—one that not only survived the bigotry but became a catalyst for generational progress and wealth-building.JESON JOHNSON: when you see somebody has a beautiful home, they keep their yard nice, they keep their house really clean. You know that just kind of rubs off on you. And there's just something that, as you see that more often, you know it just, it's something that imprints in your mind, and that's what you want to have, you know, for you and for your for your children and for their children.But stability isn't guaranteed. For many families, losing the pillar of the household—the one who held everything together—meant watching the foundation begin to crack.JESON JOHNSON: if the head of a household leaves, if the grandmother that leaves, that was that kept everybody kind of at bay. When that person leaves, I seen whole families just, just really go downhill. No, nobody's able to kind of get back on your feet, because that was kind of the starting ground, you know, where, if you, if you was a if you couldn't pay your rent, you went back to mama's house and you said to get back on your feet.For Carolyn Hughes-Smith, inheriting property was a bittersweet lesson. Her family's land had been a source of pride and stability— holding onto it proved difficult.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: We ended up having to sell it in the long run, because, you know, nobody else in the family was able to purchase it and keep going with it. And that that that was sad to me, but it also gave me an experience of how important it is to be able to inherit something and to cherish it and be able to share it with others while it's there.Her family's experience illustrates a paradox—how land, even when sold, can still transform lives.CAROLYN HUGHES-SMITH: Us kids, we all inherited from it to do whatever, like my brother sent his daughter to college, I bought some property, you know?But not all families found the same success in holding onto their homes. For Mark Haynes, the challenges of maintaining his father's property became overwhelming, and the sense of loss lingered.MARK HAYNES: it was really needed a lot of repair. We couldn't sell it. It was too much.It wasn't up to code. We couldn't sell it the way it was. Yes, okay, I didn't really want to sell it. She tried to fix it, brought up code, completely renovated it. I had to flip I had to go get a job at Kuhlman company as a CFO, mm hmm, to make enough money. And I did the best I could with that, and lost a lot of money. AndLEE HAWKINS: Oh, gosh, okay. So when you think about that situation, I know that you, you said that you wish you could buy it back.MARK HAYNES: Just, out of principle, it was, I was my father's house. He, he went through a lot to get that and I just said, we should have it back in the family.For Marcel Duke, he saw the value of home ownership and made it a priority for his own life.MARCEL DUKE: I bought my first house when I was 19. I had over 10 homes by time I was 25 or 30, by time I was 30This story isn't just about opportunity—it's about the barriers families had to overcome to claim it. Before Maplewood could become a community where Black families could thrive, it was a place where they weren't even welcome.The racial covenants and real estate discrimination that shaped Minnesota's suburban landscape are stark reminders of how hard-fought this progress truly was.LEE HAWKINS: I read an article about an organization called Mapping Prejudice which identifies clauses that say this house should never be sold to a person of color.So we had this talk. Do you remember?PENNY PETERSEN: I certainly do, it was 2018.Here's co-founder Penny Petersen.PENNY PETERSEN: So I started doing some work, and when you you gave me the name of Mr. Hughes. And I said, Does Mr. Hughes have a first name? It make my job a lot easier, and I don't think you had it at that point. So I thought, okay, I can do this.LEE HAWKINS: I just knew it was the woman Liz who used to babysit me. I just knew it was her grandfather.PENNY PETERSEN: Oh, okay, so, he's got a fascinating life story.He was born in Illinois in. He somehow comes to Minnesota from Illinois at some point. And he's pretty interesting from the beginning.He, apparently, pretty early on, gets into the printing business, and eventually he becomes what's called an ink maker. This is like being a, you know, a chemist, or something like, very serious, very highly educated.In 1946 he and his wife, Francis Brown Hughes and all. There's a little more about that. Bought 10 acres in the Smith and Taylor edition. He tried to buy some land, and the money was returned tohim when they found it. He was black, so Frank and Marie Taurek, who maybe they didn't like their neighbors, maybe, I don't know. It wasn't really clear to me,PENNY PETERSEN: Yeah, yeah. And so maybe they were ready to leave, because they had owned it since 1916 so I think they were ready to retire. So at any rate, they buy the land. They he said we had to do some night dealing, so the neighbors didn't see. And so all of a sudden, James T Hughes and Francis move to Maplewood. It was called, I think in those days, Little Canada, but it's present day Maplewood. So they're sitting with 10 acres of undeveloped land. So they decide we're going to pay it off, and then we'll develop it.Hearing Penny describe Frank Taurek takes me back to the conversation I had with his great granddaughter Davida who never met him and only heard stories that didn't paint him in the most flattering light.DAVIDA TAUREK: It feels like such a heroic act in a way at that time and yet that's not, it seems like that's not who his character was in on some levels, you know.HAWKINS: But people are complicatedThe choices made by Frank and Marie Taurek—choices that set the stage for families like mine—are reflected in how their descendants think about fairness and equity even today. That legacy stands alongside the extraordinary steps taken by James and Frances Hughes. Penny Petersen explains how they brought their vision to life.PENNY PETERSEN: They paid it off in a timely fashion. I think was 5% interest for three years or something like that. He plaits it into 20 lots, and in 1957 he starts selling them off. And he said there were one or two white families who looked at it, but then decided not to. But he he was had very specific ideas that you have to build a house of a certain, you know, quality. There were nice big lots, and the first family started moving in. So that's how you got to live there.But interestingly, after the Hughes bought it in 1946 some a guy called Richard Nelson, who was living in Maplewood, started putting covenants around it.LEE HAWKINS: There were people who were making statements that were basically explicitly excluding Negroes from life liberty and happiness.And these are big brands names in Minnesota. One was a former lieutenant governor, let's just put the name out there.Penny explains how we got here:PENNY PETERSEN: The first covenant in Hennepin County and probably the state of Minnesota, seems to be by Edmund G Walton. He lived in Minneapolis in 1910 he enters a covenant. He doesn't do it. This is great because his diaries are at the Minnesota Historical Society.He was, by the way, born in England. He'd never he may or may not have become an American citizen. He was certainly voting in American presidential elections. He was the son of a silk merchant wholesaler, so he was born into money. He wasn't landed gentry, which kind of chapped him a lot. And he he came to America to kind of live out that life. So he he's casting about for what's my next, you know, gig. And he goes through a couple things, but he finally hits on real estate.And he He's pretty good at it. He's, he's a Wheeler Dealer. And you can see this in his letters to his mom back in England, in the diaries, these little, not so maybe quite legal deals he's pulling off.But by, by the early aughts of the 20th century, he's doing pretty well, but he needs outside capital, and so he starts courting this guy called Henry or HB Scott, who is land agent for the Burlington railroad in Iowa, and he's immensely wealthy. And. No one knows about Henry B Scott in Minneapolis. You know, he's some guy you know.So he gets Scott to basically underwrite this thing called what will be eventually known as Seven Oaks Corporation. But no one knows who he is really what Edmund Walton does so he gets, he gets this in place in 1910 Walton, via Henry Scott, puts the first covenant in.And there's a laundry list of ethnicities that are not allowed. And of course, it's always aimed at black people. I mean that that's that's universal. And then what's happening in the real estate realm is real estate is becoming professionalized.Instead of this, these guys just selling here and there. And there's also happening about this time, you know, race riots and the NAACP is formed in 1909 the Urban League in 1910 and I think Walton is he sees something. I can make these things more valuable by making them White's only space.But he doesn't want to have his name associated with this. I mean, it is a violation of the 14th Amendment. Let's be clear about that. So he does a few here and there throughout Minneapolis, but he doesn't record them. Now, deeds don't become public records until they're recorded and simultaneously, Samuel Thorpe, as in, Thorpe brothers, is president of the National Board of Real Estate, you know, and he's listening to JC Nichols from Kansas City, who said, you know, a few years ago, I couldn't sell a lot with covenants on them, but now I can't sell it without covenants.After that, that real estate convention, there's one in 1910 and Walton is clearly passing this around, that he's he's put covenants in, but no one really talks about it, but they you know, as you look back when the deeds were signed, it's like 1910 1911 1912 the 1912 one when HB, when JC, Nichols said, I can't sell a lot without him.Sam Thorpe immediately picks up on this. He's the outgoing president of the National Board of Real Estate. By June, by August, he has acquired the land that will become Thorpe Brothers Nokomis Terrace. This is the first fully covenanted edition. He doesn't record for a while, but within a few years, they're not only these things are not only recorded, but Walton is advertising in the newspaper about covenants, so it's totally respectable. And then this is where Thomas Frankson comes in. In Ramsey County, he's still in the legislature when he puts his first covenant property together, Frankson Como Park, and in 1913 he's advertising in the newspapers. In fact, he not only advertises in English, he advertises in Swedish to let those Swedish immigrants know maybe they don't read English. So well, you can buy here. This will be safe.Penny says the National Board of Real Estate but she means the National Association of Realtors. Samuel Thorpe was not only the President of this powerful organization, he even coined the term ‘realtor' according to records.I want to take a moment to emphasize that Thomas Frankson is a former lieutenant governor.They were architects of exclusion. By embedding racial covenants into the fabric of land deals, they set a legal precedent that shaped housing markets and defined neighborhoods for decades. As Penny Petersen noted, these practices were professionalized and legitimized within the real estate industry.Michael Corey, Associate Director of Mapping Prejudice explains how these covenants were enforced.MICHAEL COREY: And so in the newspaper, as not only do they put the text of the Covenant, then two lines later, it says, you have my assurance that the above restrictions will be enforced to the fullest extent of the law. And this is a legislator saying this, and so like when he says that people are going to assume he means it.And the way this worked with racial covenants is, theoretically, you could take someone to court if they violated the covenant, and they would lose the house, the house would revert back to the original person who put the covenant in. So the potential penalty was quite high forLEE HAWKINS: Oh, gosh.MICHAEL COREY: And I think, like, in practice, it's not like this is happening all the time. The way covenants work is that, like, no one's gonna mess with that because the consequence is so high.LEE HAWKINS: Is there any record of anybody ever breaking a covenant.MICHAEL COREY: Yeah, there are, like, there are legal cases where people either tried like, and people try a number of different strategies, like as Penny mentioned some of the early ones, they have this, like, laundry list of 19th century racial terms. And so it'll say, like, no Mongolian people, for example, like using this, like, racial science term. And so someone who is Filipino might come in and say, like, I'm not Mongolian, I'm Filipino.So, this professionalizing real estate industry keeps refining the covenants to be more, to stand up in court better. But I think for so many people, it's it's not worth the risk to break the covenant both white and like. For the white person, the stakes are low, right? Your neighbors might not like you. For people of color who are trying to break this color line, the stakes are the highest possible like like, because the flip side of a covenant is always violence.So I'm now clear on how these wealthy and powerful figures in my home state came up with a system to keep anybody who was not white locked out of the housing market.I'm still not clear on how these ideas spread around the country.MICHAEL COREY: these conferences that these real estate leaders, like the like the Thorpe brothers are going to like, this is the, this is the moment when these national Realty boards are being formed. And so all of these people are in these rooms saying, Hey, we've got this innovative technology. It's a racial covenant.And this private practice spreads rapidly after places that are in early. There's some places in the East Coast that are trying this this early too. This becomes the standard, and in fact, it gets written into the National Board of Realty ethics code for years because they're prominent people, they're also, like, going to be some of your elected officials there.And when you get to the era of the New Deal, like these are the people who are on the boards that are like, setting federal policy, and a lot of this stuff gets codified into federal legislation. So what starts as a private practice becomes the official policy of the US government when you get to the creation of the Federal Housing Administration that adopts essentially this, this concept that you should not give preferential treatment on loans to to integrate to neighborhoods that are going to be in harmonious and that same logic gets supercharged, because if we know something about this era, this is the FHA and then, and then the GI bill at the end of World War Two are a huge sea change in the way that housing gets financed and the way that homeownership sort of works.I learned so much from my conversations with Penny and Michael. We covered a lot of ground and at times I found myself overwhelmed by the weight of what I was hearing. What exactly does this mean today? What about the families who didn't secure real estate through night dealings? The families who didn't slip through the cracks of codified racial discrimination? How can we address these disparities now?In the final part of our series, we'll hear from some of the people who benefitted, including relatives of Samuel Thorpe who have become new leaders in an old fight to make home ownership a reality for millions of Americans.MARGARET THORPE-RICHARDS: This could be the conversation. I feel like it's time to say something from my perspective. I have a platform, I have a voice, and I think it needs to be said and discussed and talked about,OUTRO MUSIC THEME/CREDITSYou've been listening to Unlocking the Gates: How the North led Housing Discrimination in America. A special series by APM Studios AND Marketplace APM with research support from the Alicia Patterson Foundation and Mapping Prejudice.Hosted and created by me, Lee Hawkins. Produced by Marcel Malekebu and Senior Producer, Meredith Garretson-Morbey. Our Sound Engineer is Gary O'Keefe.Kelly Silvera is Executive Producer.

Book bans are back in the spotlight after The Book of Negroes by Lawrence Hill was pulled from the London, Ontario Catholic School Board. The novel, which confronts the history of slavery and racial injustice, has faced controversy over its unflinching portrayal of difficult themes. Kelly MacDonald is here to explore the censorship debate, the role of literature in education, and what it means for authors, educators, and readers. AMI Audiobook Review is broadcast on AMI-audio in Canada and publishes three new podcast episodes a week on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays.Follow AMI Audiobook Review on YouTube & Instagram!We want your feedback!Be that comments, suggestions, hot-takes, audiobook recommendations or reviews of your own… hit us up! Our email address is: audiobookreview@ami.caAbout AMIAMI is a not-for-profit media company that entertains, informs and empowers Canadians who are blind or partially sighted. Operating three broadcast services, AMI-tv and AMI-audio in English and AMI-télé in French, AMI's vision is to establish and support a voice for Canadians with disabilities, representing their interests, concerns and values through inclusion, representation, accessible media, reflection, representation and portrayal.Find more great AMI Original Content on AMI+Learn more at AMI.caConnect with Accessible Media Inc. online:X /Twitter @AccessibleMediaInstagram @AccessibleMediaInc / @AMI-audioFacebook at @AccessibleMediaIncTikTok @AccessibleMediaInc

Remarks and Lecture from special guests in the Bissell Room of Fraunces Tavern® for Fraunces Tavern® Museum's expanded permanent exhibition The Birch Trials at Fraunces Tavern, October 23, 2024. Speakers include Elizabeth Cooke-Sumbu and Andrea Davis, descendants of individuals listed in the Book of Negroes, reviewed and compiled at Fraunces Tavern in 1783. Andrea Davis, Executive Director of the Black Loyalist Heritage Centre in Shelburne, Nova Scotia, Canada, presents a lecture, “The Black Loyalists: Their Journey, Arrival & Life in Nova Scotia”. *The views of the speakers are their own and do not necessarily represent the views of Sons of the Revolution℠ in the State of New York, Inc. or its Fraunces Tavern® Museum.

A huge thanks to Seth White for the awesome music!Thanks to Palmtoptiger17 for the beautiful logo: https://www.instagram.com/palmtoptiger17/Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/thewayfourth/?modal=admin_todo_tourYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCTd3KlRte86eG9U40ncZ4XA?view_as=subscriberInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/theway4th/ Kingdom Outpost: https://kingdomoutpost.org/My Reading List Goodreads: https://www.goodreads.com/author/show/21940220.J_G_ElliotSpotify Playlist: https://open.spotify.com/playlist/4VSvC0SJYwku2U0awRaNAu?si=3ad0b2fbed2e4864Mein Kampf: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/54270.Mein_Kampf?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=ovwYMtecRX&rank=1The Structure of Scientific Revolutions: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/61539.The_Structure_of_Scientific_Revolutions?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=e1URNvJNzt&rank=1 Amusing Ourselves to Death: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/74034.Amusing_Ourselves_to_Death?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=QflaH4J2oW&rank=1The Technological Society: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/274827.The_Technological_Society?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=rgzFLjmZo6&rank=2Propaganda: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/274826.Propaganda?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=MJ0Jt4z7sR&rank=1Taking the Risk out of Democracy: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1120159.Taking_the_Risk_Out_of_Democracy?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=ZxSDv6Pmbg&rank=1#Radio Free Dixie: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/448669.Radio_Free_Dixie?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=uGxfhd7aPn&rank=1Negroes with Guns: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/591966.Negroes_with_Guns?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=wQCrsAZi9K&rank=1War is a Racket: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/198259.War_is_a_Racket?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=RlES4OU70M&rank=1Ordinary Men: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/647492.Ordinary_Men?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=25su7U5vdK&rank=1They Thought They Were Free: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/978689.They_Thought_They_Were_Free?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=RWDbW6fePA&rank=1 The Art of War: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/10534.The_Art_of_War?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=ROLaW6yH3C&rank=1How Europe Underdeveloped Africa: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/40630.How_Europe_Underdeveloped_Africa?ac=1&from_search=true&qid=AQAMpj0Euk&rank=1The Internationalists: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/30753784-the-internationalists?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=T6SzEBTOOH&rank=1My episode on the Internationalists: https://thefourthway.transistor.fm/episodes/draft-117-independence-day-grotius-and-the-internationalistsThe Dawn of Everything: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/56269264-the-dawn-of-everything?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=kyjUybYn98&rank=1Sikes Picot: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BaPWlKv7n0YCongolese father stares at child's severed limbs: https://rarehistoricalphotos.com/father-hand-belgian-congo-1904/Apotheosis of Washington: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Apotheosis_of_WashingtonMarsh's Bonhoeffer: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/18248389-strange-gloryBonhoeffer the Assassin: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/17321394-bonhoeffer-the-assassin?from_search=true&from_srp=true&qid=azvmmkJ1uU&rank=1Metaxas's Bonhoeffer: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/7501962-bonhoefferMetaxas: https://www.theamericanconservative.com/eric-metaxas-trump-bloodshed-american-apocalypse-live-not-by-lies/Bonhoeffer: https://www.theparisreview.org/blog/2017/02/22/the-nazi-mind/ Hijacking Bonhoeffer: https://www.christiancentury.org/reviews/2010-09/hijacking-bonhoeffer Moltke not wanting to assassinate Hitler: https://www.haaretz.com/jewish/2020-01-26/ty-article/.premium/the-evangelical-who-was-part-of-the-german-resistance-against-hitler/0000017f-e0d6-d75c-a7ff-fcdfd6010000Bonhoeffer's "Behold the Man!": https://swordofthespirit.net/wp-content/bulwark/february2016p4.htmMy Previous Bonhoeffer Episode Part 1: https://share.transistor.fm/s/a9fa9d76My Previous Episode Part 2: https://dashboard.transistor.fm/shows/the-fourth-way/episodes/47-se5-bonhoeffer-pacifist-or-assassin/edit Thanks to our monthly supporters Laverne Miller Jesse Killion ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★

Just as Frankentein created his monster, so has the WNBA. The Woke Negroes Basketball Association now has its own woke monster. Time magazine released its 2024 Athlete of the Year, and it is none other than our beloved Caitlin Clark. While this seems like another symptom of the Trump effect taking hold in our country, it really becomes a nightmare the more you read Time's article. Jason, left stunned, unpacks the remarks made by Clark claiming that “she never earned anything and it was all thanks to her white privilege.” Her fall to the dark side leaves a hole in the hearts of countless around the nation. Caitlin Clark will never become the Michael Jordan of the WNBA. She will become the Taylor Swift of the WNBA. Steve Kim joins the show to weigh in on this tragedy. Was Clark just tired from the woke onslaught, or has she really become the woke monster we all feared? Either way, it is a dark day here on “Fearless.” We want to hear from the Fearless Army!! Join the conversation in the show chat, leave a comment or email Jason at FearlessBlazeShow@gmail.com Visit https://TheBlaze.com. Explore the all-new ad-free experience and see for yourself how we're standing up against suppression and prioritizing independent journalism. SHOW OUTLINE 00:00 Intro ​​Today's Sponsors: PREBORN Everyday, young, scared women, who don't think they have options, are choosing abortion. Preborn seeks these women out before they make the ultimate choice and introduces them to the life growing inside of them through FREE ultrasounds because of YOU who donate. Help rescue babies' lives and donate by dialing #250 and say the keyword, "BABY." or go to https://Preborn.com/Fearless Fox & Oden Fox and Oden whiskies are created to honor the wild beauty around us: a snow-capped mountain, a field of wildflowers, a roaring waterfall – or maybe even just your own backyard. Buy online and ship it to your door at https://FoxAndOden.com. Use promo code “FEARLESS” and get 30% off plus free shipping on all orders!  Please drink responsibly. BLAZE TV  Go to https://BLAZETV.com/FEARLESS and use the promo code FEARLESS & you can save $30 on your yearly subscription CROWD HEALTH Let's be honest, the insurance model is broken. CrowdHealth puts your healthcare back in your hands. Use promo code “Fearless” at https://JoinCrowdHealth.com Get 10% off Blaze swag by using code Fearless10 at https://shop.blazemedia.com/fearless Make yourself an official member of the “Fearless Army!” Support Conservative Voices! Subscribe to BlazeTV at https://get.blazetv.com/FEARLESS and get $20 off your yearly subscription. CLICK HERE to Subscribe to Jason Whitlock's YouTube: https://bit.ly/3jFL36G CLICK HERE to Listen to Jason Whitlock's podcast: https://apple.co/3zHaeLT CLICK HERE to Follow Jason Whitlock on Twitter: https://bit.ly/3hvSjiJ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The road to recovery.by senor longo. Listen to the ► Podcast at Connected.I was in the hospital for a week. I shuddered when the doctor showed me the x-rays of my knee. It had been fractured into seven pieces. The ligaments were all torn to shreds and the upper end of the shin bone; the tibia; were also shattered. I had received an artificial patella; the kneecap; and the ligaments were all reattached. That was why I was in traction; to prevent the ligaments from shrinking. The hardest part of the surgery was the removal of all the tiny bone chips; more than thirty of them. Had they remained in my knee I'd feel terrible pain whenever I walked.Rose brought all my books and assignments to the hospital for me. She was driving the truck; I had no idea she could even drive a manual transmission. My parents came almost every night as did my future in-laws, but the constant in my life was Rose. It was late one evening after all my visitors had gone that Rose got that gleam in her eyes. She pulled the screen around the bed, lowered the blankets and pulled out my cock. “Don't Rose; I'm sure it's dirty. They don't wash me there.”“If you think that'll stop me you have a lot to learn. Now lie back and enjoy.” I was hard in seconds; I had missed our nightly forays into the wonderful world of sex and I had missed cumming at least once every single day. More than that I had missed the intimacy with Rose; holding and caressing her, hearing her scream in ecstasy. Her mouth was on me in a second; her tongue showed me just how much she had missed me. I came in an embarrassingly short time. Rose sucked it all into her throat then cleaned my cock and balls with her tongue. She covered me and pulled the screen back. We were both surprised to see one of the nurses standing there with a huge smile on her face.“You weren't the first and you won't be the last. I was young once, too. I'm so glad you have each other. You're obviously very much in love.” She took my temperature and checked my bandages before leaving. “The swelling is down quite a bit so I think they'll put your cast on tomorrow. Then you'll be able to get out of bed and walk. I'm sure you'll enjoy using the bathroom instead of the bedpan. Okay, I'll be back in an hour with your nightly medications.” She turned and left. I was embarrassed that we'd been discovered, but Rose just took it in stride.I was taken by gurney to another room the following morning. Three orderlies had to lift me from the bed, one carefully handling my leg. They used the same procedure to lay me onto an exam table. The orthopedic surgeon entered a minute later, checking what I assumed was my chart. “You're coming along very well, much better than anticipated. You'll be able to walk now with crutches, but I'll still want you to keep the weight off your leg. You'll be able to return to school in another week, but promise me that you'll take it easy. I suggest you get a friend to help you with your books.You won't be able to carry them while you're using the crutches. Okay, let's get this cast on you.” My leg was wrapped in gauze and cotton padding from just below my crotch all the way to my toes before the plaster bandages were wrapped around, making a strong protective case over virtually my entire leg.“You must try to keep this dry for the next two months. Then I'll want to remove it so I can check your progress. We may be able then to put on something lighter. Sorry, but it'll be sponge baths for you until this comes off.” He adjusted the crutches to fit me and assisted me down the hallway to my room. I sat in a chair for the very first time in almost a week. I'd never take that for granted again. I was sitting there when Rose rushed in from school. She was always at the hospital fifteen minutes after dismissal.Rose ran across the room to kneel by my side. She held my face to hers. She was crying when she moved back. “Don't cry, Rose.” I wiped the tears from her face with my lips as I kissed her over and over. “I don't want you to cry for me, Rose. I'm going to get better and we're going to be fine. I won't be able to play football, but that's okay. I only had another seven games, anyway. Then I'd probably never play again.”“You might play with our children.”I grinned. “Planning ahead, eh? I think I'll still be able to handle that, maybe even a little basketball or baseball; just so long as I don't have to roller skate. I tend to fall a lot.”“Oh; Paul, how can you joke about this? I've been so worried about you.”“What's the alternative, Rose? Should I sit around feeling sorry about everything that's happened? I'd rather look forward to being with and loving you.”“You're right, of course, Paul. We can't change what's happened, but we can change what's going to happen. I'm going to be closer to you now than your own skin.” She hugged me and I felt that nothing had ever felt better. We talked about school, our friends and families. I asked her how Uncle Carl was feeling about our relationship.“Believe it or not, he's much better about it since your injury even though he knows I'm going to stay with you.”“What do you mean; stay with me?”“Oh, didn't I explain? Your dad's office is being converted into a temporary bedroom for you; and me. I'll be there every day to help you get dressed and undressed and to wash you and help you to the toilet.”“The toilet?”“Yes, the toilet; I've already discussed it with your doctor. You'll probably be able to stand and pee, but he doesn't think you'll be able to get up from the toilet if you have to poop.”I couldn't resist a giggle. “Poop?”“Yes; poop! And don't be surprised if I have to wipe you. I'm going to wash you. If I don't, your mother will have to do it. Who would you prefer?”“You, but I'll really look forward to a shower.”“Me, too; I also talked to the doctor about that; no solo showers for a couple of weeks once the cast is off. He says your leg will be weak for a few weeks. By then you won't want to have one by yourself.”“Hell, I don't want one without you now. I just never thought we'd be showering together; not for quite a while, anyway.”The banter continued for another half hour until I began to yawn. Rose helped me up and into bed. She covered me, kissed me, and told me to sleep. She didn't have to; I was asleep in seconds. I wasn't used to the strain of being vertical with my leg yet. I was also still flushing the narcotics they'd used for pain relief from my body.Rose was still there when I awoke around nine. “What are you eating, Rose? I don't want you to get sick at my expense.”“Don't worry I'm eating more than enough. I have a sandwich after school every day and I usually grab a snack while you're sleeping. See; here's my candy bar in my purse. Okay, now?”I held my hand out for her. She took it and I pulled her to me. Her lips met mine; my tongue met hers. It was our first romantic kiss in almost a week. We held it for what seemed like forever only to be interrupted once again by the nurse. Rose told me about the arrangements tomorrow to take me home. She'd go to school for the morning, but be here at the hospital by noon for my discharge and to drive me home. I couldn't wait.I donned the tee-shirt that Rose had bought me yesterday, but I needed help with the underwear and shorts. I was thankful that a male orderly was selected for the job. I stepped into the single sandal and hobbled forward on my crutches into the wheelchair. My leg was elevated and I bid farewell to my room, praying I'd never see it again. We went down in the elevator and out to the lobby. Rose stood by the truck door. I'd never been so happy to see her. She helped me up to the seat and threw my crutches into the truck's bed. The nurse handed me my books and we were off.“I never knew you could drive a stick.”“I couldn't, but Uncle Stan taught me. It was quite a challenge, believe me. I must have grinded the gears a hundred times before I figured it out. I'm doing a lot better now. You can relax.” She let her foot off the clutch and off we went. I was surprised at how well she was doing. I did relax; all the way home.Mom was there to help me from the car. I managed the walk to the front porch easily, but was stymied by the steps. I didn't know how to proceed until Rose helped me once again. “Put your good leg up first then pull the crutches and bad leg up after. Repeat for each step.”“Let me guess; the doctor told you.” Rose just smiled and laughed. Then she helped me up the stairs. Mom and Rose were by my side all the way into the living room. I eased my way into the couch. Rose lifted my leg onto a hassock then she brought me a Coke. She delivered it with a kiss. Mom laughed. It was good to be home. I was sitting there resting when Mary ran in from school. She hugged me, but carefully. “Don't worry, kiddo; I'm not made of glass.”She hugged me again and whispered into my ear, “I need to talk with you later. Okay? It's private.” I nodded and she ran into the kitchen. I wondered if I'd ever run again. I struggled to get up, understanding what Rose had said about the toilet. She scolded me for trying to get up by myself as she led me to my new temporary quarters.Dad's study had been rearranged. The arm chairs had been moved to the garage as had the table and the large world globe. A double bed had been moved in and made with sheets, a blanket, and four pillows. “Four pillows,” I asked.“Yes; three for you and one for me; you'll be sleeping on your back and the doctor wants your leg elevated. We also think you'll need a few pillows for sitting up in bed.”“How many will we need when we make love? We've never done it in a real bed, you know?”“Well, under ordinary circumstances I'd say that I'd be your pillow, but for a while I think you'll have to be mine. Of course, we'll have to be home alone to actually make love. I'm afraid I'd scare the living daylights out of your family.”I hugged her to me and asked her to bring Mary in. “She wants to speak with me privately, Rose. I don't know what it's about. Do you mind?” Of course, she agreed, closing the door a few minutes later.I looked at my sister closely, probably for the first time in years. I could see her blossoming sexuality in the formation of her breasts and hips. “Okay, kiddo, what's up?”She sat on the bed, looked up anxiously, and asked me, “Paul; how do you know you're in love?” Wow, what a question.“I don't know what to tell you, Mary, except that when the time comes you'll know. There's no billboard in the sky or little voice in your head that tells you. I wouldn't worry about it for a few years. You're still pretty young to worry about that.”“Okay then, can you teach me how to kiss?” Oh God, what a welcome home!“Okay, Mary obviously I'm not going to demonstrate on you so why don't you ask Rose to join us?” She did a minute later. I motioned her to sit next to me. “Mary wants to know how to kiss so I think we need to demonstrate.” Rose's eyes lit up. We moved Mary to the other side of the bed where she'd have a good view as I leaned forward and Rose met me. We kissed for almost a minute while Mary looked on. I continued my explanation when Rose was willing to release me. “See how loose and flexible Rose's mouth is?” I demonstrated by working Rose's jaw much to the amusement of Rose and Mary both. “You need to keep your mouth open.” So, of course, Rose opened up so far that a cantaloupe could fit easily. Mary and I laughed, exactly as Rose had intended. “And, you'll want to use your tongue.”“Even I know that!” I hugged Mary as we all had a good laugh. Then I got serious again.“Is all this for anyone we know? Don't worry, we won't say anything and we won't tease you either.”Mary's head went down as she blushed deeply. “Eric,” she whispered.I hugged her again. “I like Eric. I think he'd be great for you, but don't be discouraged if it doesn't work out. You're both very young and things can change. Does Eric know how you feel?”Once again the head went down. “Yes, he tried to kiss me last time we went to visit you in the hospital. I didn't; not because I didn't want to; but because I didn't know what to do.”I looked to Rose. I knew what I'd do, but I wanted her opinion. “If I were you, Mary I'd kiss him the next time you have an opportunity which I think might be tonight. Mom and Eric are coming to dinner. Maybe we can get you outside; alone.” Mary hugged Rose and, then me, and we were alone again.Aunt Celia and Eric came at 5:30 and they brought dinner; two large pizzas, one sausage with extra cheese, and the other a “kitchen sink” with sausage, pepperoni, onion, green pepper, black olives, and mushroom. I opted for my favorite; the sausage. Rose and I ate at the living room coffee table where I could stretch out my leg. Eric and Mary also sat with us, but on the floor, their drinks on the table with ours. The parents sat in the kitchen. I “asked” Mary and Eric if they would please take the empty pizza boxes and paper plates out to the trash cans in the back yard. Mary winked at me when she left. I knew the job should take two minutes or less from prior experience. They were gone more than ten. Rose and I were silent when they returned. Mary winked again. Rose and I couldn't resist laughing. I stifled it by kissing her which silenced both of us.I was home three nights when Mom told us, “We're going out a bit to play some miniature golf. We'll be gone at least an hour. In fact, we'll phone you at least ten minutes before we come home.” I knew immediately what was up; my dad hated miniature golf and I knew they'd never go out on a Wednesday; a school night. Rose closed and locked the door and helped me into the shower for my sponge bath. She showered once I was done. It was a quick one for both of us. We were barely dry when we tumbled into bed. Rose was all over me in a second. Her lips found mine and her breasts rubbed all over my chest.We'd slept together in the same bed Monday and Tuesday nights and we'd been naked. Rose had sucked me off Monday and I'd reciprocated with her sitting on my face, but we had wanted to make love in the worst way. My hands found those delectable nipples, and her hot wet cunt.Meanwhile, my cock felt like it had never been harder or thicker. It was so hard it actually hurt. Rose lifted her body over mine, taking care to avoid contact with my cast. A moment later I watched with interest as I disappeared into her slender body. Dear God, I had wanted this so badly and, apparently, so did Rose.Her eyes glassed over almost immediately as she crushed her muff into me. I gripped her ass, feeling the tiny tremors running through her body almost immediately. I drove into her as best I could considering my infirmity. Thank God I had cum just two days ago, otherwise I'd probably cum in an instant from her frenetic motions on my cock. I knew that Rose was somewhere else; somewhere few women would ever find; when she suddenly froze. I saw and felt the massive convulsions race through her body and I heard her unearthly scream that went on and on. She continued to ride me for several minutes as I emptied into her, until we fell quiet, barely moving. Only our slow breathing showed that we were actually alive.Rose looked up about five minutes later. “I love your mother and I love you.” I pulled her to me for a long lingering kiss as my softened meat fell out of her. Rose pulled me up and back to the shower. I stood with only my good leg inside because the floor was now wet as she washed me again. I stepped out so she could step in. Semen ran down her legs. We dressed and were back in the living room by the time Mom phoned, acting as though nothing had happened once they returned even though everyone knew different. We were dressed in our pajamas; a tee-shirt and gym shorts for me, one of my tee-shirts and a pair of pink short shorts for Rose. We only wore them while in my family's company. In bed we were always naked.CHAPTER 7I learned very early why the doctor wanted me to stay home for a week before returning to school. Getting around on one leg could be exhausting. I had a lot of adjusting to do; I practiced walking up and down stairs several times every day. Port Jefferson High School was three stories high with no elevator. It was a very old building.Rose continued to bring my assignments home every day. I wanted to spend my afternoons and evenings with her, but I also knew how important it was for her to do her work. I always joined her at the dining room table to do homework even though I could just as easily do it during the day.Rose and I were seated on the couch Saturday morning when the doorbell rang. It was Mr. Gentile and Mr. Cosgrove, the club president. Suddenly, I saw my full scholarship disappearing down the drain. However, that was not the case. They had come just to see how I was doing. We sat and spoke for more than an hour. I introduced Rose as my fiancé which pleased both her and my mother. I decided we needed to go out one afternoon next week.I never did know why Uncle Carl allowed Rose to stay with me while I recovered, but I was glad he did. Despite all our kidding about my “pooping” I found the very first time that my stiff leg made it impossible for me to reach the toilet tissue. I was so frustrated when I called for Rose. Not surprisingly she was waiting for me right outside the door. She helped me to stand then wiped my ass until I was clean. Then she helped me pull my briefs and shorts up my legs, fastening them around my waist. She kissed me and helped me out the door as though what she had done was an everyday occurrence. Actually, it would become an everyday occurrence until I'd get rid of this damned cast.Monday morning we were up early. I took a long time to dress, even longer than Rose who had to do her hair and minimal make-up in addition to helping me. We were off to pick up Eric before driving to school. Arrangements had been made for me to enter through the gym so I wouldn't have to struggle up the seventeen steps that led to the front entrance. I waited for Rose to park the truck and we walked to the main office where I turned in my illness excuse note. I was offered a library aide to carry my books, but I turned around to show my knapsack on my back. I kissed Rose good-bye and walked to my locker. I hadn't gone even fifty feet when I ran into trouble in the person of Ryan. “Ha ha. Look at you now. I'm going to find Rose and I'm going to squeeze those nice titties of hers until she cries and there's nothing you can do about it.”I hobbled right up to him and dropped my crutches to the floor. Ryan hit the floor only a second later, the result of my fist colliding with his nose. “Get up, you bastard. If you think I need two legs to beat a piece of crap like you; .” I felt two hands on my shoulders. Turning I saw my buddies Elmer Morris and Eli Strand. I became an athlete through hard work and hustle. Elmer and Eli worked hard, but they also had real athletic ability. They lived here in Port Jefferson in what would best be described as the Negro section of town. Elmer was a six feet, two inch 185 pound speedster who starred in basketball and baseball, as well. Eli was six feet, three inches and 245 pounds; a tackle in football as well as a star in basketball and baseball, too. We had been great friends ever since ninth grade. I'd been to each of their homes and they'd been to mine. My crutches were returned to me and Eli spoke quietly, “Listen, asshole, if you touch Rose or any other girl like that you're going to wish you were dead.” He was never able to say another word. We were interrupted by the principal, Mr. Vanderhoff.He took Ryan and me to the office with Elmer and Eli coming along as “witnesses.” Ryan denied saying anything, but it was three against one with Eli and Elmer backing my story. “I'd probably suspend you, Paul except that I doubt I'd accept that kind of talk about my girlfriend.”“It's actually worse than that, Mr. V; Rose is my fiancé. We'll be married at the end of the year.”Ryan rarely knew when to keep his big yap shut and today was no different. “You're not taking the word of them over me; the word of those Negroes over that of a white person.” I looked at him with a hatred I never knew I could have, but it was nothing compared to the look on Eli's and Elmer's faces. Mr. V admonished him, but I knew he was in BIG trouble now. Eli and Elmer were dismissed while Mr. V warned Ryan and me. He wanted us to shake hands, but I refused. “You can suspend me or give me detention, but you can't make me shake hands with him. Don't worry; I won't hit him again if he only keeps his big trap shut.” I was given time to go to my locker before struggling up to the second floor for my English class.One of the students graciously vacated his seat in the front of the room so I could have room for my leg. I was glad to be back in school again where I could interact with my teachers and the other students. I'd also see Rose at various times during the day, too. I had just reached the end of the lunch line and was wondering how I was going to get my tray to a table when Rose walked up and took it from me. She led me to her table where I sat with her, her friend Heather, and Eli and Elmer. I knew why they were sitting here; they wanted responsible witnesses. I understood even better when Ryan walked across the hall into the lavatory. A ninth grader was following him, but he was pulled back by one of the linemen on the team. Four big players went in after Ryan; two whites and two Negroes. A fifth stood guard while Ryan was pummeled inside. Five minutes later the four walked out, paper towels drying their hands. Ryan hadn't shown himself by the time we left for our next class. When we saw him at the close of school he was missing several teeth. Of course, we had seen nothing.The following afternoon I asked Rose to drive into downtown Port Jefferson almost to the harbor where we left the truck and walked into Mr. Cosgrove's jewelry store. We were there to buy a ring. I had given my dad a check over the weekend and he'd cashed it yesterday. Mr. Cosgrove welcomed us and showed us several rings within my budget, promising us a twenty percent discount. We walked out with a simple solitaire of a half carat in a thin gold band. Rose loved her ring; I already knew that she loved me.We went home and Rose showed Mom the ring. “I think we'll have to go out again tonight, Paul. I'm sure we'll be gone at least an hour.” Once again, Rose bathed me, dried me, and fucked my lights out, screaming into the night. She was nothing less than incredible.The days and weeks flew by and finally it was time for my cast to be removed. The doctor sawed through the plaster and removed the padding and gauze. I was appalled when I saw my leg. It was filthy; covered with dirt and dead skin. Worse, my muscles had atrophied from lack of use. My leg was cleaned and my knee x-rayed. The doctor had good news for me; I could wear a brace in lieu of another cast. I was overjoyed! I'd still need a month or more of physical therapy, but I would be walking by Christmas and driving, too. Best of all, I'd be able to wipe my own ass now.I worked even harder now. I was all caught up with my class work and attended physical therapy every afternoon after school. I was exhausted by the time Rose drove me home. I enjoyed taking a shower again and taking it with Rose made it all the sweeter. I needed her to help support me, but the way she did it; well, it was fantastic. She pressed her lush body up against mine, pushing those D-cup breasts with their firm nipples into my chest and back while her arms encircled my body. I'd tell Ryan all about it, but he'd left school and never returned. We'd heard that he had a broken nose and two broken ribs, among other injuries in addition to the dental problems we'd seen earlier. More than a hundred students were questioned by the school authorities, but no one saw anything, not even Ryan. He had just stepped up to a urinal when the lights went out. He was grabbed by big hands, punched and kicked. His head was forced into the urinal and it was flushed. Personally, I was sorry he wasn't using the toilet.Christmas was wonderful that year. My physical therapy had come along well and I was able to walk on my own at last. I still needed the brace, but only for safety. Another month would put it behind me. My muscles had responded to all the therapy and had grown back to almost normal. Rose still lived with me even though I'd moved back upstairs. The double bed was moved into my room and the furniture originally in Dad's study was returned. I stored some of my clothes in the attic so Rose could keep some in my closet and dresser. We were like a happily married couple although we weren't quite married yet.Aunt Celia, Mom, and Rose started preparations for our wedding right after the New Year. St. Anthony's was reserved for the final Saturday in June. St. George's County Club would cater the reception. Now they began the search for a dress in earnest. I asked Rose about it several times, but she refused to say a word. I selected Brian as my Best Man, with Eric, Eli, and Elmer as ushers. Rose asked Heather to be Maid of Honor with Mary and two other friends I barely knew as bridesmaids.It was June before we knew it. In other years I had always looked forward to the annual athletic banquet. I knew I hadn't earned a letter this year so I was surprised when I received an invitation. Rose took the truck home that afternoon and she was shocked when she returned; she had been invited, too.The banquet always takes place on the first Wednesday of the month, long before we had to study for our finals and Regents exams. Rose and I drove to the school that night where we were welcomed by our friends, all of whom knew about our impending wedding. The cafeteria was decorated nicely as usual as we found our seats. We sat with Eli, Elmer, Brian, and a few other football players. The award presentations began after dinner. I wasn't at all surprised to learn that Elmer was selected as the Football and Basketball MVP. Eli was Baseball MVP. I sat and applauded when my friends were called to receive their letterman's sweaters. The program was almost over and we still had no idea why we were there. Principal Vanderhoff stepped to the podium. “As many of you know, our ex-coach John Cappy fought a valiant battle against cancer before passing three years ago. He was one of the finest men I've ever known and he was certainly one of the most courageous. The Board of Education has decided to honor him with the John Cappy Memorial Trophy to be awarded to the school's most courageous athlete. Our first recipient is Paul Lockwood. I know I don't have to tell you about his courage or determination.”I was stunned. I was still filtering the announcement when everyone present stood to applaud. I was so weak-kneed when Rose pulled me to my feet. She tried to push me forward, but I clasped her hand and whispered, “Please come with me, Rose.” She really had no choice; I wasn't about to release her. I shook hands with the principal, my coach, and the athletic director while it was explained that the huge trophy would be placed in the showcase at the main entry. My name had already been engraved on a small silver rectangle screwed into the base. I received a small wooden plaque as a remembrance and stepped up to the podium.“Well; this was totally unexpected. You can see just how courageous I am; I needed Rose to be here with me for moral support. Actually, I doubt that I'd even be able to be here if not for Rose. She stayed with me every day and night in the hospital and then at home, too. Since we'll be married in about two and a half weeks I'm going to skip over all the things of a personal nature that she did for me. She drove me to school and to therapy every day and she was there every weekend to help me, too. Honestly, I think the award should go to her.” I stepped back and Mr. V stepped up to the microphone again.“It's good that Rose is here with you Paul, because we have a plaque for her, too. We agree that she has gone more than the extra mile for you. We have decided to recognize Rose her as our “Most Dedicated Fan.” I couldn't help myself; I hugged her right there in front of almost three hundred students, teachers, and parents. Not a single person laughed; they all applauded. I stepped back so Rose could speak.“Thanks.” She retreated, took my hand, and we walked back to our table. Everyone wanted to see our plaques. You'd have thought I'd been named All-America. The event broke up a few minutes later and I drove Rose home. We were elated when we walked in the door.I had to study for Regents Exams in Calculus, Physics, and Spanish 4. Rose had Geometry, World History, and Chemistry. Of course, we had other final exams, too. It was a busy time for both of us right up until the last week when things came to a screeching halt. The last few days of school were used for teachers to grade exams so we weren't either expected or wanted to be there. Rose wanted to go to the beach; I was reluctant. Finally, Rose sat with me and calmed me. “Paul, you have an ugly scar on your leg. It wasn't your fault or your responsibility. The fault belongs to a vile person, not you. How many times have I seen it? Hundreds, at least; have I ever fainted? Put on your suit and a shirt. I'll change and we'll go to the deli for some sandwiches and Cokes.”She led me upstairs to my; our; room and we stripped. Rose helped me with my suit; I still couldn't bend my knee enough unless I was very deliberate and slow. Ten minutes later we were out the door with Mary en route to pick up Eric. I drove with Rose squeezed in next to me. Mary sat on Eric's lap. Half an hour later I drove down Sill's Gully. The beach was still deserted when I placed the blanket onto the pebbles.Rose ran her hand over my rough knee, her fingers feeling the indentations from each of the hundred stitches not even neatly arranged in two almost parallel lines that were still visible on my puckered skin. My knee was ugly; that was the simple truth of it. It was ugly and deformed and it barely worked. I could walk fairly easily, but I still couldn't run. The only positive was that my leg's muscles had responded to the months of therapy and were back to normal. Now if I could only bend my knee all the way. I had flexibility exercises I did every day, but the progress was exceedingly slow.I lay back on the blanket with Rose lying on top of me. Our sexuality was an open secret as was Mary and Eric's. She embraced him much as Rose did me. Soon we began to make out, Rose once again expressing her love for me physically, just as she did virtually every night. We had tried to control our lust for each other, but our love was too strong. One night way back in February we found our way to making love; to fucking each other until we couldn't move. Our orgasms were punctuated by Rose's scream. Mom laughed like crazy the following morning and when Rose blushed she pulled her close for a hug and kiss.“Never apologize for being so orgasmic, Rose. Most women would kill for that. Be proud of what your body can do for you, but please; do it earlier in the evening so we can sleep.” We all laughed like crazy, even Rose and especially Mary.To be continued in part 5. by senor longo for Sex Stories.

[SEGMENT 1-1] Democrats are mad – Ms Universe Their world has fallen apart. And only in some dystopian world would an American see the election of Trump over Harris as a bad thing. But Democrats view life through a distorted lens. So for example, Democrats watched the outcome of the Ms Universe pageant and grabbed their go-bags and prepared for the Zombie apocalypse. All because a blonde-haired, blue-eyed stunningly gorgeous white biological woman from Denmark won the contest. How is that even POSSIBLE, they must be asking themselves. First Trump wins, now THIS?! What is going on in the tortured world of Leftist when a gorgeous white bona fide woman of the white persuasion can win a beauty pageant over a cross-dressing trans-sexual Guatemalan midget?” This is NOT the world they signed up for. And what about this Trump Dance that's sweeping the continent? It's being done by people all over the world. I watched a world-class soccer player do it, and far worse, I watched an ABORTION AGE biological female golfer Charley Hull do the Trump dance walking up the 18th fairway. Apparently with a 2-shot lead she felt comfortable that Democrats couldn't cheat her out of the win. There was a big controversy when Trump had McDonald's served on his plane, and his HHS Secretary nominee RFK Jr was said to have eaten a Big Mac and fries. But that was only part of the controversy, as apparently the bigger surprise is that Kamala Harris actually served them the meal, fulfilling her obligation. And maybe on a private bet between her and The Donald? Lots to discuss today, Peeps. All areas of this corrupt government are under attack by Trump. I was thinking of a perfume name for Trump. Triumph – The sweet smell of victory—Unmistakably Trump! Voiceover (Deep, commanding tone):"When the dust settles, and the weak have fallen, there remains one unstoppable force: Victory." Final Scene:Trump sprays the perfume in slow motion. Behind him, a massive, gleaming wall rises from the earth, inscribed with the word "WINNING." Eagles soar overhead as fireworks light up the sky. Close-Up on Bottle:Gold-plated, with a bold "T" logo and the phrase, "The Essence of a Legend." Voiceover Ends:" Triumph. The fragrance of always Winning." End Screen:Trump smirks into the camera, saying,"Because losing? That's for them."              [SEGMENT 1-2] Democrats are mad 2 - illegals     In breaking news, Tom Homan announced a 20-year ban from the US if illegals don't self-deport. They won't even be able to get a tourist visa. That's one way to get MASS DEPORTATION. [X] SB – Tom Homan on self-deportation [X] SB – Tom Homan schools AOC  [SEGMENT 1-3] Democrats are mad 3 – World turned upside down Did I call it the other day. How Trump will get his appointments made.   [X] SB – Man explains bureaucracy of government The man won, and he can pick his people. Look at the freak show of the Biden administration and ask me should we negotiate on Trump's picks. Democrats should be ashamed of Joe Biden's administration picks.   Rumor is that Matt Gaetz will reveal the names of the people on Deborah Jeane Palfrey, DC Madam's list. Dave McCormick defeated Bob Casey in PA, and the Republicans officially have another Senate seat. The PA Supreme Court ordered the vote counting STOPPED. See how that works, Republicans. GA Court of Appeals abruptly canceled oral arguments in Fani Willis Trump RICO case… Biden wants WWIII to hand over to Trump, and he told Russia that he wants discussions with them and Ukraine immediately…more to come. Congratulations are in order: CNN is the first network to have more employees than viewers. Fact-check that, but I hear that's true.  [SEGMENT 1-4] Democrats are mad 4 - Hollyweirdos   Democrats have a lot of people to blame for their losses. Pelosi is under fire for the massive loss, and she is in danger of sent on walkabout… Hakeem Jeffries, light-skin brotha is being looked at harshly White women who voted for Trump… Black and Latino men.. But there is another culprit…Hollyweird and other entertainers   [X] SB – Woman to Hollyweirdos   Why are these celebrity declarations even a thing?   Too bad we can't send the FBI to raid the houses of all the dumb ass Leftists who promised to leave if Trump was elected. And with a "kill order" like Biden issued for Trump. I don't want anybody hurt just because they disagreed with about 80 million Americans who voted for Trump. But I wouldn't mind seeing a few of them sh*t their pants if the FBI came in "hard". Do we even have enough https://theblacksphere.net/2023/12/insights-fbi-agent-targeted-trump-russian-collusion-sent-to-prison/? If we don't now, we will soon. Because soon-to-be former FBI Director Wray can recall the agents who've been surveilling Conservative parents at school board meetings. But I digress. Where are the stars who pushed all in for Kamala Harris? I'd say that De Niro is keeping a low profile, but then again without his massive lifts, De Niro has no choice but to keep a low profile. Warning Hollywood: be on the lookout for a barefoot five-foot guy walking on Hollywood Boulevard mumbling about his dreams and aspirations. And what about the man who campaigned briskly for Harris, but https://theblacksphere.net/2024/11/check-out-the-leftist-notables-who-have-not-donated-to-harris/?

Trigger Warning: Proceed only if you are comfortable with potentially sensitive topics.This is not psychological advice, service, or prescriptive treatment for anxiety or depression. The content related to descriptions of depression, anxiety, or despair may be upsetting or triggering, but are clearly not exhaustive. If you should feel symptoms of depression and/or anxiety, please seek professional mental health services, or contact (in Kitsap County) Kitsap Mobile Crisis Team at  1-888-910-0416. The line is staffed by professionals who are trained to determine the level of crisis services needed. Depending on the need, this may include dispatching the KMHS Mobile Crisis Outreach Team for emergency assessment. In the Words and Voice of Rebecca W. Walston:Anticipatory intelligence  is a phrase that I heard at a seminar talking about racial trauma. The speaker whose name I can't remember, was talking about this idea of a kind of intelligence that is often developed by marginalized people. And because this was a seminar on racial trauma in the United States, her examples were all primarily around racialized experiences as the United States understand that sense of racialized society. And so the idea of anticipatory intelligence is the amount of effort or energy that we put in emotionally, mentally, psychologically, to anticipating how our bodies and the stories that they represent will be received in a space that we are in before we get there.Speaker 1 (00:18):Welcome to the Arise podcast, conversations on faith, race, justice, gender, and spirituality. In this episode, I get to interview my dear friend, Rebecca Wheeler Walston, and we are talking about anticipatory intelligence. I think all of us, or at least most of the people I speak with lately when I'm like, how are you doing? They're like, and they're like, well, that's a complicated answer. And it definitely is. There's an underlying sense of unease, of discontent, of just a lack of surety, about what is going to come next in the new year that I think I haven't felt for a long time. The collective sense that I have right now as you listen to this episode and take a sneak peek into some of the conversations Rebecca and I have had for a while, I encourage you to be kind to your body Again. I've put in previous episodes, resources, get out, get mental health care, spend time with friends, play, go play pickleball, get out in the snow, read a good book, text a friend, call a friend.(01:37):Do the things that connect you back to life giving activities. Find your spiritual practices, light candles, take a bath. All these things that therapists often say are helpful. I mean, maybe it's you go hug a tree or put your feet, your literal bare feet in the dirt. I don't know what it is for you, but leaning on the people and the resources in your area and also leaning on things that connect you back to groundedness, to feeling in your body. And so those are the things that I do. I enjoy lately eating Honey Nut Cheerios. Sounds weird. I love Dry Honey Nut Cheerios. I don't know why, but I let myself indulge in that. So again, I'm not prescribing anything to anyone. This is not a prescription, a diagnosis, a treatment plan. It is saying, how can you find ways to ground yourself in really good healthy ways that you can actually care for your good body?(02:50):I don't enjoy talking about anxiety. I don't love it. In fact, talking about it sometimes I feel really anxious in the moment my heart starts pounding, I get sweaty hands, et cetera. And yet there is something grounding for me about stepping into shared realities with my friends or neighbor, colleague or family. And so this is a reality that Rebecca and I have been talking about. What is anticipatory intelligence? And I'm going to let her jump in and start it off here. Hey, Rebecca, I know you and I chat a lot, and part of our talks are like, Hey, how you doing? Hey, how am I doing? And a while back when I reached out to you and said, Hey, let's do this thing way before the election on anxiety and race. And you're like, wait a minute. I want to talk about this thing called anticipatory intelligence. And so I want to hear about that from you. What is that?Speaker 2 (03:51):Hey, Danielle, as always, Hey, hey,(03:56):Post 2024 election, I'm going to just take a huge breath and say that I've had this low grade sort of nausea in my gut for at least a week, if not longer. So yeah, let's talk. So anticipatory intelligence is a phrase that I heard at a seminar talking about racial trauma. The speaker whose name I can't remember, was talking about this idea of a kind of intelligence that is often developed by marginalized people. And because this was a seminar on racial trauma in the United States, her examples were all primarily around racialized experiences as the United States understand that sense of racialized society. And so the idea of anticipatory intelligence is the amount of effort or energy that we put in emotionally, mentally, psychologically, to anticipating how our bodies and the stories that they represent will be received in a space that we are in before we get there.(05:23):So it's that notion of I'm a black woman, I'm getting ready to go to a function that I anticipate will likely be predominantly white. And the kind of internal conversation I have with myself about what that's going to feel like look like to enter the question in my mind of how safe or how dangerous might the environment be to me racially? So the first piece of anticipatory intelligence is that sort of internal conversation that we may be having with ourselves as we step into a circumstance. The second piece of that is when we arrive in the space and we start to read the room,(06:12):Read the faces of the people in the room, and this work of how close was my hypothesis or my theory about my reception in the room to what I'm actually seeing and feeling and hearing in the room as I enter the space is that sort of second piece of anticipatory intelligence. And then the third piece of it is really this question of how do I navigate that answers to those first two questions? And so what is my body, my brain, my emotions, my spirit, my gut, all of it doing with what I'm reading of the faces in the room and the reaction to me being there could be a positive space. I could get there and realize that the people in the room are all receptive to my presence and what I'm reading and feeling is a sense of welcome and warmth and an invitation for all of me to be in the room. And then what does that feel like in terms of the letdown of anxiety and the ability to absorb that sense of welcome and to participate in that sense of welcome? Or it could be a hostile environment. And what I'm reading is something that isn't welcome,(07:44):Something that feels like fill in the blank, resentment, who knows?(07:53):And then what does my body do with that? What does my gut do with that? What does my emotions, what does my spirit do? And how do I react and respond to what I'm actually reading in the room? So you can hear that sense of three steps, and sometimes that can happen over a matter of days, weeks as we build up to something. Sometimes that can happen in a matter of seconds as we enter a room, but the amount of effort and energy that is expended and the idea that you can actually develop a very well thought through grid for this as a kind of intelligence that can be yours individually might belong to your group. Collectively idea of how we anticipate and then how we engage a space based on and in this race, it could be extended to gender,Speaker 3 (08:58):ReligionSpeaker 2 (09:00):In this day and age, probably politics and any other places where we find intersectionality of the pieces of our identity.Speaker 1 (09:11):I had to take a deep breath because it is this giant reframing and pathologizing of what a lot of us walk around with, which is an internal disruption as we move from space to space.Speaker 2 (09:29):Yeah, I think that's true. And I mean, I think about it as a black woman, as a black mother raising two kids, I have taught my kids this notion of, I didn't call it that there's too many syllables and SAT words, but I have taught my kids a sense of pay attention to people and places and sounds and vibes and nonverbal communication and verbal communication and learn to interpret and decipher and then do what is necessary to keep yourself safe and do what is necessary to enjoy and participate in places where you're actually welcome.Speaker 1 (10:17):When that intersects with the concepts of Western psychology, let's say, where we're as a part of that system, there's this constant move to how do we heal anxiety, how do we work towards calm? How do we work towards finding a quote safe space? And I think it's becoming more and more evident in our current society. It's evident to many before, but I think some people are jostled into the reality that there might not be that safe space or you might have to understand anxiety differently than the western psychological framework. Have you thought about that?Speaker 2 (11:04):Yeah. I mean, couple of things, right? Is that in western sort of psychological space, the phrase that's usually engaged is something called hypervigilant. This idea that the time you spend reading a room and your sense of threat and the need to be vigilant about your own safety, the concept of hypervigilance is to say that you're overreactingSpeaker 3 (11:36):ToSpeaker 2 (11:37):The space and you have a kind of vigilance that is unnecessary. You have a kind of vigilance that is a trigger to some threat that doesn't actually exist. And therefore you as the person who is doing this anticipatory work, needs to rea acclimate to the room and engage the room as if you are safe and to reimagine or recalibrate your sense of threat to an idea that it doesn't exist and it's not there. And one of the things that I would pose is that's a false reality for marginalized people in the United States. The sense of a lack of safety is present and it's real. And therefore, could we be talking about a necessary kind of vigilance as opposed to an over reactive hypervigilance?(12:45):So that's kind of one way that I think is a necessary exploration, and it requires the country to wrestle with the truth and the why and how of the lack of safety for marginalized people, whether that is on racial lines or gender lines or whatever power structure we are engaging. There's always the question of those in power and those who are not. And if in that moment you are in the category of the disempowered and the disenfranchised, then a sense of your own vigilance might actually be the wisest, kindest thing you can do. And the error of modern psychology to pathologize that is the problem. The other thing that I think about because you use the word safety, and I did too often, and of the growing belief that the idea that I can be safe in an absolute sense is probably a misnomer at best, an illusion at worst. And so there can there be this sense of safer environments or safe ish environments or even the suggestion that I've heard in recent years of a sense of bravery instead of safety, the ability for the space, the room to hold, the idea that if there's a power differential, there's going to be a safety differential.(14:31):And so the question is not am I safe? The question is the level of courage or bravery that I may need to access in order to step into a room and note that there is a certain amount of of safety.Speaker 1 (14:50):And I think that can be played out on all levels. I mean, I attended a training on immigrant rights and one of the things they mentioned is that ICE has the ability, the immigration service has the ability to use a digital format on online form to write their own warrant. Now, we know that regular police cannot write their own warrant.(15:16):We know that ice can also obtain a warrant through the courts, but when you have an empowered police body to write their own warrant, even if you're not in an immigrant, what is a sense that you're going to actually be safe or you're going to walk into a room where there are those power differentials no matter what your race or ethnicity is. If you are not of the dominant class, what's the sense that you're going to feel safe in that power differential? I think as I hear you say, I don't want to go to the extreme that it's an illusion, but I do agree that each step out is a step of bravery. And some days we may have the bravery and the data points that say, despite this anticipation of potential harm, I'm going to be able to work through that today and I'm going to be with people who can work through that with me, even through the power differential. And I think in the coming days, and there's going to be times when we say I can't step into that space because of what I anticipate, not because I'm a coward, but because it may lead to more harm than I can metabolize.Speaker 2 (16:27):Yeah, I mean the word safe has its problem. So does the word brave, right? Because again, the weight of that word is on the marginalized person in many ways to push path, the power differential and show up anyway. And there's something about that weight and the imbalance of it that feels wildly unfair, but historically true.(17:00):And so what I love about your sense of there might be some days I do not have it in me, and then can we come to that moment with the reverence and the kindness and the sanctity that deserves for me and my individual capacity to say I don't have it today? And I say that knowing that most of us come from, I come from a cultural backdrop, a collective story around blackness and the black bravery and black courage and black power and black rights. That doesn't always give me space to say I don't have it in me. I don't have that bravery today. I don't have access to it. I come from a cultural narrative that screams we shall overcome in a thousand different ways. And so you can hear in that both a hope and then a demand that you find the capacity in every moment to overcome. And we don't have a lot of stories where you get to say, I don't have it. And I have some curiosity for you as a Latino woman, do you have those stories, those cultural narratives that give you permission to say, I don't have access to the kind of bravery that I need for today?Speaker 1 (18:40):That's a really good question. As you were speaking, I was thinking of the complexity of the constructed racial identity for Latinos, which is often a combination as you know, we've talked about it, a lot of indigenous African and then European ancestry. And so I often think of us coming into those spaces as negotiators. How do we make this okay for dominant culture folks? Can we get close enough to power to make it okay? Which is a costly selling out of one part of ourselves. And I think the narrative is like when you hear nationally, why do Latinos vote this way even though the electoral percentage is so low compared to dominant culture folks? So I think the question we have to wrestle with is what part of our identity are we going to push aside to fit in those spaces? Or sometimes the role of negotiator and access to privilege can lead to healing and good things.(19:53):And also there are spaces where we step into where that's not even on the table. It's going to be an option. And so can we step back and not have to be that designated person and say, actually, I can't do any negotiations. I don't have the power to do that. It's kind of a false invitation. It's this false sense of you can kind of belong if you do this, but you can't really belong. I want you to vote for me, but then in 30 days, 60 days, I'm going to deport you at risk to be arrested. So you have to vote against your own best interest in order to be accepted, but after being accepted, you're also rejected. So I think there's a sense for me as I ramble through it, I don't know where that permission comes from to step back, but I think we do need to take a long hard look and step backSpeaker 2 (20:57):Just listening to you. I have a sense that the invitation to your community is a little different than the invitation that has been extended to my community. And of course the extension of that invitation coming from the power structures of the western world of America, of whiteness. I hear you saying that if I'm mishearing you, let's chat. But what I hear is the sense of this notion that you can negotiate for acceptance, which I think is an invitation that has been extended to a lot of ethnic groups in the United States that do not include black people. Our history in the United States is the notion of one drop of black blood lands you in this category for which there will never be access. And I say that also knowing that part of the excitement of a candidacy of someone like Kamala Harris is the notion that somehow we have negotiated something or the possibility that we actually have negotiated a kind of acceptance that is beyond imagination. And in the days following the election, some of the conversation of literally she did everything that she has, all the degrees, she has the resume, she has this, she has that, and it wasn't enough to negotiate the deal(22:53):And the kind of betrayal. And so I started this by saying, oh no, y'all over there in Latinx spaces get to negotiate something we as black people. But I think that there's a true narrative in post civil rights post brown versus board of education that the negotiation that we are in as black people is if we get the degrees and we build the pedigree, we can earn the negotiated seat. And I think other ethnic spaces, and you tell me if this feels true to you, the negotiation has been about bloodline.Speaker 1 (23:50):Yeah, absolutely. And adjacent to that negotiated space is the idea that you wouldn't have to anticipate so much that you could walk in and feel safe or that no matter where you think about any of the presidential spaces, that Kamala Harris could walk in and she could be acceptedSpeaker 2 (24:15):And that she would bring all the rest of us with her. Yeah.Speaker 1 (24:29):I wanted to believe that this election was based on issues. And I wanted to believe that no matter where you stood on certain things that you could see through that Trump was going to be a deadly disaster for bodies of color. And yet that's not what happened.Speaker 2 (24:55):Yeah, I think, right. And my first pushback is like, he's a problem. He's a disaster not just for bodies of color. And I think there was some segment of the country making the argument that he is a detriment to a kind of ideal that affects us all regardless of race or creed or color or gender. And I am still trying to make meaning of what it means that that's not the choice we made as a country. I'm still trying to, in my head, logically balance how you could vote against your own interests. And I was watching a documentary this weekend, the US and the Holocaust, and one of the things that is true in that documentary is the fact that there has always been a strain of American life that voted against its own interest. That notion is not new. And if I try to think about that in psychological terms, I mean, how often have you seen that as a therapist, a client who makes decisions that are clearly against their own interest? And the therapeutic work is to get to a place where that is less and less true,Speaker 1 (26:38):Which I mean, I know we'll record a part two, I think of the collective meaning we are making out of this, that the sense that in the voting against our own self-interest, I can speak from my cultural background, you may say goodbye to your grandma or your brother. You may say goodbye to the friend down the street that runs a restaurant. And what does that do to your psyche? It's nothing new. We've been asked to do that for centuries. This is not new. This was introduced when colonial powers first arrived and we're asking for loyalty in exchange for some kind of a false hope of true safety. And yet when we experience this anxiety or this anticipatory intelligence, I think our bodies aren't just speaking from what's happening today, but the centuries of this was never, okay.Speaker 2 (27:48):See, again, I'm hit with that sentence reads different to me when I hear you as a Latino woman say, that's not a new negotiation for us. We've been asked to vote against our own interest from colonial days. And what does that cost you? I want to cry for that story of an immigration that sounded like it was voluntary and never actually was. And I say that feeling in my own experience, the trajectory of enslaved Africans were asked to negotiate something very different than that. What is the cost? It'll be a different kind of cost. There is a section of the black community that voted against our own interest in this election, and what does that mean and what's the story that we're telling ourselves around it in order to justify a choice? The consequences of which I think have yet to be made clear for any of us. I know that there's this anticipated, we can say the word mass deportation and think that we can anticipate the cost of that. And just from the few conversations you and I have had over the last week, I don't think any of our anticipatory work will be anywhere close to the actual cop.Speaker 1 (30:11):I think you're right. I think we will do our best based on what we've lived and tried to do for one another and for our own families to anticipate what we need, but we won't escape.Speaker 2 (30:38):I think the other thing that I think about is the cost is not just to Latinx people. There is a cost to all of us that are in proximity to you that is different and arguably far less. But I think we're missing that too. I think we're underestimating and miscalculating. There's a science fiction book that was written, I read it in college by the author's name is a guy named Derek Bell. He's a lawyer, and he wrote a book called Faces at the Bottom of the Well. And there's a chapter in the book's, a collection of short stories. There's a short story about the day all the Negroes disappeared. And the story is about this alien population from another planet who is disenchanted with the treatment of enslaved Africans. So they come to earth and they take everybody black. And the story is about what is no longer true of the planet because Africans are no longer enslaved. Africans in the US are no longer in it, on it. And all the things that are no longer true of American life, the things that will never become true of American life because of the absence of a people group. And I think that, again, we can say the phrase mass deportation and think we have some sense of what the cost of that might be. And I think we are grossly underestimating and miscalculating all the things that will not be true of American life.Speaker 1 (32:33):Yeah, I think I don't have words. I don't have a lot of explanations or what our kids will, what they're learning about life. I know we have to pause. Okay. Okay.Speaker 2 (33:09):Part two, to comeSpeaker 1 (33:10):Our cucumber. I'll catch you later. As you can see, we ended this podcast on a difficult note, and it's not a space that Rebecca and I are going to be able to resolve, and we are going to continue talking about it. So tune in to our next episode in part two. And I really think there's a lot of encouragement to be found in setting a frame and setting space for reality and what we are facing in our bodies and understanding ourselves and understanding as collectives, how this might be impacting us differently. Rebecca and I aren't speaking for everybody in our communities. They're not monoliths. We are speaking from our particular locations. Again, thank you for tuning in and I encourage you to download, share, subscribe, and share with others that that might be researching or thinking about this topic. Talk to you later. Bye.  Well, first I guess I would have to believe that there was or is an actual political dialogue taking place that I could potentially be a part of. And honestly, I'm not sure that I believe that.

Twentieth-century European fascism boasted of a strong State run by a right-wing Fuher or demagogue, i.e., dictator. Both in Italy and Nazi Germany, the nuclear family was central to the enthusiasm for patriotic nationalism and militarism. The fascist parties ran on anti-democratic and anti-capitalist platforms; this was their con. The parties were pro-corporatism or in other words demanded a “corporative state.” A racialized social Darwinism was present, which led to the embrace of expansionary militarism and imperialism. Fascism has been a global phenomenon for the last 4,000 to 6,000 years. It is in the massed. It materialized during an economic crisis (Great Depression). There is a history of terror and violence inflicted on the Other, e.g., Jews, Communists, socialists, homosexuals, Indians, Negroes, immigrants, which maintains the status quo. With twentieth-century fascism there was a total unification with the State. The unity was based on an enforced symbiosis, whereby the “mobilized passions” were utilized to destroy unions and any forms of opposition to the State. Spectacle, commemorations, and state-run youth organizations dominated space and time, so private self was eliminated. One of a body of the State. The self was merged with the public self, e.g., being Catholic and being Italian, based on this collectivization of all spheres of life. Twenty-first century fascism in the U.S. requires Reich's application of “functional thinking.” Twentieth and twenty-first century fascism are simultaneously identical and antithetical (in opposition). For example, body and mind are not two not one: a functional unity whereby psyche and soma are two sides of the same coin. The function of fascism is to physically and ideologically enclose citizens in the pursuit of maintaining the status quo by any means necessary, e.g., war, propaganda, etc. This naïve application allows us to consider how twentieth-century fascism is a continuously functional process of maintaining the status quo. Therefore, twenty-first century American fascism relies on the projection of a weak state and ineffectual leader, e.g., Bush II, Biden. The centrality of the nuclear family (sex-negating, compulsive monogamy) remains with room for cultural differences: same-sex, bi-racial, etc. For fifty years, the slogan “government is the problem” prevails. The “corporative state” of twentieth-century fascism is actualized in the complete corporate takeover of the State in the U.S. Instead of antiparliamentarianism, the emphasis of both parties is to “save democracy” and “save the Republic.” This saving is about maintaining class divisions for the global power elite to reap benefits from. In short, to return to a restorative period (status quo) or Make America Great Again. Social Darwinism is still the norm, but instead of a racist ideology, a purely self-interested model is all-pervasive: neoliberal ideology, i.e., run everything like a business, including oneself. Militarism and imperialism remain in U.S. but based on invisible enemies abroad. The U.S. empire has shifted into a predominantly Connection role (armaments), so other nations can fight. The racism of slavery and Jim Crow remains in areas of the country and certainly on the Indigenous “reservations” (enclosures). However, fascism is more personalized: each individual participates in the hateful Othering online, e.g., LGBTQ+, immigrants, Republicans, Democrats, in unity with the Nation. Twentieth-century fascism required the mobilization of emotion and passion, which is in contrast with twenty-first century fascism. Jean Baudrillard recognized that the new system is one of universalized deterrence. Deterrence is a strange form of activity: “it is what causes something not to take place.” Politics and the media have erected a social (digital) system to pacify the citizenry. The compulsion to communicate and cancel manifests as a digital panopticon whereby the State,

In this electrifying episode of Connecting the Dots, I sat down with Jon Jeter—two-time Pulitzer Prize finalist, former Washington Post bureau chief, and Knight Fellowship recipient—who pulled no punches as we unraveled the hidden dynamics of America's class war. Drawing from his explosive book Class War in America, Jeter revealed how the elite have masterfully weaponized race to keep the working class fractured and powerless, ensuring they stay on top. He delves into the ways education is rigged to widen inequality, while elite interests tighten their grip on public policy. With gripping personal stories and razor-sharp historical insight, Jeter paints a vivid picture of the struggle between race and class in America and leaves us with a tantalizing vision of a united working-class revolution on the horizon. This is an episode that will shake your understanding of power—and inspire you to see the potential for change.   Find me and the show on social media. Click the following links or search @DrWilmerLeon on X/Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Patreon and YouTube!   Hey everyone, Dr. Wilmer here! If you've been enjoying my deep dives into the real stories behind the headlines and appreciate the balanced perspective I bring, I'd love your support on my Patreon channel. Your contribution helps me keep "Connecting the Dots" alive, revealing the truth behind the news. Join our community, and together, let's keep uncovering the hidden truths and making sense of the world. Thank you for being a part of this journey!   Wilmer Leon (00:00:00): I'm going to quote my guest here. We've been watching for a while now via various social media platforms and mainstream news outlets, the genocide of the Palestinian people, what do the images of a broad swath of Americans, whites and blacks, Latinos, Arabs and Asians, Jews and Catholics and Muslims, and Buddhists shedding their tribal identities and laying it all out on the line to do battle with the aristocrats who are financing the occupation. Slaughter and siege mean to my guest. Let's find out Announcer (00:00:40): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history Wilmer Leon (00:00:46): Converge. Welcome to the Connecting the Dots podcast with Dr. Wilmer Leon, and I am Wilmer Leon. Here's the point. We have a tendency to view current events as though they happen in a vacuum, failing to understand the broader historical context in which many of these events take place. During each episode, my guests and I have probing, provocative, and in-depth discussions that connect the dots between these events and the broader historic context in which they occur, thus enabling you to better understand and analyze the events that impact the global village in which we live. On today's episode, the issue before us is again, quoting my guest. When the 99% come together to fight for one another rather than against each other is the revolution. Na, my guest is a former foreign correspondent for the Washington Post. His work can be found on Patreon as well as Black Republic Media, and his new book is entitled Class War in America. How The Elite Divide the Nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? Phenomenal, phenomenal work. John Jeter is my guest, as always, my brother. Welcome back to the show. Jon Jeter (00:02:07): It's a pleasure to be here. Wilmer. Wilmer Leon (00:02:10): So class war in America, how the elites divide the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? You open the book with two quotes. One is from the late George Jackson, settle Your Quarrels, come together, understand the reality of our situation. Understand that fascism is already here, that people are already dying, who could be saved that generations more will live. Poor butchered half lives. If you fail to act, do what must be done. Discover your humanity and love your revolution. Why that quote? And then we'll get to the second one. Why that quote, John? Jon Jeter (00:02:50): That quote, really that very succinct quote by the revolutionary, the assassinated revolutionary. George Jackson really explains in probably a hundred words, but it takes me 450 pages to explain, which is that the ruling class, the oligarchs, we call 'em what you want. Somewhere around the Haymarket massacre of 1886, I believe they figured out that the way that the few can defeat the many is to divide the many to pit it against itself, the working class against itself. And so since then, they have a embark on a strategy of pitting the working class against itself largely along, mostly along racial or tribal lines, mostly white versus black. And it has enveloped, the ruling class has enveloped more and more people into whiteness. First it was Italians and Germans and Jews, or Jews really starting after World War II and the Holocaust. And then it was gays and women, and now even blacks themselves have been enveloped in this sort of adjacency to whiteness where everyone sort of gets ahead by beating up, by punching down on black people. And so George Jackson's quote really sort of encapsulates the success that we, the people can have by working together. And I want to be very clear about the enemy is not white people. The enemy is a white identity. (00:04:48): Hungarians and Czech and the Brits and the French and the Italians are not our enemy. They are glorious people who have done glorious things, but the formation of a white identity is really the kryptonite for working class movements in this country. Wilmer Leon (00:05:07): In fact, I'm glad you make that point because I wanted to call attention to the fact that a lot of people listening to this and hear you talk about the Irish or the Poles or the Italians, that in Europe, those were nationalisms, those were not racial constructs. Those were not racial identities. And that it really wasn't until many of them came to America and or post World War ii, that this construct of whiteness really began to take hold as the elite in America understood, particularly post-slavery. That if the poor and the working class whites formed an alliance with the newly freed, formerly enslaved, that that would be a social condition that they would not be able to control. Jon Jeter (00:06:11): It was almost, it was as close to invincible as you could ever see. This coalition, which particularly after slavery, very tenuously, (00:06:24): But many, many whites, particularly those who were newer to the country, Germans and Italians and Irish, who had not formed a white identity, formed a white identity here. As you said in Europe, they were Irish Italians. Germans. One story I think tells the tale, it was a dock workers strike in New Orleans in 1894. I read about this in the book, and the dock workers were segregated, black unions and white unions, but they worked together, they worked in concert, they went on strike for higher wages, and I think a closed shop, meaning that if you worked on the docks, you had to belong to the union and they largely won. And the reason for that is because the bosses, the ship owners tried to separate the two. They would tell the white dock workers, we'll work with you, but we won't work with those N words. (00:07:22): And many of the dock workers at that time had just come over from Europe. So they were like, what are you talking about? He's a worker just like me. I worked right next to him, or he works the doc over from me or the platform over from me. He's working there. So what do you mean you're not going to work with, you're going to deal with all of us? And that ethos, that governing ethos of interracial solidarity was one that really held the day until 20 years later, 20 years later, by which time Jim Crow, which was really an economic and political strategy, had really taken hold. And many of the dock workers, their children had begun to think of themselves as white. Wilmer Leon (00:08:06): In fact, I'm glad you referred to the children because another parallel to this is segregated education. As the framers, and I don't mean of the constitution, but of this culture, wanted to impose this racial caste system, they realized you can't have little Jimmy and little Johnny playing together sitting next to each other in classrooms and then try to impose a system of hierarchy based on phenotype as these children get older. What do you mean I can't play with him? What do you mean I can't play with her? She's my friend. No, not anymore. And so that's one of the things that contributed to this phenotypical ethos separating white children from black children. Jon Jeter (00:09:01): Education has been such a pivotal instrument for the elites, for the oligarchs, for the investor class in fighting this class war. It's not just been an instrument, a tool to divide education in the United States. It's largely intended to reproduce inequality, and it always has been, although obviously many of us, many people in the working class see, there's a tool to get ahead. That's not how the stock class sees it. (00:09:35): But beyond that even it is the investment in education. This is a theme throughout the book from the first chapter to the last basically where education, because it is seen as a tool for uplift by the working class, but by the investment class, it's seen as a tool to divide. And increasingly really since about really the turn of the century, this century, the 21st century, it's been seen as an investment opportunity. So that's why we have all of these school closures and the school privatization effort. It's an investment opportunity. So the problem is that we're fighting a class war. We've always been fighting a class war, but it's something that is seldom mentioned in public discussions in the media, the news or entertainment media, it's seldom mentioned, but schools education, you could make an argument that it is the holy grail of the class war, whoever can capture the educational system because it can become a tool both by keeping it public or I guess making it public now, returning it to public. And so much of it is in private hands by maintaining its public nature, and at the same time using it to reduce inequality as opposed to reproducing inequality Wilmer Leon (00:11:08): And public education and access to those public education dollars is also an element of redistribution of wealth because as access to finance is becoming more challenging, particularly through the neocolonialist idea using public dollars for private sector interest, giving access to those public education dollars to the private sector is another one of the mechanisms that the elite used to redistribute public dollars into private hands. Jon Jeter (00:11:49): One of the things that I discovered and researching this book was the extent to which bonds sold by municipalities, by the government, those bonds are sold to investors. That is more and more since really the Reagan era, because we've shipped manufacturing offshore. So how do you make money if you are invested, if you've got surplus money laying around, how do you make money? You invest it, speculate. Loan tracking essentially is what it is. One of the ways that you can make money. One of the things that you can invest money in is the public sector. So schools become an instrument for finance. And so what we see around the country are schools education becoming an investment vehicle for the rich and they can invest in it and they're paying higher and higher returns. Taxpayers. (00:12:57): You and I, Wilmer, are paying more and more to satisfy our creditors. For as one example, I believe it was in San Diego or a school district near or right outside San Diego, this was about 20 years ago, but they took out a loan to finance public education there, I believe just their elementary schools in that district. And it was something like a hundred million dollars loan just for the daily operations of that school district. And that had a balance due or the money, the interest rate was such that it was going to cost the taxpayers in that district a billion dollars to repay that loan, right? So that is an extreme example. But increasingly what we've seen is public education bonds that are used to pay for the daily operations of our municipalities are the two of the class war are an instrument of combat in the class war because the more that cities practice what we call austerity, what economists call austerity, cutting the budget to the very bare minimum, the more investment opportunities it creates for the rich who then reap that money back. (00:14:15): So they've got a tax cut because they're not paying for the schools upfront, and it becomes an investment opportunity because they're paying for the schools as loans, which they give back exorbitant interest rates, sometimes resembling the interest rates on our credit card. So a lot of this is unseen by the public, but it really is how the class war being waged in the 21st century speculation because our manufacturing sector has been shipped offshore, and that's how we made the elites made their money for more than a century after World War ii, after the agrarian period. So yeah, it's really invisible to the naked eye, but it is where it's the primary battlefield for the class war. Wilmer Leon (00:15:00): The second quote you have is Muriel Rukeyser. The universe is made of stories, not of atoms. And I know that that resonates with you particularly because as a journalist, one who tells stories, why is that quote so significant and relevant to this book? Jon Jeter (00:15:26): This book is really, it took me almost a quarter of my life to write this book from the time that the idea first occurred to me, to the time I finished almost 15 years. And it's evolved over time. But one of the biggest setbacks was just trying to find a publisher. And many publishers, I think, although they did not say this, they objected to the subject matter. And my characterization, I have one quote again from George Jackson where he says, the biggest barrier to the advancement of the working class in America is white racism. So I think they objected to that. But I also faced issues with a few black publishers, one of whom said that after reading the manuscript that it didn't have enough theory. I would say to anyone, any publisher who thinks that theory is better than story probably shouldn't be a publisher. But I also think it's sort of symptomatic of today's, the media today where we don't understand that stories are what connects us to each other, Right? The suffering, the struggle, the triumphs of other people of our ancestors, Wilmer Leon (00:16:48): The reality Of the story Jon Jeter (00:16:51): reality, yes, Wilmer Leon (00:16:52): Juxtaposed to the theoretical. Jon Jeter (00:16:56): That's exactly right. Wilmer Leon (00:16:57): In Fact, Jon Jeter (00:16:59): The application of the theory, Wilmer Leon (00:17:01): I tell my students and when I was teaching public policy that you have to understand the difference between the theoretical and the practical, and that there are a lot of things in policy that in theory make a whole lot of sense until you then have to operationalize that on a daily basis and then have it make real sense. Big difference between the theoretical and the practical. Jon Jeter (00:17:26): No question about it. And you see this over and over again throughout the book, you see examples of, for instance, the application of communist theory. And I'm not advocating for anyone to be a communist, just that there was a very real push by communists in the United States encouraged by communists and the Soviet Union in the 1930s to try to start a worldwide proletarian revolution, the stronghold of which was here in the United States. And so the Scotts Corps boys, nine teenage boys, black boys who were falsely accused of rape, became the testing ground for communism right now, communism. It was something that sparked the imagination of a lot of black people. Very few joined the party, but it sparked the imagination. So you found a lot of blacks who were sympathetic to communism in the thirties and the forties. Wilmer Leon (00:18:21):  Rosa Parks's husband Rosa. Jon Jeter (00:18:23): That's correct. Wilmer Leon (00:18:24): Rosa. Rosa Parks's husband, Rosa Parks, the patron saint of protest politics. Jon Jeter (00:18:31): Yes. Coleman Young, the first black mayor of Detroit. I write about very specifically. It was a thing, right? But it was the application of it. And ultimately, I think most of the blacks, many of the blacks certainly who tried to implement communism would argue not only that they failed, but that communism failed them as well. So I don't, again, not an advocacy for communism, but that idea really did move the needle forward. And I think our future is not in our past. So going forward, we might sort of learn from what happened in the past, and there might be some things we can learn from communism, but I think ultimately it is, as the communist say, dialectical materialism. You can't dip your toe in the same river twice. So it is moving like it's gathering steam and it's not going to be what it was. Although we can take some lessons from the past, from the Scottsboro boys from the 1930s and the 1940s. Wilmer Leon (00:19:29): You write in your prologue quote, I cannot predict with any certainty the quality of that revolution, the one we were talking about in the open, or even it's outcome only that it is imminent for the historical record clearly asserts that the nationwide uprisings on college campuses' prophecy the resumption of hostilities between America's workers and their bosses. I'm going to try and connect the dot here, which may not make any sense, or you may say, Wilmer, that was utterly brilliant. I prefer the latter. Just over the past few days, former President Trump has been suggesting using the military to handle what he calls the enemy from within, because he is saying on election day, if he doesn't win, there will be chaos. And he says, not from foreign actors, but from the radical left lunatics, he says, I think the bigger problem are the people from within. And he says, you may need to use the National Guard, you may need to use the military, because this is going to happen. Now, I know you and Trump aren't talking. You're about two different things. I realize that different with different agendas, but this discussion about nationwide uprisings, and so your thoughts on how you looking at the college protests and what that symbolizes in terms of the discontent within the country and what Trump is, the fear that Trump is trying to sow in the minds relative to the election. Does that make any sense? Jon Jeter (00:21:18): It makes perfect sense. You don't say that about warmer Leon, all that all. Wilmer Leon (00:21:21): Oh, thank you. You're right. Jon Jeter (00:21:22): It makes perfect sense. But no, and actually I would draw a pretty straight line from Trump to what I'm writing about in the book. For instance, Nixon, who was a very smart man, and Trump was not a very smart man, it's just that he used his intelligence for evil. But Richard Nixon was faced with an uprising, a nationwide uprising on college campuses, and he resorted to violence, as we saw with Kent State. Wilmer Leon (00:21:52): Kent State, yes. Jon Jeter (00:21:53): Very intentional. Wilmer Leon (00:21:54): Jackson State, Jon Jeter (00:21:55): Yes, it was Wilmer Leon (00:21:56): Southern University in Louisiana. Jon Jeter (00:21:58): Yes, yes, yes. But Kent State was a little bit of an outlier because it was meant white kids as a shot across the bow to show white kids that if you continue to collaborate with blacks, with the Vietnamese, continue to sympathize with them and rally on their behalf, then you might get exactly what the blacks get and the Vietnamese are getting right. And honestly, in the long term, that strategy probably worked. It did help to divide this insurgency that was particularly activated on college campuses. So what Trump, I think is faced with what he will be faced with if he is reelected, which I think he very well may be, what he's going to be faced with is another insurgency that is centered on college campuses. This time. It's not the Vietnamese, it's the Palestinians, and increasingly every day the Lebanese. But it's the very same dynamic at work, which is this, you have white people on college campuses, particularly when you talk about the college campuses in the Ivy League. (00:23:13): These are kids who are mostly to the manner born. If you think about it, what they're doing is they are protesting their future employer. They're putting it all on the line to say, no, no, no, no, there's something bigger than my career than me working for you. And that is the fate of the Palestinian people. That's very much what happened in the late sixties, early seventies with the Vietnamese. And so Mark Twain is I think perhaps the greatest white man in American history, but one thing he got wrong. I don't think history rhymes. I think it does indeed repeat itself, but I think that's what we're seeing now with these kids on college campuses, that people thought that they dismantled these campus, these encampments all across the nation during the summer, the spring semester, and that when they came back that it would be over squash. (00:24:07): That's not what's happening. They're coming back loaded for bear. These college students, that does not all go well for the establishment, particularly in tandem with other things are going on, which is these nationwide, very likely a very serious economic crisis. Financial crisis is imminent, very likely. And these other barometers of social unrest, police killings of blacks, the cop cities that are being built around the country, environmental issues, what's happening in Gaza that can very much intersect. We're already seeing it. It's intersected with other issues. So there is a very real chance that we're going to see a regrouping of this progressive working class movement. How far it goes, we can't say we don't know. I mean, just because you protest doesn't mean that the oligarch just say, okay, well, you got it, you want, it doesn't happen that way. But what's the saying? You might not win every fight, but you're going to lose every fight that you don't fight. So we have a chance that we got a punch a chance like Michael Spinx with Mike Tyson made, but we got a shot. Wilmer Leon (00:25:26): And to that point, what did Mike Tyson say? Everybody can fight till they get punched in the face. Yeah, Jon Jeter (00:25:32): Everybody's got to plan until they get punched in the nose right Wilmer Leon (00:25:35): Now. So to your point about kids putting everything on the line and the children of the elite, putting it on the line, there was a university, a Bolt Hall, which is the law school at University of California, Berkeley, Steven David Solomon. He wrote an op-ed in the Wall Street Journal that the law firm of Winston and Strawn did the right thing when it revoked the job offer of an NYU law student who publicly condemned Israel for the Hamas terrorist attacks. Legal employers in the recruiting process should do what Winston and Strawn did treat these students like the adults they are, if a student endorses hate dehumanization or antisemitism, don't hire 'em. So he was sending a very clear message, protest if you want to, there's going to be a price to pay. Jon Jeter (00:26:30): Yeah, I think those measures actually are counterproductive for the elites. It really sort of rallies and galvanizes. What we saw at Cornell, I'm not sure what happened with this, but a few weeks ago, they were talking about a student activist who was from West Africa, I believe, and the school Cornell was trying to basically repatriate, have them deported. But I think actions like that tend to work against the elite institutions. I hate to say this because I'm not an advocate of it, although I realize it's sometimes necessary violence seems to work best both for the elites and for the working class. And I'm not advocating that, but I'm just saying that historically it has occurred and it has been used by both sides when any student of France, Nan knows that when social movements allow the state to monopolize violence, you're probably going to lose that fight. And I think honestly speaking, that the state understands that violences can be as most effective weapon. People don't want to die, particularly young people. So it becomes sort of a clash between an irresistible force and an immovable object. Again, that's why I say I can't predict what will happen, but I do think we're on the verge of a very real, some very real social upheaval Wilmer Leon (00:27:54): Folks. This is the brilliance of John Jeter, journalist two time Pulitzer Prize finalists. We're talking about his book Class War in America, how the Elites Divide the Nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? As you can see, I have the book, I've read the book, phenomenal, phenomenal, phenomenal writer. Writer. You write in chapter one, declarations of War. And I love the fact you quote, Sun Tzu, all warfare is based on deception. Jon Jeter (00:28:24): That's Right. Wilmer Leon (00:28:25): You write on the last day of the first leg of his final trip abroad, his president with Donald Trump waiting in the wings, a subdued Barack Obama waxed poetic on the essence of democracy as he toured the Acropolis in Greece. It's here in Athens that so many of our ideas about democracy, our notions of citizenship, our notions of rule of law began to develop. And then you continue. What was left unsaid in Obama's August soliloquy is that while Greece is typically acknowledged by Western scholars as the cradle of democracy, the country could in fact learn a thing or two about governance from its protege across the pond. What types of things do you see that we still could learn from them since we're being told in this election, democracy is on the ballot and all of those rhetorical tactics? Yeah, a minute, a minute, a minute. Especially in the most recent context of Barack Obama helping to set the stage of a Kamala Harris loss and blaming it on black men. Jon Jeter (00:29:43): Yeah, that's exactly what he's doing. He's setting us up to be the scapegoats, Wilmer Leon (00:29:48): One of the does my connecting the dots there. Does that make sense? Jon Jeter (00:29:52): It makes perfect sense. And one of the themes of this book that I guess I didn't want to hammer home too much because it makes me sound too patriotic, but in one sense, what I'm writing about when I talk about the class war, what I'm writing about is this system of racial capitalism, right? Capitalism. Capitalism is exploited. Racial capitalism pits the workers against each other by creating a super exploited class that would be African-Americans and turning one half of the working class against the other half, or actually in the case of the United States, probably 70% against 30% or something like that. Anyway, but the antidote to racial capitalism is racial solidarity, which is a system of governance in which black men are fit to participate in, because we tend to be black men and black women tend to be the most progressive actors, political actors in the United States, the vanguard of the revolution, really, when we've had revolution in this country, we've been leaders of that revolution. And so what I was really trying to lay out with that first chapter where I talk about this interracial coalition in Virginia in the late 1870s, early 1880s, is that this was a century before South Africa created the Rainbow Nation, right? Nelson Mandela's Rainbow Nation, which didn't produce the results that the United States. Wilmer Leon (00:31:32): There was no pot of gold. There was no pot of gold. Jon Jeter (00:31:34): Yeah, not so far, we've seen no sight of it. And Brazil hadn't even freed its slaves when this readjust party emerged in Virginia. And so what I'm saying is that this interracial coalition that we saw most prominently in Virginia, but really all across the nation, we saw these interracial coalitions, political coalitions, were all across the Confederacy after the Civil War, and they had varying degrees of success in redistributing wealth from rich to poor, rich to working class. But the point is that no country has really seen such a dynamic interracial rainbow coalition or racial democracy, such as we've seen here in the United States, both in that period after the Civil War, and also in the period between, say, I would say FDRs election as president in 1930, was that 31, 33? 33. (00:32:36): So roughly about the time of Ronald Reagan, we saw, of course there was racism. We didn't end racism, but there was this tenuous collaboration between white and black workers that redistributed wealth. So that by 1973, at the height of it, the working class wages accounted for more than half of GDP. Now it's about 58%, I'm sorry, 42% that the workers' wages accountant for GDP. So the point I'm making really is that this racial democracy, this racial democracy has served the working class very well in the United States, and by dissipating that racial democracy, it has served the elites very well. So Barack Obama's plea to black men, which is really quite frankly aimed at white men, telling them, showing them, Hey, I've got the money control. His job is to sort of quell this uprising by black men, and he's trying to tell plea with black men to vote for Kamala Harris, knowing that the Democratic Party, particularly since 1992 when Bill Clinton was elected, has not only done nothing for black men, but in fact has sought to compete for white suburban voters, IE, many of them racist has sought to compete with the GOP for white suburban voters (00:34:04): By showing they can be just as hard on black people as the GOP. People think that the 1995, was it 1994, omnibus crime Bill 94, racial 94, the racial disparities were unintended consequences. They weren't unintended at all. They weren't in fact, the point they wanted to show white people, the Democratic Party, bill Clinton, our current president, Joe Biden, and many other whites in Democratic party want to show whites, no, no, no, no. We got these Negroes in check. We can keep them in control just like the GOP can. And that continues to be the unofficial unstated policy today, which is why Kamala Harris says, I'm not going to do anything, especially for black people. It's why, for instance, nothing has changed legislatively since George Floyd was lynched before our eyes four years ago. Absolutely nothing has changed. That's an accent that is by design. So there's some very real connections that could be made. There's a straight line that can be made from the read adjuster party in Virginia in the 1880s, which had some real successes in redistributing wealth from rich to the workers and to the poor. And it was an interracial collaboration to Barack Obama appearing, pleading with black men to come vote for Kamala Harris, despite the fact she's done nothing for black men or for black people. Wilmer Leon (00:35:31): And to your earlier point, offering nothing but rhetoric and the opportunity economy where everybody, what in the world is, how does that feed the bulldog? So we've gone from, at least in terms of what they're, I believe, trying to do with black politics. We've gone from a politics of demand. We've gone from a politics of accountability to just a politics of promises and very vague. And this isn't in any way, shape or form trying to convince people that Donald Trump is any better. No, that's not what this conversation is about. But it's about former President Obama coming to a podium and telling black men how admonishing black men, how dare you consider this. But my question is, well, what are the specific policies that Vice President Harris is offering that she can also pass and pay for that are going to benefit the community? Because that's what this is supposed to be about, policy output. Jon Jeter (00:36:55): And that's the one thing that's not going to happen until the working class, we, the people decide, and I don't know what the answer's going to be, if it's going to be a third party, if it's going to be us taking control of the Democratic Party at the grassroots level, I don't know what it's going to be. But the philosophical underpinnings of both political parties is black suffering, right? Black suffering is what greases the wheel, the wheel, the political wheel, the economic wheel of the United States, the idea that you can isolate blacks and our suffering. What Reagan did, what Reagan began was a system of punishing blacks in the workplace, shipping those jobs overseas, which Reagan began, and very slowly, Clinton is the one who really picked up the pace, Wilmer Leon (00:37:44): The de-industrialization of America. Jon Jeter (00:37:47): The de-industrialization of America was based on black suffering. We were the first, was it last hired? First fired. And so we were the ones who lost those jobs initially, and it just snowballed, right? We lost those jobs. And think about when we saw the crack epidemic. Crack is a reflection of crises, (00:38:12): Right? Social crises. So we saw this thing snowball, really, right? But you, in their mind, you can isolate the suffering until you can't. What do I mean by that? Well, if you have just a very basic understanding of the economy, you understand that if you rob 13% of your population buying power, you robbed everybody of buying power, right? I mean, who's going to buy your goods and services if we no longer have buying power? We don't have jobs that pay good wages, we have loans that we can't repay. How does that sustain a workable economy? And maybe no one will remember this, but you've probably heard of Henry Ford's policy of $5 a day that was intended to sustain the economy with buying one thing, the one thing Wilmer Leon (00:39:07):  wait a minute, so that his workers, his assembly line automobile workers could afford to buy the product they were making. There are those who will argue that one of the motivations for ending slavery was the elite looked at the industrialists, looked at this entire population of people and said, these can be consumers. These people are a drag on the economy. If we free them, they can become consumers. Jon Jeter (00:39:45): You don't have to be a communist to understand that capitalism at its best. It can work for a long time, for a sustained period of time. It can work very well for a majority of the people. If the consumers have buying power. We don't have that anymore. We're a nation of borrowers. Wilmer Leon (00:40:07): It's the greed of the capitalists that makes capitalism consumptive, and there's another, the leviathan, all of that stuff. Jon Jeter (00:40:19): Yes. And again, black suffering is at the root of this nation's failure. We have plunged into this dark hole because they sought first to short circuit our income, our resources, but it's affected the entire economy. And the only way to rebuild it, if you want to rebuild a capitalist economy, and that's fine with me, the only way you can rebuild is to restore buying power for a majority of the Americans. As we saw during the forties, the fifties, particularly after the war, we saw this surge in buying power, which created, by the way, the greatest achievement of the industrial age, which was the American middle class. And that was predicated again on racial democracy. Blacks participating in the democracy. Wilmer Leon (00:41:10): You mentioned black men and women tended to be incredibly progressive, and that black men and women were the vanguard of the revolution. What then is the problem with so many of our black institutions that, particularly when you look at our HBCUs that make so many of them, anything but progressive, Jon Jeter (00:41:42): That's a real theme of the book. This thing called racial capitalism has survived by peeling off more and more people. At first, it was the people who came through Ellis Island, European Central Europeans, Hungarians checks, and I have someone in the book I'm quoting, I think David Roediger, the labor historian, famous labor historian, where he quoted a Serbian immigrant, I think in the early 1900's , saying, the first thing you learn is you don't wanna be, that the blacks don't get a fair chance, meaning that you don't want to be anything like them. You don't want to associate with them. And that was a very powerful thing. That's indoctrination. But they do. They peel off one layer after another. One of the most important chapters in the book, I think was the one that begins with the execution of the Rosenbergs, who were the Rosenbergs. Ethel and Julius Rosenbergs were communists, or at least former communists who probably did, certainly, Julius probably did help to pass nuclear technology to the Soviet Union in the late forties, early fifties. (00:42:52): At best. It probably sped up the Russians. Soviet Union's ability to develop the bomb sped up by a year, basically. That's the best that it did. So they had this technology already. Ethel Rosenberg may have typed up the notes. That's all she probably did. And anyway, the state, the government, the US government wanted to make an example out of them. And so they executed them and they executed Ethel Rosenberg. They wanted her to turn against her husband, which would've been turning against her country, her countryman, right? She realized that she wouldn't do it. I can tell you, Ethel Rosenberg was every bit as hard as Tupac. She was a bad woman. Wilmer Leon (00:43:40): But was she as hard as biggie? Jon Jeter (00:43:41): I dunno, that whole east coast, west coast thing, I dunno. But that was a turning point in the class where, because what it was intended to do, or among the things it was intended to do, was the Jews were coming out the Holocaust. The Jews were probably, no, not probably. They certainly were the greatest ally blacks. Many of the communists who helped the Scotsboro boys in the 1930s, and they were communists. Many of them were Jews, right? It was no question about, because the Jews didn't see themselves as white. Remember, Hitler attacked them because they were non-white because they were communists. That's why he attacked them. And that was certainly true here, where there was a very real collusion between Jewish communists and blacks, and it was meant execution of the Rosenbergs was meant to send a signal to the working class, to the Jewish community, especially. You can continue to eff around with these people if you want right, Wilmer Leon (00:44:43): but you'll wind up like em. Jon Jeter (00:44:44): Yeah. Yeah. And at the same time, you think right after the Rosenbergs execution, this figure emerged named Milton Friedman, right? Milton Friedman who said, Hey, wait a minute. This whole brown versus Board of Education, you don't have to succumb to that white people. You can send your kids to their own schools or private schools and make the state pay for it. So very calculated move where the Jews became white, basically, not all of them. You still have, and you still have today, as we see with the protest against Israel, the Jewish community is still very progressive as a very progressive wing and are still our allies in a lot of ways. But many of them chose to be white. The same thing has happened ironically, with black people, right? There is a segment of the population that's represented by a former president, Barack Obama, by Kamala Harris, by the entire Congressional black office that has been offered, that has been extended, this sort of olive branch of prosperity. (00:45:40): If you help us keep these Negroes down, you can have some of this too. Like the scene in Trading Places where Eddie Murphy is released from jail. He's sitting in the backseat with these two doctors and they're like, well, you can go home if you want to. He's got the cigar and the snifter of cognac, no believe I can hang out with you. Fell a little bit longer, right? That's what you see happening now with a lot of black people, particularly the black elite, where they say, no, I think I can hang out with you a little bit longer. So they've turned against us. Wilmer Leon (00:46:13): Port Tom Porter calls that the NER position. Jon Jeter (00:46:17): Yes. Yes. Wilmer Leon (00:46:19): And for those that may not hear the NER, the near position that Mortimer and what was the other brother's name? i Jon Jeter (00:46:28): I Can't remember. I can see their faces, Wilmer Leon (00:46:30): Right? That they have been induced and they have been brought into this sense of entitlement because they are near positions of power. And I think a perfect example of that is the latest election in New York and in St. Louis where you've had, where APAC bragged publicly, we're going to invest $100 million into these Democratic primary elections, and we are going to unseat those who we believe to be two progressive anti-Israel and Cori Bush in St. Louis and Bowman, Jamal Bowman in New York were two of the most notable victims of that. And in fact, I was just having this conversation with Tom earlier today, and that is that nobody seemed to complain. I don't remember the Black caucus, anybody in the black caucus coming out. That article came out, I want to say in April of this year, and they did not say a mumbling word about, what do you mean you're about to interfere in our election? But after Cori Bush lost, now she's out there talking about APAC, I'm coming after your village. Hey, home, girl. That's a little bit of aggression, a whole lot too late. You just got knocked out. (00:48:19): Just got knocked the F out. You are laying, you are laying on the canvas, the crowd's headed to the exits, and you're looking around screaming, who hit me? Who hit me? Who hit me? That anger should have been on the front end talking about, oh, you all going to put in a hundred million? Well, we going to get a hundred million and one votes. And it should have been exposed. Had it been exposed for what it was, they'd still be in office. Jon Jeter (00:48:50): And to that point, and this is very interesting. Now, Jamal Bowman, I talked to some black activists in New York in his district, and they would tell you we never saw, right? We had these press conferences where we're protesting police violence under Mayor Eric Adams, another black (00:49:11): Politician, and we never saw him. He didn't anticipate. In fact, one of them says she's with Black Lives Matter, I believe she says, we called him when it was announced that APAC was backing this candidate. He said, what can we do? Said they never heard back. Right? Cori Bush, to her credit, is more from the movement. She was a product of Michael Brown. My guess is she will be back, right? That's my guess. Because she has a lot of support from the grassroots. She probably, if anyone can defeat APAC money as Cori Bush, although she's not perfect either. Wilmer Leon (00:49:44): But my point is still, I think she fell into the trap. Jon Jeter (00:49:51): No question. No question. No question. No, I don't disagree at all. And that again, is that peeling off another layer to turn them against this radical black? That's what it really is. It's a radical black political tradition that survived slavery. It's still here, right? It's just that they're constantly trying to suppress that. Wilmer Leon (00:50:10): And another element of this, and I'm trying to remember the sister that they did this to in Georgia, Congresswoman, wait a minute, hang on. Time out. Cynthia McKinney. The value of having a library, Cynthia McKinney. (00:50:31): Most definitely! (00:50:33): They did the same thing. How the US creates S*hole countries. Cynthia McKinney, they did the same thing to her. So it's not as though they had developed a new strategy. It's that it worked against Cynthia and they played it again, and we let it happen. Jon Jeter (00:50:57): Real democracy can immunize these politicians though, from that kind of strategy. Wilmer Leon (00:51:01): Absolutely. Absolutely. In chapter six, the Battle on the Bay, you talk about 1927, you talk about this 47-year-old ironworker, John Norris, who buys this flat, and then the depression hits and he loses everything. You talk about Rose Majeski, Jon Jeter (00:51:24): I think I Wilmer Leon (00:51:26): Managed to raise her five children. You talk about the Depression. The Harlem Renaissance writer, Langston Hughes wrote, brought everybody down a peg or two, and the Negro had but few pegs to fall. Travis Dempsey lost his job selling to the Chicago defender. Then you talk about a gorgeous summer day, Theodore Goodlow driving a truck and a hayride black people on a hayride, and someone falls victim to a white man running into the hayride. And his name was John Jeter. John with an H. Yours has no H Jon Jeter (00:52:13): Legally it does. Wilmer Leon (00:52:14): Oh, okay. Okay, okay. All right. Anyway, so you make a personal familiar connection to some of this. Elaborate, Jon Jeter (00:52:26): My uncle, who was a teenager at the time, I can't remember exactly how old he played in the Negro Leagues, actually, Negro baseball leagues was on this hayride. And I know the street. I'm very familiar with. The street. Two trucks can't pass one another. It's just too narrow, and it's like an aqueduct. So it's got walls there to keep you. Oh, (00:52:52): Viaduct. I'm sorry. Yeah. Not an auc. Yeah, thank you. Public education. So basically what happened is my uncle had his legs sort of out the hayride, like he's a teenager, and this car came along, another truck came along and it sheared his legs off, killed him. I don't think my father ever knew the story. I think my father went to his grave not knowing the story, but we did some research after his death, me and my sister and my brother, my younger brother. And there was almost a riot at the hospital when my uncle died, because the belief, I believe they couldn't quite say it in the black newspaper at the time, but the belief was that this white man had done it intentionally, right? He wasn't charged, and black people were very upset. So it was an act of aggression, very much, very similar to what we see now happening all over the country with these acts of white, of aggression by white men, basically young white men who are angry about feeling they're losing their racial privileges or racial entitlement. (00:53:52): So anyway, to make the story short, I was named after my uncle, my father, my mother named me after my uncle, but I think it was 1972. I would've been seven years old. And me and my father were at a farmer's market in Indianapolis where I grew up. And this old man at this time, old man, I mean doting in a brown suit, I'll never forget this in a brown suit. He comes up to us and he just comes up to my father and he holds his hand, shakes his hand, and I'm so sorry. I'm so sorry. And my father's said, no, it's okay. You didn't know. It wasn't your fault. Nobody blamed you. And come to find out that he was the driver of that hay ride, right? I think a dentist at the time, he was the driver of that hayride in which my uncle was killed. (00:54:38): And he had felt bad about it, I guess, the rest of his days. So yeah, it's really interesting how my life, or at least the lives of my parents and my grandparents, how it intersects with this story of the class war. And it does in many, many aspects. It does. And I suspect that's true of most people, I hope, who will read the book, that they will find their own lives and their own history intersecting with this class war. Because this class war is comprehensive. It's hard to escape from it. It is all about the class war to paraphrase Fred Hampton. And yeah, that story really kind of moved me in a lot of ways because I had personal history, personal connection. Wilmer Leon (00:55:25): You mentioned when you just said that there was almost this riot at the hospital. What a lot of people now today don't realize is how many of those incidents occurred during those times. And we know very little, if anything about 'em, we were raising hell. So for example, you listened to some kids today was, man, if I had to been back there, I wouldn't have been no slaves. I'd have been out there kicking ass and taking names. Well, but implicit in that is a lack of understanding that folks were raising hell, 1898 in Greenwood, South Carolina, one of my great uncles was lynched in the Phoenix Riot. Black people tried to vote, fight breaks out, white guy gets shot, they round up the usual suspects, Jon Jeter (00:56:23): Right Wilmer Leon (00:56:23): Of whom was my great uncle. Some were lynched, some were shot at the Rehoboth Church in the parking lot of the Rehoboth Church, nonetheless. And that was the week before the more famous Wilmington riot. It was one week before the Wilmington Riot. And you've got the dcom lunch counters. And I mean, all of these history is replete with all of these stories of our resistance. And somehow now we've lost the near position. We've lost. We've lost that fight. Jon Jeter (00:57:02): We don't understand, and I mean this about all of us, but particularly African Americans, we don't understand. We once were warriors. And so one of the things I talk about in the book I write about in the book is the red summer of 1919. Many people are familiar with 1919, the purges that were going on. Basically this industrial upheaval. And the white elites were afraid that blacks were going to sort of lead this union labor organizing movement. And so there were these riots all across the country of whites attacking blacks. But what people don't understand is that the brothers, back then, many of them who had participated in World War, they were like Fred Hampton, it takes two to tango, right? And they were shooting back. And in fact, to end that thought, some of these riots, which weren't really riots, they were meant to be massacre, some of these, they had scouts who went into the black community to see almost to see their vulnerability. And a few times the White Scouts came back and said, no, we don't wanna go in there. We better leave them alone. Wilmer Leon (00:58:12): I was looking over here on my bookcase, got, oh, here we go. Here we go. Here we go. Red summer, the summer of 1919, and the Awakening of Black America. Yeah, yeah. Jon Jeter (00:58:24): I've got that book. I've got that same book. Yep. Wilmer Leon (00:58:26): Okay, so I've got a couple others here. Death in the Promised Land, the Tulsa Race Riot in 1921, and see what a lot of people don't know about Tulsa is after the alleged encounter in the elevator Jon Jeter (00:58:44): Elevator, right! Wilmer Leon (00:58:45): Right? That young man went home, went to the community, went back to, and when the folks came in, the community, they didn't just sit idly by and let this deal go down. That's why, one of the reasons why I believe, I think I have this right, that it got to the tension that it did because it just came an all out fight. Jon Jeter (00:59:12): Oh yeah, Oh yeah! Wilmer Leon (00:59:12): We fought back Jon Jeter (00:59:14): tooth and nail. Wilmer Leon (00:59:16): We fought back, Jon Jeter (00:59:16): Tooth and nail. Yeah, no, definitely. Wilmer Leon (00:59:18): We fought back. So Brother John Jeter, when someone is done reading class War in America, how the elites divided the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? And I'm reading it backwards anyway, what are the three major points that you want someone to take away from reading? And folks I've read it, it's a phenomenal, phenomenal. In fact, before you answer that question, let me give this plug. I suggest that usually when I recommend a book, I try to recommend a compliment to it. And I would suggest that people get John Jeter class war in America and then get Dr. Ronald Walters "White Nationalism, Black Interests." Jon Jeter (01:00:13): Oh yeah. Wilmer Leon (01:00:14): And read those two, I Think. Jon Jeter (01:00:18): Oh, I love that. I love being compared to Ron Walters, the great Ron Walters, Wilmer Leon (01:00:23): And I would not be where I am and who I am. He played a tremendous role in Dr. Wilmer Leon. I have a PhD because of him. Jon Jeter (01:00:33): He is a great man. I interviewed him a few times. Wilmer Leon (01:00:36): Yeah, few. So while you're answering that question, I'm going to, so what are the two or three things that you want the reader to walk away from this book having a better understanding of? Jon Jeter (01:00:47): Well, we almost end where we begin. The first thing is Fred Hampton. It is a class war gda is what he said, right? It's a class war. But that does not mean that you can put class above race if you really want to understand the battle, the fight, Wilmer Leon (01:01:09): Oh, wait a minute. Wait a minute. Lemme interrupt you. There was a question I wanted to ask you, and I forgot. Thomas Sowell, the economist Thomas Sowell. And just quickly, because to your point about putting class above race, I wanted to get to the Thomas Sowell point, and I almost forgot it. So in your exposition here, work Thomas, Sowell into your answer. Jon Jeter (01:01:30): Yeah, Thomas. Sowell, and I think a lot of people, particularly now you see with these young, mostly white liberals, although some blacks like Adolf Reed, the political scientists, Adolf Reed posit that it's class above race, that the issues racial and antagonisms should be subordinate to the class issue. Overall, universal ideas and programs, I would argue you can't parse one from the other, that they are connected in a way that you can't separate them. That yes, it is a class issue, but they've used race to weaken the working class to pit it against the itself. So you can't really parse the two and understand the battle that we have in front of us. The other thing I would say too, because like the Panthers would say, I hate the oppressor. I don't hate white people. And it really is a white identity. But as George Jackson said, and I quote him in the book, white racism is the biggest barrier to a united left in United States. That which is true when he wrote it more than 50 years ago, (01:02:43): It was true 50 years before that is true today. It is white racism. That is the problem. And once whites can, as we see happening, we do see it happening with these young, many of them Jewish, but really whites of all from all walks of life are forfeiting their racial privileges to rally, to advocate for the Palestinians. So that's a very good sign that something is stirring within our community. And the third thing I would say is, I'm not optimistic, right? Because optimism is dangerous. Something Barack Obama should have learned talking about the audacity of hope, he meant optimism and optimism is not what you need. But I do think there's reason for hope, these young students on the college campuses who are rallying the, I think the very real existential threat posed to the duopoly by the Democratic Party, by Kamala Harris and Joe Biden's complicity in this genocide. I think there's a very real possibility that the duopoly is facing an existential threat. People are understanding that the enemy is, our political class, is our elite political class that is responsible for this genocide that we are seeing in real time. (01:04:03): That's Never happened before. So I would say the three things, it is a class for white racism is the biggest barrier to a united left or a united working class in this country. And third, there is reason to hope that we might be able to reorganize. And in fact, history suggests that we will organize very soon, reorganize very soon. There might be a dark period in between that, but that we will reorganize. And that this time, I hope we understand that we need to fight against this white racism, which unfortunately, whites give up that privilege. History has shown whites give up that privilege of being white, work with us, collaborate with us. But they return, as we saw beginning with Ronald Reagan, they return to this idea of a white identity, which is really a scab. Wilmer Leon (01:04:50): Well, in fact, Dr. King told us in where we go from here, chaos or community, he said, be wary of the white liberal. He said, because they are opposed to the brutality of the lash, but they do not support equality. That was from where we go from here, folks. John Jeter class War in America, how the elites divide the nation by asking, are you a worker or are you white? After you read that, then get white nationalism, black interests, conservative public policy in the black community by my mentor, Dr. The late great Dr. Ronald Walters, and I mentioned the Dockum drugstore protests. He was Dr. Ron Walters was considered to be the grandfather of, Jon Jeter (01:05:40): I didn't know that Wilmer Leon (01:05:41): of the sit-in movement. Jon Jeter (01:05:42): Did not know (01:05:43): The Dockum lunch counter protests in Wichita, Kansas. He helped to organize before the folks in North Carolina took their lead from the lunch counter protest that he helped. (01:06:01): I did not know that. Wilmer Leon (01:06:02): Yes, yes, yes, yes. Jon Jeter (01:06:03): I did not know that. Wilmer Leon (01:06:04): Alright, so now even I taught John Jeter something today. Now. Now that's a day. That's a day for you. John Jeter, my dear brother. I got to thank you as always for joining me today. Jon Jeter (01:06:16): Thank you, brother. It's been a pleasure. It's been a pleasure. Wilmer Leon (01:06:19): Folks, thank you all so much for listening to the Connecting the Dots podcast with me, Dr. Wimer Leon, and stay tuned for new episodes every week. Also, please follow and subscribe, lie a review, share the show, follow us on social media. You'll find all the links to the show below in the description. And remember that this is where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Because talk without analysis is just chatter. And we don't chatter here on connecting the dots. And folks, get this book. Get this book for the holidays. Get this book. Did I say get the book? Because you need to get the book. We don't chatter here on connecting the dots. See you all again next time. Until then, I'm Dr. Woman Leon. Y'all have a great one. Peace. I'm out Announcer (01:07:15): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge.  

[SEGMENT 1-1] Good vs Evil – Mission from God If you hadn't realized it yet, by now you have to see that the Democrats will do anything to get Donald Trump. A second attempted assassination. This is truly good versus evil. And while I truly believe God is taking special care of Trump, America, and the world by watching over Trump, perhaps He has a bigger mission?[SEGMENT 1-2] Good vs Evil 2   [X] SB – Trump during the debate   [X] SB – MSNBC blames Trump   Maybe God sees how evil the Party of Lynching of Negroes has become, and he decided in His infinite wisdom to make sure that Trump gets back in office. Lord knows we MUST have him, because as bad as thing were in the Big Cheat of 2020, to allow Kamala Harris into office would mean doom and destruction. [X] SB – Supercut of Democrats Unrest in the streets as long as there is unrest in our lives Terror threat: radicalized white men Punch him in the face Put a bullet in Donald Trump John Wilkes Booth   SS visited my grandmother  [SEGMENT 1-3] Good vs Evil 3 – Evolution (Best of)   Interview of Blacks from 1990 [X] SB – Black people interviewed about white people The evolution of Blacks   No philosophy he believes in Not expanding America's boundary No overcoming a neighboring country No scheme of international dominance  [SEGMENT 1-4] Good vs Evil 4 - Conservatism (Best of)     If we can't win with a gladiator against her, then what chance do we have? I'm convinced that Trump will serve his 2nd term, and I'm not just playing the role of an optimist. But as I've said for almost two decades now, “Can we learn how win more easily?”   The conservative way is what the WORLD wants. [X] SB – News report from Springfield on cat killings  Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-kevin-jackson-show--2896352/support.

Full Text of ReadingsMemorial of Saint Peter Claver, Priest Lectionary: 437The Saint of the day is Saint Peter ClaverSaint Peter Claver’s Story A native of Spain, young Jesuit Peter Claver left his homeland forever in 1610 to be a missionary in the colonies of the New World. He sailed into Cartagena, a rich port city washed by the Caribbean. He was ordained there in 1615. By this time the slave trade had been established in the Americas for nearly 100 years, and Cartagena was a chief center for it. Ten thousand slaves poured into the port each year after crossing the Atlantic from West Africa under conditions so foul and inhuman that an estimated one-third of the passengers died in transit. Although the practice of slave-trading was condemned by Pope Paul III and later labeled “supreme villainy” by Pope Pius IX, it continued to flourish. Peter Claver's predecessor, Jesuit Father Alfonso de Sandoval, had devoted himself to the service of the slaves for 40 years before Claver arrived to continue his work, declaring himself “the slave of the Negroes forever.” As soon as a slave ship entered the port, Peter Claver moved into its infested hold to minister to the ill-treated and exhausted passengers. After the slaves were herded out of the ship like chained animals and shut up in nearby yards to be gazed at by the crowds, Claver plunged in among them with medicines, food, bread, brandy, lemons, and tobacco. With the help of interpreters he gave basic instructions and assured his brothers and sisters of their human dignity and God's love. During the 40 years of his ministry, Claver instructed and baptized an estimated 300,000 slaves. Fr. Claver’s apostolate extended beyond his care for slaves. He became a moral force, indeed, the apostle of Cartagena. He preached in the city square, gave missions to sailors and traders as well as country missions, during which he avoided, when possible, the hospitality of the planters and owners and lodged in the slave quarters instead. After four years of sickness, which forced the saint to remain inactive and largely neglected, Claver died on September 8, 1654. The city magistrates, who had previously frowned at his solicitude for the black outcasts, ordered that he should be buried at public expense and with great pomp. Peter Claver was canonized in 1888, and Pope Leo XIII declared him the worldwide patron of missionary work among black slaves. Reflection The Holy Spirit's might and power are manifested in the striking decisions and bold actions of Peter Claver. A decision to leave one's homeland never to return reveals a gigantic act of will difficult for us to imagine. Peter's determination to serve forever the most abused, rejected, and lowly of all people is stunningly heroic. When we measure our lives against such a man's, we become aware of our own barely used potential and of our need to open ourselves more to the jolting power of Jesus' Spirit. Saint Peter Claver is the Patron Saint of: African DiasporaAfrican MissionsColombiaInterracial Justice Saint of the Day, Copyright Franciscan Media

This week they discuss 2 clips that went viral one of a Pastors daughter calling out members who've left the church and one of a Pastor who claimed he had to be taught how to preach to “Negroes” . Also the God is God'n and the Block is Hot segments

THE BLACKS AND THE PRIESTHOOD, Part 2 of Chapter 13 of The Church and The Gospel    Pages 200 to 206   The Seed of Cain Enoch was a man endowed with the power of God, for we read that he could speak the word of the Lord and “the earth trembled” or he could turn rivers of water “out of their course,” or make the “mountains fall” before him. Yet when he preached the word of the Lord, he went forth among “all the people, save it were the people of Canaan. . . .” Enoch saw that the people were “a mixture of all the seed of Adam save it was the seed of Cain, for the seed of Cain were black, and had not place among them.” Those who were less valiant in pre-existence and who thereby had certain spiritual restrictions imposed upon them during mortality are known to us as the Negroes. Such spirits are sent to earth through the lineage of Cain, the mark put upon him for his rebellion against God. . . . (Mormon Doctrine, Bruce R. McConkie, pp. 476-77)

Sherwin discusses Republican policies, or the lack thereof, and the impact, or lack thereof, they truly have. He also discusses the cons of alcohol. Why do Negroes love tequila and catfish so much???

Demi reflects on a broken friendship; a review of “Fight Night” on Peacock; “Bel Air” and “Reasonable Doubt are almost back; Trump calls VPKH “a b—-"... allegedlyABOUT ME:http://www.demetrialucas.com/about/STAY CONNECTED: IG: demetriallucasTwitter: demetriallucasFB: demetriallucasYouTube: demetriallucasYou gotta check out the new softside Luggage from Away. Head on over to https://awaytravel.com/ratchet. Get 20% OFF @honeylove by going to https://honeylove.com/RATCHET! #honeylovepod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Demi reflects on a broken friendship; a review of “Fight Night” on Peacock; “Bel Air” and “Reasonable Doubt are almost back; Trump calls VPKH “a b—-"... allegedly ABOUT ME: http://www.demetrialucas.com/about/ STAY CONNECTED:  IG: demetriallucas Twitter: demetriallucas FB: demetriallucas YouTube: demetriallucas You gotta check out the new softside Luggage from Away. Head on over to https://awaytravel.com/ratchet. Get 20% OFF @honeylove by going to https://honeylove.com/RATCHET! #honeylovepod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Welcome back to "I Only Listen to 90s Music," where this episode is packed with engaging discussions and nostalgic throwbacks. We kick things off with a lively debate about the Olympics, touching on everything from Sha'Carri Richardson's anticipated races to the impact of hosting the Olympics on various cities. The conversation takes intriguing turns as we discuss the iconic figures like Usain Bolt and Simone Biles, and even delve into the upcoming inclusion of flag football in the 2028 Olympics. We then shift gears to the vibrant and sometimes controversial world of music. From Chris Brown's latest headlines to the fascinating story of Luther Vandross' tour with En Vogue, no stone is left unturned. The episode also explores potential reboots of classic TV shows like "A Different World" and "Facts of Life," pondering which characters and storylines could make a triumphant return. In a special segment, we revisit Warren G's seminal album "Regulate... G Funk Era," reflecting on its impact and timeless tracks. The episode wraps up with an engaging listener email that sparks a debate on the best debut R&B albums of all time, featuring heavyweights like Tony Braxton, D'Angelo, and Mariah Carey. 1:10 The Paris Olympics Are Super Black 14:09 Eightball and MJG movie "Comin Out Hard" 22:15 Chris Brown Fighting Again? Is It Him or does trouble just follow him? 41:44 Michael Jackson did that Pepsi deal for his brothers 55:49 Whitney Houston Mother Conspiracy 59:38 Facts of Life Reboot called off and what would a Different World Reboot look like 1:19:34 Luther Vandross treatment of En Vogue on Tour 1:36:11 Best R&B Debut albums of all time 1:57:04 Revisiting Warren G's G Funk Era album Join the I Only Listen to 90s Music Facebook Group http://bit.ly/3k0UEDe        Follow I Only Listen to 90s Music on IG https://bit.ly/3sbCphv       Follow SOLC Network online Instagram: https://bit.ly/39VL542                          Twitter: https://bit.ly/39aL395                          Facebook: https://bit.ly/3sQn7je                To Listen to the podcast Podbean https://bit.ly/3t7SDJH                      YouTube http://bit.ly/3ouZqJU                      Spotify http://spoti.fi/3pwZZnJ                     Apple http://apple.co/39rwjD1   

Find me and the show on social media. Click the following links or search @DrWilmerLeon on X/Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube!   FULL TRANSCRIPT: Wilmer Leon (00:00): I am back. I'm back. I went to what I'm calling Cult Fest 2024, also known as the RNC in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. That was a site to behold. But with all that said, president Joe Biden has decided not to pursue a second term for 2024. Without a primary, without an open process, vice President Kamala Harris has quickly become the Democrat's. Presumptive nominee. Is this democracy or a Bernie Sanders? Redo. Stay tuned. We're going to answer those questions, Announcer (00:41): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Wilmer Leon (00:49): Welcome to the Connecting the Dots podcast with Dr. Wilmer Leon. I'm Wilmer Leon. Here's the point. We have a tendency to view current events as though they are current, a vacuum failing to understand the broader historical context in which most events take place. During each episode, my guests and I have probing, provocative, and in-depth discussions that connect the dots between these events and the broader historic context in which they occur, thus enabling you to better understand and analyze the events that impact the global village in which we live. On today's episode, the issue before us is the 2024 presidential election and how the Democrats are selecting their nominee. My guest is Tom Porter. He's a lifelong activist and scholar, former dean of the African-American Studies Department at Ohio University, former director of the King Center in Atlanta, former host of morning conversations with Tom Porter. Tom Porter. Welcome back to podcast, my brother. (01:57) So Tom, as I said in the open President, Joe Biden has decided not to pursue a second term for 2024 without a primary, without an open process. Vice President Kamala Harris has quickly become the Democrat's presumptive nominee. I believe she has now amassed the requisite delegates in order to become officially the nominee on July 8th. Clinton advisor, James Carville, who is one tricky, somebody wrote a piece entitled Biden Won't Win, Democrats need a Plan. Here's one wherein he wrote, the Jig is Up, and the sooner Mr. Biden and Democratic leaders accept this, the better we need to move forward. But it can't be by anointing Vice President, Kamala Harris or anyone else as the presumptive democratic nominee. We've got to do it in the open, the exact opposite of what Donald Trump wants us to do. Tom, it doesn't appear, at least at this point that the Dems are listening to Carville Tom Porter (03:09): And they shouldn't. Wilmer Leon (03:10): Okay? Tom Porter (03:11): And they shouldn't. I remember the most important black labor leader in the country came out of a meeting with Clinton Carville and Al from, and he said, Tom, they're a bunch of fascists. It is the Clinton Wing that took over the Democratic Party under the leadership of the Democratic Leadership Conference, which was made of Southern governors, which has gotten the Democratic Party in trouble ever since. And what that means is that CarVal didn't want Kamala Harris. That's what that means. It had nothing to do with the open process and what have you. He would know open if he had a can opener, Wilmer Leon (03:58): But to his point about an open process, because further on in that piece, he talks about Clinton and Obama selecting, I think it was eight potential nominees, and that they needed to have regional town halls where these individuals would travel the country explaining their policies, introducing themselves to the electorate, and then based upon that, an individual would be, I think the term was selected, Tom. Tom Porter (04:30): Well, the effect of it is one of the things that Jesse Jackson and the Jackson campaign of 1984 is instructive and people should study that more. What Jesse found out that even though he was leading the other presidential candidates, that the rules of the Democratic party was stacked against him. It was called front loading. So for CarVal, they throw the word around democracy. First of all, the America's never been a democracy. It was born in slavery, genocide of Native Americans, and still the land from the Mexican. So the fact of it is it only had the possibility of becoming a democracy, and it has yet to come there. So what car is talking about it seems very, very interesting. But he crow controls the process, controls the day, and I'll guarantee you that Clinton and CarVal and that bunch are not going to have any kind of process that they don't control. And so it may look like it. I mean, it looks like Biden was chosen. He was number four. How did he get past three candidates and become number one? It wasn't open process. And I tell you one thing carve out and nobody else said anything because he was their choice because they wanted to stop Bernie Sanders. Wilmer Leon (05:52): There are those who say that Joe Biden was selected not to defeat Donald Trump. Joe Biden was selected to defeat Bernie Sanders, Tom Porter (06:03): And you are absolutely right. And that is what they have done. They did it with Jesse in 84. The whole Jaime thing was just that a hoax. Jesse never said it in any kind of way that was demeaning towards the Jews, but the JDL disrupted interrupted Jesse's announcement when he announced that he was going to run for president and hounded us, us being me, Florence Tate and Jesse, who were three people called the road team. When Jesse first started running in 84, they hounded us to JDO every place we went. And before we got secret service protection, it was Farhan and the FOI that protected us. So they were after Jesse from the beginning. It's instructed for people to read the platform of the Rainbow Coalition because Jesse has had the most progressive populous campaign in the 20th century. Wilmer Leon (07:00): I'm glad you brought that up. This takes us a bit off topic, but I think it is relevant because James Clyburn and a group of African-American leadership went in and met with Biden a couple of weeks ago, and that's when Clyburn came out with the line, we Riding with Biden. And one of the things that I said as a result of that was, what did you get for that endorsement When you walked into the room and you sat down with Joe Biden, did you put your own project 2025 plan on the table and say, look, Joe, here's what we need. Here's what we want. Here's what we demand. You're going to sign this or we're going to go back out here and tell people that you just fell asleep in the meeting. I don't know what they got for that. And based upon the way that this whole thing has gone, it seems as though they were once again on the wrong side of history. So for you to say that people need to go back and read the plan from the Jackson campaign, and then we can even go back to the black political, the Gary Conference, Tom Porter (08:15): Gary Convention, that Wilmer Leon (08:17): There's enough data. Go ahead. Tom Porter (08:19): Those are two documents that people need to read. Not only read, but they need to update them. That is the agenda that came out of the Gary Convention and Jesse Jackson's platform. Not only was Jesse's platform the most advanced in 1984, when I left the university, I was looking for something to do, so I decided to run for Congress and Jackie Jackson called me Jesse's wife and said, Jesse wants to meet with you. And I was in Cincinnati running for Congress, and I went to Chicago, spent the night at Jesse's house the day before 1983, and that's when Jesse asked me if I would work with him in the campaign. But I ran for Congress in Ohio and I ran in two counties that were 99% white and blacks and white in Cincinnati, which was a big city, said, don't go out there, show your literature, but don't show your face. Long story short, Mondell was at the top of the ticket. I got 2000 more votes than he did in Brown County and a thousand more than he did in Claremont County. He was at the top of stick. He was supposed to ticket, he was supposed to help me. The fact of it is it was just as populism that got basically these working class, mostly Republican whites to get behind Jesse because of his platform. It was a very populous platform to the left. Trump came along with a populous platform from the Wilmer Leon (09:52): Right, from Tom Porter (09:53): The right. And so the Democratic Party, instead of embracing Jesse's platform, which came out of the Gary Convention, instead of embracing it, they moved the leadership of the Democratic Party to the Democratic Leadership Conference and hired all of Jesse's people and gave them jobs which are meaningless jobs, moved the structure from the party someplace else. But these Negroes became deputy. This deputy, I call their names, but I don't want to, some of my still call friends, but they drank the Kool-Aid. And if you read some of the press around Clinton and his crew Al from, and James Carve, one theme was We don't need Jesse Jackson anymore. They marginalized Jesse so much so that in the convention in New York, Jesse didn't have a VIP pass. He had to come through the door like everybody else. That's Clinton and his crew, and Nancy Pelosi and Clyburn and all of the Negroes come out of that. Obama's position was to negate the progress and the black leadership that had gone before he calling Dr. King a simple country preacher, he couldn't carry Dr. King's dirty underwear. Wilmer Leon (11:12): Well, in fact, wait a minute. First of all is that negating the negation is the one question. And to your point, you can go and read President Obama's acceptance speech at the Nobel where he talks about Dr. King and then says, but I'm an American president. I have a different set of concerns that I must address. You don't quote Dr. King and then say, yeah, but you say, yeah, yeah. Tom Porter (11:43): But his job was to negate the advances that had been made and our responsibility, and this is what this generation of young people, when Joe Biden has to pass the torch, but not pass the torch, the Hakeem Jeffries and that crew, we have to negate them, which is called a negation of the negation, which is an affirmation of something at a high level Wilmer Leon (12:11): Because two negatives make a positive. Tom Porter (12:13): That's right. That's right. And so getting back to where we are now, of course Kamala Harris was not chosen as a result of some democratic process, and one would not expect that coming from the Nancy Pelosi, bill Clinton and them. And so the responsibility of this generation of young people and young people have actually shown from the mass worldwide protests around the George Floyd lynching, Greta and Climate can change the mass protests around the war and Gaza, the mass women protests around the world. There's a new populism that is emerging. And if Kamala Harris does not pick somebody to be the vice president to the left of her, she may have problems. Wilmer Leon (13:16): Now, when you say to the left of her, that's a very, very interesting designation because there are many who will say she is the left, that she was the left to Biden. And by the way, folks, Tom mentioned the Democratic Leadership Council, Joe Biden was an instrumental part of that as well. Bill Clinton, Al Gore, Joe Biden, they were all Nancy Pelosi. They were all part instrumental parts of moving the Democratic Party from the left. They want to say center, but it was actually to the right. So Tom, what do you say to those that say, oh, wait a minute, wait a minute, Mr. Porter, vice President Harris, it's to the left of Joe Biden. Tom Porter (14:03): It wouldn't be difficult. (14:07) I mean that's a distinction without a difference. They say Twi D and Twiddly dumb. She was as a black person, as a black person, she would have to be given the history that she is a part of, be the left of most white candidates. But at the same time, she was not on the left. And so for her to pick conventional wisdom is a bunch of Bs curse of all. Somebody's always been telling me, well, Tom, conventional wisdom or you don't understand real politics. I say, I'll tell you where you can go with both of those. So conventional wisdom says that she should pick somebody from a state that she needs a governor. The protests and the mass movements that are happening, the populous movements that are happening are to the left. And they're to the left because the Democratic party and the Republican party are so far to the right. But what used to be when we said left, we meant socialists or communism. (15:28) But the left today is anything left of the Democrat or Republican parties. But if she is to, there are two things that I think that are important now. One is the platform. One is the platform. I mean, she's going to be the vice president, the president nominee. That's a foregone conclusion because any of these other people who want to jump up, they can't go anywhere. What's this guy out of? West Virginia said that he was thinking about running, right? The base. Yeah. The base of the Democratic party is black and growing Hispanic, and he's not going to get any votes from them. And so for him to say that he might run and they know it. They know it. And that's why they use Clyburn in 2020 who just as he said, we riding with Biden, we know Joe and Joe know us. I mean some of that old coon foolishness. So they know they can't move without black folks. But the same time they hoping that they got other cly burns Wilmer Leon (16:45): And they know they can't move without black folks, but they never offer substantive legislation to demonstrate a commitment because for as much as they know they can't move without us. They don't want to appear to the broader demographic that they're with us. Tom Porter (17:11): Well, the fact of it is if they were true and honest, Jesse Jackson would've become leader of the Democratic Party just like Trump did. Obama could have become the leader of the Democratic Party, but that wasn't his job. His job was to look good. He and his wife while doing nothing, my daughter sent me a magazine cover the other day where Obama was on there, and it was something about the new generation of Kool. He was supposed to be the replacement for Miles Davis and Malcolm X, all of the black people. We considered to be cool just because they taught him how to dress and walk black and he could shoot a basketball. So he did not want to be head of the Democratic party. He liked his job. He had barbecues and all kind of black folks in the White House, and they line dance and did what they did, and then he came out and did nothing. So the key thing now for the Democrats, if they want to win, I wasn't going to vote for Joe Biden anyway, and I already said it, and anybody that co-signs what he did in Gaza, he could be running against the devil and I wouldn't vote for him or the devil, so I wasn't going to vote for him. (18:38) Kamala Harris, black people going on the glory, they went on the glory with Jesse Jackson. They went on the glory with Barack Obama because black people feel their late nationalism that when we get somebody black, we'll get a better deal if we get somebody white. But as they say, you might be my race, but you're not always my taste. But they're excited about Kamala Harris. They're all this money and black women on Facebook are putting on with camera. I don't have a problem with that. The problem is what's going to be the platform and is she going to choose somebody to the left of her a more populous candidate? Because if she's not going to do that, then what are we talking about more the same? And the other thing that the Democratic Party has to do in the new world that we live in, they've got to loosen the grips that the Israeli lobby has on the party. Wilmer Leon (19:38): What about, I want to quickly go back to the issue with the African-American women and this proclamation or this statement, this sentiment that Vice President Harris has earned the right to be the vice president. And that any attempt to either have a more open process or anything that might challenge that is a threat to black women, it's a threat to black womanhood. Your thoughts on these politics, this whole identity politics thing, because she's a black woman, now all of a sudden is hands off. Tom Porter (20:24): Yeah, I understand that sentiment, but I understand it. It's like with Obama, we knew we questioned Obama, but the black women said that Michelle would keep him in line. Remember that? Wilmer Leon (20:42): Oh yeah. Tom Porter (20:43): They said, Wilmer Leon (20:44): Because Michelle we're from Chicago. And when she said that, I said, oh, we got some straight gangsters up in this joint. We got some Tom Porter (20:52): Elkins. But it was also because she was darker Wilmer Leon (20:56): Than Tom Porter (20:56): Obama. And even though Obama himself said he was a mu mother, he was sure about one thing, and he really wasn't black. He was clear about that. So I understand the sentiment, but everything else in our politics we've got to be serious about. Wilmer Leon (21:20): Not sentimental. Tom Porter (21:22): Not sentimental. That's what Dr. King said and his great thing about power, he said love without power. He said, power without love is reckless, but love without power is weak, sentimental an anemic. And so I understand that everybody wants to see somebody. I'd like to see short guys run the world. I'm five six. Nobody's deeper than that. Wilmer Leon (21:53): No, Tom, it's taller than that. Tom Porter (21:57): You're absolutely right. So I understand the sentiment, but that's the reason why I tell people that you must study deeper. You can't be all form and no content because then you end up saying that Michelle is darker than Obama and therefore she'll keep him in line. They were both like Clinton and Hillary, which was their role model, latter Day Bunny and Clyde's. So I understand that sentiment, but unless they turn it into something, unless they talk about the platform, what is the platform going to look like? What is camera going to run on? I mean, I see her quietly distance herself from Netanyahu's visit. She's going to be in Indiana, but then she's going to secretly meet with him. It's not so much a secret. So we've got to be, these are very, very serious times. And as they say in my neighborhood in Ohio, now's not the time to be nut rolling. So these are very, very serious times. And so when we look at passing the torch, who are we passing the torch to? Not Hakeem Jeffries, not the rest of these niggas, Roland Martin, they're all getting in line. They're getting in line without even discussing the platform. Wilmer Leon (23:26): Well, first of all, could Kamala Harris get away with not meeting with Netanyahu, understanding the power of apac, not meet with Netanyahu and still win the election? Tom Porter (23:42): I think she could. Wilmer Leon (23:43): Okay. Tom Porter (23:44): I don't think, see, APAC has never been challenged, (23:49) And APAC represents that group in the Jewish community who attempts to control everything that they can, particularly in the black community, whether you're talking about the music, the culture, or what have you got to say it. We got to say it because if we don't say it, then we allow ourselves to be chumped. And the fact of it is, is that it's got to be challenged and she won't, but she can challenge it by who she picks and what the platform's going to be. In apacs power is basically through the media, the media and its money. It's not the numbers that they have that can put a candidate in office except maybe in New York City, but she won't. But that has to happen. We cannot allow a group of people to control significant aspects of our community and not say something about it. Wilmer Leon (24:58): Wait a minute. And to that point, to those that listening to this conversation, want to jump on the antisemitism train and accuse us of being antisemitic, APAC said, and you can go back and look it up in the newspaper, they were going to invest 100 million into the Democratic primary process to be sure that they would unseat or prevent from winning candidates whose politics were to the left, and that they deemed to be anti-Israel. That's not us making this up. That's them making the declaration. All we're doing is highlighting and calling your attention to what they said. So we're not making this up. Tom Porter (25:51): I let those kinds of conversations roll off my back that you anti-Semitic, the same way when somebody says, if we get into disagreement and the first thing they go to is you got a Napoleonic complex. And my answer to that, would I be wrong if I was tall? So you can't be afraid of all these things because they going to come at you anyhow. I said to Jesse, when the ING thing came up, I said, man, just don't cop to that. And some of the people who were around him told him to cop to that. It was the biggest mistake that he ever made because they never heard him said it, and he never said it in a derogatory way. About, on the other hand, in our first meeting in New York, Percy Sutton met us before we were supposed to meet with the Jewish leaders of New York with a yako on his head telling us how we had to talk and act in front of the Jews in New York. So look, I don't pay any attention to that. We have to challenge, we have to cash all checks when it comes to us. And it has to be a Pan-African perspective where we really, where the continent and blacks in the new world. We've got to challenge those things that oppress us because if not in this serious time, Trump them are going for all of the marbles. Wilmer Leon (27:18): Yes, they are. I mean, Tom Porter (27:19): They're going for all of the marvels, and there's enough Democrats, white Democrats who will side with that stuff. Because quite frankly, where we are right now, in order to solve the world's problems, we have to understand two things. Who's been in charge of the world for the last 400 years? White men look at the state of the world. They forfeited the right to run the world, but you're not going to give up just because you enslaved. A bunch of people stole the land from the Native Americans. If we give up, we'd have to give up what we got. It's too bad, but we not giving that up. And that's what trumped them. That's what Hitler was riding on. That's what Trump didn't riding on. We don't want to give. Democracy is what it means to pay reparations, give some of the land back to the neighborhood. What the hell with democracy? That's what they're saying. Wilmer Leon (28:13): I want to quickly go back to your point about challenging APAC and other type of organizations, and I want to tie it to what's going on in Gaza now nine months into that conflict. And the Zionist government of Israel has been taken a ass whooping for nine months straight. And so this whole mythology of the invincibility of the IDF, that they're this phenomenal military force and they're getting their ass whooped. And so the whole mythology behind this thing is being exposed. And so just as it's being exposed there, it's being exposed here. The question is, are we willing to do what we have to do to challenge that mythology in alliance with those that are fighting in Gaza? Does that make sense? Tom Porter (29:12): Sure, it makes sense. Well, the fact of it is, given the geopolitical alignment in the world today with China and Russia and Brazil and different formations coming together, even the EU who has been lockstep with Israel, the eu, it can no longer hold to that position because without Africa, Europe is broke in terms of the resources. And so the Israel, where it appears to be winning because of the devastation that it is reaping on the Palestinian people, there will be a reckoning, and it's coming slow, but it is coming even among the evangelicals who say that the rapture will come when Israel is safe and secure within its borders, and then Israel will be destroyed. Wilmer Leon (30:12): Look at Yemen. Look at what Yemen has been able to extract or the force that they've been able to exact upon in terms of their involvement in this process. A small Yemen is considered to be the poorest country in the world. They control the Red Sea. They're sending missiles 1200, 1400 miles across Saudi Arabia and decimating important ports that Israel controls. The whole dynamic is shifting. So with that, when you look, you've talked about the platform. I remember when the platform committee meetings used to be broadcast on television, and I used to sit and listen to 'em. I know I need to get a life, but I used to sit and listen to 'em. That's not happening anymore. So how does a candidate, Harris, what type of platform does she articulate having sat there for years while the Biden administration is involved in genocide, while the Biden administration has wasted trillions of dollars in Ukraine, how does she formulate a platform that takes us away from that failed, attempted world domination and moves us closer to the direction that the world is actually going as in bricks in the South and the Chinese? Tom Porter (31:47): Well, as if we look at the Middle East, Wilmer Leon (31:52): The Shanghai Cooperation Organization is what I was trying to get to. Go Tom Porter (31:55): Ahead. If we look at the Middle East, Wilmer Leon (31:59): Is that a reasonable question to Tom Porter (32:01): Ask? Not only is a reasonable question to ask, but it's a reasonable question to expect that it be answered. You can't allow a small country in the Middle East, which was settled by people who were not from, that had no connection to the original inhabitants of the Middle East to control the future of the Western world women. There's a movie called Rollover, and this was when the Arabs dominated the money thing through it started Kris Christoff and James Fonder and the Greenspan character played by Hume Cronin. At one point, the Arabs were not going to roll over the money, and Hume Cronin said, you are playing with the end of the world. That's where we're at. You can't allow a group of people since Jesus time to control your system in the way that these people do, because it won't work with people talking about if they leave the dollar, Wilmer Leon (33:26): Which they are doing, Tom Porter (33:28): Which they're doing, somebody else loses their influence because there's nothing back in the dollar to begin with talking Wilmer Leon (33:38): About other than more dollars. Tom Porter (33:38): Yeah, talking about only a paper Moon Wilmer Leon (33:45): And Tom, people really need to understand for it because it's not really being articulated here in the Western media. Again, the power of the bricks, Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, and now about seven or eight other countries have joined the organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, those two as quiet as is kept in the West man, they kicked the French out of Niger. You look at the development of the Sahel cooperation organization, man, they are kicking ass and taking names. They are finally moving beyond flag independence, and they are now actually taking control of their economies and they are taking control of their countries and they are kicking the west out. Tom Porter (34:42): The Palestinian leadership met for two days in Beijing. I mean the world, one of the most popular soap operas used to be. As the world turns Wilmer Leon (34:55): In daily city, Tom Porter (34:58): The world is turning. And quite frankly, it's turning away. Not so much from the West, but from the ways of the West. And they don't get it. They don't get it. You can't put sanctions on the whole world without putting sanctions on yourself. You can't tell people they can't come to America, and you'd be welcome in Panama and Costa Rica and Brazil. It doesn't work like that. Or you'd be welcome in Africa. It doesn't really work like that. You tell the people they can't come. Well, clues the borders work both ways. We can open 'em and close, and you can't. I mean, the policies are so stupid in the West. I mean, it's almost particularly in the United States because they have sold this white nationalism for so long, they'd actually believe it themselves. The world is going on without them. Wilmer Leon (35:52): And to their point, I'm looking up here seeing if I could put my hands on it, but I can't quickly, Dr. Ron Walters wrote a book a while ago, white nationalism, black Interests, and I strongly suggest that people get ahold of it. To your point about the policy and the borders, which they say that the Biden administration put Kamala Harris in charge of the borders. I was at the RNC and this woman, Latinos for Trump is who I was talking to. And she was talking about the border, the border. The Democrats have just, I said, wait a minute, wait a minute. You are not even talking about the American foreign policy in these countries that is decimating their economies and forcing these people to leave their countries to come here. And she looked at me very puzzled and quizzical, and I said, lemme give you an example. Chiquita Banana last week was convicted in federal court in Florida of having sponsored death squads in Guatemala. So Chiquita Banana, a US corporation is killing Guatemalans, torturing Guatemalans. And that isn't motivation for them to leave their countries. She didn't even want to touch that, didn't want to Tom Porter (37:18): Touch it. I mean, it's very interesting that Trump would say that the people who are coming across the border are taking jobs from blacks and Latinos. Who does he think are coming across the border? Wilmer Leon (37:33): Oh, I asked her about Haitians. I said, the United States. Thank you. Hakeem Jeffries, thank you Kamala Harris, thank you. Linda Thomas Greenfield, the United States is trying to rein invade Haiti. Where are the Haitians supposed to go? Tom Porter (37:51): I mean, the fact of it is we have got to make sure and say to anybody that says that they represent us. Hakeem Jeffries, John Clyburn, governor Wilmer Leon (38:06): Gregory, Gregory Tom Porter (38:06): Meeks. Gregory Meeks, that if you're going to represent us, this is the platform brother. I mean, you had Hakeem Jeffries and Jonathan Jackson down here in Maryland supporting the guy from that owns Total Wine and Liquorice who was running for Senator Now, I dunno, Wilmer Leon (38:28): David Tron. Tom Porter (38:29): Yeah. And also Brooke. I didn't have no dogging hunt. But how do you come down here in this neighborhood and you support a white candidate who was no more distinguished than Officer Brook for what? Well, I know what Johnson Jackson did. He's in the same business. He's a liquor distributor and by man owns Total Wine. But I understand that he paid off some of Hakeem Jeffries and John campaign debts. So I don't know. But that's not representing us. You're not representing us if you're not on the side of the Palestinians. If you don't believe in the two state Wilmer Leon (39:10): Solution, Tom Porter (39:11): You're not representing us. If you don't understand what's happening in Africa or Haiti or Cuba, 70% of the people in Cuba of African descent. So you putting sanctions on your own people, you can't be co-signing that. And we got to say this, we got to negate the negation. We, as Margaret Walker said, let a new race of men and women rise and take control. That's what time it is. Wilmer Leon (39:38): So how do we get the presumptive right now, democratic nominee, Kamala Harris as a woman of color, as a multi-ethnic woman, Jamaican and Indian, how do we get her to speak to those issues? Tom Porter (40:02): First of all, we got to energize the black community because they're counting on that. And we've got to say to black women, these are the issues that we think, and there are black women who agree with us. These are the issues that we think that are important to the black community, and we need to have townhouses. We got to not only reenergize our black community, but we need to reenergize a movement because the struggle's not over. And we've got to put before, we can't just say that Kamala, you black, and therefore whatever you do is cool because it's not cool. Wilmer Leon (40:45): But that's the narrative right now, we are so ecstatic, and I'm speaking in the global, we are so ecstatic now that she is in this presumptive position and they are saying that she has earned the right to be there simply because she's black, because she's a woman and because she's been the VP for four years. But when you go back to when she ran for the number one slot, she was the first one out the race. She had zero delegates. She got less than 5% of the vote. Black people didn't even vote for her. Wait a minute. And final point, Tulsi Gabbard torched her ass in 45 seconds. And folks, I ain't hating. I'm just putting out the data, Tom. Tom Porter (41:39): Well, I mean she's earned the right as much as anybody else, but that's not really saying anything. Wilmer Leon (41:46): Okay? Tom Porter (41:47): It's not ever saying anything. The question is, now you here and this is what we're saying. Wilmer Leon (41:52): So what you going to do? Tom Porter (41:53): Yeah, this is what we're saying. We already went through Obama with this stuff and see, we got to quit accepting this notion of the first black to do this. The only reason why, I mean, you take the question of black quarterbacks. The only reason why there were no black quarterbacks in the NFL until there were some had absolutely nothing to do with. There were black quarterbacks, quarterback at junior high, black high schools and colleges ever since. There were some. And so the fact that you decide to let us in don't have anything to do with it because we've earned the right, we've earned the right. Our ancestors paid the price for us to be any damn thing. We want to be in this country. But now, if you're going to represent us, this is what we need at this point. And if you can't do that, it's okay. Do like Biden did go sit next to him while he's fishing, but we have got to have more programs like this. Too many people are not rolling in the press. You have people who, when I was in radio, well, you got to do both sides. There's no good side to slavery. I'm not even going to attempt that one so Wilmer Leon (43:04): Well. In fact, Tom, I've always, particularly when I started talking about Palestine, and I'd get calls from Jewish listeners who would tell me that I'm not balanced. And I said, no, I'm not trying to be balanced. I'm the counterbalance. Because anything that the positions that you want to articulate in the narrative that you want to hear, you get it in the Washington Post, you get it in the New York Times, you get it in the LA Times, you get it on M-S-N-B-C-I-A, you get it on CNN all day every day. So I don't have to present that because it's already presented. I'm the counter to that. And I think I got that from you, by the Tom Porter (43:46): Way. Well, it's very, very interesting. I was watching the BBC yesterday and the BBC hosts was saying, Kamala Harris is black and Asian, as if these would become factors. And she had an affair with Willie Brown. I mean, first of all, she's running against the cat who's damn near serial rapist Wilmer Leon (44:12): And admitted as such. Tom Porter (44:14): But then nobody mentioned that JD Vance's wife was Indian. Nobody talked about Nikki Haley being Indian. It only comes up with his black people Wilmer Leon (44:29): Who I talked to at the convention and was an empty can just full of talking points. Go ahead. Tom Porter (44:38): And so we going have to, the black community is going to have to defend her even if she doesn't want us to defend her because they coming at her. Wilmer Leon (44:49): Oh, no question. Tom Porter (44:50): They're coming at her and somebody's going to slip up and use the N word. Wilmer Leon (44:56): In fact, when I was at the convention, I was on the floor right after they nominated JD Vance, and that whole process ended the day session. I'm doing my standup with the convention floor in the background. And this other news entity had allowed us to use their standup space. And as I'm wrapping up, I say, I find it interesting that a guy who just three years ago was telling America that Donald Trump was the next thing to add off. Hitler is now going to be standing next to this add off Hitler as his vp. I said, how does that happen? And when I said that, the guy who allowed us to use his space came up and said, you guys got to go. You guys got to go. And we said, well, wait a minute. So anyway, but I raised all that to say that question. I'm not hearing many people ask, JD Vance said that Donald Trump was the next thing to Hitler, and he's now standing next to his Hitler. Tom Porter (46:13): Well, I say this about JD Vance and I put it on Facebook that he is either the white version of the Spook who sat by the door or he is the opportunist of the highest order. And I think it's probably a combination Wilmer Leon (46:28): Of nation of the two. Tom Porter (46:29): Yes, yes, yes. And I think Trump may be a little bit concerned now because Trump is in hot water because people don't like him now. They tolerate him. You think Mitch McConnell lacks Trump? Wilmer Leon (46:44): No. Oh, well see, in fact, I'm glad you said that because my advice to the Democrats right now is just put together a clip, a montage of JD Vance, of Little Marco Rubio of what's the dude from South Carolina, Lindsey Graham, all of these folks who were, most of whom were sitting in Trump's box last week at Cult Fest 2024, which is also called the RNC Convention, put a montage of them, of Lindsey Graham saying, he's a narcissist, he's a bigot, he's an idiot. All of those put all that language Cruz, all the folks that were in that box kissing his butt. They need to tell the truth. Tom Porter (47:40): And at the same time, the Democrats, they've got some work to do. Oh, where do you think all of those people who were supporting Bernie Sanders in 2020, it's one thing for Bernie Sanders to be with the party, but those people, that's the reason why I said if she doesn't really pick a populous candidate as Vice President running mate, or if the platform is not one that is of a populous nature, she's got serious problems. Wilmer Leon (48:12): Those former Bernie people are part of that new crew called the Dual Haters. They're part of that new crew that is saying, we don't want either of these buffoons talking about Biden and talking. Tom Porter (48:25): And the fact of it is a significant number of the American people didn't want either one of 'em either. Correct. It was the press and the polls. And I say to people that polls are designed to shape and mold public opinion not to reflect the truth of public opinion. And of course, the other thing that nobody's ever, we haven't looked at, who are these people in the press? How many of them are actually Republicans? I know Lester Ho is Now, I'm not saying he's a Trump, but I'm just simply saying, because the press has been very, very lack in covering Trump. I mean, he lies. They never say that he lied. We are going to fact check him. Why don't you just say he lied about this? He lied about that. That's, that's the operative word. He lied. Wilmer Leon (49:21): In fact, I'm glad you brought up the polls because that part of the conversation got away from me for a minute because, and I know that the whole issue with Kamala now has just surfaced. So current polling hasn't taken place yet and hasn't been analyzed. But when you go back to, in looking at the numbers, you go to real clear politics. Trump at 58.4, Kamala Harris at 32.9. Now she has gained traction over the last couple of days, but still 58.4 to 32.9, that's not where you want to be with four months out from the election. Tom Porter (50:14): Yeah, but I think she has ignored the polls. I remember again. Wilmer Leon (50:18): Oh, absolutely. Tom Porter (50:18): Absolutely. I remember, again, traveling with Jesse and Negroes always ask these questions. They don't ask these questions. And they said, well, let's face it Jesse Jackson, you can't win Reverend Jackson. You got no organization, all this kind of stuff. And at that time, it was seven candidates in the race, and Jesse said, I'm number three, at least four other candidates that'd like to have my place. And so I think she has to ignore the polls because the polls are all part of the establishment, and they got a dog in the, and what's on the agenda now? What's on the agenda now is whether or not capitalism can in fact solve depressing problems that are facing the world today. And I would say that it can't. And so then what is the solution? I mean, I'm not saying that I have a solution, but I can say, what ain't the solution because it hasn't worked. (51:19) And therefore we got to be trying something new with some new people. And so the changing of the guard and the passing of the baton includes the passing away from white men, the same white men that who've been running the world, and the same white women who've been aligned with them. The passing of the church means that we got to not go with these Negro leaders who've been appointed, but to find our own leaders and to elect our own leaders, and the ones that don't do what we want 'em to do, we punish them by not electing them. Again, Wilmer Leon (51:54): Final question to you then. As you look at Kamala Harris as the presumptive nominee, I've been saying it can't work by just changing the messenger and not changing the message. Tom Porter (52:12): Oh, absolutely. Wilmer Leon (52:13): Go ahead, Tom Porter. Tom Porter (52:14): I mean, absolutely. We've already been there before. We've been there with Obama. Obama had, in the first term, he had the House and the Senate. He did nothing. And so we can't just change the message, the messenger or be satisfied that the messenger looks like us. We can't have got the demand and insist that people who represent us at whatever level, they represent us from the city council to the Congress and what have you, that if you're going to represent us, represent us. And if you not get the hell out the way, Wilmer Leon (52:55): But Tom, so what do you say to those AKAs that are ski win and doing the electric slide behind Kamala Harris and saying, oh, no, no, no, you can't do that now. Oh, no, no, no. You can't say that now because you can't put that on her now because we have to get her elected. And if you play those cards now, you're going to put her in a very precarious position and we'll lose the opportunity to have the first woman as a president. So what do you say to them that will respond in that manner? Tom Porter (53:30): We don't need a first black woman president because she's black. It's like people who say people fought and died for the right to vote. That's a lie. I fought and I didn't die for the right to vote, not for the right to vote, but the right to vote for something and somebody that would represent me. And so as the old folks say, you might be my race, but you're not my taste unless you willing to do what the ancestors have done. The legacy that you've inherited is not a legacy of people who went along to get along. It's a legacy of Fannie Lou Hamer. It's the legacy of Dr. King. It's the legacy of SNC and Core. That's the legacy. And if you ain't in that legacy, then get the hell out the way. Whether you a KAI don't know nothing about Greek organizations because I'm gamma delta iota damn independent. But my point of it is, we could no longer listen to these kind of arguments. I mean, these arguments go slow, slow. They say go slow. I mean, Wilmer Leon (54:43): Yours will come by and by. Tom Porter (54:45): Yeah. But we are past that. The world is in a serious position. And last side, look, we're in the world whether we are talking about the environment, whether we are talking about violence in the street, whether we are talking about homelessness, whether we're talking about whatever we're talking about, black people are impacted about that. And if you ain't for that, then get back. And we have to say that. I mean, I have no problem with saying to people, including in my own family, now look, if you ain't going to do nothing, get the hell out the way. I mean, I say that to my daughters, my grandkids, my friends. If you ain't going to do 'em, don't come around me because that ain't my style. And my heroes were Dr. King and Malcolm X and Fannie Lou Hamer. They weren't AKAs or Deltas. We didn't care nothing about any of that. And some progressive people were part of those organizations. But we can't, if she can't get elected on a platform that's a progressive platform than how is she going to govern as a progressive. Wilmer Leon (56:02): I want to thank my guests, brother Tom Porter. Man, thank you so much for joining me today. Tom Porter (56:10): It's been a pleasure, brother. Wilmer Leon (56:12): Folks, thank you all so much for listening to the Connecting the Dots podcast with me, Dr. Wilmer Leon and Tom Porter. Stay tuned for new episodes every week. Also, please follow and subscribe. Leave a review, share the show, follow me. Follow us on social media. You can find all the links to the show below in the description below. And remember, folks, this is where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge. Because talk without analysis is just chatter, and we don't chatter here. Unlike a whole lot of folks, we don't chatter here on connecting the dots. I'm going to see you again next time. Until then, I'm Dr. Woman Leon. Have a great one. Peace. I'm out Announcer (57:05): Connecting the dots with Dr. Wilmer Leon, where the analysis of politics, culture, and history converge.

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-south

Mae Mallory, the Monroe Defense Committee, and World Revolutions: African American Women Radical Activists (U Georgia Press, 2024) explores the significant contributions of African American women radical activists from 1955 to 1995. It examines the 1961 case of African American working-class self-defense advocate Mae Mallory, who traveled from New York to Monroe, North Carolina, to provide support and weapons to the Negroes with Guns Movement. Accused of kidnapping a Ku Klux Klan couple, she spent thirteen months in a Cleveland jail, facing extradition. African American women radical activists Ethel Azalea Johnson of Negroes with Guns, Audrey Proctor Seniors of the banned New Orleans NAACP, the Trotskyist Workers World Party, Ruthie Stone, and Clarence Henry Seniors of Workers World founded the Monroe Defense Committee to support Mallory. Mae's daughter, Pat, aged sixteen also participated, and they all bonded as family. When the case ended, they joined the Tanzanian, Grenadian, and Nicaraguan World Revolutions. Using her unique vantage point as Audrey Proctor Seniors's daughter, Paula Marie Seniors blends personal accounts with theoretical frameworks of organic intellectual, community feminism, and several other theoretical frameworks in analyzing African American radical women's activism in this era. Essential biographical and character narratives are combined with an analysis of the social and political movements of the era and their historical significance. Seniors examines the link between Mallory, Johnson, and Proctor Seniors's radical activism and their connections to national and international leftist human rights movements and organizations. She asks the underlying question: Why did these women choose radical activism and align themselves with revolutionary governments, linking Black human rights to world revolutions? Seniors's historical and personal account of the era aims to recover Black women radical activists' place in history. Her innovative research and compelling storytelling broaden our knowledge of these activists and their political movements. Omari Averette-Phillips is a doctoral student in the Department of History at UC Davis. He can be reached at omariaverette@gmail.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rules were a major part of Lee's household growing up. But it wasn't until he started to dig into his family's history that he began to realize that the rules that he was expected to follow had a long, dark history. In this episode, Lee speaks with historian Dr. Daina Ramey Berry to better understand the life of Lee's great-great-grandmother Charity, an enslaved woman, and learn about how the slave codes and Black codes shaped her life, and the lives of her descendants. Later Lee speaks with Professor Sally Hadden to learn about the origins of the slave codes, and how they've influenced the rules that govern our modern society.TranscriptWe wanted to give a heads up that this episode includes talk of abuse, and acts of violence. You can find resources on our website, WhatHappenedInAlabama.org - listener discretion is advised.Hi - this is Lee Hawkins and thanks for joining me for episode six of What Happened In Alabama. In this episode we dive into the slave codes and Black codes - what they were, and how they show up in our current day to day. If you haven't already, I encourage you to go back and listen to the prologue first. That'll give you some context for putting the whole series in perspective. Do that, and then join us back here. Thank you so much. INTROEven when we don't realize it, life is governed by rules. We often say we “should” do things a certain way without knowing why. The truth is, many actions have root causes that trace back to how we were raised and what we were socialized to believe – both by our families and the societies we live in.In dictionaries, rules are described as explicit or understood regulations governing conduct. We see these guidelines in everything from the order and cadence of the written and spoken word, to how we move from A to B on the roads, or the ways different sports are played - the “rules of the game.”But “rule” also means to have control or dominion over people or places.This was the way of colonialism around the world for centuries. And this control manifests as laws and codes that yes, create order, but can also have the power to suppress freedoms - and instill fear to ensure compliance. In past episodes you've heard me talk about the rules of my household growing up in Maplewood, Minnesota, and the many layers of history that get to the root of those rules. Talking with my father and other family members who lived under Jim Crow apartheid provided one piece of understanding. Learning of my white ancestry from Wales dating back to the 1600s offered another. But we have to revisit my ancestors on both sides of enslavement, white and Black – back to the physical AND mental trauma that was experienced to really connect the dots to the tough rules that governed the household, and why my parents and some other relatives felt they needed to whip their children. Also, why so many other racial stereotypes were both imposed on us by society, and often internalized by some within our Black families and communities. For that, we have to dig deeper into the story of my Grandma Charity, her experiences as a Black girl born enslaved and kept in bondage well into adulthood, and the rules that governed her life, both during her time of captivity and after that, under Jim Crow apartheid. This is What Happened in Alabama: The Slave Codes. [music up, and a beat]I can't tell you how many thousands of hours I've spent digging through genealogy reports, archives and police records looking for documentation about my family. Sometimes I can do the work from my computer at home, other times, for the really specific details around my dad's family, I've had to make the trip back to Alabama, to gather oral history, go to courthouses, walk through cemeteries, and drive around. [sifting through papers] It can be slow and tedious work. Sometimes you think you've found a lead that's going to take you somewhere that you could have never imagined - but then you realize it's a dead end. Sometimes, you get a huge rush of endorphins when you make a discovery that blows open the doors that once seemed forever closed.One night, in 2015, I'd recently received my DNA results showing a strong connection to the white side of the Pugh family. I was sitting in my dark living room, looking into the illuminated screen of my computer at two in the morning. I'd just found the last will and testament of Jesse Pugh, a white ancestor who genealogists surmise is my great great great grandfather, from Pike County, Alabama. We met Jesse Pugh in the last episode. The will was dated March 24, 1852. Jesse Pugh died two years later. To his wife and children, he left hundreds of acres of land, household furnitures, plantation tools, farming animals, bushels of corn, and a number of enslaved people – all listed as “Negroes.”As I pored over the details of the will, I came across a name I'd heard before: Charity. I read it over again. “Second, I give and bequeath to my son Mastin B. a Negro Girl, Charity…” Fixating on those words,“a Negro girl, Charity” my eyes welled up. She was left to Jesse Pugh's son, Mastin B. Pugh. Charity was the grandmother Uncle Ike told me and my father about on our trip to Alabama back in 1991. I remember Uncle Ike telling us about how, when Charity's son, his own father Isaac Pugh Sr., acquired his own farm, mean ol' Grandma Charity would constantly beat Uncle Ike, my Grandma Opie, and their other siblings, right there in the field, usually because she thought they weren't working fast enough. Rosa: Now I'll tell you the exact word he told me, he said "that was the meanest old heifer I ever seen." That's my cousin, Rosa Lee Pugh-Moore, Uncle Ike's daughter. She has few memories of her father talking about his grandmother Charity. But she says whenever he did talk about her, he always had one thing to say. Rosa: He hated his grandma, said she was just really mean. And that's all he talked about. How mean she was and how people tried to get over on her doing things she didn't like them to do, and she would fight.I'd heard so much about Cousin Rosa - a real Pugh matriarch. In 2018 I headed to Birmingham, Alabama to meet my sweet cousin for what I thought would be a conversation with just the two of us. I didn't realize it was her birthday, and when I arrived, it was cousin Rosa, plus about 30 other relatives - her grandchildren, great grandchildren and even a newly born great-great grandchild. Stepping into the home, I was surrounded by generations of family members - and they were just as excited as I was to hear what Cousin Rosa had to say. There was so much they hadn't heard about her life - from walking for miles as part of the Montgomery bus boycott, to leaving the country in Georgiana for the big city in Birmingham, all the way back to the stories she'd heard about Grandma Charity.Before I settled in, I kissed her cheek and sat in a chair next to her to hear as many of the stories of her life and our family as I could. That's what some of the elders who weren't reluctant to share stories used to do, she told me. Rosa: And at night sit up and they tell us about the families and stuff like that. Pots of peanuts and sweet potatoes, stuff like that.With the rest of the family close by, still celebrating her birthday, I can feel those stories passing through her childhood memories into my recorder. I feel so blessed to be here. And I realize she's my gateway to the family in Alabama, because she's called family members all over the country, and pushed them to talk with me. She was brave, never afraid to talk about Alabama, the good and the bad. And her knowledge went all the way back to Grandma Charity. Lee Hawkins:So when, how old were you when you learned when you first learned about Grandma Charity? Rosa: I guess. Oh, good gracious. I was about nine or ten like that. Something like that.Cousin Rosa and I remember Uncle Ike saying that she hated white peopleUncle Ike: She hated white folk... And uh, and uh one time my daddy was fifteen and one of them told them get out or something and someone knocked them down and Grandma kicked them and she did all three of them yeah. This is a recording of Uncle Ike from 1991, when my Dad and I sat down with him at his home in Georgiana, Alabama. It's hard to hear, but he's telling us about how a group of white men showed up at their house one day and tried to pull Grandma Charity out of the house to whip her, until she came out fighting. Rosa: Yeah, that kind of stuff he told us. I don't know that whole story. I don't remember the whole story. Rosa: So then she had that boy. That boy is Isaac Pugh Sr. Uncle Ike's father, Rosa's grandfather, and my great grandfatherRosa: And daddy say he was too light for Black people like him, and he was too dark for white people to like him. So he's kind of a loner.As I listen to Cousin Rosa talk about Grandma Charity, I can't help but think about the most obvious fact about her that eluded me for so much of my life – Grandma Charity was born enslaved. No one had ever told me that! No one had mentioned it. I only learned this that early morning in 2015, when I found Jesse Pugh's will.As Cousin Rosa said, Uncle Ike hated his grandmother. But understanding that she was enslaved for the early part of her life - around 20 years - added a dimension to this supposedly “mean ol” woman. Just how learning more about my father's experiences under Jim Crow added nuance to him as a man in my eyes. They both went through Alabama's version of hell on earth. We model what we see and many of us adopt the rules and customs of the country we're born into. America, before anything else, was founded on violence.Knowing that, I felt skeptical about the way Grandma Charity was characterized for all those years in the family history. And once I discovered Jesse Pugh's will I realized that she'd been simply pathologized – even by her own family– and that, like me with my father, my ancestors and elders didn't know enough about the atrocities she'd experienced to be able to explain why she sometimes thought the way she did, and was the way she was. For the benefit of this project, for my family, and most of all, for Grandma Charity, I knew I had to learn more about what life was like for an enslaved Black woman in the mid-1800s, to add meaningful context to her story. So, what did Grandma Charity endure? What laws and codes governed her life? To learn more, I started with a conversation with Daina Ramey Berry.Dr.Berry: I am the Michael Douglas Dean of Humanities and Fine Arts and a professor of history at the University of California, Santa Barbara. I call myself a scholar of the enslaved. Most of my time in the academy has been in archives, conducting research, and trying to find and tell stories like people like your Great Great Grandmother Charity.Dr.Berry: A number of historians are skeptical about making connections between the past and the present. But if we trace the past decade by decade, year by year, we can see connections to contemporary America, and if you look at history as a foundation, the foundations that were laid are still what have built our houses, and we need to, we need to dismantle the parts of our history that need to be rewritten to be more inclusive, right?I reached out to Daina Ramey Berry after I found records and research on Grandma Charity and her mother Laner. It was all words and numbers on a page and I needed more context. I don't remember how I found her - I was knee deep in books and papers and articles at the time. But I wanted to understand more about what life was like for enslaved Black women. LEE: What don't we know about Black women during history? What haven't people been able to pay attention to or, as I would believe, haven't always wanted to pay attention to? Dr.Berry: I think the latter is really where I'd like to start because there are conferences over the years that I've attended with historians, my colleagues, and oftentimes scholars will say, well, Yes, Black women were exploited during slavery, but not that much.Dr.Berry: And my question always is, have you tried to calculate it? How do you know it's not that much? What is not that much? When I look at narratives, I've looked at court records, I've looked at letters and diaries and all kinds of different documents, where enslaved girls and women are talking about sexual exploitation and abuse, physical and sexual abuse.Dr.Berry: Mothers were teaching their daughters how to quote unquote protect their principal at a very young age. Young girls did not want their enslavers to know that they had their first menstrual cycle. And on the flip side, some women even bound their breasts up so that they didn't look like they were developing and they were maturing, um, into adulthood.Dr.Berry: So there's a number of things that enslaved women and girls did to try to protect themselves from puberty and from signs of showing evidence of puberty, because they knew what that meant. On the flip side, enslavers were often hyper focused on women's menstrual cycle, and you might ask, well, why something so personal would they be so concerned with?Dr.Berry: That often was because enslaved people were expensive to purchase. To purchase in the auction, you had to be quite wealthy, and the values of enslaved people were high. So if you could quote unquote grow your own enslaved people, or if natural reproduction, forced reproduction, i. e. rape, then you're gonna, you're gonna grow your plantation workforce without having to purchase somebody.This practice of growing your own free labor is in my bloodline - and repeated for generations. Grandma Laner - Charity's mother - was raped while enslaved. Grandma Charity - who was described as a light skinned woman - is the product. Grandma Charity was also raped by a white man while she was held captive under enslavement, and Isaac Pugh Sr is the result. This is the so-called “white man” I saw as an image on Uncle Ike's mantle when I visited in 1991. If I had just seen his picture without the history, I would never have known his mother was Black. Dr.Berry: So enslaved women's bodies, their reproductive capabilities, their fertility was one of the most important aspects of what maintained and grew through the 19th century the institution of chattel slavery in the United States. LEE: Which is inextricably tied to capitalism. Dr.Berry: Yes. LEE: Yes, and one of the most painful things that I've experienced in the course of doing this research was a conversation that I had with a genealogist who said, well, you know, um, how do we know that she was raped?LEE: Maybe she was a mistress? Dr.Berry: No. Like other enslaved women, Grandmas Laner and Charity had no legal right to refuse sexual advances from their male enslavers - because they were property, nowhere near a relationship of equals. They were also often young girls.The sexual abuse of young girls is shocking, yet this is a key part of maintaining the power dynamic during slavery. Ripping enslaved families apart made it easier for white slave owners and other men to prey on young girls. When she was about 14 years old, Grandma Charity was separated from her mother, Laner. Just a child, she had to adjust to a different plantation and community, and a new enslaver, alone. Dr.Berry: Family separation was one of the most traumatic experiences that enslaved people went through. And it's something that they lived in day to day fear of, of being separated from their, from their parents, from their siblings, from any, any kin that they had, um, on their, in their proximity.Dr.Berry: We've seen it from the perspective of a child remembering the wailing of their mother as they were pulled off and put on a wagon and the child is remaining and they hear their wailing cries of their mothers up until like a mile later or just until they can't hear it anymore.Dr.Berry: There's extreme examples of, babies, infants being ripped from the mother's breast and being sold, literally, uh, breastfeeding mothers. There are also examples of fathers and sons standing on the auction block holding hands, you know, and just silently tears coming down their face because they know that after that day, after that moment, they won't, they most likely won't ever see each other again.Dr.Berry: Um, there's other stories of mothers knowing that this, this stranger that's come to the, the property has asked me to put my son in his Sunday best and I, I've said this before, it's like that child was a child and didn't have really any clothes but a smock and their first set of clothings that they received was the clothing that they were going to put for the auction.Dr.Berry: Another mother talked about braiding her daughter's hair for the last time and putting a ribbon in it, knowing. that she was preparing her for the auction and that she would no longer see her again. These were traumatic experiences and we find that the closeness of the families and the desire to be connected to a family was a survival mechanism for Black people.Dr.Berry: And that even if you look at the evidence we have now in information wanted ads,and these advertisements are powerful testimony to Black genealogy from the perspective of the enslaved and formerly enslaved people searching for, I haven't seen my mother since I was two. I'm 40 years old now. You know, I remember her name was Laura. Her hair was shoulder length. She was wearing an apron and a, and a, and a long dress.Dr.Berry: You know, those kinds of testimonies just show the strength and the impact of the desire to connect to your family, but the impact of separation still did not push them away from trying to locate and connect with their blood relatives or kin. In trying to connect my family tree, I found so many sources of loss. There's the parental loss Grandma Laner experienced with Charity, knowing almost certainly the physical brutality her daughter would face once separated from her. Two generations later, Charity's granddaughter, and my grandmother Opie, experienced the loss of her father at age nine, after seeing him blood splattered and slumped over his horse. And then my father - Opie's son and Charity's great grandson - lost his mother to health inequality when he was just 12 years old. These are the building blocks of a cycle of generational loss. So when I hear Daina Ramey Berry talk about the desire to connect to your family and the impact of separation, I get it. Genealogy is like a giant DNA puzzle that stretches across time. Until you dig, you don't learn these things. Geneticists have data that shows that Black Americans have on average 24 percent European blood in their veins. Yet, there's a denial or an unwillingness to acknowledge how prevalent and pervasive rape was. And some of this is embedded in the laws and the codes of slavery…Dr.Berry: We need context to understand, like you said, the contemporary connections to our current bloodlines.Dr.Berry: And that we are, that slavery was an intimate institution. We are interlaced. We are connected whether we want to be or not, but we are connected. LEE: Thank you so much. Thank you for this magnificent work you're doing.Dr.Berry: Thank you. Thank you. Appreciate it.[MUSIC BEAT]Learning more about what enslaved Black women lived through deepened my love for my strong, brave matriarch, Grandma Charity. And to think she then had to live through Jim Crow apartheid.But I wanted to drill down even more into the specific rules that she – in Greenville in the 1800s - had to live under and follow. For that, I dug up the Alabama Slave Codes of 1852, which governed every facet of Black lives. Under the slave codes, enslaved people were property, not people. The codes were used to regulate the behavior of enslaved people and ensure their subjugation by curtailing many aspects of their lives. Note that I didn't say that these codes only restricted the enslaved, but ALL Black people. I discovered that one widespread myth is that the Black people who weren't in bondage were FREE. Under the slave codes, enslaved people were property, not people. After the abolition of slavery the Black codes picked up where the slave codes ended, and restricted the freedoms of the “free”And then there were the restrictions of Jim Crow policies. In states like Alabama– and the many states in the North that had their own Jim Crow rules – ALL Black people lived under laws and codes, at the country, state or national level, that curtailed their physical and emotional freedom in the United States. As Daina Ramey Berry mentioned in our conversation some of these rules still hold us in invisible bondage and shape how we live and how for some - we parent. For more on “the rules” I spoke with Sally Hadden, a professor at Western Michigan University…Prof.Hadden: I'm a specialist in legal and constitutional history, particularly of early America. My first book was entitled, “Slave Patrols, Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas”. And that book tracked the development of slave patrols as a legal institution from the 1600s to the 1870s.I told Professor Hadden about my family, my white European ancestry, and the enslavement of Grandma Charity and other family members. By then, I'd studied the Slave Codes, the Black Codes, and Jim Crow, and realized that the slave codes that governed Grandma Charity's life informed how she raised her children and grandchildren. And in many ways, the rules my dad learned while growing up under Jim Crow apartheid governed the way my parents raised me.The whip used to punish Slave Code and Black Code violations, became the belt I often faced in the living room. But it was more than the physical. The fear of disobeying the rules added to the mental toll. Those codes also helped shape how many others– both in my family and beyond– expected me to act..it shaped the idea that I needed to stay in my place, or be punished. Prof.Hadden: People parent the way that they experienced being a child with their own parents. It's very hard to break that cycle of parent to child. And I, I'm not a parent myself, I don't have kids. But I see this with my brother's children, and my sister's children, who are all now in their 40s and have kids of their own. And it's remarkable how, to use an old phrase, how close the apple drops from the tree. LEE: So you get it. And, and the academic term is intergenerational trauma. But I like the way you put it because, um, this is my, this was my way to show some level of graciousness to my dad when I got this history. And then for him to show me the grace of being able to go through the journey and study it with me and to say, Hey, you know what?LEE: This should stop in our bloodline.LEE: But one way to heal is certainly, the best way to heal, I think, is to confront it. And that's why the work that you've done is so important, because history just holds so many powerful clues, um, into how, you know, how we got to the way we are. But very few people understand the role of violence and, but the necessity in the context of the capitalism and the, you know, the system of capitalism and what we were trying to accomplish as a nation.Prof.Hadden: A lot of people think that when they discuss slavery, what they think of is, they think of a two party relationship, a master and an enslaved person. And what I was trying to write about was, there's always a third party, and the third party is always government. It's always the state, and whether it's the, uh, at the national level, the state level, or the county level, there's this, third party.Prof.Hadden: And the state is always the backer up of this because the state creates the laws that make it, that, that within the society of that time, legitimated the institution of slavery. Prof.Hadden: So for the purposes of our discussion about the law, we're interested in the common law and how slave patrols were developed as legal institutions. South Carolina had the first laws on the books about, um, slave patrols and, uh, attempts by the state to control enslaved people.LEE: So what did patrols do? Prof.Hadden: Patrols were required by their government, either the, the local or state government or the militia, to perform surveillance and to use violence towards enslaved people. That was their job. They were responsible for going into slave cabins, to see who was there, to make sure there were no runaways.Prof.Hadden: They looked for uh, goods that they thought slaves shouldn't have, they hunted, uh, nighttime music to its source, uh, to look for, uh, dancing groups or for religious meetings where African Americans might be in attendance.Prof.Hadden: Their job was to effectively enforce a curfew. that would have kept every enslaved person on the farm of the master who owned them. They were effectively the government's backstop to a master to make sure that the slaves were where they were supposed to be. So they were a type of government group that used white on Black violence to achieve their ends.The slave patrols enforced the slave codes - created by a colonial or state legislature. Walking into the interview with Professor Hadden, I knew the Slave Codes restricted Black people's movement, requiring written passes for travel. They forbade assembly without a white person present. It was often illegal for Black people to read or write, or for a white person to teach them to do so. Marriage and family rights were non-existent, allowing enslavers to separate families at will. Enslaved people could not testify in court against white people; their testimonies were generally inadmissible. They were also barred from owning property, entering into contracts, or earning wages, with any income typically claimed by their enslavers. Whipping was often the punishment. In Greenville, it was usually 39 to 100 lashes for an offense. And in the case of a rebellion or insurrection, the penalty could be death.And what was most devastating, was that I knew that some of our white family members – mainly Mastin Pugh, the man who inherited Grandma Charity from his father, Jesse – was also in charge of the enforcement of the Alabama Slave Code across Butler County. Him holding that power would have been brutal for Grandma Charity. And eventually, generations later, for me. It made sense that my parents would be overly cautious about us kids not doing anything wrong. They policed us so the law - or those who felt empowered to police us, even without authority - wouldn't. It all goes back to the codes and patrols. Prof.Hadden: The very earliest laws put a requirement on ordinary individuals, uh, to have them be responsible for enforcing slave laws. The idea here was that all whites theoretically would understand that it was in their best interest to keep slaves controlled.Prof.Hadden: Now, this kind of enforcement didn't necessarily work terribly well to ask just everybody walking around in society who's white to keep an eye on everybody who's, um, enslaved. And so, gradually, colonial legislatures switched to other systems of using patrols to say, you people are designated as individuals.Prof.Hadden: Uh, to control slave behavior and so legislatures, um, either required the militia to carve out groups of patrollers and have them do the work or county courts turned to their tax lists and used tax lists to nominate people to serve as patrollers for three months or six months. And, and Alabama's solution was to use the militia, to have the militia be the substitute and say the militia will choose patrollers to work in rotation.Prof.Hadden: So, the militia were ordinary people who were supposed to be self arming. That is to say, you're supposed to show up with your own, uh, rifle, your own gun, uh, with ammunition and enough shot to, um, uh, carry out orders issued by a superior commander. Um, and to do what was necessary to protect your community. Something to highlight here: Patrolling and policing was EVERYWHERE. There was no option for Black people to escape the patroller's whip and gun, and white men were EXPECTED to patrol - they were governmentally required to do so. There was a financial consequence if they didn't. This was the culture and the law. And while it may not be explicit now, we see the ways this culture of being policed versus feeling empowered to patrol plays out along racial lines. There are countless news reports of white people calling the police on gatherings of Black people at cookouts or for watering a neighbor's lawn. Or questioning a Black person's right to be in a gated community - when they live there. That's patrolling - the power of oversight. And then you have some Black parents who continue to have “the talk” with their children, warning them of the ways to address police officers if stopped. Or telling them not to stay out after dark. Or not to gather in large groups in case it draws the wrong kind of attention. That's self policing for preservation and to avoid white oversight. Even though slave patrols came to an end - in theory - with the abolition of slavery, the culture remained.Prof.Hadden: After the Civil War ends, white Southerners are afraid. There's a lot of fear about, um, the African Americans who live around them, who live in their communities, and if patrols no longer exist, um, just like slavery no longer exists, then from the perspective of white lawmakers, Who is supposed to keep African Americans in line? Who is supposed to supervise them if there are no more slave masters? What would be done to stop crime, what would be done to control African Americans?Prof.Hadden: Southern whites in the 1860s were terrified of the possibility of race war, and they lived with that. They talked about that race war was likely to happen, and without patrols, they were sure that they would they had no way to prevent one. So the work done by patrols was divided, you could say. The work that they had done that was about surveillance, that was about stopping crime, became part of the work of police forces. Some southern cities had had police forces, but others had not, in the world when slavery still existed.Prof.Hadden: But the other thing that happens with patrol work after 1865 is that some of the work that patrollers had done, intimidation work, becomes, uh, the, the central feature of the Ku Klux Klan, that, that's, um, that their legacy of intimidation, of, uh, race based violence, uh, very much becomes, um, part and parcel of the Klan's, um, operating uh daily operational activities. Um, the Ku Klux Klan wanted to scare African Americans in the Reconstruction South into doing what the white community wanted. They wanted African Americans to only do agricultural work, not to have schools, not to have guns, not to vote, not to organize, not to demand um, appropriate wages, and the Klan used violence or the threat of violence to get African Americans to do what they want, what they wanted, which was all of those things.This form of control remains, but as we've talked about throughout the series, it's fear based. The whip controlled the enslaved. Scare tactics and violence were used by the Ku Klux Klan. And today, corporal punishment - the threat and the practice - is still perceived by some as a way to keep children safe. LEE: Can you tell us about the differences and similarities between the violence of the slave patrols and corporal punishment that we see in modern times in homes and schools? Prof.Hadden: Well, the, the use of violence usually has one object in mind to get obedience, to get control. And so there's, there's the root of the similarity is if, if corporal punishment or violence has an objective of to get to control, then they spring from the same kinds of beginnings. Now, there are some key differences, obviously. Um, control as a parent might be for an immediate and a transient reason.Prof.Hadden: Um, you know, a mother spanks a child to reinforce the idea in the child's mind that it's a bad idea to go out and chase a ball onto a road where there are lots of cars. Um, I speak on, from personal experience on that one, Lee. Um, having been on the receiving end of my mother's hand when I chased a ball out into the street.Prof.Hadden: I think she probably lost a few years off of her life watching that happen, but she wanted to make sure that I got the message as a preschooler that I shouldn't do that again. Believe me, I remember it firmly. But control can also be about long term domination. And that's different. Um, an abusive parent that beats a child every weekend for no reason, just to reinforce the idea that the parent is bigger, um, badder, a bully, an abuser.Prof.Hadden: Um, you know, the very threat of violence can almost be as intimidating as the actual use of violence in that sort of situation. Um, an abusive father. puts his hand on his belt and the child doesn't have to see anything more because the connection between the belt and its use on them is there. as an instrument of corporal punishment is very live.Prof.Hadden: It's nearly as terrifying that the belt itself is almost as terrifying as, as seeing it in use. Now, of course, there are several large differences between what patrols did and the kind of, corporal punishment or violence one might experience in a home or in a school. One of the biggest is that when a patroller used, um, a rod or a whip against an enslaved person, they could be strangers to each other.Prof.Hadden: That is to say, they might be, the patrol member might not know who the enslaved person was. The enslaved person might never have laid eyes on that patroller before that night. Um, uh, a second difference obviously is, is the racial one. That is to say, patroller is white and the enslaved person is Black. And within the family or within a school, that sort of distinction, both of those distinctions are missing.Prof.Hadden: They're not strangers to each other. They're maybe share the same race as each other. And there are also differences of expectation. Um, we expect, or at least society teaches us to expect, kindness from our family members, from our teachers, that we're going to be nurtured or supported by them. But that may or may not be the case.Prof.Hadden: Whereas, I don't think enslaved people ever thought that they'd see the milk of human kindness coming from a patroller. So they're bearing those differences in mind. There are some similarities, and one of the similarities is the use of an instrument of violence. whether it be a belt or a whip or a rod, um, certainly the instrument by which punishment is inflicted might look very much the same.LEE: Yeah. And you touched on kindness and the expectation of kindness. When I was a kid, I didn't expect kindness from my parents, and the reason was, I did receive kindness from my parents, but I also received the brutality of violence, and in my community, it was stressed to me that violence was kindness, because we're protecting you from the evils of the world, we're protecting you, we're scaring you so that when you go out, you know how to act right, When you're at the mall with your friends so you don't get killed by the police or accused of stealing something you didn't steal or decide to steal something and get arrested and in the process of getting arrested, get killed or join a gang because you're, you're not being disciplined and then get killed on the streets. LEE: And so we're doing this because we have to do this, because the society will kill you if we don't do this, if we don't instill this fear in you. And so it was a very mentally, it was a very, um, hard thing to process as a kid, because I just fundamentally did have that understanding that as a Black kid, there were a different set of rules for me.We talked alot about how concepts and ideas are handed down through generations. Prof.Hadden: But I can tell you that in the early 20th century, um, there was tremendous fear. Again, we're back to a period of fear in American society and fear motivates people to do very strange and dangerous things. And one of the things they were afraid of was the massive influx of immigrants that were coming to America from Southern Europe.Prof.Hadden: Um, this was a time when, um, immigration numbers were going through the roof, nationally, and there's a backlash to that. And for some people, that backlash takes the form of joining, um, uh, political organizations, and sometimes it takes the form of joining a group like the Klan, uh, to demonstrate white supremacy against these perceived outsiders. But it's also just as much about in the 20s, you begin to see the migration, the out migration, of a large number of African Americans from the South to other parts of the country. Um, this is something that had, obviously started in the 1860s and 70s, but it accelerates in the early 20th century, and, um, people moving to Detroit, people moving to Cleveland, people moving to, um, uh, St. Louis, moving to loads of cities where there were industrial opportunities. Prof.Hadden: Um, many of those individuals, African American individuals, moved during, uh, World War I in the late 19 teens. And what this did, it changed the, uh, population complexion of a lot of previous cities that had previously had, um, very large, uh, white, um, populations to being ones that were more racially mixed, where before more than three quarters of the African American population lived in the American South.Prof.Hadden: When you move into the 20th century, this outward migration of African Americans to other parts of the United States meant that, in other communities, a lot of whites begin to experience fear, fear of the unknown. And that concept – the fear of the unknown – also applied to my family and my own community. My father's family moved from Alabama to Minnesota, but those fears of Jim Crow remained. I thought back to my interview with my mother, in which she told me, “we didn't know if something could happen to you, because things have happened.” For Black parents who used the belt to keep their children in their perceived place – or even for Black people who called other Black people “acting white” for excelling in school or having friends of other races – they were paralyzed by that generational fear, which, if you really sit down and read them, are the same attitudes that the Slave Code is rooted in. Prof.Hadden: Um, you know, violence. is something that is passed down just like a family name. And it starts with knowing our history, but then it takes action. And that kind of action, I think, is up to each individual. It can't, you can't wait around for government to do it.It's up to the individual to act and to try to make a change. That's my own personal view. LEE: Okay. Incredible. Thank you, Professor Hadden. Prof.Hadden: You're so welcome, Lee. My research into Grandma Charity's life under the brutal rule of Mastin Pugh and the Alabama Slave Code of 1852, led me to confront a painful question: When my father whipped me with that belt, hoping to mold me into an exceptionally productive Black boy who had to grow up too fast, who was really whipping me? Was it Lee Roy Hawkins Sr., the strong, omnipresent Black father who, drawing on the power of our irrepressible Black village, wanted me to achieve our wildest dreams?Or was it Lee Roy Hawkins Sr., the great-grandson of a Black woman enslaved by Mastin Pugh, driven by the white supremacist DNA in his veins, believing he had no other choice?For me, one of the biggest challenges was accepting that both could be true. As Americans, the same complexity that inspires and haunts the American family hung over my father and our family for generations.To confront this generational tragedy, I had to peel back the layers of truth about the origins of this country and our family's place in it. For only then did I truly understand why so much of my upbringing was defined by rules enforced by the whip, which, for generations, was meant to keep us enslaved. In facing this undeniable American history, I hope that I helped position us to reclaim my family's power and to rewrite our narrative, transforming the pain inherited from “mean ol' Grandma Charity” into a legacy of resilience, and, most importantly, liberation.[outro music]CREDITSWhat Happened In Alabama is a production of American Public Media. It's written, produced and hosted by me, Lee Hawkins.Our executive producer is Erica Kraus. Our senior producer is Kyana Moghadam.Our story editor is Martina Abrahams Ilunga. Our lead writer is Jessica Kariisa.Our producers are Marcel Malekebu and Jessica Kariisa. This episode was sound designed and mixed by Marcel Malekebu. Our technical director is Derek Ramirez. Our soundtrack was composed by Ronen Lando. Our fact checker is Erika Janik.And Nick Ryan is our director of operations.Special thanks to the O'Brien Fellowship for Public Service Journalism at Marquette University; Dave Umhoefer, John Leuzzi, Andrew Amouzou and Ziyang Fu. And also thanks to our producer in Alabama, Cody Short. The executives in charge at APM are Joanne Griffith and Chandra Kavati.You can follow us on our website, whathappenedinalabama.org or on Instagram at APM Studios.Thank you for listening.

People talking about... BTS Open (0:01) Setlist w/ Wiz Khalifa, Kendrick Lamar, Childish Gambino & Sean Paul (0:29) Last Episodes (19:24) Shoutout to Adiaha + Evana (22:40) Reset Button (34:00) Sterling K. Brown Shade to J. Lo (47:56) Diddy's Puffy Dark Cloud (51:40) Stephen A. Smith, Bill Walton, Vivica A. Fox, etc. (1:10:18) Men with Fine Daughters (1:16:03) Stax Documentary (1:20:18) Beach Stories (1:40:03) NBA Finals (1:55:17) Driving with Suspended License (2:29:31) + More

This week on Black on Black Cinema, the crew returns to discuss the 2024 film, "The American Society of Magical Negroes" starring Justice Smith, David Alan Grier, and An-Li Bogan. The film follows a young man (Aren) who joins a clandestine group of magical Black Americans committed to enhancing the lives of White individuals, satirizing the Magical Negro trope.

This week on Black on Black Cinema, the crew returns to announce the next film, "The American Society of Magical Negroes." The film follows a young man, Aren, who is recruited into a secret society of magical Black people who dedicate their lives to a cause of utmost importance: making white people's lives easier. The random topic this week is about the rap beef between Kendrick Lamar and Drake. However, as there are so many other shows talking about the lyrical contest, we decided to take a different angle on what this beef means in a larger context. Frankly, how it and many other rap beefs tend to squeeze women in the middle as named victims, weaponized sexual encounters, and even the stripping of their humanity to be used as merely objects for these men to manipulate for the end goal of winning the contest in the court of public opinion.

We already knew white folks don't want Black people in their neighborhoods, but Sherwin takes a deep dive into the numbers and history behind Black home ownership and its disparities. It doesn't matter if you're Black and want property in the suburbs or the metropolitan area, "NO NEGROES ALLOWED".

Among southern states, Texas was a leader in the desegregation of public education. In 1964, Texas accounted for approximately 60 percent of integrated school districts in the South. Robert Lewis Gilbert was the first black teacher to be hired in a white school in Waco and describes taking on that position: "Everybody was telling me before I went, Well, you know, white kids, you're going to really have to do something to teach them, you know. And—and there was a kind of a question in my mind as to whether or not I would be able to keep up with these kids if they were so smart. But after a few moments of observation during my student teaching, I detected that there were some—some geniuses, some average, and some mediocre whites just as there were blacks. And, boy, I said, ‘Well, you know, this is'—it dawned on me that, you know, people are people. And those kids, many of them, they'd looked for guidance toward knowledge, and they were looking for me to pour it out. And many people had me under the impression that I was to go there and these children were going to ask me certain questions and things that I wouldn't be able to answer them, and it would show me as inferior." Maggie Washington pioneered teacher integration in the Midland Independent School District. She recalls the reactions from her new white co-workers: "Even the custodian tried to give me a hard time. A lot of teachers were so disgruntled that they were working with a black teacher that they went to the principal. He was a Christian man. And he said, ‘Now, anybody who doesn't want to work with Maggie Washington, put your request for transfer on my desk.' So several of them put their request for transfer on his desk. And one man on my wing, he went to the principal and said, ‘I just want to know something. What criteria did you use to get Maggie Washington here?' And the principal told him; not only told him, he let him read it." At a PTA meeting, that teacher made sure Washington spoke last: "But, baby, I spoke. And I was talking about my favorite subject as related to everyday life. I brought it right on down front to them. When that meeting was over, the white parents just rushed up. Girl, you couldn't see me. And there was a—a teacher whose husband was there, and he was a doctor. He said, ‘Oh, put her on the air. She is good.' So the principal called me in the next morning and just fell out laughing. (laughter) He said, ‘You fixed them good.' I said, ‘I wasn't trying to. I just discussed social studies.'" Washington also faced a challenge in winning over some of her students. She recalls an encounter with a girl in her fifth-grade class: "I said, ‘Eldemina, what's wrong, honey?' ‘My mama doesn't like Negroes.' I said, ‘Oh, why?' She said, ‘She said they steal and fight.' I said, ‘Are those Negroes that live in Mexican town that—that's doing all that stealing and fighting?' ‘Oh, no ma'am.' (interviewee laughs) ‘Okay,' I said, ‘you tell your mother that.'" The Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education is more than half a century behind us. But since then, de facto re-segregation has become a growing concern, especially in large cities in the Northeast and Midwest, where the most segregated schools today are located. Teacher integration typically took place in areas where student integration was under way. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

'The American Society of Magical Negroes' has been PULLED from theaters after only three weeks due to an abysmally low $2.5 million box office take. Somewhat related (but not really) -- Billy Dee Williams says that it's cool to do blackface if an actor is okay with it. Say what?! ➡️ Tip Jar and Fan Support: http://ClownfishSupport.com ➡️ Official Merch Store: http://ShopClownfish.com ➡️ Official Website: http://ClownfishTV.com ➡️ Audio Edition: https://open.spotify.com/show/6qJc5C6OkQkaZnGCeuVOD1 ➡️ Gaming News: https://open.spotify.com/show/0A7VIqE3r5MQkFgL9nifNc About Us: Clownfish TV is an independent, opinionated news and commentary channel that covers Entertainment and Tech from a consumer's point of view. We talk about Gaming, Comics, Anime, TV, Movies, Animation and more. Hosted by Kneon and Geeky Sparkles. Disclaimer: This series is produced by Clownfish Studios and WebReef Media, and is part of ClownfishTV.com. Opinions expressed by our contributors do not necessarily reflect the views of our guests, affiliates, sponsors, or advertisers. ClownfishTV.com is an unofficial news source and has no connection to any company that we may cover. This channel and website and the content made available through this site are for educational, entertainment and informational purposes only. These so-called “fair uses” are permitted even if the use of the work would otherwise be infringing. #Movies #News #Commentary #Reaction #Podcast #Comedy #Entertainment #Hollywood #PopCulture #Tech

Canadian writer and director Clement Virgo has worked on some of the most critically acclaimed television shows of the 2000s — from The Wire and The Book of Negroes to Dahmer – Monster: The Jeffrey Dahmer Story. But his latest project, the film Brother, feels like his most personal yet. He sits down with Tom to talk about returning to his hometown to film a story of familial love and grief, and how art reflects back your own humanity.

'The American Society of Magical Negroes' (yes, that's its actual title) was a massive, MASSIVE failure at the box office, raking in a little over $1 million on opening weekend. Compounded by its dismal Rotten Tomatoes score, it looks like this controversially titled movie wound up being for NOBODY. Who could've seen this coming...? ➡️ Tip Jar and Fan Support: http://ClownfishSupport.com ➡️ Official Merch Store: http://ShopClownfish.com ➡️ Official Website: http://ClownfishTV.com ➡️ Audio Edition: https://open.spotify.com/show/6qJc5C6OkQkaZnGCeuVOD1 ➡️ Gaming News: https://open.spotify.com/show/0A7VIqE3r5MQkFgL9nifNc About Us: Clownfish TV is an independent, opinionated news and commentary channel that covers Entertainment and Tech from a consumer's point of view. We talk about Gaming, Comics, Anime, TV, Movies, Animation and more. Hosted by Kneon and Geeky Sparkles. Disclaimer: This series is produced by Clownfish Studios and WebReef Media, and is part of ClownfishTV.com. Opinions expressed by our contributors do not necessarily reflect the views of our guests, affiliates, sponsors, or advertisers. ClownfishTV.com is an unofficial news source and has no connection to any company that we may cover. This channel and website and the content made available through this site are for educational, entertainment and informational purposes only. These so-called “fair uses” are permitted even if the use of the work would otherwise be infringing. #Movies #News #Commentary #Reaction #Podcast #Comedy #Entertainment #Hollywood #PopCulture #Tech

See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Robert Franklin Williams was a black American civil rights leader who served as president of the Monroe, North Carolina chapter of the NAACP in the 1950s and early 1960s. Williams advocated armed self-defense against racism decades before the black power and black nationalist movements of the late 1960s and early 1970s made it a central message of their activism. Rob Williams lived in exile in Cuba for five years, during which he wrote Negroes with Guns in 1962; the book that formed the basis of a documentary on Williams and the Black Power movement. This episode reproduces the very documentary released in 2005 by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and Independent Lens. The episode is part of the Africanist Press African History Series that aims to feature voices, institutions, and individuals engaged in the story of Africa's past and present development. 

In 1928 and 1929, two men named Sterling T. Dunn and Van Skelton were shot and killed in the course of “lover's lane” robberies in Memphis, Tennessee. After a series of false leads and rather unlikely coincidences, the murders were finally solved after several months. Twitter: https://twitter.com/PodcastDarkness Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/agable_fd/ Forgotten Darkness Google Map: https://www.google.com/maps/d/u/0/edit?mid=1NsgqAha9Z3bMhBxg8FuM2tRLqwjH5-_F&usp=sharing Part of the Straight Up Strange Network: https://www.straightupstrange.com/ Opening music from https://filmmusic.io. "Dark Child" by Kevin MacLeod (https://incompetech.com). License: CC BY (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) Closing music by Soma. SOURCES Memphis Commercial Appeal, March 11, 1928. “Identify Floater as Murdered Fireman.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, February 22, 1929. “McCaslin 'Soldiered' While Family Mourned Him as Dead.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, May 13, 1929. “Murder List Growing.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, February 26, 1929. “Mystery Note Now Enters Dunn Slaying.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, January 10, 1928. “Mystery Surrounds Murder on Parkway.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, January 7, 1928. “Negroes' Confessions Clear Roadside Deaths.” Chattanooga Daily Times, October 12, 1929. “Police Closing in on Murder Witness.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, January 8, 1928. “Police to Renew Quiz of Skelton Suspect.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, October 11, 1929. “Sheriff's Force Idle in Probe of Murder.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, February 5, 1929. “Two Admit Slaying of Skelton and Dunn.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, October 12, 1929. “Woman is Held in Murder of Fireman.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, January 23, 1929. “Woman Named Hazel Still Evades Capture.” Memphis Commercial Appeal, January 9, 1928. Maddox, Myrtle. “My Escape from the Ghost Grove Terror.” True Detective Mysteries, September, 1930.  

Louis and Ira may be taking a break for Memorial Day, but fear not! We've got a riveting surprise for you courtesy of Crooked Media and Spotify's original podcast, “Stuck with Damon Young.” In this episode, Damon joins forces with the one and only Ira Madison III to dive deep into the reductive trope of “magical negros,” citing popular examples from both reality and fiction. Later in the episode, Damon and Brooklyn-based culture writer Shamira Ibrahim offer advice to a woman grappling with her husband's problematic traveling habit — asking strangers about their ethnic background.If this episode has your senses tingling, be sure to head over to the “Stuck with Damon Young” feed pronto! You'll discover a treasure trove of recent episodes, including a captivating tête-à-tête with marijuana and hip-hop mogul Wiz Khalifa. From his enchanting tales of fatherhood to the ever-evolving cannabis industry, nothing is off-limits. Tune in to “Stuck with Damon Young” every Thursday for free on Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts!

Demi attends a magical Black people summation Paris, review of “The Beyonce Show”, Diddy and Careesha “Act Bad” on video.ABOUT ME:http://www.demetrialucas.com/about/STAY CONNECTED: IG: demetriallucasTwitter: demetriallucasFB: demetriallucasYouTube: demetriallucasSakara is offering our listeners 20% off their first order when they go to https://sakara.com/ratchet or enter code RATCHET at checkout.This episode is sponsored by BetterHelp. Give online therapy a try at https://betterhelp.com/ratchet and get on your way to being your best self. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Demi attends a magical Black people summation Paris, review of “The Beyonce Show”, Diddy and Careesha “Act Bad” on video. ABOUT ME: http://www.demetrialucas.com/about/ STAY CONNECTED:  IG: demetriallucas Twitter: demetriallucas FB: demetriallucas YouTube: demetriallucas Sakara is offering our listeners 20% off their first order when they go to https://sakara.com/ratchet or enter code RATCHET at checkout. This episode is sponsored by BetterHelp. Give online therapy a try at https://betterhelp.com/ratchet and get on your way to being your best self. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Once the immediate threat of the Snow Riot was quelled, Beverly Snow had to figure out his next steps. Arthur Bowen, Reuben Crandall, and several rioters went to trial, with mixed results. Research:  Provine, Dorothy. “The Economic Position of the Free Blacks in the District of Columbia, 1800-1860.” The Journal of Negro History, vol. 58, no. 1, 1973, pp. 61–72. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2717156 Brown, Letitia W. “Residence Patterns of Negroes in the District of Columbia, 1800-1860.” Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C., vol. 69/70, 1969, pp. 66–79. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067705 “[From the National Intelligencer],” The Liberator. August 29, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/34584454 Pacheco, Josephine F. “The Pearl: A Failed Slave Escape on the Potomac.” University of North Caroline Press. 2010. “Excitement at Washington City.” Georgia Journal and Messenger. August 27, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/851675649 “Trial in Washington for Circulating Incendiary Publications.” The Liberator. April 30, 1836. https://www.newspapers.com/image/34584596/?terms=Reuben%20Crandall&match=1 “Disturbance in Washington.” Tarborot Press. August 22, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/67757810/?terms=beverly%20snow&match=1 Vile, John R. “Trial of Reuben Crandall (1835-1836).” The First Amendment Encyclopedia. https://www.mtsu.edu:8443/first-amendment/article/1606/trial-of-reuben-crandall “The First Fruits.” The Biblical Recorder (reprinted from National Intelligencer.” August 26, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/90195350/?terms=%22mrs.%20thornton%22&match=1 “Another Riot.” Daily Commercial Advertiser. August 20, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/263385346/?terms=beverly%20snow&match=1 Kramer, Neil S. “The Trial of Reuben Crandall.” Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C., vol. 50, 1980, pp. 123–39. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067812 “Trial of Reuben Crandall.” Vermont Telegraph. May 6, 1836. https://www.newspapers.com/image/328451513/?clipping_id=45321292&fcfToken=eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJmcmVlLXZpZXctaWQiOjMyODQ1MTUxMywiaWF0IjoxNjc1MTA3NTg0LCJleHAiOjE2NzUxOTM5ODR9.Ki9geAOoayqxx41vgJwd307rAPY8HTGig1EaiS6jcY0 Sharp, John G. “History of the Washington Navy Yard Civilian Workforce, 1799-1962.” Naval District Washington - Washington Navy Yard. 2005. https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/browse-by-topic/heritage/washington-navy-yard/pdfs/WNY_History.pdf “Reports of Cases Civil and Criminal in the United States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, from 1801 to 1841, Volume 4.” United States, Circuit Court (District of Clumbia.) Little, Brown.1852. Accessed online: https://books.google.com/books?id=qWIsAAAAYAAJ&d Cole, S. (1991). Changes for Mrs. Thornton's Arthur: Patterns of Domestic Service in Washington, DC, 1800–1835. Social Science History, 15(3), 367-379. doi:10.1017/S0145553200021180 Morley, Jefferson. “The ‘Snow Riot.'” Washington Post. Feb. 6, 2005. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/magazine/2005/02/06/the-snow-riot/0514ba84-54dd-46ac-851c-ff74856fcef4/ Morley, Jefferson. “Snow-Storm in August: Washington City, Francis Scott Key, and the Forgotten Race Riot of 1835.” Nan A. Talese. 2012. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

As arguments about the institution of slavery were beginning to boil over in the U.S. capital in 1835, a series of events played out that led to destructive violence. Part one covers the overlapping catalysts and the earliest parts of the riot. Research: Provine, Dorothy. “The Economic Position of the Free Blacks in the District of Columbia, 1800-1860.” The Journal of Negro History, vol. 58, no. 1, 1973, pp. 61–72. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2717156 Brown, Letitia W. “Residence Patterns of Negroes in the District of Columbia, 1800-1860.” Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C., vol. 69/70, 1969, pp. 66–79. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067705 “[From the National Intelligencer],” The Liberator. August 29, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/34584454 Pacheco, Josephine F. “The Pearl: A Failed Slave Escape on the Potomac.” University of North Caroline Press. 2010. “Excitement at Washington City.” Georgia Journal and Messenger. August 27, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/851675649 “Trial in Washington for Circulating Incendiary Publications.” The Liberator. April 30, 1836. https://www.newspapers.com/image/34584596/?terms=Reuben%20Crandall&match=1 “Disturbance in Washington.” Tarborot Press. August 22, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/67757810/?terms=beverly%20snow&match=1 Vile, John R. “Trial of Reuben Crandall (1835-1836).” The First Amendment Encyclopedia. https://www.mtsu.edu:8443/first-amendment/article/1606/trial-of-reuben-crandall “The First Fruits.” The Biblical Recorder (reprinted from National Intelligencer.” August 26, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/90195350/?terms=%22mrs.%20thornton%22&match=1 “Another Riot.” Daily Commercial Advertiser. August 20, 1835. https://www.newspapers.com/image/263385346/?terms=beverly%20snow&match=1 Kramer, Neil S. “The Trial of Reuben Crandall.” Records of the Columbia Historical Society, Washington, D.C., vol. 50, 1980, pp. 123–39. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40067812 “Trial of Reuben Crandall.” Vermont Telegraph. May 6, 1836. https://www.newspapers.com/image/328451513/?clipping_id=45321292&fcfToken=eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJmcmVlLXZpZXctaWQiOjMyODQ1MTUxMywiaWF0IjoxNjc1MTA3NTg0LCJleHAiOjE2NzUxOTM5ODR9.Ki9geAOoayqxx41vgJwd307rAPY8HTGig1EaiS6jcY0 Sharp, John G. “History of the Washington Navy Yard Civilian Workforce, 1799-1962.” Naval District Washington - Washington Navy Yard. 2005. https://www.history.navy.mil/content/dam/nhhc/browse-by-topic/heritage/washington-navy-yard/pdfs/WNY_History.pdf “Reports of Cases Civil and Criminal in the United States Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, from 1801 to 1841, Volume 4.” United States, Circuit Court (District of Clumbia.) Little, Brown.1852. Accessed online: https://books.google.com/books?id=qWIsAAAAYAAJ&d Cole, S. (1991). Changes for Mrs. Thornton's Arthur: Patterns of Domestic Service in Washington, DC, 1800–1835. Social Science History, 15(3), 367-379. doi:10.1017/S0145553200021180 Morley, Jefferson. “The ‘Snow Riot.'” Washington Post. Feb. 6, 2005. https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/magazine/2005/02/06/the-snow-riot/0514ba84-54dd-46ac-851c-ff74856fcef4/ Morley, Jefferson. “Snow-Storm in August: Washington City, Francis Scott Key, and the Forgotten Race Riot of 1835.” Nan A. Talese. 2012. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.