Podcasts about Colonial Office

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in History

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in Jewish Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/jewish-studies

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in Middle Eastern Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in Genocide Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/genocide-studies

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in Israel Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in Diplomatic History

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Yaacov Nir, "Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949)" (Cambridge Scholars, 2024)

New Books in British Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 19, 2024 64:13

Yaacov Nir's Establishment and History of the Cyprus Detention Camps for Jewish Refugees (1946-1949) (Cambridge Scholars, 2024) explores the nature of the severe conflict over immigration to Palestine during the post-Second World War period, and the British policy of deportation to Detention Camps in Cyprus (1946-1949). It considers the perspective of actors such as the British Foreign Office, dominated by stubborn Ernest Bevin, and the Colonial Office, the Palestinian Jewish community and its underground Haganah and Palmach forces, the Palestinian Arabs, and the Colonial Cyprus authorities. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

history british jewish world war ii cambridge palestine refugees cyprus scholars establishment palestinian arabs detention camps british foreign office haganah colonial office

Episode 122 - Lord Glenelg moulds a troublous history

Play Episode Listen Later Jun 11, 2023 21:24

Let's take another look at the push factors driving the Voortrekkers away from their frontier farms. Most had lived on the margins of society for generations, part of the first group of Dutch who began spreading out from the Peninsular in the 17th Century, developing an ethos of independence and a culture of self-reliance. They were naturally anti-establishment if you like, while being presented as ultra conservative in their religion. In modern terms this implies certain characteristics which I creates a classic misreading of who they were. Remember the first trekkers were not averse to marrying Khoekhoe and even amaXhosa women, it was only later that their conservatism morphed into a belief in racial separation. You know enough by now not to make the mistake of double-guessing our ancestors based on modern politics and society's rules, the prism of the present is a social blindfold when it comes to perception. It gets the crude and raw politician of any epoch into a logic gridlock, an intellectual cul de sac. There was no doubt that the actions of Lord Glenelg when he took over the Colonial Office in 1835 exacerbated the Boers perceptions of the English. Remember how he'd met Andries Stockenstrom the Dutch Swede who had briefed him about how the Khoekhoe servants were treated in the Cape. Glenelg then overturned decisions to move the frontier to the Kei river, an action which marked him both as a blunderer and a misguided liberal. It is true that this story became the most deeply embedded consequence of the war in the colonial pysche, it was an imprint that never faded, it was bitterly mulled over for the next one hundred years, and it was also in an ironic mental shift, the moment that the English speaking settlers became African. They'd been thrown under the colonial bus by both their King and country. They suddenly realised that their homeland was no longer their friend, the political leadership of the British govenrment had turned them into aliens, they no longer recognized themselves as English. This would take another generation or two to play out, but folks, it was a moment. What we have to understand is that while this was going on in relation to the 1820 Settler stock, further north east, in Port Natal, the settlers there were very much in favour of the British government. They were two different sets of English speakers, which we kind of lump together. Interestingly enough, something like this was also going on in Canada and in Australia and New Zealand. The English speakers there were grappling with their own nationality. For the Boers, Glenelg's decision was easier to cope with than for the 1820 Settlers — the Boers had never trusted the English so it was time to leave. The boers had always directed their own fate, while the 1820 settler was implacably tied to their countries foreign policy. The Boers were interested in land, but didn't really care for Glenelg's annexation of the province of Queen Adelaide - they'd still be vassals to the British empire there anyway.

history canada australia lord english british new zealand african dutch cape settlers settler kei boers glenelg peninsular moulds colonial office

Episode 122 - Lord Glenelg moulds a troublous history

Play Episode Listen Later Jun 11, 2023 21:24

Let's take another look at the push factors driving the Voortrekkers away from their frontier farms. Most had lived on the margins of society for generations, part of the first group of Dutch who began spreading out from the Peninsular in the 17th Century, developing an ethos of independence and a culture of self-reliance. They were naturally anti-establishment if you like, while being presented as ultra conservative in their religion. In modern terms this implies certain characteristics which I creates a classic misreading of who they were. Remember the first trekkers were not averse to marrying Khoekhoe and even amaXhosa women, it was only later that their conservatism morphed into a belief in racial separation. You know enough by now not to make the mistake of double-guessing our ancestors based on modern politics and society's rules, the prism of the present is a social blindfold when it comes to perception. It gets the crude and raw politician of any epoch into a logic gridlock, an intellectual cul de sac. There was no doubt that the actions of Lord Glenelg when he took over the Colonial Office in 1835 exacerbated the Boers perceptions of the English. Remember how he'd met Andries Stockenstrom the Dutch Swede who had briefed him about how the Khoekhoe servants were treated in the Cape. Glenelg then overturned decisions to move the frontier to the Kei river, an action which marked him both as a blunderer and a misguided liberal. It is true that this story became the most deeply embedded consequence of the war in the colonial pysche, it was an imprint that never faded, it was bitterly mulled over for the next one hundred years, and it was also in an ironic mental shift, the moment that the English speaking settlers became African. They'd been thrown under the colonial bus by both their King and country. They suddenly realised that their homeland was no longer their friend, the political leadership of the British govenrment had turned them into aliens, they no longer recognized themselves as English. This would take another generation or two to play out, but folks, it was a moment. What we have to understand is that while this was going on in relation to the 1820 Settler stock, further north east, in Port Natal, the settlers there were very much in favour of the British government. They were two different sets of English speakers, which we kind of lump together. Interestingly enough, something like this was also going on in Canada and in Australia and New Zealand. The English speakers there were grappling with their own nationality. For the Boers, Glenelg's decision was easier to cope with than for the 1820 Settlers — the Boers had never trusted the English so it was time to leave. The boers had always directed their own fate, while the 1820 settler was implacably tied to their countries foreign policy. The Boers were interested in land, but didn't really care for Glenelg's annexation of the province of Queen Adelaide - they'd still be vassals to the British empire there anyway.

history canada australia lord english british new zealand african dutch cape settlers settler kei boers glenelg peninsular moulds colonial office

Episode 117 - The Sixth Frontier War ends in a draw and Trekboers like Louis Trichardt seek the promised land

Play Episode Listen Later May 7, 2023 21:15

There was a great exodus of some people, the movement of the people into the interior of South Africa - a moment that was going to reverberate all the way to the present. The Great Trek as its known had begun by mid-1835, and to be honest, was a medium sized Trek already. It had been a steady flow across the Orange River for decades, led by the trekboers, traders and hunters steadily rolling their wagons inland. They were following the trailblazers, the Kora, Bastaards, Oorlam, Kora. Some of the traders didn't come back, and not because they died out there on the distant veld. Now, they liked what they saw along the Orange River, across the Klein and main Karoo, over the Drakensburg mountains all the way to Marico, pushing onwards through the Kalahari, into what is now southern Angola, across the Soutpansberg. This episode we'll hear about the early travellers, the outliers, the adventurers, the dreamers. Humans are naturally motivated to see what's over the next hill or river, to quench a curiosity thirst, to seek a greener grass. But first, we need to end this Sixth Frontier War, a guerrilla war where the British had been outfoxed across the Kei ravines and Amatola fastnesses by the amaXhosa. The Colonial Office was counting the cost and it was expensive to keep thousands of troops on the move, and to keep paying the Khoekhoe solders. 455 farms had been burned and the losses to the Colonial treasury was already 300 000 pounds, more than one hundred settlers and soldiers had died. Hundreds of xhosa warriors and civilians had been killed, thousands of head of cattle eaten by both sides as they relied on food on the hoof in these times of chaos. Hintsa's son Sarhili was now Xhosa regent following the shooting of Hintsa. The unpleasant truth for Colonel Harry Smith to accept was that the British army and its auxiliaries were in a bad way. While the Xhosa continued to move about the territory, the British could not. Colonel Henry Somerset was swanning about in Grahamstown, well fed and clothed, but many frontier posts were running out of food and uniforms that had turned to rags. Provisioning was inadequate worsened by disorganisation.

Episode 117 - The Sixth Frontier War ends in a draw and Trekboers like Louis Trichardt seek the promised land

Play Episode Listen Later May 7, 2023 21:15

There was a great exodus of some people, the movement of the people into the interior of South Africa - a moment that was going to reverberate all the way to the present. The Great Trek as its known had begun by mid-1835, and to be honest, was a medium sized Trek already. It had been a steady flow across the Orange River for decades, led by the trekboers, traders and hunters steadily rolling their wagons inland. They were following the trailblazers, the Kora, Bastaards, Oorlam, Kora. Some of the traders didn't come back, and not because they died out there on the distant veld. Now, they liked what they saw along the Orange River, across the Klein and main Karoo, over the Drakensburg mountains all the way to Marico, pushing onwards through the Kalahari, into what is now southern Angola, across the Soutpansberg. This episode we'll hear about the early travellers, the outliers, the adventurers, the dreamers. Humans are naturally motivated to see what's over the next hill or river, to quench a curiosity thirst, to seek a greener grass. But first, we need to end this Sixth Frontier War, a guerrilla war where the British had been outfoxed across the Kei ravines and Amatola fastnesses by the amaXhosa. The Colonial Office was counting the cost and it was expensive to keep thousands of troops on the move, and to keep paying the Khoekhoe solders. 455 farms had been burned and the losses to the Colonial treasury was already 300 000 pounds, more than one hundred settlers and soldiers had died. Hundreds of xhosa warriors and civilians had been killed, thousands of head of cattle eaten by both sides as they relied on food on the hoof in these times of chaos. Hintsa's son Sarhili was now Xhosa regent following the shooting of Hintsa. The unpleasant truth for Colonel Harry Smith to accept was that the British army and its auxiliaries were in a bad way. While the Xhosa continued to move about the territory, the British could not. Colonel Henry Somerset was swanning about in Grahamstown, well fed and clothed, but many frontier posts were running out of food and uniforms that had turned to rags. Provisioning was inadequate worsened by disorganisation.

Episode 107 - Dr Andrew Smith, his mysterious Dingane expedition and a bit of XGaoXna- Knysna

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 25, 2023 24:23

The small settlement of Port Natal had hardly grown by 1830. Dingane had moved his ikhanda which he named uMgungundlovu to the eMakhosini valley, close to Singonyama or Lion hill, just south of the White Umfolozi River. The traders around Port Natal by now had mostly married Khoekhoe or AmaZulu women and were part of the Zulu landscape, but by 1834, colonial authorities were going to become far more interested in this part of southern Africa. By now Charles Maclean aka John Ross was in his late teens - he'd arrived as a 9 year-old, Thomas Halstead had arrived as a 14 year-old in 1825, also living close to the port was were John Cane, Nathanial Isaacs and Henry Ogle. Only one dwelling in the port looked vaguely European, the fort and none had what could be called furniture. Most of the structures were the Zulu beehive design, and the traders wore a combination of Zulu costumes and basic garments sewn from skins, with homemade straw hats. The whites had taken local wives or concubines, known as iziXebe, some had Khoisan wives and servants. The traders had paid lobola for the women, handing over goods and cattle to the bride's father to pay him for his loss of labour in the family units because it was the women who did most of the work in AmaZulu society. Cape Governor Sir Lowry Cole received a report that the Americans had been trading with the Zulu and seemed to be the vanguard of a possible attempt at seizing this area for themselves. Cole wrote to the Colonial Office saying “how embarrassing such a neighbour might eventually prove…” to the Cape. So he turned to Scottish assistant Staff Surgeon at the Cape garrison, Dr Andrew Smith. There are few official expeditions in the history of South Africa about which less is known than that of Dr Andrew Smiths' visit to Dingane in 1832. The real motive for the expedition was never outlined, and its a black hole in the South African Archives, as well as the Public Record Office in London. No official report exists. While this was causing some excitement, things were happening at a place called Knysna. The good Ship Knysna was built in the Knysna lagoon starting in 1826 when her keel was laid, and she sailed on her first voyage with a cargo of timber for Cape Town in July 1831. The Knsyna was still sailing around the English coast in 1873.

english americans africa european south africa lion scottish mysterious cape town expedition cape zulu andrew smith john ross knysna public record office colonial office charles maclean

Episode 107 - Dr Andrew Smith, his mysterious Dingane expedition and a bit of XGaoXna- Knysna

english new zealand court crown appeal texts treaty flowing maori author interviews waitangi colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 25, 2023 24:23

The small settlement of Port Natal had hardly grown by 1830. Dingane had moved his ikhanda which he named uMgungundlovu to the eMakhosini valley, close to Singonyama or Lion hill, just south of the White Umfolozi River. The traders around Port Natal by now had mostly married Khoekhoe or AmaZulu women and were part of the Zulu landscape, but by 1834, colonial authorities were going to become far more interested in this part of southern Africa. By now Charles Maclean aka John Ross was in his late teens - he'd arrived as a 9 year-old, Thomas Halstead had arrived as a 14 year-old in 1825, also living close to the port was were John Cane, Nathanial Isaacs and Henry Ogle. Only one dwelling in the port looked vaguely European, the fort and none had what could be called furniture. Most of the structures were the Zulu beehive design, and the traders wore a combination of Zulu costumes and basic garments sewn from skins, with homemade straw hats. The whites had taken local wives or concubines, known as iziXebe, some had Khoisan wives and servants. The traders had paid lobola for the women, handing over goods and cattle to the bride's father to pay him for his loss of labour in the family units because it was the women who did most of the work in AmaZulu society. Cape Governor Sir Lowry Cole received a report that the Americans had been trading with the Zulu and seemed to be the vanguard of a possible attempt at seizing this area for themselves. Cole wrote to the Colonial Office saying “how embarrassing such a neighbour might eventually prove…” to the Cape. So he turned to Scottish assistant Staff Surgeon at the Cape garrison, Dr Andrew Smith. There are few official expeditions in the history of South Africa about which less is known than that of Dr Andrew Smiths' visit to Dingane in 1832. The real motive for the expedition was never outlined, and its a black hole in the South African Archives, as well as the Public Record Office in London. No official report exists. While this was causing some excitement, things were happening at a place called Knysna. The good Ship Knysna was built in the Knysna lagoon starting in 1826 when her keel was laid, and she sailed on her first voyage with a cargo of timber for Cape Town in July 1831. The Knsyna was still sailing around the English coast in 1873.

english americans africa european south africa lion scottish mysterious cape town expedition cape zulu andrew smith john ross knysna public record office colonial office charles maclean

Ned Fletcher: are the English and Maori texts so different?

RNZ: Saturday Morning

Play Episode Listen Later Oct 21, 2022 26:05

The English text of the Treaty of Waitangi is widely considered to be different from the Maori version signed by rangatira - the latter held to reflect that Maori never ceded sovereignty, and retained tino rangatiratanga. Flowing from his interest in the Colonial Office of the 1830s and how English law was brought to New Zealand, historian and lawyer Ned Fletcher argues in The English Text of the Treaty of Waitangi that the authors of the English version saw 'sovereignty' as consistent with continued Maori self-government. While Fletcher's interest in the treaty is quite separate from his day job as a Crown prosecutor, it does run in the family: his mother is former Chief Justice Dame Sian Elias, who acted for the Maori Council in treaty cases, including the famous 1987 Court of Appeal case, which recognised the preeminence of the Maori version.

Episode 84 – The 1820 Settlers ramble among Algoa Bay shrubbery

england british ireland south africa african britain riots cape town cvs cape ramble ironic settlers eastern cape shrubbery between december colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 17, 2022 24:03

Between December 1819 and the first quarter of 1820, 21 ships left England and Ireland bound for the Cape carrying five thousand men, women and children. The ships docked at Cape Town after weeks at sea to take on food and water, and for officials to come aboard. Settlers were not allowed to leave the ships, which then sailed onwards to anchor in Algoa Bay starting in April 1820. The rest would follow through to the end of July, the mid-winter in South Africa, and not the best time to land a ship on the coast. You can imagine the immigrants shock as they looked out over the bay from these vessels, because there was nothing in the way of settlements, just bush, and the landscape was alien – at least at first. The Eastern Cape is a remarkably beautiful area, but its rugged, full of succulants, dry, but when it rains, seemingly covered in vegetation. Who were these people, these 1820 settlers? The Colonial Office initially had instituted rigid conditions to ensure that those of sound character were shipped out. But these rules were broken almost immediately. Some were parties under the leadership of men of means and ability as you've heard, those who could take indentured servants, labourers and mechanics. The Colonial Office's original idea of taking only agricultural men and women who'd been dispossessed of their land in Britain was poorly instituted. IT appeared that many of these farmers were not farmers at all, but artisans, tradesmen and mechanics, who'd changed CVs so to speak, they pretended to be men of the earth when they were really men of settlements. They had grand dreams of paradise, after all the Times and other newspapers had published glowing reports of this new land of milk and honey and would do anything to get out of Britain. Some parishes sought to unload their less productive citizens and falsified their skills on the resumes. Why did so many people want to escape from England at this time? Basically, it was hell back home. Riots, uprisings, land theft, economic decline, government oppression, it all tore at the fabric of British society and for many of these people escape to South Africa – or virtually anywhere for that matter – was better than staying at home. Ironic then that in the 21st Century, Africans are trying to make the reverse trip. Times change.

Episode 84 – The 1820 Settlers ramble among Algoa Bay shrubbery

england british ireland south africa african britain riots cape town cvs cape ramble ironic settlers eastern cape shrubbery between december colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 17, 2022 24:03

Between December 1819 and the first quarter of 1820, 21 ships left England and Ireland bound for the Cape carrying five thousand men, women and children. The ships docked at Cape Town after weeks at sea to take on food and water, and for officials to come aboard. Settlers were not allowed to leave the ships, which then sailed onwards to anchor in Algoa Bay starting in April 1820. The rest would follow through to the end of July, the mid-winter in South Africa, and not the best time to land a ship on the coast. You can imagine the immigrants shock as they looked out over the bay from these vessels, because there was nothing in the way of settlements, just bush, and the landscape was alien – at least at first. The Eastern Cape is a remarkably beautiful area, but its rugged, full of succulants, dry, but when it rains, seemingly covered in vegetation. Who were these people, these 1820 settlers? The Colonial Office initially had instituted rigid conditions to ensure that those of sound character were shipped out. But these rules were broken almost immediately. Some were parties under the leadership of men of means and ability as you've heard, those who could take indentured servants, labourers and mechanics. The Colonial Office's original idea of taking only agricultural men and women who'd been dispossessed of their land in Britain was poorly instituted. IT appeared that many of these farmers were not farmers at all, but artisans, tradesmen and mechanics, who'd changed CVs so to speak, they pretended to be men of the earth when they were really men of settlements. They had grand dreams of paradise, after all the Times and other newspapers had published glowing reports of this new land of milk and honey and would do anything to get out of Britain. Some parishes sought to unload their less productive citizens and falsified their skills on the resumes. Why did so many people want to escape from England at this time? Basically, it was hell back home. Riots, uprisings, land theft, economic decline, government oppression, it all tore at the fabric of British society and for many of these people escape to South Africa – or virtually anywhere for that matter – was better than staying at home. Ironic then that in the 21st Century, Africans are trying to make the reverse trip. Times change.

Episode 84 – The 1820 Settlers ramble among Algoa Bay shrubbery

england british ireland south africa african britain riots cape town cvs cape ramble ironic settlers eastern cape shrubbery between december colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 17, 2022 24:03

Between December 1819 and the first quarter of 1820, 21 ships left England and Ireland bound for the Cape carrying five thousand men, women and children. The ships docked at Cape Town after weeks at sea to take on food and water, and for officials to come aboard. Settlers were not allowed to leave the ships, which then sailed onwards to anchor in Algoa Bay starting in April 1820. The rest would follow through to the end of July, the mid-winter in South Africa, and not the best time to land a ship on the coast. You can imagine the immigrants shock as they looked out over the bay from these vessels, because there was nothing in the way of settlements, just bush, and the landscape was alien – at least at first. The Eastern Cape is a remarkably beautiful area, but its rugged, full of succulants, dry, but when it rains, seemingly covered in vegetation. Who were these people, these 1820 settlers? The Colonial Office initially had instituted rigid conditions to ensure that those of sound character were shipped out. But these rules were broken almost immediately. Some were parties under the leadership of men of means and ability as you've heard, those who could take indentured servants, labourers and mechanics. The Colonial Office's original idea of taking only agricultural men and women who'd been dispossessed of their land in Britain was poorly instituted. IT appeared that many of these farmers were not farmers at all, but artisans, tradesmen and mechanics, who'd changed CVs so to speak, they pretended to be men of the earth when they were really men of settlements. They had grand dreams of paradise, after all the Times and other newspapers had published glowing reports of this new land of milk and honey and would do anything to get out of Britain. Some parishes sought to unload their less productive citizens and falsified their skills on the resumes. Why did so many people want to escape from England at this time? Basically, it was hell back home. Riots, uprisings, land theft, economic decline, government oppression, it all tore at the fabric of British society and for many of these people escape to South Africa – or virtually anywhere for that matter – was better than staying at home. Ironic then that in the 21st Century, Africans are trying to make the reverse trip. Times change.

Episode 84 – The 1820 Settlers ramble among Algoa Bay shrubbery

england british ireland south africa african britain riots cape town cvs cape ramble ironic settlers eastern cape shrubbery between december colonial office

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 17, 2022 24:03

Between December 1819 and the first quarter of 1820, 21 ships left England and Ireland bound for the Cape carrying five thousand men, women and children. The ships docked at Cape Town after weeks at sea to take on food and water, and for officials to come aboard. Settlers were not allowed to leave the ships, which then sailed onwards to anchor in Algoa Bay starting in April 1820. The rest would follow through to the end of July, the mid-winter in South Africa, and not the best time to land a ship on the coast. You can imagine the immigrants shock as they looked out over the bay from these vessels, because there was nothing in the way of settlements, just bush, and the landscape was alien – at least at first. The Eastern Cape is a remarkably beautiful area, but its rugged, full of succulants, dry, but when it rains, seemingly covered in vegetation. Who were these people, these 1820 settlers? The Colonial Office initially had instituted rigid conditions to ensure that those of sound character were shipped out. But these rules were broken almost immediately. Some were parties under the leadership of men of means and ability as you've heard, those who could take indentured servants, labourers and mechanics. The Colonial Office's original idea of taking only agricultural men and women who'd been dispossessed of their land in Britain was poorly instituted. IT appeared that many of these farmers were not farmers at all, but artisans, tradesmen and mechanics, who'd changed CVs so to speak, they pretended to be men of the earth when they were really men of settlements. They had grand dreams of paradise, after all the Times and other newspapers had published glowing reports of this new land of milk and honey and would do anything to get out of Britain. Some parishes sought to unload their less productive citizens and falsified their skills on the resumes. Why did so many people want to escape from England at this time? Basically, it was hell back home. Riots, uprisings, land theft, economic decline, government oppression, it all tore at the fabric of British society and for many of these people escape to South Africa – or virtually anywhere for that matter – was better than staying at home. Ironic then that in the 21st Century, Africans are trying to make the reverse trip. Times change.

Colonial Office Records

On the Record at The National Archives

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 25, 2022 59:49

The Colonial Office was the government department responsible for Britain's colonies at various points throughout the 18th to 20th centuries. It issued instructions to colonial governors, authorised expenditures, and determined the broad direction of policy for the Empire. In this episode, we look at three documents that provide insight into the experiences of people living under British rule: a 1921 letter from black sailors in Wales to the Prime Minister inspired by Garveyism; a 17th-century slave-trading ship's journal; and service records of African soldiers fighting in World War I.  For a transcript and information about the documents used in this episode visit our show notes: https://bit.ly/ColonialRec Listeners, we need your help to make this podcast better! We need to know a bit more about you and what themes you're interested in. You can share this information with us by visiting smartsurvey.co.uk/s/ontherecord/.

history british african empire britain records wales prime minister archives black history colonialism british history garveyism colonial office

Show Notes: Colonial Office Records

On the Record at The National Archives

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 25, 2022

records colonial office

Trailer: Colonial Office Records

On the Record at The National Archives

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 22, 2022 2:21

In this episode, we're taking a closer look at Britain's Colonial Office records. This was the government department responsible for Britain's colonies at various points throughout the 18th to 20th centuries. We'll be exploring three stories found in these records, which provide an insight into the experiences of people living under British Rule.

history black africa britain records nigeria slavery discrimination archives black history sailors colonial colonialism britian british rule colonial office

Shoko Yamada, "Dignity of Labour for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School" (Langaa RPCIG, 2018)

New Books in African Studies

Play Episode Listen Later May 26, 2022 62:52

The Prince of Wales College, Achimota School, opened in 1927 north of Accra in the Gold Coast (Ghana). Achimota was to be a ‘model' school—but a model of what, exactly? And for whom? Shoko Yamada's book 'Dignity of Labour' for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School (Langaa RPCIG, 2018) delves into the multiple discourses and contested politics that resulted in Achimota. Her careful analysis pulls apart the different strands of American and British educational models that influenced Achimota, while also attending to the specificities of Gold Coast politics that shaped the school's creation. Yamada then tracks how those influences combined, in the context of the 1920s and 1930s Gold Coast, to create an entirely new colonial institution. Elisa Prosperetti is an Assistant Professor in International History at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Her research focuses on the connected histories of education and development in postcolonial West Africa. Contact her at here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Shoko Yamada, "Dignity of Labour for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School" (Langaa RPCIG, 2018)

New Books in History

Play Episode Listen Later May 26, 2022 62:52

The Prince of Wales College, Achimota School, opened in 1927 north of Accra in the Gold Coast (Ghana). Achimota was to be a ‘model' school—but a model of what, exactly? And for whom? Shoko Yamada's book 'Dignity of Labour' for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School (Langaa RPCIG, 2018) delves into the multiple discourses and contested politics that resulted in Achimota. Her careful analysis pulls apart the different strands of American and British educational models that influenced Achimota, while also attending to the specificities of Gold Coast politics that shaped the school's creation. Yamada then tracks how those influences combined, in the context of the 1920s and 1930s Gold Coast, to create an entirely new colonial institution. Elisa Prosperetti is an Assistant Professor in International History at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Her research focuses on the connected histories of education and development in postcolonial West Africa. Contact her at here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Shoko Yamada, "Dignity of Labour for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School" (Langaa RPCIG, 2018)

Play Episode Listen Later May 26, 2022 62:52

The Prince of Wales College, Achimota School, opened in 1927 north of Accra in the Gold Coast (Ghana). Achimota was to be a ‘model' school—but a model of what, exactly? And for whom? Shoko Yamada's book 'Dignity of Labour' for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School (Langaa RPCIG, 2018) delves into the multiple discourses and contested politics that resulted in Achimota. Her careful analysis pulls apart the different strands of American and British educational models that influenced Achimota, while also attending to the specificities of Gold Coast politics that shaped the school's creation. Yamada then tracks how those influences combined, in the context of the 1920s and 1930s Gold Coast, to create an entirely new colonial institution. Elisa Prosperetti is an Assistant Professor in International History at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Her research focuses on the connected histories of education and development in postcolonial West Africa. Contact her at here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

Shoko Yamada, "Dignity of Labour for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School" (Langaa RPCIG, 2018)

New Books in Education

Play Episode Listen Later May 26, 2022 62:52

The Prince of Wales College, Achimota School, opened in 1927 north of Accra in the Gold Coast (Ghana). Achimota was to be a ‘model' school—but a model of what, exactly? And for whom? Shoko Yamada's book 'Dignity of Labour' for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School (Langaa RPCIG, 2018) delves into the multiple discourses and contested politics that resulted in Achimota. Her careful analysis pulls apart the different strands of American and British educational models that influenced Achimota, while also attending to the specificities of Gold Coast politics that shaped the school's creation. Yamada then tracks how those influences combined, in the context of the 1920s and 1930s Gold Coast, to create an entirely new colonial institution. Elisa Prosperetti is an Assistant Professor in International History at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Her research focuses on the connected histories of education and development in postcolonial West Africa. Contact her at here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/education

Shoko Yamada, "Dignity of Labour for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School" (Langaa RPCIG, 2018)

New Books in British Studies

Play Episode Listen Later May 26, 2022 62:52

The Prince of Wales College, Achimota School, opened in 1927 north of Accra in the Gold Coast (Ghana). Achimota was to be a ‘model' school—but a model of what, exactly? And for whom? Shoko Yamada's book 'Dignity of Labour' for African Leaders: The Formation of Education Policy in the British Colonial Office and Achimota School (Langaa RPCIG, 2018) delves into the multiple discourses and contested politics that resulted in Achimota. Her careful analysis pulls apart the different strands of American and British educational models that influenced Achimota, while also attending to the specificities of Gold Coast politics that shaped the school's creation. Yamada then tracks how those influences combined, in the context of the 1920s and 1930s Gold Coast, to create an entirely new colonial institution. Elisa Prosperetti is an Assistant Professor in International History at the National Institute of Education in Singapore. Her research focuses on the connected histories of education and development in postcolonial West Africa. Contact her at here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Sara Reguer, "Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922" (Academic Studies Press, 2020)

New Books in Israel Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 24, 2021 70:11

In what ways was the course of twentieth-century Middle Eastern history shaped by the immediate post-World War I years at the dawn of the Mandatory Period? Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922 (Academic Studies Press, 2020) examines the key developments in Iraq, Palestine and the Aegean as they were coped with by Winston S. Churchill, who served as Secretary for War and Air and as Colonial Secretary during 1919-1922. Author Sara Reguer depicts the diplomatic relationship between Churchill and the Zionist movement, the formation of a Middle East Department in the Colonial Office, the dangers posed by the Bolsheviks in the post-Russian Revolution moment, and the threat to British interests posed by Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk) of Turkey in a new light to stress the unique role in diplomatic history played by Winston Churchill as a creative, nuanced and sophisticated individual situated in the right place at the right time. Ari Barbalat holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of California in Los Angeles. He lives in Toronto with his family. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/israel-studies

Sara Reguer, "Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922" (Academic Studies Press, 2020)

New Books in Biography

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 24, 2021 70:11

In what ways was the course of twentieth-century Middle Eastern history shaped by the immediate post-World War I years at the dawn of the Mandatory Period? Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922 (Academic Studies Press, 2020) examines the key developments in Iraq, Palestine and the Aegean as they were coped with by Winston S. Churchill, who served as Secretary for War and Air and as Colonial Secretary during 1919-1922. Author Sara Reguer depicts the diplomatic relationship between Churchill and the Zionist movement, the formation of a Middle East Department in the Colonial Office, the dangers posed by the Bolsheviks in the post-Russian Revolution moment, and the threat to British interests posed by Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk) of Turkey in a new light to stress the unique role in diplomatic history played by Winston Churchill as a creative, nuanced and sophisticated individual situated in the right place at the right time. Ari Barbalat holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of California in Los Angeles. He lives in Toronto with his family. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

Sara Reguer, "Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922" (Academic Studies Press, 2020)

Moe Factz with Adam Curry

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 24, 2021 70:11

In what ways was the course of twentieth-century Middle Eastern history shaped by the immediate post-World War I years at the dawn of the Mandatory Period? Winston S. Churchill and the Shaping of the Middle East, 1919-1922 (Academic Studies Press, 2020) examines the key developments in Iraq, Palestine and the Aegean as they were coped with by Winston S. Churchill, who served as Secretary for War and Air and as Colonial Secretary during 1919-1922. Author Sara Reguer depicts the diplomatic relationship between Churchill and the Zionist movement, the formation of a Middle East Department in the Colonial Office, the dangers posed by the Bolsheviks in the post-Russian Revolution moment, and the threat to British interests posed by Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk) of Turkey in a new light to stress the unique role in diplomatic history played by Winston Churchill as a creative, nuanced and sophisticated individual situated in the right place at the right time. Ari Barbalat holds a PhD in International Relations from the University of California in Los Angeles. He lives in Toronto with his family. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Citizens of Heaven

Living Words

Play Episode Listen Later Nov 15, 2020

Citizens of Heaven Philippians 3:17-21 by William Klock In our Epistle St. Paul writes: “Our citizenship is in heaven”. Paul wrote these words to the Church in the city of Philippi and he’s warning them about certain people who were “enemies of the cross of Christ. “Their god is their belly, and they glory in their shame, with minds set on earthly things,” he says. But we—the people of Jesus—are called to be different. He’s spent a good bit of this epistle explaining specifically how they’re to be different. Back in Chapter 2 he tells them to be humble and to give themselves for the sake of others because that’s what Jesus did for us: though he was God he didn’t grasp at the prerogatives that gave him, he didn’t seek to exploit his divinity. Instead—for our sake, for his enemies—he humbled himself, he became one of us, taking our flesh on himself, and then died the degrading and humiliating death of the cross. Jesus gave himself for us and now we are to give ourselves for the sake of the world too. Not in quite the same way. By his sacrifice Jesus redeemed the world and the human race from sin and death and in his resurrection God declared him to be Lord and King of all. We can’t accomplish what Jesus did. He’s already done it anyway. But we do give witness to his death and resurrection by what we preach and proclaim and by how we live. By our lives we proclaim the good news that Jesus is Lord and in that we call the world to repent and to follow him, to find the forgiveness we have, to be released from bondage to sin as we have, and to live in faith in the joyful hope of one day being raised to the life of God as Jesus has. This is what Paul’s getting at when he says to live our lives in the knowledge that our citizenship is in heaven. Jesus came as King—that’s in large part what the Hebrew word “Messiah” means. Jesus came as King and he came to inaugurate his kingdom—to set in motion the events and forces that will undo the damage our sinful rebellion has done to his Creation and finally set it to rights. The world rejected him and crucified him. At the cross the world rejected Jesus’ kingship. But when God raised him from the grave, he vindicated Jesus and declared that he really and truly is the King. His kingdom is breaking in. And that means we have a choice. Either we choose to follow this new king or we choose to follow the false rulers of the world. In Paul’s day the pagans worshipped Caesar or Aphrodite or Mammom. Our world is no different. People still worship power and sex and money and a host of other things. This is why Jesus didn’t come the way the Jews expected the Messiah to come. They expected him to come vanquish his enemies and establish his kingdom all at once. But that’s not how God works. He loves us. He doesn’t want us left dead in our sins. He doesn’t delight in destroying sinners. Instead, he seeks to redeem them. That’s why he sent Jesus, not to condemn, but to redeem. That’s why Jesus established his Church and equipped us with the Holy Spirit, that we might build his kingdom here as we call sinners to turn away from the world’s false gods and instead to come to Jesus, the true King. Yes, as we affirm in the Creed, Jesus will come back as King when this work is finished. He will judge us all on that day and those who have continued to reject him will be destroyed. But in the meantime, we are to proclaim the Good News that he is the King. We are to proclaim the goodness of his rule and of his kingdom. We are to call men and women to repentance and to turn to Jesus so that when judgement finally does come, they can have a part in Jesus’ kingdom rather than be destroyed. And our lives need to match our proclamation. We need to live as people who are citizens of heaven. But what does it mean to be citizens of heaven? This should be simple, but pop-theology has made a real mess of our theology of heaven and the Christian hope. This is one of the reasons a narrative-historical approach to how we read the Bible and do theology is so important. We need to grasp the big story or the big picture. Only when we’ve done that, can we fit the smaller pieces of the story into it. When we look at the big picture we see that God created the world good. He populated it with men and women who were to serve him by having “dominion”—that means to be his regents or his stewards and spread his good rule. This vocation is what it means for us to bear God’s image. But we rebelled against God’s rule and in doing so we not only cut ourselves off from his presence and from the life he gave to us, but we dragged his Creation down with us. The rest of the Big Story, then, is God working to set both us and his Creation to rights—to redeem us from sin’s bondage, to restore us to his presence and his life, all so that we can once again fulfil the vocation he originally gave us. This is what we see at the end of the story in Revelation—not redeemed men and women going to heaven, leaving earth behind, to live in some kind of disembodied spiritual state, but God resurrecting the faithful who then join King Jesus as he returns to establish his kingdom and to reunite earth and heaven that we might dwell in his presence and he in ours. There are a host of things that contributed to Christians getting the story wrong over the years. In part it was the influence of Greek philosophy which saw the body and the material world as bad and the spirit as good. Many Greeks looked to death as a good that freed the spirit from the dead weight of the body and the material world. In part it was the doctrine of purgatory that put so much attention on getting through purgatory to heaven that people forgot that the real hope of Christians is for resurrection. The good theology has always been there. It’s in the Creeds we recite every Sunday. It’s in many of the best hymns. But the bad theology is there too in just as many hymns. It’s in the popular books. The last few years has produced a plethora of books and movies on what some more curmudgeonly types have dubbed “heaven tourism”. But even after getting the Big Picture more or less right, we read Paul’s statement that we are citizens of heaven and some still ask: “When do we get there? How do we get there?” And, Brothers and Sisters, that would have left both Paul and the Philippian Christians scratching their heads and looking at us sideways. Let’s look again at what Paul writes in our Epistle. This is Philippians 3:17-21. Brothers, join in imitating me, and keep your eyes on those who walk according to the example you have in us. For many, of whom I have often told you and now tell you even with tears, walk as enemies of the cross of Christ. Their end is destruction, their god is their belly, and they glory in their shame, with minds set on earthly things. But our citizenship is in heaven, and from it we await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ, who will transform our lowly body to be like his glorious body, by the power that enables him even to subject all things to himself. As you hear me often say, we have to read Scripture in context. Whatever sense we give to it had to first make sense to the people who originally heard it. The modern pop-theology of the “heaven tourism” books wouldn’t have made any sense to Paul or the Philippians. Well, that’s not entirely true. It would have made sense, but they would have seen these books as teaching something closer to what the pagan Platonist philosophers taught, not what the Old Testament taught or what the Jews believed or what Jesus taught. Here’s the context we have to keep in mind when we read Philippians: Philippi was a Roman colony and as Paul writes his letter to the Christians there he draws on this. Julius Caesar had been killed about a century before Paul wrote these words. When Caesar died it plunged the Roman Empire into a civil war. That war was fought mostly in the Eastern part of the empire and when it was over and Octavian had defeated Antony, he ended up with a large army in Greece. The soldiers were done fighting. They couldn’t go to Italy or to Rome. The Romans feared having large armies on their home soil. In fact, armies weren’t allowed in Rome at all. And when you just disband an army and give the soldiers nothing productive to do, they tend to make trouble. So Octavian’s solution was to settle the soldiers around the Greek city of Philippi, giving them land so that they could farm in peace, and he made the city a Roman colony. Philippi had close ties to Rome. It was on the road that led across Greece to the narrowest part of the Adriatic Sea, where it was easy to sail back to Italy and to Rome. The Philippians were proud to be Roman colonists and they did their best to live as Romans despite being surrounded by Greek culture and language. The newest bit of Roman culture was the imperial cult. Caesar was to be worshipped as divine, as the saviour and lord of the world. And the Philippians were happy to do just that to show their loyalty to Rome. Think about Victoria. It’s much closer than Philippi, but when it was built something similar was done. The Colonial Office wanted Victoria to be a bastion of British culture and government on the Pacific. They pressured the Hudson’s Bay Company to welcome British settlers and to discourage Americans. A lot of people today think the strong British flavour of the city is just a modern gimmick to attract tourists, but it’s not. It was deliberate and it goes all the way back to the mid-19th Century when the city was a colony on the far edge of the British Empire meant to shine the light of Britannia in the wilderness. This is what Paul’s getting at in Philippians when we writes that we are citizens of heaven. A lot of people read this and think, “Yes, and so living as citizens of heaven is what we do while we wait for Jesus to come back take us to heaven where we belong.” But that’s not it at all. Again, we’ve got to think like the Philippians to whom Paul was writing. Being a Roman citizen didn’t mean that someday Caesar would come and take you home to Rome with him. Not at all. In fact, that’s just the opposite of what it meant to be a colonist. Rome didn’t need any more people. It was already overcrowded and had high unemployment. That was why Octavian had settled these colonists in Philippi to begin with. No, to be a Roman citizen in a colony like Philippi was to bring the light of Roman civilisation and culture to the far reaches of the world. It was to speak Latin when everyone around spoke Greek. It was to be a practical, sensible, down-to-earth Roman in the midst of decadent Greeks. It was to show the Greeks that Caesar was their lord and that his rule and his empire would bring them peace and prosperity. And what if the colony was threatened? Philippi wasn’t very far from the raiding bands of barbarians in the north. What if they attacked? Or what if the Greeks raised a rebellion? What if the Roman colonists couldn’t deal with it themselves? Then they looked forward to Caesar coming to their rescue. He was their “saviour”, after all. He would come from Rome with his army, squash the barbarians or put down the rebellion, and after it was all over the colony would be as firmly established as Rome itself. Caesar was the ruler of the known world. He had the power and he had the authority to make it happen. This is the idea and the mindset that Paul’s drawing on here when he writes to the Philippians about being citizens of heaven. The Church is a colony of heaven, established by Jesus, settled by his people and our purpose is just what we pray in the Lord’s Prayer. We pray, “Thy kingdom come, thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven.” Our duty as citizens of heaven is to bring the life of God and the rule of Jesus to bear on the people and on the world around us. As we all know, this isn’t always easy to do. It’s easy to forget who we are when we’re surrounded by people who worship Caesar and Aphrodite and Mammon. It’s not always easy to stand up to the pressures around us. It’s not always easy to proclaim that Jesus is Lord when doing so is unpopular and might get us into trouble. But remember, Brothers and Sisters, that we live in hope. The Roman colonists trusted that if they got into trouble Caesar would come to their rescue—and they trusted that he would win the fight. But Jesus has not only given us his promise, he’s told us the end of the story already. He will return—no ifs, ands, or buts. What he began when he rose from the grave, what he started when he equipped his Church with the Spirit and sent us out to do as heavenly colonists, he will one day complete. We don’t know when. It could be a hundred years or a hundred thousand, but he will complete it through his Church, working in the power of the Spirit. John gives us a vision of the heavenly city descending to the earth, earth and heaven joined together, and a loud voice crying out: “Behold, the dwelling place of God is with man. He will dwell with them, and they will be his people, and God himself will be with them as their God. He will wipe away every tear from their eyes, and death shall be no more”. We look forward to the day promised by the prophets and apostles when God’s creation has been set to rights and the earth will be filled with the glory of the Lord as the waters cover the sea. Paul writes in verse 21 that Jesus will, on that day, transform our bodies to be like his glorious body. Think about that. After his resurrection Jesus’ body was as at home in heaven as it was on earth. On the one hand his friends could touch and feel him. Jesus sat and ate with them. And yet he could also ascend on the clouds to take his throne in heaven. Jesus will raise us in the same way, making us, too, as at home in heaven as we are on earth—filling us with the very life of God himself so that we can live in the world as God created it—heaven and earth not separate and apart, but joined together and overlapping—God dwelling with men and women. John’s last vision is of Creation restored, this time not a garden, but a great city, but at the centre of it we see the same thing: the tree of life and a river flowing from the throne of God to give life to the world. Jesus died and rose again in order to lead us back to the place we started, to restore us to the life and vocation for which God created us. We are citizens of that kingdom and our duty and vocation today is to live in hope as the people of that kingdom and to proclaim it’s coming and to proclaim its King. That is why Paul writes in the next verse: Therefore, my brothers…stand firm thus in the Lord (Philippians 4:1) Paul was calling the Philippians and urging them to stand firm in their allegiance to the Lord Jesus. Everyone around them paid allegiance to Caesar, but regardless of how strong the pressure was, they were to proclaim that Jesus is Lord and they were to live in faith, showing by their choices and their values and their allegiance that Jesus is the one, true Lord of Creation. Paul tells them to imitate him in this. His situation was a little different. He writes earlier in the letter about the ways in which he had given up—even thrown aside—his Jewish privilege in order to give his allegiance to Jesus. That had got him into trouble more times than he liked to count—beaten, stoned, imprisoned. Not being Jewish, the specifics of the Philippians’ situation were different, but Paul is urging them to do the same thing. This is what it meant when he told them in Chapter 2 to work out their salvation with fear and trembling. They needed to keep Jesus before them, thinking on his death and resurrection and on his Kingship and then they needed to work out for themselves what it was going to take to follow him and to proclaim him—what things needed to change in their lives, where they needed to change their priorities. And so for us, Brothers and Sisters. We need to live with Jesus at the forefront of our minds. Jesus died and rose for our sake. He is the world’s true King. Jesus changes everything, but how does this truth work itself out in each of our lives and in each of our situations? How does it impact the things we say and do? How does it impact our priorities and values? How do we use our money or engage in politics in light of Jesus and his kingdom? How do we respond to our own troubles or to the trials of others with Jesus in mind? What does it look like for us when our allegiance to the Lord Jesus runs into the priorities and allegiances and desires of the world and people around us? Abraham Kuyper once wrote, “There is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry, Mine!” It’s worth noting that Kuyper wasn’t just a theologian. He was also a statesman and the prime minister of the Netherlands. He understood the importance of bringing the kingdom of Jesus to bear not just on his own life and personal piety, but on the world around him. How can we do the same? You don’t have to be a great theologian or a great political leader. We’ve each been called and equipped to live the life of Jesus where we are, to live life faithfully and in accordance with our hope that Jesus is setting everything in this world right, knowing that one day the Lord’s glory will fill the earth. What can you do with your unique gifts and personality and resources and situation to give the world around you a glimpse of Jesus’ kingdom? Let us pray: Gracious Father, you sent your Son into the world, not to condemn, but to redeem. Through his death and resurrection you’ve forgiven our sins and brought us into the life of your kingdom. Teach each of us now, how we can bring your redeeming grace to bear on the people and situations around us. Teach us to live as colonists of your kingdom, speaking your language, showing your character, and living according to your values in the midst of the world so that others will be drawn into your kingdom and know Jesus as we do. We ask this in his name.

15: N.B.A.

Play Episode Listen Later Nov 18, 2019 Transcription Available

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for November 18th 2019, Episode number 15 N.B.A. Shownotes 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America - The New York Times Mon, 18 Nov 2019 12:50 In Hollywood, Harriet Tubman is played in a new movie by a black British woman, much to the annoyance of some black Americans. On the United States census, an ultrawealthy Nigerian immigrant and a struggling African-American woman from the South are expected to check the same box. When many American universities tout their diversity numbers, black students who were born in the Bronx and the Bahamas are counted as the same. A spirited debate is playing out in black communities across America over the degree to which identity ought to be defined by African heritage '-- or whether ancestral links to slavery are what should count most of all. Tensions between black Americans who descended from slavery and black immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean are not new, but a group of online agitators is trying to turn those disagreements into a political movement. They want colleges, employers and the federal government to prioritize black Americans whose ancestors toiled in bondage, and they argue that affirmative action policies originally designed to help the descendants of slavery in America have largely been used to benefit other groups, including immigrants from Africa and the Caribbean. The American descendants of slavery, they say, should have their own racial category on census forms and college applications, and not be lumped in with others with similar skin color but vastly different lived experiences. The group, which calls itself ADOS, for the American Descendants of Slavery, is small in number, with active supporters estimated to be in the thousands. But the discussion they are provoking is coursing through conversations far and wide. Those who embrace its philosophy point to disparities between black people who immigrated to the United States voluntarily, and others whose ancestors were brought in chains. Roughly 10 percent of the 40 million black people living in the United States were born abroad, according to the Pew Research Center, up from 3 percent in 1980. African immigrants are more likely to have college degrees than blacks and whites who were born in the United States. A 2007 study published in the American Journal of Education found that 41 percent of black freshmen at Ivy League colleges were immigrants or the children of immigrants, even though those groups represent 13 percent of the black population in the United States. In 2017, black students at Cornell University protested for the admission of more ''underrepresented black students,'' who they defined as black Americans with several generations in the United States. ''There is a lack of investment in black students whose families were affected directly by the African Holocaust in America,'' the students wrote to the president of the university. University administrators say that black students from other countries contribute to increased diversity on campus, even if their admittance does not mitigate the injustices of American slavery. Many black immigrant groups are also descended from slavery in other countries. The film producer Tariq Nasheed is among the outspoken defenders of the idea that the American descendants of slavery should have their own ethnic identity. ''Every other group when they get here goes out of their way to say, 'I'm Jamaican. I'm Nigerian. I'm from Somalia,''' he said. ''But when we decide to say, 'O.K. We are a distinct ethnic group,' people look at that as negative.'' This year, responding to requests for ''more detailed, disaggregated data for our diverse American experience,'' the Census Bureau announced that African-Americans will be able to list their origins on census forms for the first time, instead of simply checking ''Black.'' The goal of ADOS's two founders '-- Antonio Moore, a Los Angeles defense attorney, and Yvette Carnell, a former aide to Democratic lawmakers in Washington '-- is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Embracing their role as insurgents, Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell held their first national conference in October, and have made reparations for the brutal system of slavery upon which the United States was built a key tenet of their platform. Their movement has also become a lightning rod for criticism on the left. Its skepticism of immigration sometimes strikes a tone similar to that of President Trump. And the group has fiercely attacked the Democratic Party, urging black voters to abstain from voting for the next Democratic presidential nominee unless he or she produces a specific economic plan for the nation's ADOS population. Such tactics have led some to accuse the group of sowing division among African-Americans and engaging in a form of voter suppression not unlike the voter purges and gerrymandering efforts pushed by some Republicans. ''Not voting will result in another term of Donald Trump,'' said Brandon Gassaway, national press secretary of the Democratic National Committee. Shireen Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, has been embroiled in an online battle with ADOS activists for months. Ms. Mitchell contends that the group's leaders are ''using reparations as a weapon'' to make Mr. Trump more palatable to black voters. Others have pointed out that Ms. Carnell once appeared on her YouTube channel in a ''Make America Great Again'' hat. Image Attendees take selfies with ADOS founder Yvette Carnell at the group's inaugural conference in Louisville, Ky. in October. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The goal of the group's two founders is to harness frustrations among black Americans by seizing on the nation's shifting demographics. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image The founders of ADOS have described the group as nonpartisan, but the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Image Marianne Williamson, who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a presidential candidate, attended the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times Over a thousand people attended the group's first national conference, hosted by Simmons College of Kentucky. Guest speakers included Marianne Williamson, a white self-help author who has made reparations a key plank of her platform as a minor Democratic presidential candidate, as well as Cornel West, a black Harvard professor who said ADOS is giving a voice to working-class black people. [Read more about how Farah Stockman reported on the American Descendants of Slavery.] Tara Perry, a 35-year-old paralegal, was among the attendees. A former employee of the Los Angeles Black Worker Center, which used to count the number of black laborers at construction sites, Ms. Perry said she believed that the influx of Mexican immigrants had made it more difficult for black men to find construction jobs in the city. ''People call us divisive. We're not divisive. We're self-interested,'' said Ms. Perry, adding that she was prepared to see Mr. Trump re-elected. Critics consider the movement a Trojan horse meant to infiltrate the black community with a right-wing agenda, and question why the group would target Democrats, who have been far more open to discussions of reparations. ''You are willing to let Donald Trump win, who clearly says he doesn't see reparations happening?'' asked Talib Kweli Greene, a rapper and activist who has become a vocal opponent of the group. ''Get out of here!'' Recently, Hollywood has become the source of much of the frustration around the dividing line between United States-born African-Americans and black immigrants. When the black British actress Cynthia Erivo was hired to play the abolitionist Harriet Tubman, the casting received immediate backlash. Similarly, the filmmaker Jordan Peele has been criticized for hiring Lupita Nyong'o, who is Kenyan, and Daniel Kaluuya, who is British, to play African-American characters in his movies. But Mr. Moore, 39, and Ms. Carnell, 44, say they are not scapegoating black immigrants or trying to lead black voters astray. They say they are merely demanding something tangible from Democrats in exchange for votes and trying to raise awareness around the economic struggles of many black Americans. Ms. Carnell said she learned of the huge disparities in inherited wealth that left black Americans with a tiny share of the economic pie by reading reports, including an Institute for Policy Studies report that predicted the median wealth of black families would drop to zero by 2053. Mr. Moore had been talking about some of the same studies on his own YouTube channel. The two joined forces in 2016 and coined the term ADOS, which spread as a hashtag on social media. Image From front left to back left, Ms. Carnell, Cornel West and Antonio Moore before the conference. Credit... Danielle Scruggs for The New York Times ''What they have done is taken the racial wealth divide field out of academia and packaged it under a populist hashtag,'' said Dedrick Asante-Muhammad, of the Institute for Policy Studies. Mr. Asante-Muhammad lamented that the rhetoric of the movement comes off as anti-immigrant and said that Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell ''over-dramatize'' the impact of African immigrants on the wealth and opportunities available to black Americans. William Darity Jr., a professor at Duke University, has written a series of reports about wealth inequality cited by Mr. Moore and Ms. Carnell. In one report, Dr. Darity found that the median net worth of white households in Los Angeles was $355,000, compared with $4,000 for black Americans. African immigrants in the city had a median net worth of $72,000. Dr. Darity's research also shows that not all immigrant groups are wealthy. Dr. Darity did not attend the recent conference in Kentucky, but he said he saw ADOS as a social justice movement on behalf of a segment of the black population that is being left behind. But not everyone agrees with Dr. Darity's view that empowering disadvantaged African-Americans is the extent of the group's message. Some who have used the hashtag have used racist, violent language when going after their detractors. Ms. Carnell once defended the term ''blood and soil,'' a Nazi slogan, on Twitter. Ms. Mitchell, the founder of Stop Online Violence Against Women, said she was harassed online by the group's supporters after she mentioned ADOS on Joy Reid's MSNBC show in a segment about Russian disinformation campaigns. During the segment, Ms. Mitchell implied that ADOS was made up of Russian bots impersonating real black people online. After the segment aired, the group's supporters harassed Ms. Mitchell as well as Ms. Reid, who they noted was born to immigrants. ''If you do not agree with them, or acknowledge their existence, they go after you,'' Ms. Mitchell said. Ms. Carnell has also been criticized for her past service on the board of Progressives for Immigration Reform, an anti-immigration group that has received funding from a foundation linked to John Tanton, who was referred to as ''the puppeteer'' of the nation's nativist movement by the Southern Poverty Law Center. A September newsletter from Progressives for Immigration Reform touted the growing political clout of ADOS and praised it as ''a movement that understands the impact unbridled immigration has had on our country's most vulnerable workers.'' This summer, ADOS ignited a flurry of criticism after Ms. Carnell complained that Senator Kamala Harris, Democrat of California, was running for president as an African-American candidate but had failed to put forth an agenda for black people. She noted that Ms. Harris is the daughter of an Indian mother and a Jamaican father. Critics quickly accused Ms. Carnell of ''birtherism'' and xenophobia. And although Ms. Carnell and Mr. Moore say ADOS is a nonpartisan movement, the hashtag has been used by conservatives who support Mr. Trump. ''I like #ADOS,'' Ann Coulter, a white conservative commentator, wrote on Twitter. ''But I think it should be #DOAS '-- Descendants of American slaves. Not Haitian slaves, not Moroccan slaves.'' At the conference in Kentucky, supporters pushed back against the idea that they were anti-immigrant or surrogates of the president's agenda. ''We're not xenophobes,'' said Mark Stevenson, a director of talent acquisition in the Navy who said he founded an ADOS chapter in Columbus, Ohio, this summer. ''If you ask somebody who is Latino what is their heritage, they'll tell you they are Puerto Rican or Dominican or Cuban.'' ''This is our heritage,'' he added. ''I don't see the issue.'' Farah Stockman Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:06 Latest Search Search Latest Articles Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pases que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Search Articles 114 results for sorted by Times Insider Deciphering ADOS: A New Social Movement or Online Trolls? I spent weeks trying to figure out what was true '-- and not true '-- about American Descendants of Slavery, a group aiming to create a new racial designation. By Farah Stockman 'We're Self-Interested': The Growing Identity Debate in Black America Why a movement that claims to support the American descendants of slavery is being promoted by conservatives and attacked on the left. By Farah Stockman Three Leaders of Women's March Group Step Down After Controversies The departures come after years of discord and charges of anti-Semitism and at a time the group is gearing up for political engagement in the 2020 elections. By Farah Stockman El negocio de vender ensayos universitarios Estudiantes en Estados Unidos, el Reino Unido y Australia estn contratando para que les redacten sus trabajos a personas de otros pases que lo hacen por necesidad financiera. By Farah Stockman and Carlos Mureithi Here Are the Nine People Killed in Seconds in Dayton The gunman's victims ranged from a graduate student to a grandfather, a young mother to longtime friends. By Farah Stockman and Adeel Hassan Gunman's Own Sister Was Among Dayton Shooting Victims The nine people who were killed outside a popular Dayton bar also included the mother of a newborn and a fitness and nutrition trainer. By Farah Stockman and Nicholas Bogel-Burroughs Back-to-Back Outbreaks of Gun Violence in El Paso and Dayton Stun Country In a country that has become nearly numb to men with guns opening fire in schools, at concerts and in churches, shooting in Texas and Ohio left the public shaken. Gunman Kills 9 in Dayton Entertainment District Nine people were killed and 27 others were wounded, the police said. It was the second American mass shooting in 24 hours, and the third in a week. By Timothy Williams and Farah Stockman Heat Wave to Hit Two-Thirds of the U.S. Here's What to Expect. Dangerously hot temperatures are predicted from Oklahoma to New England. Here's the forecast, with some tips on staying safe. By Farah Stockman Child Neglect Reports Sat Unread for 4 Years Because of an Email Mix-up A small change to an email address led to reports to a Colorado hotline for child abuse and neglect cases sitting unread for years, officials said. By Dave Philipps and Farah Stockman 7 Died in a Motorcycle Crash. How Their Club of Former Marines Is Mourning Them. A motorcycle club of ex-Marines struggles to pick up the pieces after a horrific crash killed its leader and six other members and supporters. By Farah Stockman A Man Licked a Carton of Ice Cream for a Viral Internet Challenge. Now He's in Jail. Law officials and store owners across the country are wrestling with how to stop a flurry of copycat videos made by people committing the same crime. By Farah Stockman Manslaughter Charge Dropped Against Alabama Woman Who Was Shot While Pregnant The case of Marshae Jones, who was indicted over the death of the fetus she was carrying when she was shot, had stirred outrage across the country. By Farah Stockman Alabamians Defend Arrest of Woman Whose Fetus Died in Shooting The indictment of a woman in the shooting death of her fetus has sparked outrage across the country. But in Alabama, many people consider it just. By Farah Stockman People Are Taking Emotional Support Animals Everywhere. States Are Cracking Down. More Americans are saying they need a variety of animals '-- dogs, ducks, even insects '-- for their mental health. But critics say many are really just pets that do not merit special status. By Farah Stockman Birthright Trips, a Rite of Passage for Many Jews, Are Now a Target of Protests For nearly 20 years, Birthright has bolstered Jewish identity with free trips to Israel. But now some young Jewish activists are protesting the trips. By Farah Stockman 'The Time Is Now': States Are Rushing to Restrict Abortion, or to Protect It States across the country are passing some of the most restrictive abortion laws in decades, including in Alabama, where Gov. Kay Ivey signed a bill effectively banning the procedure. By Sabrina Tavernise Harvard Harassment Case Brings Calls for External Review and Cultural Change A Harvard government department committee issued a report criticizing a culture that let a professor stay employed despite a history of complaints. By Farah Stockman Baltimore's Mayor, Catherine Pugh, Resigns Amid Children's Book Scandal The resignation came days after the City Council proposed amending the charter to make it possible to remove Ms. Pugh and amid a widening scandal involving a book deal worth $500,000. By Farah Stockman U.N.C. Charlotte Student Couldn't Run, So He Tackled the Gunman Riley Howell was one of two students killed and four injured when a gunman opened fire in a classroom. The police charged a 22-year-old student with murder. By David Perlmutt and Julie Turkewitz Skip to Navigation Shireen Mitchell - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Shireen Mitchell is an American entrepreneur, author, technology analyst and diversity strategist. She founded Digital Sisters/Sistas, Inc.,[1] the first organization dedicated to bringing women and girls of color online and Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW),[2] a project that addresses laws and policies to provide protections for women while online. Career [ edit ] Shireen Mitchell began designing bulletin board systems and gopher (protocol) sites prior to the advent of websites. She was the webmaster for PoliticallyBlack.com, a site that was sold to Netivation (NTVN)[3] a large media company as one of the web transactions in the late 1990s that later went public.[4] Mitchell formed the first woman of color web management firm in 1997, the Mitchell Holden Group (MHG). She then founded Digital Sisters/Sistas in 1999, first as a website and then an advocacy and training organization that focuses on technology, new media and diversity. Digital Sisters was the first organization created specifically to help women and girls of color get into the STEM field and use technology in their daily lives. In 2010, she formed Tech Media Swirl LLC, a digital social strategy company focused integrated media strategies for outreach to diverse communities. In 2013, she founded Stop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW). The project highlights diverse voices of women, and in particular, women of color. Honors and awards [ edit ] Eelan Media, Top 100 Most Influential Black People on digital/social media,[5] 2014DC Inno, Top Ten Influencers in Social Media,[6] 2012Fast Company Most Influential Women in Tech,[7] 2010Washingtonian's Tech Titans,[8] 2009The Root, 100 African-American Leaders of Excellence,[9] 2009Published works [ edit ] Gaining Daily Access to Science and Technology, 50 Ways to Improve Women's Lives . Inner Ocean Publishing. 21 June 2007. ISBN 978-1-930722-45-3. References [ edit ] External links [ edit ] Digital SistersStop Online Violence Against Women (SOVAW) Comcast Shouldn't Challenge the Civil Rights Act of 1866 | Fortune Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:05 Sign Up for Our Newsletters Sign up now to receive FORTUNE's best content, special offers, and much more. Subscribe Marcus Garvey - Wikipedia Mon, 18 Nov 2019 14:04 Jamaica-born British political activist, Pan-Africanist, orator, and entrepreneur Marcus Mosiah Garvey Jr. ONH (17 August 1887 '' 10 June 1940) was a Jamaican political activist, publisher, journalist, entrepreneur, and orator. He was the founder and first President-General of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL, commonly known as UNIA), through which he declared himself Provisional President of Africa. Ideologically a black nationalist and Pan-Africanist, his ideas came to be known as Garveyism. Garvey was born to a moderately prosperous Afro-Jamaican family in Saint Ann's Bay, Colony of Jamaica and apprenticed into the print trade as a teenager. Working in Kingston, he became involved in trade unionism before living briefly in Costa Rica, Panama, and England. Returning to Jamaica, he founded UNIA in 1914. In 1916, he moved to the United States and established a UNIA branch in New York City's Harlem district. Emphasising unity between Africans and the African diaspora, he campaigned for an end to European colonial rule across Africa and the political unification of the continent. He envisioned a unified Africa as a one-party state, governed by himself, that would enact laws to ensure black racial purity. Although he never visited the continent, he was committed to the Back-to-Africa movement, arguing that many African-Americans should migrate there. Garveyist ideas became increasingly popular and UNIA grew in membership. However, his black separatist views'--and his collaboration with white racist groups like the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) to advance their shared interest in racial separatism'--divided Garvey from other prominent African-American civil rights activists such as W. E. B. Du Bois who promoted racial integration. Committed to the belief that African-Americans needed to secure financial independence from white-dominant society, Garvey launched various businesses in the U.S., including the Negro Factories Corporation and Negro World newspaper. In 1919, he became President of the Black Star Line shipping and passenger company, designed to forge a link between North America and Africa and facilitate African-American migration to Liberia. In 1923 Garvey was convicted of mail fraud for selling its stock and imprisoned in the Atlanta State Penitentiary. Many commentators have argued that the trial was politically motivated; Garvey blamed Jewish people, claiming that they were prejudiced against him because of his links to the KKK. Deported to Jamaica in 1927, where he settled in Kingston with his wife Amy Jacques, Garvey continued his activism and established the People's Political Party in 1929, briefly serving as a city councillor. With UNIA in increasing financial difficulty, in 1935 he relocated to London, where his anti-socialist stance distanced him from many of the city's black activists. He died there in 1940, although in 1964 his body was returned to Jamaica for reburial in Kingston's National Heroes Park. Garvey was a controversial figure. Many in the African diasporic community regarded him as a pretentious demagogue and were highly critical of his collaboration with white supremacists, his violent rhetoric, and his prejudice against mixed-race people and Jews. He nevertheless received praise for encouraging a sense of pride and self-worth among Africans and the African diaspora amid widespread poverty, discrimination, and colonialism. He is seen as a national hero in Jamaica, and his ideas exerted a considerable influence on movements like Rastafari, the Nation of Islam, and the Black Power Movement. Early life [ edit ] Childhood: 1887''1904 [ edit ] A statue of Garvey now stands in Saint Ann's Bay, the town where he was born Marcus Mosiah Garvey was born on 17 August 1887 in Saint Ann's Bay, a town in the Colony of Jamaica. In the context of colonial Jamaican society, which had a colourist social hierarchy, Garvey was considered at the lowest end, being a black child who believed he was of full African ancestry; later genetic research nevertheless revealed that he had some Iberian ancestors.[3] Garvey's paternal great-grandfather had been born into slavery prior to its abolition in the British Empire. His surname, which was of Irish origin, had been inherited from his family's former owners. His father, Malchus Garvey, was a stonemason; his mother, Sarah Richards, was a domestic servant and the daughter of peasant farmers. Malchus had had two previous partners before Sarah, siring six children between them. Sarah bore him four additional children, of whom Marcus was the youngest, although two died in infancy. Because of his profession, Malchus' family were wealthier than many of their peasant neighbours; they were petty bourgeoise. Malchus was however reckless with his money and over the course of his life lost most of the land he owned to meet payments. Malchus had a book collection and was self-educated; he also served as an occasional layman at a local Wesleyan church. Malchus was an intolerant and punitive father and husband; he never had a close relationship with his son. Up to the age of 14, Garvey attended a local church school; further education was unaffordable for the family. When not in school, Garvey worked on his maternal uncle's tenant farm. He had friends, with whom he once broke the windows of a church, resulting in his arrest. Some of his friends were white, although he found that as they grew older they distanced themselves from him; he later recalled that a close childhood friend was a white girl: "We were two innocent fools who never dreamed of a race feeling and problem." In 1901, Marcus was apprenticed to his godfather, a local printer. In 1904, the printer opened another branch at Port Maria, where Garvey began to work, traveling from Saint Ann's Bay each morning. Early career in Kingston: 1905''1909 [ edit ] In 1905 he moved to Kingston, where he boarded in Smith Village, a working class neighbourhood. In the city, he secured work with the printing division of the P.A. Benjamin Manufacturing Company. He rose quickly through the company ranks, becoming their first Afro-Jamaican foreman. His sister and mother, by this point estranged from his father, moved to join him in the city. In January 1907, Kingston was hit by an earthquake that reduced much of the city to rubble. He, his mother, and his sister were left to sleep in the open for several months. In March 1908, his mother died. While in Kingston, Garvey converted to Roman Catholicism. Garvey became a trade unionist and took a leading role in the November 1908 print workers' strike. The strike was broken several weeks later and Garvey was sacked. Henceforth branded a troublemaker, Garvey was unable to find work in the private sector. He then found temporary employment with a government printer. As a result of these experiences, Garvey became increasingly angry at the inequalities present in Jamaican society. Garvey involved himself with the National Club, Jamaica's first nationalist organisation, becoming its first assistant secretary in April 1910. The group campaigned to remove the British Governor of Jamaica, Sydney Olivier, from office, and to end the migration of Indian "coolies", or indentured workers, to Jamaica, as they were seen as a source of economic competition by the established population. With fellow Club member Wilfred Domingo he published a pamphlet expressing the group's ideas, The Struggling Mass. In early 1910, Garvey began publishing a magazine, Garvey's Watchman'--its name a reference to George William Gordon's The Watchman'--although it only lasted three issues. He claimed it had a circulation of 3000, although this was likely an exaggeration. Garvey also enrolled in elocution lessons with the radical journalist Robert J. Love, whom Garvey came to regard as a mentor. With his enhanced skill at speaking in a Standard English manner, he entered several public speaking competitions. Travels abroad: 1910''1914 [ edit ] Economic hardship in Jamaica led to growing emigration from the island. In mid-1910, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where an uncle had secured him employment as a timekeeper on a large banana plantation in the Lim"n Province owned by the United Fruit Company (UFC). Shortly after his arrival, the area experienced strikes and unrest in opposition to the UFC's attempts to cut its workers' wages. Although as a timekeeper he was responsible for overseeing the manual workers, he became increasingly angered at how they were treated. In the spring of 1911 be launched a bilingual newspaper, Nation/La Naci"n, which criticised the actions of the UFC and upset many of the dominant strata of Costa Rican society in Lim"n. His coverage of a local fire, in which he questioned the motives of the fire brigade, resulted in him being brought in for police questioning. After his printing press broke, he was unable to replace the faulty part and terminated the newspaper. In London, Garvey spent time in the Reading Room of the British Museum Garvey then travelled through Central America, undertaking casual work as he made his way through Honduras, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. While in the port of Col"n in Panama, he set up a new newspaper, La Prensa ("The Press"). In 1911, he became seriously ill with a bacterial infection and decided to return to Kingston. He then decided to travel to London, the administrative centre of the British Empire, in the hope of advancing his informal education. In the spring of 1912 he sailed to England. Renting a room along Borough High Street in South London, he visited the House of Commons, where he was impressed by the politician David Lloyd George. He also visited Speakers' Corner in Hyde Park and began speaking there. There were only a few thousand black people in London at the time, and they were often viewed as exotic; most worked as labourers. Garvey initially gained piecemeal work labouring in the city's dockyards. In August 1912, his sister Indiana joined him in London, where she worked as a domestic servant. In early 1913 he was employed as a messenger and handyman for the African Times and Orient Review, a magazine based in Fleet Street that was edited by Dus(C) Mohamed Ali. The magazine advocated Ethiopianism and home rule for British-occupied Egypt. In 1914, Mohamed Ali began employing Garvey's services as a writer for the magazine. He also took several evening classes in law at Birkbeck College in Bloomsbury. Garvey planned a tour of Europe, spending time in Glasgow, Paris, Monte Carlo, Boulogne, and Madrid. During the trip, he was briefly engaged to a Spanish-Irish heiress. Back in London, he wrote an article on Jamaica for the Tourist magazine, and spent time reading in the library of the British Museum. There he discovered Up from Slavery, a book by the African-American entrepreneur and activist Booker T. Washington. Washington's book heavily influenced him. Now almost financially destitute and deciding to return to Jamaica, he unsuccessfully asked both the Colonial Office and the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines' Protection Society to pay for his journey. After managing to save the funds for a fare, he boarded the SS Trent in June 1914 for a three-week journey across the Atlantic. En route home, Garvey talked with an Afro-Caribbean missionary who had spent time in Basutoland and taken a Basuto wife. Discovering more about colonial Africa from this man, Garvey began to envision a movement that would politically unify black people of African descent across the world. Organization of UNIA [ edit ] Forming UNIA: 1914''1916 [ edit ] To the cultured mind the bulk of our [i.e. black] people are contemptible['...] Go into the country parts of Jamaica and you will see there villainy and vice of the worst kind, immorality, obeah and all kinds of dirty things['...] Kingston and its environs are so infested with the uncouth and vulgar of our people that we of the cultured class feel positively ashamed to move about. Well, this society [UNIA] has set itself the task to go among the people['...] and raise them to the standard of civilised approval. '-- Garvey, from a 1915 Collegiate Hall speech published in the Daily Chronicle Garvey arrived back in Jamaica in July 1914. There, he saw his article for Tourist republished in The Gleaner. He began earning money selling greeting and condolence cards which he had imported from Britain, before later switching to selling tombstones. Also in July 1914, Garvey launched the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League, commonly abbreviated as UNIA. Adopting the motto of "One Aim. One God. One Destiny", it declared its commitment to "establish a brotherhood among the black race, to promote a spirit of race pride, to reclaim the fallen and to assist in civilising the backward tribes of Africa." Initially, it had only few members. Many Jamaicans were critical of the group's prominent use of the term "Negro", a term which was often employed as an insult: Garvey, however, embraced the term in reference to black people of African descent. Garvey became UNIA's president and travelling commissioner; it was initially based out of his hotel room in Orange Street, Kingston. It portrayed itself not as a political organisation but as a charitable club, focused on work to help the poor and to ultimately establish a vocational training college modelled on Washington's Tuskegee Institute in Alabama. Garvey wrote to Washington and received a brief, if encouraging reply; Washington died shortly after. UNIA officially expressed its loyalty to the British Empire, King George V, and the British effort in the ongoing First World War. In April 1915 Brigadier General L. S. Blackden lectured to the group on the war effort; Garvey endorsed Blackden's calls for more Jamaicans to sign up to fight for the Empire on the Western Front. The group also sponsored musical and literary evenings as well as a February 1915 elocution contest, at which Garvey took first prize. In August 1914, Garvey attended a meeting of the Queen Street Baptist Literary and Debating Society, where he met Amy Ashwood, recently graduated from the Westwood Training College for Women. She joined UNIA and rented a better premises for them to use as their headquarters, secured using her father's credit. She and Garvey embarked on a relationship, which was opposed by her parents. In 1915 they secretly became engaged. When she suspended the engagement, he threatened to commit suicide, at which she resumed it. I was openly hated and persecuted by some of these colored men of the island who did not want to be classified as Negroes but as white. '-- Garvey, on how he was received in Jamaica Garvey attracted financial contributions from many prominent patrons, including the Mayor of Kingston and the Governor of Jamaica, William Manning. By appealing directly to Jamaica's white elite, Garvey had skipped the brown middle-classes, comprising those who were classified as mulattos, quadroons, and octoroons. They were generally hostile to Garvey, regarding him as a pretentious social climber and being annoyed at his claim to be part of the "cultured class" of Jamaican society. Many also felt that he was unnecessarily derogatory when describing black Jamaicans, with letters of complaint being sent into the Daily Chronicle after it published one of Garvey's speeches in which he referred to many of his people as "uncouth and vulgar". One complainant, a Dr Leo Pink, related that "the Jamaican Negro can not be reformed by abuse". After unsubstantiated allegations began circling that Garvey was diverting UNIA funds to pay for his own personal expenses, the group's support began to decline. He became increasingly aware of how UNIA had failed to thrive in Jamaica and decided to migrate to the United States, sailing there aboard the SS Tallac in March 1916. To the United States: 1916''1918 [ edit ] The UNIA flag, a tricolour of red, black, and green. According to Garvey, the red symbolises the blood of martyrs, the black symbolises the skin of Africans, and the green represents the vegetation of the land. Arriving in the United States, Garvey began lodging with a Jamaican expatriate family living in Harlem, a largely black area of New York City. He began lecturing in the city, hoping to make a career as a public speaker, although at his first public speech was heckled and fell off the stage. From New York City, he embarked on a U.S. speaking tour, crossing 38 states. At stopovers on his journey he listened to preachers from the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the Black Baptist churches. While in Alabama, he visited the Tuskegee Institute and met with its new leader, Robert Russa Moton. After six months traveling across the U.S. lecturing, he returned to New York City. In May 1917, Garvey launched a New York branch of UNIA. He declared membership open to anyone "of Negro blood and African ancestry" who could pay the 25 cents a month membership fee. He joined many other speakers who spoke on the street, standing on step-ladders; he often did so on Speakers' Corner in 135th Street. In his speeches, he sought to reach across to both black West Indian migrants like himself and native African-Americans. Through this, he began to associate with Hubert Harrison, who was promoting ideas of black self-reliance and racial separatism. In June, Garvey shared a stage with Harrison at the inaugural meeting of the latter's Liberty League of Negro-Americans. Through his appearance here and at other events organised by Harrison, Garvey attracted growing public attention. After the U.S. entered the First World War in April 1917, Garvey initially signed up to fight but was ruled physically unfit to do so. He later became an opponent of African-American involvement in the conflict, following Harrison in accusing it of being a "white man's war". In the wake of the East St. Louis Race Riots in May to July 1917, in which white mobs targeted black people, Garvey began calling for armed self-defense. He produced a pamphlet, "The Conspiracy of the East St Louis Riots", which was widely distributed; proceeds from its sale went to victims of the riots. The Bureau of Investigation began monitoring him, noting that in speeches he employed more militant language than that used in print; it for instance reported him expressing the view that "for every Negro lynched by whites in the South, Negroes should lynch a white in the North." By the end of 1917, Garvey had attracted many of Harrison's key associates in his Liberty League to UNIA. He also secured the support of the journalist John Edward Bruce, agreeing to step down from the group's presidency in favor of Bruce. Bruce then wrote to Dus(C) Mohamed Ali to learn more about Garvey's past. Mohamed Ali responded with a negative assessment of Garvey, suggesting that he simply used UNIA as a money-making scheme. Bruce read this letter to a UNIA meeting and put pressure on Garvey's position. Garvey then resigned from UNIA, establishing a rival group that met at Old Fellows Temple. He also launched legal proceedings against Bruce and other senior UNIA members, with the court ruling that the group's name and membership'--now estimated at around 600'--belonged to Garvey, who resumed control over it. The growth of UNIA: 1918''1921 [ edit ] In 1918, UNIA membership grew rapidly. In June that year it was incorporated, and in July a commercial arm, the African Communities' League, filed for incorporation. Garvey envisioned UNIA establishing an import-and-export business, a restaurant, and a launderette. He also proposed raising the funds to secure a permanent building as a base for the group. In April 1918, Garvey launched a weekly newspaper, the Negro World, which Cronon later noted remained "the personal propaganda organ of its founder". Financially, it was backed by philanthropists like Madam C. J. Walker, but six months after its launch was pursuing a special appeal for donations to keep it afloat. Various journalists took Garvey to court for his failure to pay them for their contributions, a fact much publicised by rival publications; at the time, there were over 400 black-run newspapers and magazines in the U.S. Unlike may of these, Garvey refused to feature adverts for skin-lightening and hair-straightening products, urging black people to "take the kinks out of your mind, instead of out of your hair". By the end of its first year, the circulation of Negro World was nearing 10,000; copies circulated not only in the US, but also in the Caribbean, Central, and South America. In April 1918, Garvey's UNIA began publishing the Negro World newspaper Garvey appointed his old friend Domingo, who had also arrived in New York City, as the newspaper's editor. However, Domingo's socialist views alarmed Garvey who feared that they would imperil UNIA. Garvey had Domingo brought before UNIA's nine-person executive committee, where he was accused of writing editorials professing ideas at odds with UNIA's message. Domingo resigned several months later; he and Garvey henceforth became enemies. In September 1918, Ashwood sailed from Panama to be with Garvey, arriving in New York City in October. In November, she became General Secretary of UNIA. At UNIA gatherings, she was responsible for reciting black-authored poetry, as was the actor Henrietta Vinton Davis, who had also joined the movement. After the First World War ended, President Woodrow Wilson declared his intention to present a 14-point plan for world peace at the forthcoming Paris Peace Conference. Garvey was among the African-Americans who formed the International League of Darker Peoples which sought to lobby Wilson and the conference to give greater respect to the wishes of people of colour; their delegates nevertheless were unable to secure the travel documentation. At Garvey's prompting, UNIA sent a young Haitian, Elizier Cadet, as its delegate to the conference. The world leaders who met at the conference nevertheless largely ignored such perspectives, instead reaffirming their support for European colonialism. In the U.S., many African-Americans who had served in the military refused to return to their more subservient role in society and throughout 1919 there were various racial clashes throughout the country. The government feared that black people would be encouraged to revolutionary behavior following the October Revolution in Russia, and in this context, military intelligence ordered Major Walter Loving to investigate Garvey. Loving's report concluded that Garvey was a "very able young man" who was disseminating "clever propaganda". The BOI's J. Edgar Hoover decided that Garvey was worthy of deportation and decided to include him in their Palmer Raids launched to deport subversive non-citizens. The BOI presented Garvey's name to the Labor Department under Louis F. Post to ratify the deportation but Post's department refused to do so, stating that the case against Garvey was not proven. Success and obstacles [ edit ] Garvey speaking at Liberty Hall in 1920 UNIA grew rapidly and in just over 18 months it had branches in 25 U.S. states, as well as divisions in the West Indies, Central America, and West Africa. The exact membership is not known, although Garvey'--who often exaggerated numbers'--claimed that by June 1919 it had two million members. It remained smaller than the better established National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), although there was some crossover in membership of the two groups. The NAACP and UNIA differed in their approach; while the NAACP was a multi-racial organisation which promoted racial integration, UNIA was a black-only group. The NAACP focused its attention on what it termed the "talented tenth" of the African-American population, such as doctors, lawyers, and teachers, whereas UNIA emphasized the image of a mass organisation and included many poorer people and West Indian migrants in its ranks. NAACP supporters accused Garvey of stymieing their efforts at bringing about racial integration in the U.S. Garvey was dismissive of the NAACP leader W. E. B. Du Bois, and in one issue of the Negro World called him a "reactionary under [the] pay of white men". Du Bois generally tried to ignore Garvey, regarding him as a demagogue, but at the same time wanted to learn all he could about Garvey's movement. In 1921, Garvey twice reached out to DuBois, asking him to contribute to UNIA publications, but the offer was rebuffed. Their relationship became acrimonious; in 1923, DuBois described Garvey as "a little fat black man, ugly but with intelligent eyes and big head". By 1924, Grant suggested, the two hated each other. To promote his views to a wide audience, Garvey took to shouting slogans from a megaphone as he was driven through Harlem in a Cadillac. UNIA established a restaurant and ice cream parlour at 56 West 135th Street, and also launched a millinery store selling hats. With an increased income coming in through UNIA, Garvey moved to a new residence at 238 West 131st Street; in 1919, a young middle-class Jamaican migrant, Amy Jacques, became his personal secretary. UNIA also obtained a partially-constructed church building in Harlem, which Garvey named "Liberty Hall" after its namesake in Dublin, Ireland, which had been established during the Easter Rising of 1916. The adoption of this name reflected Garvey's fascination for the Irish independence movement. Liberty Hall's dedication ceremony was held in July 1919. Garvey also organised the African Legion, a group of uniformed men who would attend UNIA parades; a secret service was formed from Legion members, providing Garvey with intelligence about group members. The formation of the Legion further concerned the BOI, who sent their first full-time black agent, James Wormley Jones, to infiltrate UNIA.In January 1920, Garvey incorporated the Negro Factories League.According to Grant, a personality cult had grown up around Garvey within the UNIA movement; life-size portraits of him hung in the UNIA HQ and phonographs of his speeches were sold to the membership. In August, UNIA organized the First International Conference of the Negro Peoples in Harlem. This parade was attended by Gabriel Johnson, the Mayor of Monrovia in Liberia. As part of it, an estimated 25,000 people assembled in Madison Square Gardens. At the conference, UNIA delegates declared him the Provisional President of Africa, charged with heading a government-in-exile. Some of the West Africans attending the event were angered by this, believing it wrong that an Afro-Jamaican, rather than an African, was taking on this role. Many outside the movement ridiculed Garvey for giving himself this title. The conference then elected other members of the African government-in-exile, and resulted in the production of a Bill of Rights which condemned colonial rule across Africa. In August 1921, UNIA held a banquet in Liberty Hall, at which Garvey gave out honors to various supporters, including such titles as Order of the Nile and the Order of Ethiopia. UNIA established growing links with the Liberian government, hoping to secure land in the West African nation where various African-Americans could move to. Liberia was in heavy debt, with UNIA launching a fundraising campaign to raise $2 million towards a Liberian Construction Loan. In 1921, Garvey sent a UNIA team to assess the prospects in Liberia.Internally, UNIA experienced various feuds. Garvey pushed out Cyril Briggs and other members of the African Blood Brotherhood from UNIA, wanting to place growing distance between himself and black socialist groups. In the Negro World, Garvey then accused Briggs'--who was of mixed heritage'--of being a white man posing as a black man. Briggs then successfully sued Garvey for criminal libel. Assassination attempts, marriage, and divorce [ edit ] In July 1919, Garvey was arrested and charged with criminal libel for claims made about Edwin Kilroe in the Negro World. When this eventually came to court, he was ordered to provide a printed retraction. In October 1919, George Tyler, a part-time vendor of the Negro World, entered the UNIA office and tried to assassinate Garvey. The latter received two bullets in his legs but survived. Tyler was soon apprehended but died in an escape attempt from jail; it was thus never revealed why he tried to kill Garvey. Garvey soon recovered from the incident; five days later he gave a public speech in Philadelphia. After the assassination attempt, Garvey hired a bodyguard, Marcellus Strong. Shortly after the incident, Garvey proposed marriage to Amy Ashwood and she accepted. On Christmas Day, they had a private Roman Catholic church wedding, followed by a major ceremonial celebration in Liberty Hall, attended by 3000 UNIA members. Jacques was her maid of honour. After the marriage, he moved into Ashwood's apartment. The newlyweds embarked on a two-week honeymoon in Canada, accompanied by a small UNIA retinue, including Jacques. There, Garvey spoke at two mass meetings in Montreal and three in Toronto. Returning to Harlem, the couple's marriage was soon strained. Ashwood complained of Garvey's growing closeness with Jacques. Garvey was upset by his inability to control his wife, particularly her drinking and her socialising with other men. She was pregnant, although the child was possibly not his; she did not inform him of this, and the pregnancy ended in miscarriage. Three months into the marriage, Garvey sought an annulment, on the basis of Ashwood's alleged adultery and the claim that she had used "fraud and concealment" to induce the marriage. She launched a counter-claim for desertion, requesting $75 a week alimony. The court rejected this sum, but ordered Garvey to pay her $12 a week, but also refused to grant him the divorce. The court proceedings continued for two years. Now separated, Garvey moved into a 129th Street apartment with Jacques and Henrietta Vinton Davis, an arrangement that at the time could have caused some social controversy. He was later joined there by his sister Indiana and her husband, Alfred Peart. Ashwood, meanwhile, went on to become a lyricist and musical director for musicals amid the Harlem Renaissance. The Black Star Line [ edit ] From 56 West 135th, UNIA also began selling shares for a new business, the Black Star Line.The Black Star Line based its name on the White Star Line. Garvey envisioned a shipping and passenger line travelling between Africa and the Americas, which would be black-owned, black-staffed, and utilised by black patrons. He thought that the project could be launched by raising $2 million from African-American donors, publicly declaring that any black person who did not buy stock in the company "will be worse than a traitor to the cause of struggling Ethiopia". He incorporated the company and then sought about trying to purchase a ship. Many African-Americans took great pride in buying company stock, seeing it as an investment in their community's future; Garvey also promised that when the company began turning a profit they would receive significant financial returns on their investment. To advertise this stock, he travelled to Virginia, and then in September 1919 to Chicago, where he was accompanied by seven other UNIA members. In Chicago, he was arrested and fined for violating the Blue Sky Laws which banned the sale of stock in the city without a license. A certificate for stock of the Black Star Line With growing quantities of money coming in, a three-man auditing committee was established, with found that UNIA's funds were poorly recorded and that the company's books were not balanced. This was followed by a breakdown in trust between the directors of the Black Star Line, with Garvey discharging two of them, Richard E. Warner and Edgar M. Grey, and publicly humiliating them as the next UNIA meeting. People continued buying stock regardless and by September 1919, the Black Star Line company had accumulated $50,000 by selling stock. It could thus afford a thirty-year old tramp ship, the SS Yarmouth. The ship was formally launched in a ceremony on the Hudson River on 31 October. The company had been unable to find enough trained black seamen to staff the ship, so its initial chief engineer and chief officer were white. The ship's first assignment was to sale to Cuba and then to Jamaica, before returning to New York. After that first voyage, the Yarmouth was found to contain many problems and the Black Star Line had to pay $11,000 for repairs. On its second voyage, again to the Caribbean, it hit bad weather shortly after departure and had to be towed back to New York by the coastguard for further repairs.Garvey planned to obtain and launch a second ship by February 1920, with the Black Star Line putting down a $10,000 down payment on a paddle ship called the SS Shadyside. In July 1920, Garvey sacked both the Black Star Line's secretary, Edward D. Smith-Green, and its captain, Cockburn; the latter was accused of corruption. In early 1922, the Yarmouth was sold for scrap metal. In 1921, Garvey travelled to the Caribbean aboard a new BSL ship, the Antonio Maceo, which they had renamed the Kanawha. While in Jamaica, he criticised its inhabitants as being backward and claimed that "Negroes are the most lazy, the most careless and indifferent people in the world". His comments in Jamaica earned many enemies who criticised him on multiple fronts, including the fact he had left his destitute father to die in an almshouse. Attacks back-and-forth between Garvey and his critics appeared in the letters published by The Gleaner. From Jamaica, Garvey travelled to Costa Rica, where the United Fruit Company assisted his transportation around the country, hoping to gain his favour. There, he met with President Julio Acosta. Arriving in Panama, at one of his first speeches, in Almirante, he was booed after doubling the advertised entry price; his response was to call the crowd "a bunch of ignorant and impertinent Negroes. No wonder you are where you are and for my part you can stay where you are." He received a far warmer reception at Panama City, after which he sailed to Kingston. From there he sought a return to the U.S., but was repeatedly denied an entry visa. This was only granted after he wrote directly to the State Department. Criminal charges: 1922''1923 [ edit ] In January 1922, Garvey was arrested and charged with mail fraud for having advertised the sale of stocks in a ship, the Orion, which the Black Star Line did not yet own. He was bailed for $2,500. Hoover and the BOI were committed to securing a conviction; they had also received complaints from a small number of the Black Star Line's stock owners, who wanted them to pursue the matter further. Garvey spoke out against the charges he faced, but focused on blaming not the state, but rival African-American groups, for them. As well as accusing disgruntled former members of UNIA, in a Liberty Hall speech, he implied that the NAACP were behind the conspiracy to imprison him. The mainstream press picked up on the charge, largely presenting Garvey as a con artist who had swindled African-American people. After the arrest, he made plans for a tour of the western and southern states. This included a parade in Los Angeles, partly to woo back member

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Week 16: 31 August - Gloucester and Somerset

White Line Wireless

Play Episode Listen Later Aug 27, 2019 50:49

Tangents: We solve climate change through the discovery of a supernatural bureaucrat with strong public sector union tsupport. The Jazz Eleven. What the war taught us about the Empire, by the Bishop of Taunton. The tactical errors of Napoleon at Waterloo.Correction: Professor Alan Lester is the Historian working on Colonial Office correspondence.

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Ep. 62: Court claims from the empire’s long shadow

Law Pod UK

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 21, 2019 21:25

Last year the High Court ruled out claims against the British Government brought by people caught up in the Mau Mau emergency in Kenya in the 1950s. The allegations of brutality against guards employed by the Colonial Office were time-barred by the half-century that has elapsed since the events took place. Guy Mansfield QC represented the Foreign Office in this litigation and discusses the importance of the Limitation Act with Rosalind English. #1COR #LapodUK #MauMauUprising #ForeignOffice #GuyMansfield #RosalindEnglish #Litergation #LimitationAct

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Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

New Books in British Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 16:20

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

New Books in Australian and New Zealand Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 16:20

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

New Books in African Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 16:32

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

New Books in South Asian Studies

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 2:48

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

Southern Irish Loyalism in Context

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 16:20

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Jeremy Martens, “Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907” (UWA Publishing, 2018)

New Books in History

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 14, 2018 16:33

In his new book, Empire and Asian Migration: Sovereignty, Immigration Restriction and Protest in the British Settler Colonies, 1888–1907 (UWA Publishing, 2018), Jeremy Martens, a senior lecturer in History at the University of Western Australia, offers a comparative look at the tensions that arose in settler colonies like Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa as white settlers protested Asian migration but had only limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Colonial Office in London. These competing interests led to a legislative compromise featuring a series of indirect immigration restriction laws that did not explicitly mention race but were still aimed at non-white migrants. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

university history australia new zealand south africa asian empire protests immigration sovereignty western australia restriction martens colonial office uwa publishing british settler colonies

Episode 19 - Panel 5b - "My Colonial Office pass would have proved a pass to the next world": Irish colonial servants and the Irish Revolution - Dr. Seán Gannon

Play Episode Listen Later Oct 15, 2017 20:51

Ireland provided a rich recruitment ground for the British overseas services in the latter half of the long nineteenth century with the result that, by 1919, Irish administrators, doctors, lawyers, policemen, educationalists, and engineers were to be found working in every corner of the colonial empire. Recent research has exploded the notion that Irish nationalism and British imperialism were, by their definitions, dichotomous. Nonetheless, the great majority of Irish colonial servants recruited during this period were drawn from what the Colonial Office termed Ireland’s ‘loyalist class' – Protestants and so-called ‘Castle Catholics’ who supported the constitutional status quo. This paper, which takes as its subject loyalists recruited into the British colonial services during the Irish Revolution and its aftermath, has a twofold focus. First, it assesses the impact of the Irish Revolution on their decisions to enlist, arguing that British imperial service provided a convenient route out of Ireland for loyalists unwilling or unable to remake their lives under the new dispensation in Dublin. Secondly, it scrutinizes these recruits’ loyalist credentials, assessing the extent to which they were born loyalists, became loyalists by conviction, or had loyalty thrust upon them through circumstance. As part of these processes, the paper examines the targeting by Irish Republican elements during the revolutionary period of both Irish colonial officials on home leave, and Irish Crown servants themselves, and draws comparisons between the fates of Irish loyalists and colonial loyalist communities (for example, those in Cyprus, Palestine, and Kenya) in their post-independence periods. Dr. Seán Gannon, IRC Government of Ireland Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Centre for Contemporary Irish History, Trinity College, Dublin.

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An introduction to the eighth tranche of colonial administration records released at The National Archives

Play Episode Listen Later Nov 29, 2013 6:59

Diplomatic and Colonial Records Specialist David Gilfoyle introduces the eighth and final tranche of files, now available on site at The National Archives, Kew. The National Archives has been working with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to transfer and release colonial administration records, referred to as the 'migrated archives', between April 2012 and November 2013, in accordance with the published timeline on GOV.UK. The collection will form record series FCO 141: Foreign and Commonwealth Office and predecessors: Records of Former Colonial Administrations: Migrated Archives. The records cover a wide range of subject matter relating to colonial administration. The material reflects events in the territories generally pre-independence and reflects Her Majesty's Government's views at the time. This release contains records from Malta, Singapore, Tanganyika, Trinidad and Tobago and West Indian Federation, Turks and Caicos, Uganda, West Indies Development and Welfare Organisation (WIDWO), Western Pacific and Zanzibar, Kenya Land Transfer Programme and Files Relating to the Migrated Archives.

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An introduction to the seventh tranche of colonial administration records released at The National Archives

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 27, 2013 7:40

This release contains records from Cyprus, Malta, Singapore, Southern Rhodesia, Swaziland and Tanganyika.

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An introduction to the sixth tranche of colonial administration records released at The National Archives

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Play Episode Listen Later Jul 29, 2013 4:05

Diplomatic and Colonial Records Specialist Daniel Gilfoyle outlines the files released in this tranche of colonial administration records.

Colonial lives, careers and policies: researching printed papers of the British colonial governments

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Play Episode Listen Later Jul 27, 2012 32:54

This podcast outlines the content of the printed papers from the first half of the 19th century to the end of empire.

The Golden Stool: cataloguing Colonial Office records from 1900