Podcasts about Vytautas

Amsterdame gyvenantis lietuvis fotomenininkas Vytautas Kumža pastaruoju metu vis dažniau minimas ne tik meno, bet ir mados kontekste. Praeitais metais dirbęs su mados namais „Bottega Veneta“, rengęs fotosesijas žurnalams „Vogue Man“ bei „Another Magazine“, šiame pokalbyje Vytautas pasakoja apie objektų fotografiją, estetišką groteską ir jį itin dominantį psichologinį reiškinį – pareidoliją.Ved. Deimantė Bulbenkaitė

Aukščiausiasis teismas pasakė, kad dirbti keliose darbovietėse vienu metu galima ne visada – pas konkurentą nuėjęs žmogus gali būti atleistas ir net be kompensacijos. Ką tai reiškia? Kaip vertinti teismo išaiškinimą, kai Darbo kodeksas nedraudžia kelių darbų? Ar dabar nebus taip, kad bet kuris darbdavys bet kuriam darbuotojui neleis dirbti kitur? Diskutuoja advokatų bendrijos TRINITI JUREX Darbo teisės komandos vadovė Jurgita Judickienė, profesinės sąjungos „Solidarumas“ pirmininkė Kristina Krupavičienė ir Investuotojų forumo vykdomasis direktorius Vytautas Šilinskas.Ved. Irma Janauskaitė.

Tomas Dirgėla. „Vytautas Didysis Žalgirio arenoje“. Skaito aktorius Giedrius Arbačiauskas.

Tomas Dirgėla. „Vytautas Didysis Žalgirio arenoje“. Skaito aktorius Giedrius Arbačiauskas.

Socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministerija siūlo, kad valstybė ir toliau skatintų tuos, kurie kaupia antros pakopos pensijų fonduose. Tačiau žmonėms leisti savarankiškai apsispręsti, ar jie nori likti sistemoje. Taip pat siūloma leisti išsiimti 25 procentus sukauptos sumos. Ekspertai sako, kad žmonėms gali neapsimokėti išeiti iš kaupimo sistemos, tačiau didžiausias mūšis laukia Seime.Ar valstybės paskata leis išlikti antros pakopos pensijų fondams?Laidoje dalyvauja socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministrė Inga Ruginienė, Lietuvos investicinių ir pensijų fondų asociacijos valdybos narys Vaidotas Rūkas, buvęs socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministras Vytautas Šilinskas, Vilniaus universiteto profesorius, ekonomistas Romas Lazutka.Ved. Marius Jokūbaitis.

Latvijas hokeja valstsvienība pirmo spēli pasaules čempionātā aizvadīs 10. maijā, bet jau nākamajā nedēļā startēs gatavošanās. Lai apspriestu sagatavošanās plānus, pārbaudes spēles, hokejistu izvēles, atteikumus un sava darba nianses, podkāstā "Ārpus kadra" viesojās Latvijas izlases ģenerālmenedžeris Rūdolfs Kalvītis. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Kaspara Daugaviņa atgriešanās Latvijas hokeja izlasē, Eduarda Tralmaka piecu punktu brīnums un rezultatīvākā Čehijas līgas spēlētāja tituls, Kristera Gudļevska labākā vārtsarga atzinība Vācijā, latviešu rekordskaits Nacionālajā hokeja līgā un kāpēc "Facebook" nenovērtē rakstus par hokeju - par to visu šonedēļ podkāstā "Ārpus kadra" viedoklis bija hokeja žurnālistam Jānim Matulim. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Kļuvuši zināmi izlozes grozi pirms 2025. gada Eiropas čempionāta basketbolā, kas norisināsies Rīgā. Bildinājums basketbola laukumā – vietējā čempionāta intrigas. Divi debitanti un pārbaudīta vērtība Eirolīgā. Vai Kristaps Porziņģis izcīnīs vēl vienu NBA titulu? Podkāsta "Ārpus kadra" jaunajā epizodē gatavs atbildēt uz jautājumiem bija Sportacentrs.com basketbola apskatnieks, "Ūdenszellis" un aizkulišu zinātājs Kristiāns Dilāns. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Podkāstā "Ārpus kadra" šonedēļ viesojās Latvijas hokeja balss Toms Prāmnieks – TV6 un "Go3 Sport" komentētājs, kura balss pavada gan NHL, gan Šveices, gan Latvijas izlases spēles. Apspriedām, kāds varētu izskatīties Latvijas valstsvienības sastāvs Milānas olimpiskajās spēlēs. Tāpat tika pārcilāts Četru nāciju turnīrs un seši latvieši NHL sezonā. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Latvijas čempione hokejā Mogo/RSU arī šajā sezonā atrodas pirmajā vietā. Sestdien pulksten 13:30 gaida regulārās sezonas noslēdzošais duelis pret Zemgali (tiešraide TV4). Vai atkal komandas spēkosies finālā? Podkāstā Ārpus kadra viesojās Mogo vārtsargs kopš kluba dibināšanas Henrijs Ančs un jaunpienācējs Gatis Sprukts. Kāds ir vietējā čempionāta hokejista dzīves ritms? Kādu uzbraucienu Mogo veltīja igauņu fani? Artūrs Šilovs un Linards Feldbergs Mogo vārtos – kā tas bija? Un abi kopā sastādīs simbolisko izlasi no pretinieku komandu hokejistiem. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Aaron sits down with Vytautas Zygas, the 6'6" guard from Kaunas, Lithuania, for Old Dominion Men's Basketball. Vy talks about why he chose ODU, his shared philosophy with Coach Mike Jones, his game, his teammates and a lot more.

Jau pavisam drīz savu otro pasaules rallija čempionāta (WRC) sezonu ievadīs Mārtiņš Sesks un Renārs Francis, piedaloties Zviedrijas posmā, turklāt kopumā viņiem šosezon paredzēti vismaz seši starti rallija augstākajā līmenī, kas ir vēl nebijis notikums Latvijas autosportā. Ko sagaidīt, uz ko cerēt un ar ko rēķināties šajā WRC sezonā, podkāstā "Ārpus kadra" pastāstīja Krišjānis Caune, bijušais autosportists un "Go3" rallija komentētājs, kurš iepazīstināja arī ar daudzām citām rallija detaļām - kādas funkcijas pilda rallija ķivere un kā izskatās stūrmaņa stenogramma. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Rīgā pārspējot Amsterdamas "Ajax", RFS kļuva par pirmo Latvijas futbola klubu, kas izcīnījis uzvaru Eirokausu pamatturnīrā. Astoņās spēlēs iegūti pieci punkti, ierindojoties 32. vietā. Lai noskaidrotu, kurš futbolists visvairāk pacēla savu vērtību, ko starts UEFA Eiropas līgā nesa Latvijai un kas tika izdarīts nepareizi, sagaidot "Ajax" ultras, Ulvis Brože studijā aicināja Sportacentrs.com futbola cilvēku Agri Suveizdu un "Go3" futbola komentētāju Arkādiju Birjuku. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Andrejs Rastorgujevs šajā sezonā trešo reizi karjerā kāpa uz Pasaules kausa goda pjedestāla individuālajā distancē. Vai tas bija sagaidāms? Ko nesīs Latvijas biatlona nākotne? Ulvis Brože ciemos uz podkāstu Ārpus Kadra aicināja biatlona ekspertu, sporta žurnālistu Anatoliju Kreipānu. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Sportacentrs.com podkāsta Ārpus kadra jaunākajā epizodē Ulvis Brože ciemos aicinājis Latvijas U20 izlases vienīgos hokejistus, kuri spēlē Latvijā un piedalījās Kanādas uzvarēšanā. "Zemgales"/LBTU aizsargs Oskars Nils Briedis un uzbrucējs Toms Mots stāstīja par noticēšanu uzvarai, emocijām un pasaules čempionātā gūtajām mācībām. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Ārpus kadra 2025. gadā uz priekšu dzen oficiālais KTM un MERIDA velosipēdu pārstāvis Latvijā AstraVelo, bet podkāstam veldzi nodrošina Vytautas minerālūdens

Kā gadu sāksi, tā pavadīsi. Mēs sāksim ar balvu sadalīšanu! Sportacentrs.com žurnālisti Ulvis Brože un Rolands Eliņš, kā arī Sportacentrs.com galvenais redaktors Jānis Celmiņš 2024. gada labākos noskaidros astoņās nominācijās – citāts, aplauziens, skaistums, trādirīdis, āmurītis, šāviens garām un arī gada pūķis. Sportacentrs.com podkāsts Ārpus kadra – katru trešdienas vakaru kanālā TV4, portālā Sportacentrs.com un visās populārākajās audio straumēšanas platformās. Podkāstu atbalsta AstraVelo un Vytautas

In this episode of Web3 with Sam Kamani, I interview Dima and Vytautas, co-founders of Zekret, the first privacy-preserving EVM chain built with regulatory compliance at its core. We discuss: How Zekret is designed for the upcoming Mika regulations in Europe. The challenges of balancing decentralization, privacy, and compliance in DeFi. Why meme coin creators, market makers, and DeFi projects need to rethink their strategies. Zekret's roadmap, node structure, and plans to onboard existing DeFi communities. If you're building or investing in DeFi, this episode is packed with insights on navigating regulation, ensuring compliance, and preserving the essence of Web3. Key Timestamps [00:00:00] Introduction: Sam introduces Dima and Vytautas, co-founders of Zekret, and the focus on regulation in DeFi. [00:01:00] What is Zekret? A privacy-preserving, EVM-compatible chain built for regulatory compliance. [00:02:00] Founders' Background: Dima's journey as a software engineer and Vytautas' experience in cryptography and blockchain advocacy. [00:03:00] Current Stage: Zekret is launching its testnet in Q1 2024 and mainnet in May 2024. [00:04:00] Why Regulation Matters: Mika regulations in Europe and their global implications. How Zekret ensures compliance for projects and users. [00:06:00] Impact on Meme Coins and Market Makers: The shift from unregulated to responsible token launches. Challenges for market makers under stricter rules. [00:08:00] Zekret's Approach: EVM compatibility for seamless adoption. Focus on onboarding entire DeFi communities to Zekret's ecosystem. [00:10:00] Roadmap and Challenges: Building secure node infrastructure and launching testnets. Attracting early adopters and ensuring a smooth go-to-market strategy. [00:12:00] Foundation Structure: Plans to set up a decentralized foundation for ecosystem growth. Regional incentives to promote crypto adoption and development. [00:14:00] The Future of DeFi under Mika: How regulations will reshape market making and token launches. Why compliant infrastructure like Zekret is essential for survival. [00:18:00] The Ask: Partnerships with DeFi and gaming communities, and collaboration with regulators to shape the future of Web3. Connect https://www.zekret.xyz/ https://x.com/ZekretProtocol https://www.linkedin.com/in/ministras/ https://x.com/vytautaskaseta Disclaimer Nothing mentioned in this podcast is investment advice and please do your own research. Finally, it would mean a lot if you can leave a review of this podcast on Apple Podcasts or Spotify and share this podcast with a friend.Be a guest on the podcast or contact us - https://www.web3pod.xyz/

Dokumentinių filmų festivalis „Nepatogus kinas“ įsibėgėjo ir kviečia ne tik į filmus, bet dar giliau – į išplėstinę realybę (XR) parodoje „NK-Interactive“. Pasak organizatorių, kartais vien vaizdų ir žodžių perteikti tam tikras būsenas nebeužtenka, tad Radvilų rūmų muziejuje iki spalio 27 d. žiūrovai galės patys tapti istorijų dalyviais, pabūti kito kailyje ir išgyventi nepatirtas būsenas.Minint 120-ąsias žinomo lietuvių scenografo Liudo Truikio gimimo metines, šiandien Kaune pristatoma jam skirta paroda, kurioje lankytojai išvys pernai Kauno Šv. Mikalojaus bažnyčios palėpėje atrastus Liudo Truikio triptiką „Apaštalai“, jo kurtų scenovaizdžių eskizus, išgirs operas, kuriose scenografas dirbo ir net įkvėps jo namų kvapo! Pasakoja kolegė iš Kauno Skirmantė Javaitytė.Spalio 18–19 dienomis Prancūzijos Amjeno mieste vyks audiovizualinių menų organizacijos „Rencontres Audiovisuelles“ organizuojamas „Video Mapping Festival“ baigiamasis renginys, kuriame Lietuvos video menininkai Vytautas Žarnauskas ir Matas Nakrošis bei prancūzai – videomenininkas Hamza Mrabet ir kompozitorius Aleksi Aubry-Carlson pristatys kartu sukurtą video mapping'o projektą „Čiurlionio sapnai“.Dirigentei Mirgai Gražinytei-Tylai Vokietijoje įteikta prestižinė premija.Mulatu Astatke į pasaulio muzikos žemėlapį atnešė Etiopijos džiazą. Šiemet aštuoniasdešimtmetį minintis vibrafono atlikėjas, muzikuojantis ir daugybe kitų instrumentų, aktyviai koncertuoja ir garsais pasakoja Etiopijos širdies ir dvasios istorijas. Plačiau - Igno Gudelevičiaus pasakojime.Kokie keliai altininkę Augustą Romaškevičiūtę nuvedė į Vokietiją? Ką reiškia griežti viename seniausių ir didžiausių orkestrų Vokietijoje - Diuseldorfo simfoniniame orkestre? Pokalbis apie muzikinį kelią ir kasdienybę tarp Vokietijos ir Lietuvos.Ved. Gerūta Griniūtė

Vytautas Mačernis. „Po ūkanotu nežinios dangum“. Išleido leidykla „Vaga“. Jis iš¬gyveno vos dvidešimt trejus, paliko mums savo vizijas, sonetus, trioletus, giesmes. Kiti jo kartos poetai – Kazys Bradūnas, Alfonsas Nyka-Niliūnas, Henrikas Nagys – pasitraukė iš Lietuvos ir beveik vienu balsu tvirtindami, kad Mačernis buvo didžiausias jų amžiaus poetas. Prozos tekstus skaito aktorė Sonata Visockaitė.

Vytautas Mačernis. „Po ūkanotu nežinios dangum“. Išleido leidykla „Vaga“. Jis iš¬gyveno vos dvidešimt trejus, paliko mums savo vizijas, sonetus, trioletus, giesmes. Kiti jo kartos poetai – Kazys Bradūnas, Alfonsas Nyka-Niliūnas, Henrikas Nagys – pasitraukė iš Lietuvos ir beveik vienu balsu tvirtindami, kad Mačernis buvo didžiausias jų amžiaus poetas. Prozos tekstus skaito aktorė Sonata Visockaitė.

Lietuvos banko vadovas Gediminas Šimkus mano, kad valstybė turėtų steigti pensijų fondą, ir tai priverstų privačius fondus labiau konkuruoti. Kritikai sako, kad valstybinis pensijų fondas nebūtų efektyvus, nesuvaldytų rizikų, visuomenė nebūtinai pasitikėtų tokiu dariniu.Ar valstybė turėtų steigti pensijų fondą?Laidoje dalyvauja Socialinės apsaugos ir darbo ministras Vytautas Šilinskas, KTU profesorius Rytis Krušinskas, Demokratijos instituto vadovė Eglė Radišauskienė, Lietuvos banko valdybos narys Simonas Krėpšta, Lietuvos investicinių ir pensijų fondų asociacijos valdybos narys Vaidotas Rūkas, premjerės patarėjas Raimondas Kuodis.Ved. Marius Jokūbaitis

Spaudos publikacijų apžvalga.Ką mokslas jau žino apie Marsą ir ką siekia išsiaiškinti?Pasaulio Kultūros žiniasklaidos apžvalga.Eglė Baliutavičiūtė apžvelgia N. K. Jemisin knygą „Penktasis sezonas. Suluošinta žemė, 1 knyga“ ir Jessamine Chan distopija „Gerų motinų mokykla“.Visą savaitgalį tęsis dvidešimtoji Šiaurės vasara Biržuose.Rugpjūčio 16-ają, minint pasaulinę švyturių dieną, uostamiestyje pirmą kartą vyks „Laisvės švyturių naktis. Klaipėda”.Menininkė, Nacionalinės premijos laureatė, Eglė Rakauskaitė Anykščių rajone kuria namus savo tėvo, vieno ryškiausių Lietuvos fotografų Romualdo Rakausko, archyvui.Kaip atrodo fotografo darbas olimpinėse žaidynėse?Vievyje esantis Lietuvos kelių muziejus išgyvena renesansą - kuriamas naujas identitetas, planuojamos naujos veiklos.Ved. Marius EidukonisNuotr. autorius R. Lukoševičius

Sezoninių skinamų gėlių ūkio „Gėlių upė“ (Musninkai, Širvintų r.) siekiamybė - kasmet pasiūlyti vis įdomesnių augalų bei atliepti maujausias pasaulio floristikos tendencijas. Ūkio įkūrėja Angelina Kurauskienė sako, kad tai pavyksta tik teisingai planuojant ūkio darbus.Naujųjų Valkininkų buvę vaikų sanatorijos pastatai galėjo virsti vaiduokliais, bet dabar juose veikia meno galerija „Menų skalbykla“. Čia rengiamos įdomios parodos, o jos įkūrėjas Vytautas Česnys tapo ir puikiu gidu įspūdingam šios gyvenvietės kultūriniam paveldui pristatyti čia atvykstantiems svečiams.„Verta žinoti“. Esame stebimi, kai to net neįtariame. Graži pažintis supaslaptingomis pelėdomis ir mitais, kuriais vis dar tikime apie šiuos paukščius.Pasakoja biologė, biofizikos doktorantė Kotryna Jakūba.Ved. Kristina Toleikienė

Jau pustrečio mėnesio stumbrų banda niokoja Kauno r. ūkininkų javų ir kitų kultūrų laukus. Juos aptinka kviečių, rapsų, žirnių, cukrinių runkelių pasėliuose. Radę maisto, jie ne kartą grįžta į tą pačią vietą. Kauno r. ūkininkas Vytautas Žmuidzinavičius nuostolius skaičiuoja hektarais. Ūkininkas nežino, ar bus kompensuoti žvėrių padaryti nuostoliai. Situaciją komentuoja Aplinkos viceministras Kęstutis Šetkus.Šiemet, padedant savivaldybei, naujose patalpose atidarytoje Odetos Bražėnienės galerijoje Utenos rajone, Vaikutėnų kaime, eksponuojama įspūdinga margučių kolekcija, reto grožio karpiniai, paveikslai. Galerijos savininkė čia rengia edukacijas įvairaus amžiaus lankytojams, įdomiai pasakoja apie ypatingus paprotinio meno kūrinius. Su šia kolekcija ir paskaitomis Odeta Bražėnienė lanko kitas pasaulio šalis, pristato jose išskirtinius tautinio meno darbus.Per karantiną Krakių miestelio viduryje atidaryta kavinė „Puodynė“. Čia lankytojams siūlomi tik lietuviški patiekalai. Valgančių joje gausu ne tik per pietus. Jie sako, kad ir kainos patrauklios, ir porcijos didelės. Anot kavinės savininkės Eglės Skirkės, prieš 4 m. pradėtas verslas atsiperka, netrukus baigs mokėti paskolą. Maitina ne tik pačioje kavinėje, būna ir banketai, pagal užsakymus kavinė maistu aprūpina kaimo turizmo sodybas.Ved. Regina Montvilienė

Lietuvos nacionalinis muziejus kreipiasi į reivo bendruomenę ir prašo paskolinti eksponatų, kurie papildytų būsimą parodą apie reivo kultūrą ir istoriją Lietuvoje. Laukiama įvairiausių eksponatų – nuo garso technikos, drabužių, aksesuarų, vaizdo medžiagos iki atsiminimų, atskleidžiančių reivo patirtį.„Kol egzistuoja „Sodra“ ir pensija, aš pinigų čia nerinksiu,“ – taip sako Naujuosiuose Valkininkuose esančios „Menų skalbyklos“ savininkas Vytautas Česnys. Anksčiau savo medienos verslą turėjęs vyras sostinę buvo priverstas keisti į tėviškę, o „biznio reikalus“ – į meno pasaulį, nes buvusios vaikų ligoninės skalbyklos pastate jis organizuoja įvairias parodas. Apie tai, kodėl teko viską gyvenime keisti, bei kodėl „Menų skalbykla“ neneša jokio pelno.Apie tai, kaip vasarą kuo mažiau praleisti laiko virtuvėje ir ką daryti užklupus netikėtiems svečiams, - pokalbis su virtuvės šefu Alfu Ivanausku.„Labai prašau Jūsų, jaunimo, negyventi tik šia diena. Pabandykite paplanuoti, ką mes paliksime savo vaikams ir ką jie galvos apie mus“, - sako šimtametes lietuviškas tradicijas puoselėjantis žinomas amatininkas, vienas kaimo turizmo Lietuvoje kūrėjų Valdas Gaidelis. Gražiajame Ginučių kaime turizmo sodybą ir parduotuvę turintis Valdas apgailestauja, kad kaimo turizmas nuėjo ne tuo keliu, kokiu jis įsivaizdavo. Jam per daug modernumo, per daug krištolo, tarp kurių tikrojo lietuviško kaimo tiesiog nebelieka.

Vytautas Kandrotas. „Laimingas laikas“ ir „Žirklės Dvynės“ iš knygos „Laikrodžių istorijos“. Skaito aktorius Pijus Narijauskas.

Psychologist and non-violent communications trainer Kateryna Yasko and her husband, Vytautas Bučiūnas, Integral Master Coach and leadership development expert, relate what it's like to live in war-torn Ukraine, two years since the Russian invasion began. They share why they chose to return to Kyiv from the safe haven of Lithuania, and describe a “special form of happiness” that occurs when the fragility and beauty of life is brought to the fore, as Russian missiles and drones continue to target civilians and cultural landmarks. It is an existential battle being fought for Ukraine, and Kateryna & Vytas are deeply aware of the importance of keeping the soul of Ukraine alive, the cultural code, the foundation of any democratic nation's identity. Among other things, Kateryna works with theater groups to stage productions that help make meaning of what Ukrainians are going through, help with processing PTSD, and keep cultural expression alive.This poignant conversation reveals what extraordinary courage human beings are capable of when put to the test: to protect loved ones, country, and the values of truth, justice, freedom, and democracy. Kateryna and Vytas emphasize that love is not enough to protect our innate rights and that pacifism is not an option in this case. They provide us with a glimpse into personal family life in modern wartime, a psychological portrait of where Ukrainians are at, a request for help, and a wake up call for all to understand that democracy around the world is not a given and that there are times, like this, when we need to stand up and fight for it. Recorded January 23, 2024.“We cannot leave this war to our children.”(For Apple Podcast users, click here to view the complete show notes on the episode page.)Topics & Time StampsIntroducing Ukrainian psychologist Kateryna Yasko and integral leadership development expert Vytautas Bučiūnas, who have returned to live in Kyiv despite the ongoing war with Russia (01:13)What is it like living in a country at war? The bombing of civilian buildings all over Ukraine happens according to schedule: Mondays, Tuesdays & holidays (03:21)The interior personal dimensions: stress, fear, anger, but also a very meaningful time, a special form of happiness with life so fragile (06:18)Why Kateryna & Vytas have chosen to return to Kyiv, rather than staying in Lithuania where it's safe (08:51) Pacifism in this case is not an option: Putin is explicit about his intention to destroy Ukraine as a nation (10:08)Kateryna's work with military recruiters (as a psychologist), every one of whose motivation is “We cannot leave this war to our children.” (14:33)Maintaining the cultural code, the soul of Ukraine: Kateryna works with producers & directors to support theater groups whose venues have been targeted in Russia's attempts to destroy Ukraine culturally (16:09)How theater helps people make sense of their trauma, and the staging of Pinocchio to address how to remain humane under circumstances that evoke so much fear, anger & stress (20:08)A philosopher, PhD, and theologian friend has now become a sniper, and how Kateryna, a professional non-violent communications trainer and psychologist, realizes she too may need to become a sniper if Ukraine doesn't receive enough support to protect itself (22:53) If Ukraine were to lose, Ukrainian...

Evaluation has become a key tool in assessing the performance of international organisations, in fostering learning, and in demonstrating accountability. Within the United Nations (UN) system, thousands of evaluators and consultants produce hundreds of evaluation reports worth millions of dollars every year. But does evaluation really deliver on its promise of objective evidence and functional use? By unravelling the internal machinery of evaluation systems in international organisations, The Politics of Evaluation in International Organisations (Oxford University Press, 2023) challenges the conventional understanding of evaluation as a value-free activity. Dr. Vytautas Jankauskas and Dr. Steffen Eckhard show how a seemingly neutral technocratic tool can serve as an instrument for power in global governance; they demonstrate and explain how deeply politics are entrenched in the interests of evaluation stakeholders, in the control and design of IO evaluation systems, and to a lesser extent also in the content of evaluation reports. The analysis draws on 120 research interviews with evaluators, member state representatives, and IO secretariat officials as well as on textual analysis of over 200 evaluation reports. The investigation covers 21 UN system organisations, including detailed case studies of the ILO, IMF, UNDP, UN WOMEN, IOM, UNHCR, FAO, WHO, and UNESCO. Shedding light on the (in-)effectiveness of evidence-based policymaking, the authors propose possible ways of better reconciling the observed evaluation politics with the need to gather reliable evidence that is used to improve the functioning of the United Nations. The answer to evaluation politics is not to abandon evaluation or isolate it from the stakeholders but to acknowledge surrounding political interests and design evaluation systems accordingly. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Evaluation has become a key tool in assessing the performance of international organisations, in fostering learning, and in demonstrating accountability. Within the United Nations (UN) system, thousands of evaluators and consultants produce hundreds of evaluation reports worth millions of dollars every year. But does evaluation really deliver on its promise of objective evidence and functional use? By unravelling the internal machinery of evaluation systems in international organisations, The Politics of Evaluation in International Organisations (Oxford University Press, 2023) challenges the conventional understanding of evaluation as a value-free activity. Dr. Vytautas Jankauskas and Dr. Steffen Eckhard show how a seemingly neutral technocratic tool can serve as an instrument for power in global governance; they demonstrate and explain how deeply politics are entrenched in the interests of evaluation stakeholders, in the control and design of IO evaluation systems, and to a lesser extent also in the content of evaluation reports. The analysis draws on 120 research interviews with evaluators, member state representatives, and IO secretariat officials as well as on textual analysis of over 200 evaluation reports. The investigation covers 21 UN system organisations, including detailed case studies of the ILO, IMF, UNDP, UN WOMEN, IOM, UNHCR, FAO, WHO, and UNESCO. Shedding light on the (in-)effectiveness of evidence-based policymaking, the authors propose possible ways of better reconciling the observed evaluation politics with the need to gather reliable evidence that is used to improve the functioning of the United Nations. The answer to evaluation politics is not to abandon evaluation or isolate it from the stakeholders but to acknowledge surrounding political interests and design evaluation systems accordingly. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Evaluation has become a key tool in assessing the performance of international organisations, in fostering learning, and in demonstrating accountability. Within the United Nations (UN) system, thousands of evaluators and consultants produce hundreds of evaluation reports worth millions of dollars every year. But does evaluation really deliver on its promise of objective evidence and functional use? By unravelling the internal machinery of evaluation systems in international organisations, The Politics of Evaluation in International Organisations (Oxford University Press, 2023) challenges the conventional understanding of evaluation as a value-free activity. Dr. Vytautas Jankauskas and Dr. Steffen Eckhard show how a seemingly neutral technocratic tool can serve as an instrument for power in global governance; they demonstrate and explain how deeply politics are entrenched in the interests of evaluation stakeholders, in the control and design of IO evaluation systems, and to a lesser extent also in the content of evaluation reports. The analysis draws on 120 research interviews with evaluators, member state representatives, and IO secretariat officials as well as on textual analysis of over 200 evaluation reports. The investigation covers 21 UN system organisations, including detailed case studies of the ILO, IMF, UNDP, UN WOMEN, IOM, UNHCR, FAO, WHO, and UNESCO. Shedding light on the (in-)effectiveness of evidence-based policymaking, the authors propose possible ways of better reconciling the observed evaluation politics with the need to gather reliable evidence that is used to improve the functioning of the United Nations. The answer to evaluation politics is not to abandon evaluation or isolate it from the stakeholders but to acknowledge surrounding political interests and design evaluation systems accordingly. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

Evaluation has become a key tool in assessing the performance of international organisations, in fostering learning, and in demonstrating accountability. Within the United Nations (UN) system, thousands of evaluators and consultants produce hundreds of evaluation reports worth millions of dollars every year. But does evaluation really deliver on its promise of objective evidence and functional use? By unravelling the internal machinery of evaluation systems in international organisations, The Politics of Evaluation in International Organisations (Oxford University Press, 2023) challenges the conventional understanding of evaluation as a value-free activity. Dr. Vytautas Jankauskas and Dr. Steffen Eckhard show how a seemingly neutral technocratic tool can serve as an instrument for power in global governance; they demonstrate and explain how deeply politics are entrenched in the interests of evaluation stakeholders, in the control and design of IO evaluation systems, and to a lesser extent also in the content of evaluation reports. The analysis draws on 120 research interviews with evaluators, member state representatives, and IO secretariat officials as well as on textual analysis of over 200 evaluation reports. The investigation covers 21 UN system organisations, including detailed case studies of the ILO, IMF, UNDP, UN WOMEN, IOM, UNHCR, FAO, WHO, and UNESCO. Shedding light on the (in-)effectiveness of evidence-based policymaking, the authors propose possible ways of better reconciling the observed evaluation politics with the need to gather reliable evidence that is used to improve the functioning of the United Nations. The answer to evaluation politics is not to abandon evaluation or isolate it from the stakeholders but to acknowledge surrounding political interests and design evaluation systems accordingly. This interview was conducted by Dr. Miranda Melcher whose forthcoming book focuses on post-conflict military integration, understanding treaty negotiation and implementation in civil war contexts, with qualitative analysis of the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Vytautas Kandrotas. Knygos „Laikrodžių istorijos“ ištrauka. Skaito aktorius Pijus Narijauskas.

Vytautas V. Landsbergis. „Tinginių pasakos“. Skaito aktorius Tadas Gudaitis.

Vytautas V. Landsbergis. „Tinginių pasakos“. Skaito aktorius Tadas Gudaitis.

Vytautas V. Landsbergis. „Tinginių pasakos“. Skaito aktorius Tadas Gudaitis.

Kauno rajone prie Nemuno įsikūrę trys tarpukario kurortai – Kulautuva, dalis Zapyškio ir Kačerginė – toliau kviečia poilsio ir pramogų.Kačerginė tarpukariu buvo išskirtinai lietuvių inteligentų pamėgta poilsio vieta. Miestelis žavi unikalia architektūra, atstatytomis tarpukario vilomis. Po miestelį vedžioja ir pasakoja gidė Lina Sinkevičienė. Kačerginės seniūnė Aistė Ivanovaitė-Petraitienė tikina, kad kurortas pramogomis, poilsiu stebina ir žiemą.Ką veikti vėlų rudenį ar žiemą? Vienas mėgstamiausių turiningo laiko leidimo būdas – edukacijos! Jas siūlo eterinių aliejų specialistė Renata Gražienė, kuri kuria Kačerginės kvapą. Paskanauti gardžios arbatos ir susipažinti su žolelėmis kviečia žolininkė Rūta Borutienė. Ji kuria Kačerginės skonį. Mėlynas autobusiukas vilioja ledais ir kitais gardumynais. Vaikai iš tolo atpažįsta Andrių ir Martyną Laurinavičius. Užsukus į „Velo Barą“ galima ne tik suvalgyti ypatingą kiaulienos kepsnį, bet ir pailsėti meninėje aplinkoje, kuria rūpinasi šeimyninio restoranėlio savininkai Vytautas ir Jolanta Sabaliauskai.Ir tikras džiaugsmas sutikti klegančius vaikus su mokytoja Lina Kietiene.Ved. Jolanta Jurkūnienė

Vytauto Martinkaus knyga „Dvylika lieptų: kalendorinės novelės“. Išleido Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla.Kiekviena šios knygos novelė yra pasakotojo žingsnis astronominiu laiko ratu. Čia vyrauja autobiografiniai savimonės, tikrovės atverčių, gyvenimo kelio pasirinkimo ir prasmės klausimai. Intriguojantys siužetai, novatoriškai supinti su autoriaus biografija ir socialine kultūrine dokumentika, atskleidžia pasakotojo kartos žmonių likimus ir dvasinę jų patirtį. Novelę „Karvelių lesintojas“ skaito autorius.

Vytauto Martinkaus knyga „Dvylika lieptų: kalendorinės novelės“. Išleido Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla.Kiekviena šios knygos novelė yra pasakotojo žingsnis astronominiu laiko ratu. Čia vyrauja autobiografiniai savimonės, tikrovės atverčių, gyvenimo kelio pasirinkimo ir prasmės klausimai. Intriguojantys siužetai, novatoriškai supinti su autoriaus biografija ir socialine kultūrine dokumentika, atskleidžia pasakotojo kartos žmonių likimus ir dvasinę jų patirtį.Novelę „Karvelių lesintojas“ skaito autorius.

Vytauto Martinkaus knyga „Dvylika lieptų: kalendorinės novelės“. Išleido Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla.Kiekviena šios knygos novelė yra pasakotojo žingsnis astronominiu laiko ratu. Čia vyrauja autobiografiniai savimonės, tikrovės atverčių, gyvenimo kelio pasirinkimo ir prasmės klausimai. Intriguojantys siužetai, novatoriškai supinti su autoriaus biografija ir socialine kultūrine dokumentika, atskleidžia pasakotojo kartos žmonių likimus ir dvasinę jų patirtį.Novelę „Karvelių lesintojas“ skaito autorius.

Ne vienerius metų dirbęs vaikų teisių apsaugos specialistu, šiandien Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto doktorantas Vytautas Kirka pats tyrinėja vaikų patirtis, ieškant pagalbos ir teisingumo, patyrus netinkamą ar smurtinį elgesį šeimoje. „Tam tikros visuomenės dalies atžvilgiu, kažkada pats buvau tas blogiukas, kuris paima vaikus“ – pasakoja Vytautas ir atskleidžia tik dalį požiūrio, kuris atsispindi jo ir kolegės prof. Ilonos Tamutienės tyrime.Ką išgyvena vaikai, kuomet susiduria su vaikų gerovės specialistais? Kokią vietą mūsų visuomenėje užimta vaikų nuomonė ir balsas? Ar visada išėjimas iš smurtinės aplinkos iš tiesų išlaisvina?Pokalbis su Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto, Politikos mokslų ir diplomatijos fakulteto doktorantu Vytautu Kirka.Ved. Ignas Klėjus

Iš radijo teatro aukso fondų. Ernesto Hemingvėjaus novelė „Baltieji drambliai“. Vertė Romualdas Lankauskas, radiofonizavo Pranas Morkus, režisierius Vytautas Čibiras, garso režisierius Regimantas Kudirka. Vaidina aktoriai Monika Mironaitė ir Henrikas Kurauskas. Įrašyta 1963 m.

Ep. 66 | Ukrainian psychologist Kateryna Yasko and integral leadership development expert Vytautas Bučiūnas share their first-hand experiences of the war in Kyiv now, one year after the invasion by Russia, as well as their penetrating perspectives on Russian imperialism (“Russia needs to lose this war so they can reinvent themselves”), on why there is comparably less PTSD among Ukrainian soldiers, and the implications for the world if Russia were to win or if it were to disintegrate. They acknowledge the relatively recent “awakening of Europe” to the fact that Putin won't stop with Ukraine if he wins, and warn that “democracy needs to be fully ready for a possibly long-term battle for its values.”Kateryna and Vytautas have witnessed how having an overriding mission and purpose has changed Ukrainians, and describe perceiving an unmistakable shift in energy upon crossing the border into Ukraine, where the heightened appreciation for life and the strength and solidarity of common purpose are palpable. What does the struggle for democracy, freedom, and dignity actually feel like? Find out on a planned pilgrimage to Ukraine this fall—both a spiritual journey of awakening and an opportunity to embody the experience of being invaded by Russia. This podcast is also a call for help—if you feel inspired to support the efforts in Ukraine, below are links to three trustworthy organizations working hard on Ukraine's behalf. Recorded February 13, 2023.“Democracies need to have guts. Who knows how many battles between democracy and autocracy lie ahead?”(For Apple Podcast users, click here to view the complete show notes on the episode page.)Topics & Time StampsIntroducing Ukrainian psychologist Dr. Kateryna Yasko and leadership development expert Vytautus Bučiūnas (01:51) Thank you to people who gave via iAwake in support of Ukraine (04:23)Update on what's happening on the front lines thanks to the support of Western countries and especially the U.S. (06:01)President Zelensky, his speech to the United States Congress, and the qualities that make him a great wartime president (06:58)The metamodern cultural code and using force to protect ethical values (10:06)The awakening of Europe: democracy needs to be ready for a possibly long-term battle for its values (11:42)Ukraine has integrated the extremely important polarities: love and power, and the Battle of Antonov Airport (13:01)This is an existential war; there is no choice for Ukrainians (17:40)Things are getting a lot worse in Russia socially, economically, and among the elite (20:01)Russian imperialism needs to die for the benefit of all, including Russians (21:09)Because the defensive war in Ukraine is a just war, levels of PTSD among soldiers are much less (25:04)There are more than 100 small nations under Russian control who seek autonomy, independence, dignity, and respect (25:55)What will happen if/when Russia disintegrates? (26:34)Every country has its Nazis (30:25)The spirit in Kyiv now: solidarity, purpose, meaning & an extraordinary appreciation of life (32:30)You are invited on a pilgrimage to Ukraine in Oct 2023 to experience the vital spirit of the struggle for democracy firsthand (37:33)Co-host John Dupuy's riveting...

Do not adjust your podcast player, this is a new style of episode! We are introducing an episode called Tangent Time, because we have finally snapped and gone off on a long tangent about something only vaguely related to the main narrative...  We cover the pivotal Battle of Grunwald (or Battle of Tannenberg) between the Teutonic Knights and the forces of Poland and Lithuania. We mentioned this briefly in the latest regular episode (number 75) but felt that the story deserved the full Flatpack treatment. It is Jogaila and Vytautas versus Ulrich von Jungingen and it is going to be momentous!  We suggest listening to episode 75 first, but it isn't mandatory!

Vytautas V. Landsbergis. Knygos „Stebuklingas Dominyko brangakmenis“ ištrauka. Skaito autorius.

Vytautas Lalas, one of my favorites, one of the greats! Joins the chat to discuss a wide array of strongman topics! Tune in! Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/vytautas.lalas/ Youtube - https://www.youtube.com/@UCA8HiGgEK5TbIPrlp5Z-rDw Accolades: 2013 Arnold Strongman Classic Champion 2012 World Strongest Man Runner Up 4 appearence at Worlds - 3 Finals and several International wins Please Like, Share and Subscribe for more Strongman Excellence. Follow me on Social Media: IG: Cambidude - https://www.instagram.com/cambidude/ Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@cambidudecambi?lang=en Get the best supports, clothing and accessories for strength and fitness. https://us.sbdapparel.com/cambi Tsunami Bars! - Learn more! http://Www.tsunamibarsportsaffiliate.com Find your right flavor of smelling salts https://www.zonesmellingsalts.com/?ref=bNl8xFhfPfER3 Thank you to my Sponsors: Total Performance Sports in Malden Massachusetts Tsunami Bar Sports SBD Apparel Zone Smelling Salts #Strongman #WorldStrongestman #Strength #Strong #gym #fitness Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Vytautas Tamulaitis. „Audrai užėjus“ iš knygos „Skruzdėlytės Greitutės nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorė Aldona Vilutytė.

Vytautas Tamulaitis. „Žiogo vestuvės“ iš knygos „Skruzdėlytės Greitutės nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorė Aldona Vilutytė.

Vytautas Tamulaitis. „Žiogo lūšnelėje“ iš knygos „Skruzdėlytės Greitutės nuotykiai“. Skaito aktorė Aldona Vilutytė.

  With the devastating invasion of the Emir Temür, better known as Tamerlane, in 1395, the Golden Horde had suffered a grievous wound. Its armies were dealt crushing defeats; its Khan Toqtamish was sent fleeing for his life; and the major cities of the Horde had all been sacked by the Timurids. The Horde was now held together with a  wish and prayer, and in the hands of the powerful lord Edigü. Today in our final episode on the Golden Horde, we take you through its slow breakup in the century after Tamerlane's attack. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.   We should note that the fall of the Golden Horde was not a single moment or event. 1380, 1395, 1480 or 1502 are not simply switches where the Golden Horde ceased to exist. Rather, it was a centuries long process, with edges of the empire breaking away or being reclaimed, while multiple claimants for power fought each other and sometimes succeeded in reunifying parts or all of the khanates. Rather than a sudden collapse, it was more like waves ebbing to and fro with the tide, and as they withdraw, they pull back a bit further each time, only to in time not return at all.   The Golden Horde of the fifteenth century was a very different beast from the one Öz Beg had ruled in the early fourteenth century. Steadily, though not immediately the cities of the steppe along rivers like the Volga diminished in size and were largely abandoned. Even Sarai, thoroughly sacked by Tamerlane, remained the nominal capital and continued to be fought over for generations. The overland international trade networks which had once so enriched the Jochid khans dried up as the route across Asia became too dangerous, and the merchants who still made the trek were redirected elsewhere. Rounds of bubonic plague still struck on occasion, and with the end of the medieval warm period, the steppe environment itself steadily became less accommodating with colder winters and less productive grasslands. It was not the end to animal husbandry or even agriculture in the steppe, but it was no longer the great, organized system enjoyed by the Jochids in their heyday. Political instability marked the region accordingly; whereas from Batu until the 1360s the Jochid Khans had maintained peace throughout the steppes, now rival claimants raided or invaded each other, at times annually. While Tamerlane did not end the Golden Horde, his attack aggravated and worsened these problems. The ten years of relative peace Toqtamish had overseen as khan had simply not been long enough to recover from the previous two decades of troubles, and now each problem reared its ugly head once more.   After Tamerlane's withdrawal in 1396, he left the state reeling in his wake. Toqtamish Khan had survived, but his armies were broken. Tamerlane had installed a new khan, Quyurchuq, a son of Urus Khan, but Quyurchuq had little authority without Tamerlane's presence. Edigü, a non-Chinggisid lord and leader of the Manghit peoples, quickly maneuvered Quyurchuq Khan out of the way, and installed his own puppet, a distant relation of Toqtamish named Temür Qutlugh. Edigü was a wily figure, a skilled politician and one of the wealthiest, most powerful lords within the Golden Horde. Long had he fought Toqtamish, first alongside Urus Khan, and then alongside Tamerlane. Once Tamerlane began to withdraw from the Horde for the final time, Edigü promptly betrayed him and began gathering his own forces to overthrow Tamerlane's puppet.    Edigü, as a non-Chinggisid, could not claim the title of khan himself. But by making the khans dependent on him for power and military support, Edigü could hold real authority over the realm. As beylerbeyi,  Edigü commanded immense influence among the qarachu families; that is, the non-Chinggisid military elite, those generally bore the title of beğ (pronounced as bey). Every khan that Edigü would enthrone had to confirm Edigü as beylerbeyi, the bey of beys; which Khan Temür Qutlugh promptly did. This gave  Edigü an institution position akin to vizier or commander-in-chief, “advising” the khan to do exactly what  Edigü wished. In turn the khan continued to function in a more ceremonial role and remained official head-of-state, and his name continued to be minted on coinage. No matter how powerful Edigü might be, in the steppes the prestige of Chinggisid rulership was too strong to be cast aside, and attempting to rule in his own right would have presumably resulted in open rebellion against him. Almost two hundred years since Chinggis Khan's death, his spectre still loomed large over Asia.   Edigü and Temür Qutlugh's confirmation took place not a moment too soon, for Toqtamish and his sons were in the midst of collecting forces to retake the khanate. Assisted by the Grand Duke of Lithuania, Vytautas the Great, Toqtamish and his Lithuanian allies invaded the Golden Horde in 1399, only to be defeated but Temür Qutlugh Khan and Edigü at the Vorskla  River in 1399. The battle solidified Edigü's dominance, with Vytautas' army annihilated, many Lithuanian princes killed and both Vytautas and Toqtamish sent fleeing for their lives. Though Toqtamish continued to seek the throne until his death in 1406, it was clear that Edigü was too strong to be ousted so quickly. And lest Temür Qutlugh Khan have grown too haughty after such a victory, he died in unclear circumstances soon after the battle. Edigü then enthroned Temür Qutlugh's brother, Shadi Beğ, as khan.   Under Edigü's stewardship, efforts were made to stabilize the Golden Horde. He retook Khwarezm after Tamerlane's death, often raided the Rus' principalities and laid siege to Moscow in 1408, sparing the city in exchange for a ransom of 3,000 rubles. Some economic recovery is indicated from the restarting of mints in some of the Horde's major cities. A considerable quantity of coinage entered the markets, some of it quite high quality, a sign of Edigü's effort to jump-start the economy. To help legitimize himself in light of his lack of Chinggisid credentials, Edigü made himself the standard bearer of Islamization of the remainder of the nomadic population, continuing the process begun by Özbeg. He went as far as to claim descent from the sufi shaykh  Baba Tükles, a mythical figure who in popular legend had converted Özbeg to Islam. As in turn Baba Tükles was supposed to be descended from the Caliphs, this gave Edigü an ancient, if almost entirely fictitious, pedigree. Still, descent from the successors of Muhammad was useful when portraying oneself as an almighty Muslim monarch and a champion of Islam.    But powerful as Edigü was, his might was not supreme. His puppet khan Shadi Beğ did not enjoy being a puppet and sought to remove Edigü from the scene. Learning of the plot, Edigü routed and chased Shadi Beğ from the Horde. He then enthroned Shadi Beğ's nephew, Bulad, a son of the late Temür Qutlugh. This relationship was likewise fraught; according to the Rus' Nikonian Chronicle, Edigü had to rush to lift his siege of Moscow when he learned that Bulad had grown irate at Edigü. When Bulad died in 1410, Edigü then enthroned Bulad's brother Temür. Khan Temür proved even less amenable to Edigü, for upon becoming khan Temür refused to confirm Edigü as beylerbeyi, the institution which gave Edigü his power. Edigü's supporters abandoned him as Temür sought to capture him, his armies pursuing Edigü to Khwarezm. Nearly was Edigü's life forfeit, until he was saved by an unlikely source; Jalal al-Din, known to the Rus' as the Zeleni Sultan, and a son of the late Toqtamish Khan. Jalal al-Din had aided Duke Vytautas of Lithuania against the Teutonic Order at the famous battle of Grünwald in 1410, and in turn for his support was provided troops to assist him in reclaiming the Horde. While Temür Khan's armies had Edigü under siege in Khwarezm, the khan himself was killed by Jalal al-Din bin Toqtamish. News of it reached Temür Khan's generals, who lost heart and dissipated while Jalal al-Din was enthroned as Khan in Sarai, inadvertently saving Edigü's life.   After years of dreaming for the position and restoring his family to honour, Jalal al-Din Khan had accomplished his greatest desire, and could begin the hunt for Edigü… until he was murdered by his brother, Qibaq, in October 1412.  Another brother, Kerim Berdi, took the throne, while Qibaq, backed by Vyautas of Lithuania, challenged him for it. The only thing which had held these brothers together had been their father and the quest for the throne; with the throne now theirs, they tore themselves apart for it.    The 1410s and 20s went on in this fashion, highly reminiscent of the tumultuous 1360s and 70s. Kerim Berdi killed Qibaq in battle, only for both Edigü and Vytautas to declare new khans. Vytautas had another of Toqtamish's sons, Jabbar Berdi, declared khan in Vilnius, while Edigü chose another Tuqa-Temürid, Chekre. Cherke seized Sarai, only for Jabbar Berdi to kill Kerim Berdi, take Sarai and chase out Edigü's candidate. And that situation lasted until one of Kerim Berdi's sons, Sayyid Ahmad I, was declared khan and threw out Jabbar Berdi. And the pattern continued, with Vytautas and Edigü both declaring new khans immediately upon learning the news. This went on until 1419, when one of the last of Toqtamish's sons, Kadir Berdi, and Edigü himself, were finally killed in battle.   The 1420s proved no better in the aftermath of Edigü's death. A man named Muhammad was enthroned as Khan, but his identity in uncertain, and could possibly be a number of notable Chinggisids who bore the name. In the 1420s the khan in Sarai became just one khan amongst several, and so passed a bewildering number of khans, the order and lengths of the reigns of which are a continuous subject of debate. While more ambitious khans dreamed of reinvigorating the Horde, the borders of the state broke away, with the Timurids, for instance, retaking Khwarezm. The situation stabilized slightly over the 1430s as three main powers emerged; east of the Ural river, Abu'l Khayr Khan, founder of the Uzbek Khanate; Küchük Muhammad Khan, a grandson of Temür Qutlugh, in the Volga steppe, and Sayyid Ahmed II Khan, another Tuqa-Temürid, west of the Don River. Küchük Muhammad's nearly twenty year reign, from 1435-1459, is when scholarship begins to call the state the Great Horde, to distinguish it from its neighbours, the newly emerging successor khanates.        While Küchük Muhammad is usually designated the most ‘legitimate' khan of the Golde Horde, at least in scholarship, each of the competing khans in these years saw themselves as the actual ruler of the Horde. Each tended to demand the Rus' princes pay tribute to them, a source of much confusion and fear for the Rus', who watched closely the political developments. The Rus' were not idle spectators or skillfully playing off the khans, for they spent much of these years locked in their own lengthy civil wars. The Grand Prince, Vasili II Vasilivich, still had to flee his capital due to Mongol attacks, and was even captured by troops of Ulugh Muhammad Khan. Regularly, the Rus' still paid annual tribute to the Khan of the Great Horde.   But even the relatively calm 1430s were no salve for the unity of the Horde, and the fragmentation continued, with both the emergence of more Chinggisid and non-Chinggisid polities. Kazan, in the lands of the Volga Bulghars, became an independent realm under the heirs of Ulugh Muhammad Khan, who had been khan of the Golden Horde until his ouster in 1438. Along the Ural River emerged the Nogai Horde under the sons of Edigü. As Edigü's sons belonged to the Manghit clan, the ruling strata of the Nogai Horde, you will sometimes see this Horde called the Manghit yurt or ulus. North of the Nogais emerged a proper Khanate of Sibir, or Siberian Khanate, ruled by a branch of the Shibanids. In 1459 on the death of Küchük Muhammad, Khan of the Great Horde, he sought to divide the khanate between his sons Mahmud and Ahmad. But Ahmad soon chased out Mahmud, who fled to Hajji Tarkhan, modern Astrakhan at the Volga Delta. Mahmud and his sons turned Astrakhan into their powerbase, and in turn its own independent khanate. In the far east, the newly emerged Uzbek Khanate fell into internal fighting after the death of Abu'l Khayr Khan, which led to a group of young princes breaking off and founding the rival Kazakh Khanate in the 1450s. In 1442, Crimea and the surrounding steppes came under the rule of Sayyid Ahmad II Khan's nephew, Hajji Giray, establishing the Crimean Khanate's long ruling Giray Dynasty. Hajji Giray, and his son Mengli Giray, dedicated their lives to the hatred of the heirs of Küchük Muhammad, whose line monopolized the position of Khans of the ever declining Great Horde. For over twenty years, Hajji Giray fought repeatedly with Küchük Muhammad's son, Ahmad Khan. Ahmad enjoyed few successes; his alliance with Poland against the Crimean Khan brought little help, while the Nogais and other khanates and Hordes bordering him raided his lands, splitting his attention in every direction. His situation was further hampered with the obstinence of the new Grand Prince of the Rus', Ivan III of Moscow.    Ivan III brought Moscow out of its lengthy period of civil war, and renewed the drive to dominate  the other principalities. Like his predecessors, Ivan III had recognized the overlordship of the Khan. But he also recognized the reality of the situation, for he maintained diplomacy with the other emerging khans, particularly the Crimean.  From the 1440s onwards there had been gaps in the deliverance of Rus' tribute to the Horde,  becoming ever more spotty upon Ivan's official ascension in 1462, culminating in 1471 when Ivan ceased the payment of tribute altogether. Ahmad Khan frequently sent messengers to Ivan demanding the resumption of the tribute, or for Ivan to come and reaffirm his submission in person. The ever more frustrated Ahmad Khan, surrounded and beleaguered by powerful rivals, needed this Rus' tribute. His first march on Moscow in 1472 was aborted, and ordered another attack on Ivan in 1480 in cooperation with his Polish ally, King Casimir IV. Ivan III did not back down, and sent his army to repel the khan. The two foes faced off across the Ugra River over the summer and into the autumn of 1480. Khan Ahmad waited in vain for Casimir, who never arrived. Arrows were shot, arquebuses were fired; Ivan worried the river would soon freeze and allow Ahmad free passage, but Ahmad retreated first, downtrodden his ally had failed to show. His son Murteza raided Moscow territory as they withdrew, and Ahmad was murdered the next year.       So ended the Great Stand on the Ugra River, a much overemphasized staring contest. Only centuries later did chronicles see it as an epoch in the independence of the Rus'. It did not directly affect either parties' standing, and to contemporaries was simply another scuffle amidst hundreds. Twenty years later after the Ugra stand, Ivan sent a message to Ahmad's son and successor, Shaykh Ahmad Khan, inquiring about resuming their earlier relationship in the midst of a fierce round of struggle with Lithuania. From 1474 to 1685, Moscow sent annual tributes, under the name of pominki, to the Crimean Khans. But raids and attacks by the khans were no longer as devastating as they had once been, with the expansion of better defensive networks by the Rus', including more stone fortifications and ever-improving firearms technology. Seemingly, the armies of the Khans no longer came with such overwhelming forces, and the chronicles which once spoke of Toqta's brother Duden handily destroying 14 cities across Rus', begin to describe the Rus' repelling or pursuing Tatar raiders. Assaults on cities, such as Ahmad's brother Mahmud Khan's failed siege of Ryazan' in 1460, were beaten back with heavy losses on the part of the attackers. In other cases, the Khans fell prey to other khans; Mahmud's 1465 attack on Rus' was intercepted by an army of the Crimean Khan Hajji Giray, who often allied with Moscow against the Great Horde. The khans of the Horde no longer enjoyed a monopoly on military power. Instead of masters of the steppe, they were now members within a political system, facing off with rivals of comparable power, while their own might had shrunk considerably. The khan could no longer unilaterally oppose his will.        After Ahmad Khan's death in 1481, his sons attempted to act as co-rulers but were soon at each other's throats, further weakening the Great Horde while their rivals grew in might. Shaykh Ahmad bin Ahmad Khan emerged the victor. While he had aspirations of reuniting the Horde, his efforts proved futile. Shaykh Ahmad Khan's reign proved to be one of disaster. His cousin in Astrakhan openly defied him; Ivan III of Moscow allied with Mengli Giray of Crimea against the Great Horde. In an effort to outflank Moscow and Crimea, Shaykh Ahmad sought to restore the military alliance with Lithuania, but no great support ever came of it. Rounds of plague and bad seasons further harmed the Horde's cities, pasture lands and crops; harsh winters and poor grazing resulted in the deaths of thousands of horses almost every year of the 1490s. Famine weakened his forces, destroyed his herds and caused thousands to flee to neighbouring khanates. By the start of the sixteenth century Shaykh Ahmad was desperate, and in winter 1501 he led his underfed and weakened army in one last gamble, seeking to push west of the Dnieper for greener pasture. But he was trapped in a vicious snowstorm, and cut off from the rest of his forces. His demoralized army suffered for months, and began to trickle off to the territory of the Crimean Khan, Mengli Giray. Shaykh Ahmad suffered his own personal losses; already depressed from the failure of the Lithuanians to arrive, Shaykh Ahmad watched the last of his brothers fall ill and die.  As Mengli Giray summoned the entirety of his forces to crush the khan, Shaykh Ahmad's will finally broke when his own wife abandoned him with much of his family and most of his remaining troops— to join Mengli Giray. When Mengli Giray met Ahmad near the Dnieper in June 1502, the Khan of the Great Horde, who in the time of Özbeg was allegedly capable of raising 300,000 men, was caught with a paltry 20,000. Chased from the field, his palace ordu looted, Shaykh Ahmad Khan spent the rest of his life on the run, and spent much of his last twenty years in Lithuania a political prisoner. So, according to traditional scholarship, did the humiliating career of the final Khan of the Great Horde end, and traditionally 1502 serves as the end date for the Golden Horde.       However, in recent decades this view has been challenged. Historians like Leslie Collins have demonstrated thoroughly how after 1502 Mengli Giray dramatically grew in strength and began to style himself as Great Khan of the Great Horde; a claim recognized in diplomacy by his Ottoman overlord, the Rus', the Poles and the Lithuanians. What is now argued is that, to contemporaries, the Great Horde did not end in 1502; the throne was simply taken by another branch of the dynasty, as it had so many times before. Absorbing the remnants of the Great Horde's lands, troops and wealth, the power of the Crimean Khans grew considerably as they expanded eastwards into the former heart of Shaykh Ahmad Khan's realm. By the 1520s under Mengli's son, Mehmed, their influence stretched past the Volga as they put candidates onto the thrones of Kazan and Astrakhan. In a sense, the Horde was briefly reestablished. However, Mehmed was killed by Nogais in 1523, who then raided as far as Crimea, precipitating years of internal fighting for the Crimean throne and leading to the Ottomans taking greater control over the Crimean succession. Meanwhile without a common enemy in the form of the Great Horde the Crimean alliance with Moscow quickly frayed. The Princes of Moscow, now masters of Rus', were eager to gain access to the Volga trade, and take advantage of the weakness of the Volga Khanates, particularly under Ivan IV and his crusade-minded advisers. In 1552 the first khanate, Kazan, fell to Ivan's armies; Astrakhan followed in 1554.  It is Ivan IV, by the way, who is popularly known as Ivan Grozny, or Ivan the Terrible, and who in 1547 took the imperial title of Tsar, a derivation of Latin Caesar. During the dominance of the Golden Horde, Tsar had been the title reserved for the Khans, whereas the Rus' princes were knyaz. What Ivan was signalling, in a way, was that the now the Prince of Moscow had replaced the Jochid khan as master of the Rus'.       The powerful Crimean Khan Devlet I Giray sought to halt Moscow's expansion, with yearly raids and in 1571, even succeeded in capturing and burning down Moscow. This brief victory was followed by a humiliating defeat at Molodni the next year. The Crimean Khans reluctantly ceded control of the former eastern lands of the Golden Horde to Moscow. This last campaign proved to be the final great success of steppe armies over the Rus'. In the following decades, the Russian Tsardom soon stretched deep into Siberia. The continuous warfare of the fourteen and fifteenth centuries, coupled with epidemics and environmental stresses, left for the Russians nothing but depopulated, weakened khanates to pick off one by one; only to the south, in the great steppe, did the Crimean Khans armies stop Russian expansion; an expansion halted, as much as anything, by logistical difficulties in crossing the steppe, and threat of Ottoman support for the Crimean Khanate, rather than any military capability on the part of the Crimeans. Though the Crimean Khanate launched continuous raids on the southern frontier of Muscovy, Lithuania, Poland and assisted the Ottomans in campaigns into Eastern and Central Europe, they were no longer unassailable. Raids sent on Moscow's order, or undertaken by the fiercely Cossack hosts who now roamed the steppes, now penetrated into the Crimean peninsula itself.   Still, they clung on. Over the 1700s the Russian Empire steadily encroached and isolated Crimea, while Ottoman support became ever more tepid. Only in 1783 was the Crimean Khanate finally annexed by Empress Catherine the Great, shortly after the Russians had essentially ended its political independence. The final Crimean Khan, Şahin Giray, was executed a few years later by the Ottomans. When the Kazakh Khanates were finally dissolved by the Russians in the following century, so with them went the last vestiges of the Golden Horde, and the Mongol Empire.        So ends our history of the Golden Horde, and in turn the Mongol Empire. Be sure to turn in next week as we wrap up our series on the Chinggisid empire, and leave you with considerations for the start of our next series, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals Podcast to follow. If you enjoyed this and would like to help us continue bringing you great content, consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one.

After two decades of anarchy, one man appeared from the darkness to restore the Golden Horde to its might: this was Toqtamish. Just as the candle may spark up just before it goes out,  Toqtamish seemed poised to right the wrongs of the previous decades, and reaffirm the power of the Golden Horde over its subjects, and thus bring about further centuries of greatness. But then came Temür, Toqtamish's former patron, turned greatest enemy. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Age of Conquest.   While our series on the Golden Horde has so far focused on the descendants of Batu Khan, the khans of the Golden Horde until the start of 1360s, the other descendants of Jochi's many other sons had their own appanages within the khanate. Of the fourteen named sons of Jochi,  by the late fourteenth century  there were two of these lineages left who held any might. These were the lines of Shiban, Jochi's fifth son, and Toqa-Temür, Jochi's youngest son. As the house of Batu and Orda went extinct in the middle of the fourteenth century, the torch of rulership was passed between these lineages. It seems both lineages were largely based in the eastern part of the khanate, in the Blue Horde or the ulus of Orda. The Shibanids held lands in what was to become the Khanate of Sibir, named for the fortress of the same name. The heart of this territory was the upper Irtysh River, and if the name of Sibir sounds familiar, that's because in time it gave its name to Siberia. The Toqa-Temürids meanwhile seem to have generally ranged east of the Ural river, across the Kazakh steppes.   In the chaos that followed Berdi Beğ Khan's death in 1359, it was representatives of the Shibanids who first moved west to claim the throne in Sarai. When Orda's line died out in the 1360s, the Toqa-Temürids were the ones on the scene to usurp the ulus in the Blue Horde lands, though it was not a secure power base. The order of khans is a matter of great contention: reigns were brief, and various sources often offer contradictory information, which is often further contradicted with the dates given on coinage in the period. What is clear is that the Blue Horde contenders quickly, if not immediately, saw their conflict and their state as independent of the wars for Sarai ongoing at the same time. The Blue Horde was now separate, once more, from the Golden.   One of the earliest figures to seize the vacant throne of the Ordaids was Qara-Nogai, a Toqa-Temürid. In the early 1360s he was elected khan in Sighnaq, the Blue Horde administrative capital, located on the lower reaches of Syr Darya River near the Aral Sea. His reign was brief, but after some years of conflict members of his family continued to claim the throne; the most notable of these was Urus Khan, whose reign is usually dated to beginning in 1368.    Urus Khan was a real strong man— and not a descendant of Orda, as newer research has demonstrated. In the decade of his reign Urus established a firm hold on power and firm military backing. Rivals for the throne were violently killed or exiled, and around 1372 he even led an army to take Sarai and declare himself Khan of the Golden Horde, though he soon abandoned the city. Nonetheless he exercised a monopoly on power in the Blue Horde which made it considerably more stable than the ongoing troubles in the Golden Horde, which was too much even for Urus to exert control over. But such was his influence that his sons and descendants continued to be prominent players for decades. Two sons, Quyurchuq and Ulugh Muhammad, later became khans of the Golden Horde, while the latter established the Khanate of Kazan; a grandson of Urus, Baraq, also became Khan of the Golden Horde, while Urus' great-grandchildren established the Kazakh Khanate. It should not be a surprise then that some historians suggest that Urus should be identified with Alash Khan, the legendary founder of the Kazakhs from whom all khans were descended.  Descent from Urus, in effect, became a new form of legitimacy after the fourteenth century.   As mentioned, Urus took to killing and exiling his rivals to power. These were often fellow Toqa-Temürids. One such fellow who he had killed was his cousin, Toy-Khwaja. In the aftermath, Toy-Khwaja's son was forced to flee; this is our first introduction to Toqtamish. Toy-Khwaja must have been quite the rival and had some following, for Toqtamish never had much trouble finding supporters for himself. One source indicates Toqtamish's mother was a high ranking lady of the Sufi-Qonggirads, a dynasty which had recently established its quasi-independence from the Blue Horde at Urgench and now ruled Khwarezm. A young and courageous warrior, if not the most tactically skilled, Prince Toqtamish deeply desired both revenge and power. Urus Khan's horsemen pursued him, and Toqtamish fled for his life right out of the steppe, crossing the Syr Darya River to seek shelter with a new rising power: Aksak Temür as the Turks of the time knew him; he'd prefer to be known as Emir Temür Güregen, son-in-law to the house of Chinggis and sahib-i qiran, “lord of the Auspicious Conjunction.” Persians knew him as Temür-i Lang, and today we know him best as Tamerlane. Since half the people in this period are named some variation of Temür, to help make it easier to tell everyone apart we'll stick with his popular moniker of Tamerlane.   Since the beginning of the 1360s, Tamerlane had fought for power in the ruins of the western half of the Chagatai Khanate. By spring 1370 he had succeeded in becoming master of Transoxania. As a non-Chinggisid, Tamerlane could not bear the title of khan or rule in his own right over nomads. Thus his official title was Emir, presenting himself as the protector of his new puppet khan, a descendant of Ögedai. From this basis the Timürid empire began to expand.    When Toqtamish fled to the domains of Tamerlane around 1375, the Emir's attention was still mostly local. His campaigns into Iran had not yet begun, and instead he alternated between attacking the Sufi-Qonggirads in Khwarezm, and Qamar al-Din, the ruler of the eastern Chagatai lands, or Moghulistan as it was commonly known at the time.  Undoubtedly, Tamerlane held a wary eye to his northern border; Urus Khan and his horsemen posed a real threat to Tamerlane, in a way none of his other neighbours did. Thus when a young, pliable claimant to the throne of Urus arrived in his court, Tamerlane was more than willing to oblige. Should Toqtamish control the Blue Horde, then Tamerlane needn't worry over that border and could turn his attention elsewhere. Toqtamish was received in Tamerlane's court with high honours and respect, and granted Otrar and other lands along the Syr Darya as patrimony, in addition to troops, horses and supplies. Not coincidentally, Otrar was within spitting distance of Sighnaq. Tamerlane had given Toqtamish a platform to seize the Blue Horde.   Toqtamish quickly began raiding the lands of Urus, building his reputation as a warrior and charismatic leader. But Urus was no fool and quickly had an army sent after Toqtamish, under the command of a son, Qutlugh Buqa. Despite fierce effort on Toqtamish's part, and the death of Qutlugh Buqa in the fighting, Toqtamish was defeated and sent back to Tamerlane. The Emir provided Toqtamish another army, only for Toqtamish to again be defeated when another of Urus' armies came seeking to avenge Qutlugh Buqa. This time, according to the Timurid historian Yazdi, Toqtamish was so thoroughly beaten down that he ditched his armour and swam across the Syr Darya River to save his life, and returned to Tamerlane naked and humbled. Not long after came a representative of Urus, named Edigü, a powerful bey within the Blue Horde and head of the Manghit people. Edigü bore Urus' message demanding Tamerlane handover Toqtamish; was it not right for the father to avenge the son? What right did Tamerlane have to hold such a fugitive?   Tamerlane refused to handover Toqtamish— whatever Tamerlaner's faults, and there were many, he had given his word as overlord to protect the young prince. Some authors go as far as to present an almost father/son dynamic between them. It's not impossible; Tamerlane had gone through his own period of qazaqliq,  the Turkic term for when a prince was reduced to a state of near brigandage, a freebooter fighting for every scrap. It's the etymological basis, by the way, for both the Turkic Kazakh and the Cossacks of the Pontic steppes.  Tamerlane may have sympathized with the fierce, proud Toqtamish, in contrast with his own sons who tended to range from lazy to unreliable. Tamerlane's own favoured son and heir, his second son Jahangir Mirza, died about this time in 1376 or 7, leaving his father stricken with grief. Toqtamish may have filled in the gap, and as Toqtamish himself had lost his father, it's not difficult to imagine Toqtamish valuing Tamerlane's presence greatly.  Of course, it may simply have been convenience on the part of both parties.    With Tamerlane's refusal to hand over Toqtamish, Urus Khan led an army against them. Tamerlane raised one in response, with Toqtamish in the vanguard. Skirmishing ensued, and nearly did the full forces clash, had not, according to Yazdi, a vicious rainstorm kept the armies apart. They returned to their respective realms. The dramatic confrontation between the two great warlords of Central Asia was averted when, likely in 1378, Urus Khan suddenly died, followed in quick succession by the chief of his sons, Toqta Caya.       In a mad dash, Tamerlane sent Toqtamish with an army to Sighnaq, and had him finally declared khan. Tamerlane returned comfortably to his capital of Samarkand, only to learn that Toqtamish had again been ousted, when another of Urus Khan's sons, Temür Malik, had declared himself khan and raised an army. Once more Tamerlane reinforced Toqtamish, though now Toqtamish was able to gather more support of his own. Finally Temür Malik Khan was overcome, and Toqtamish firmly emplaced as Khan of the Blue Horde. Not coincidentally, from this point onwards Tamerlane was able to secure his frontiers and begin his southern conquests into Iran, which would hold his attention for the rest of the 1380s.       The new Khan, Toqtamish,  set about confirming the support of the pillars of his new realm. The Shibanids of Sibir, and the Sufi-Qonggirads of Khwarezm, despite their capital of Urgench being sacked by Tamerlane in 1379, were important suppliers of troops for Toqtamish. Numerous beys and princes came over to pledge allegiance to him. Toqtamish either convinced them of his divine support, or richly rewarded them, and succeeded in breaking even some factions. The Manghit leader Edigü, for instance, found that his brother ‘Isa Beğ became a staunch ally of Toqtamish Khan. Edigü's sister had been married to Urus Khan's son, the late Temür Malik Khan, and despite the latter's defeat Edigü remained a powerful and prominent figure within the Horde, controlling a great swath of pasture east of the Ural and Emba Rivers. To bring him over, or at least stop his active resistance, Toqtamish provided Edigü tarkhan, or tax-exempt, status and granted him more lands.       With his rear secured, Toqtamish had not a moment to lose. His intentions were clear. Toqtamish was not aiming to just succeed his father, or Urus Khan, or be merely Khan of the Blue Horde. He had much bigger dreams. He idolized Öz Beg Khan and the glory days of the united ulus. Beyond that though, outside of Mongolia proper, Toqtamish was effectively the only Chinggisid monarch who held power in his own name. The Yuan Khans had been pushed from China, and their power restricted to the Mongol homeland, and their attention focused on battling Ming Dynasty incursions into the steppe. In the west, all other Chinggisids were puppets or minor princelings. Toqtamish therefore presented himself not just as heir to Özbeg and Jani Beg, or of Batu and Jochi, but as the heir to Chinggis Khan. For the rest of his life Toqtamish remained the most powerful single member of the house of Chinggis, and styled himself not as khan, but as khagan, Great Khan. And for that, he needed Sarai.         Quickly, but carefully, he made his way onto the Jochid capital, winning over allies or defeating foes as he went, before taking the city in 1380. Only one great enemy remained, and that was the western beylerbeyi, Mamai. There was not a moment to waste once Mamai suffered defeat at Kulikovo against the Prince of Moscow in September 1380. As Mamai retreated to his base in the steppes north of Crima, Toqtamish granted yarliqs to the Italians in the Crimea to confirm and expand their privileges, trapping Mamai between them. Toqtamish unleashed a full assault on Mamai and crushed his power in a decisive engagement along the Kalka River. In the aftermath Toqtamish took Mamai's camp, his treasury, his wives and beys, and the rest of his troops. Mamai fled for his life, making his way to Caffa, where the Genoese took him captive and executed him in the name of Toqtamish Khaan.        By 1381 Toqtamish was master of the Golden Horde, and set about reminding everyone of the order of things. The Rus' princes reaffirmed their submission, with even Dmitri Donskoi, the victor of Kulikovo, promptly sending gifts for Toqtamish, his wives and his princes. But their tardiness in submitting in person brought Toqtamish to shorten the leash. The Rus' had grown too haughty over the last two decades, and Toqtamish surprised them with a sudden and horrific onslaught.  The Prince of Ryazan' saved his city with a last moment surrender. Other cities were not so lucky. Dmitri Donskoi had hoped to raise an army, but losses after Kulikovo were too great, the princes unwilling to follow Dmitri to such certain doom. In the end Dmitri was forced to flee Moscow before Toqtamish encircled the city. After three days, on the 26th of August 1382,  the city was stormed, sacked and burned. Numerous others followed suit.        Dmitri Donskoi was forced to send his son Vasili as hostage to the Horde, and paid heavy tribute. Once more Moscow minted coins in the name of the Khan, and once more Dmitri collected taxes for him too. Though Dmitri had his revenge on the Prince of Ryazan' with a vicious attack, the victor of Kulikovo died in 1389, only thirty years old.        Now master of the lands of Jochi, Toqtamish set about re-strengthening the Horde. The internal stability, as the Horde enjoyed 10 years of relative peace after Toqtamish took Sarai, did wonders for internal trade and movement, coupled with the lessening of the plague impact. He enacted monetary reforms, expanding the centres which minted coins and a lighter standard for silver dirhams, which in the opinion of researchers like Nedashkovsky, was a recognition and response to inflation.  When the bey Bekbulat tried to declare himself khan in Crimea, Toqtamish was able to come to agreement with him and reach a peaceable solution.  Khwarezm and its Sufi-Qonggirad Dynasty, which Tamerlane had considered his subjects, now recognized Toqtamish as overlord and minted coins in his name from 1381 onwards. On the western frontier, the loss of lands to Lithuania was halted when Toqtamish won a victory over the Lithuanians at Poltava in 1382, and forced them to continue paying tribute for the lands they had already taken from the Horde. From Toqtamish's point-of-view, this was essentially making them his vassals, though the Lithuanians did not quite see it like this. Nonetheless, the Khan retained generally stable relations with the states along his border.   Toqtamish also looked abroad. In distant Moghulistan Toqtamish established relations with Qamar al-Din, the effective ruler of the eastern Chagatai lands. In 1385 he opened contact with the Mamluks of Egypt, the first time in ten years diplomatic contact was made. He did not make the mistake of invading Azerbaijan, but instead formed a treaty of friendship with its ruler, Sultan Ahmad Jalayir. And this became quite the issue, for shortly after this treatment was made, Tamerlane invaded Azerbaijan and forced Ahmad Jalayir to flee Tabriz.    Perhaps Tamerlane had been unaware of the treaty between Toqtamish and Sultan Ahmad, but it seems to have been the evolution of the ever-more fraught relationship between the two. Toqtamish Khan and Emir Tamerlane were already on roads to argument with both claiming the lands of Khwarezm. Tamerlane, now with a puppet Il-Khan, made a show of restoring the former lands of the Ilkhanate; just as Toqtamish was making a claim to restoring former Jochid lands in the Caucasus. But there was another ideological aspect at play. As we've emphasized already, Toqtamish was very proud of his Chinggisid ancestry, and appears to have a particular disgust for pretensions of non-Chinggisids to rule. Tamerlane's presentation of himself as a supreme lord, while also walking around with a bundle of Chinggisid puppets, was an insult Toqtamish could not idly abide. The Golden Horde and Timurid empire lay beside each other like two sharks, in a tank too tight for the both of them. Both rulers simply may have seen confrontation as inevitable, the presentations of both stretching past what the other anticipated, and both expected antagonism.    It was Toqtamish who launched the first blow. After Timurid forces withdrew from Azerbaijan, Toqtamish attacked in late 1386, taking Baku, Tabriz, and Nakhchivan. Then in 1387, Toqtamish spun around the Caspian and Aral Seas, and in conjunction with Qamar al-Din of Moghulistan, Toqtamish took Tashkent and Qarshi before besieging Bukhara and Tamerlane's capital of Samarkand.     Once Toqtamish withdrew, Tamerlane quickly retook Khwarezm, sacking Urgench in 1388 with a massacre to invoke those of Chinggis Khan. Immediate reprisals against Toqtamish were halted by rebellions in Khurasan and a retaliatory campaign in Moghulistan against Qamar al-Din. Once dealt with, Tamerlane could begin extensive preparations for an invasion of the Golden Horde, spending months assembling a large army and supplies collected from across his empire. After a series of feints, Tamerlane set out unexpectedly early in January 1391. Eyeing Tamerlane after several months of marching, Toqtamish felt he knew Tamerlane's plan. Anticipating that the Emir would cross the Ural River at Kurk-qul, Toqtamish ordered his army to gather there. In one of the surprise maneuvers he so loved, Tamerlane darted in a different direction; before Toqtamish's full force had even gathered, he learned Tamerlane had crossed further upriver. Toqtamish retreated lest he be outflanked, and his forces who arrived late were set upon by the Timurids.   But despite this, Tamerlane was playing in Toqtamish's lands, and was no man of the steppe. Toqtamish drew Tamerlane deeper into the steppe, and in the process began to starve his large army. Parties sent out to forage were ambushed by Toqtamish's warriors, and the Khan tried to burn the grasslands before the Timurids, though the wet spring hampered this. Knowing his starving men would soon be at their limit, Tamerlane rallied with men with  a large hunting expedition and glamourous review of the troops, while sending his son, Omar-Sheikh Mirza with 20,000 swift riders to overtake Toqtamish and force him to battle, allowing the main force to catch up to the Khan. The ploy worked, and Toqtamish was forced to draw up at the Kondurcha River on June 18th, 1391.    The two massive armies arrayed themselves in large, crescent formations. Both forces were largely horse archers, light and heavy cavalry, with Tamerlane bringing infantry from his Central Asian cities and as far as Badakhshan, and Toqtamish infantry from the Horde's urban centers. Tamerlane strengthened his wings with units staggered behind them to protect against encirclement, and commanded the rearguard behind the centre. The Golden Horde struck first, attacking across the entire front, Toqtamish himself leading repeated charges. However, some of Toqtamish's flank commanders retreated, either due to treachery or miscommunication. With the Horde now stretched thin,  Tamerlane ordered a counter charge against Toqtamish's left and centre, which broke and the rest retreated. Though the field was won, Toqtamish and much of his army had escaped. Deprived of a total victory, Tamerlane withdrew, but not before appointing another Toqa-Temürid Temür Qutlugh, as khan, with the wily Edigü empowered too.   With Tamerlane spending the next few years darting hither and yon across Iran, Toqtamish recoupled his strength, and planned the next bout. When the Prince of Moscow, Dmitri Donskoi's son Vasili, wished to annex the city of Nizhnii Novgorod, he delivered a large bribe to Toqtamish which the khan was happy to put to use. Gifts and messengers went across the world as Toqtamish built an anti-Timurid alliance. Old allies like the Mamluks and Jalayirids, but also other Turkic states with whom the Horde had had no ties with before, such as the Ottomans and Qaraqoyunlu, the so-called Black Sheep Turkomans.  Tamerlane was hardly blind to it, and engaged in his own diplomacy to dissuade such a coalition from forming. But Tamerlane's political capital was spent. Watching Tamerlane's movement, Toqtamish placed his own army north of the Caucasus. The two sent envoys to one another in a final diplomatic effort, to no avail, and Tamerlane marched into the steppe in the first months of 1395.   This time he caught Toqtamish along the Terek River in April 1395, near Grozny in Chechnya. The Golden Horde controlled the north bank of the closest ford and unwilling to storm it, Tamerlane marched upstream, with Toqtamish mirroring him for three days. According to a Spanish envoy to Tamerlane's court, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, on the third night, the women and servants in Temur's camp donned armour and continued on, while the main force swiftly doubled back in the darkness and crossed the now unguarded ford. It didn't take Toqtamish long to discover the ruse, but it was too late: Tamerlane's army deployed on their side late on April 14th. Anticipating a night attack, Tamerlane ordered a moat dug around his camp. Toqtamish's forces skirmished along the edges of the moat, playing instruments and shouting, keeping Temur's army up with expectations of an assault. But Toqtamish held the main army back, resting them.   On the morning of the 15th, they formed up. Again they brought massive armies, and Tamerlane increased the size of his rearguard in expectation of encirclement. Toqtamish opened the battle, his right falling upon Temur's left rearguard. Tamerlane ordered the left wing to assist, and the Golden Horde's right retreated. Eager to press the assault, Tamerlane's left  pursued, leaving the security of the main army and were drawn into a feigned retreat. Surrounded, the Timurid left was decimated, the survivors colliding with Tamerlane's lines as a Jochid charge followed up. Battle order was lost. Tamerlane retreated to the fortified camp, Toqtamish's troops in hot pursuit and nearly captured the emir. With Tamerlane himself now under threat, his commanders acted promptly, forcing wagons together in an impromptu stockade. They held off the Horde long enough for the remainder of the army to form back up, and by evening counterattacked and forced back the Jochids, until nightfall separated them. So ended the first day of battle.   Discipline and composure were reestablished that night and the armies drew up early on the 16th. Toqtamish's army again began the battle, his left flank forcing back Tamerlane's vanguard, and soon Temur's right was nearly overcome as well. One commander ordered large shields forced into the ground, and from behind this barricade Tamerlane's archers dismounted and shot at the approaching Tatars, halting their advance. Temur reinforced them with several units from his bodyguard, repulsing the Jochids under this volley of arrows.   The second day ended better than the first for Tamerlane, but the old emir knew Toqtamish had him matched. That evening he made overtures to a discontented emir in Toqtamish's camp, Aktau, promising him rewards for promoting intrigue. By morning Aktau had abandoned the battlefield, making his way in time to Anatolia. Toqtamish was disheartened but determined, and formed up again, his left wing weaker with Aktau's absence. Toqtamish's centre and flanks all attacked Tamerlane, but Tamerlane had built up his forces on the right, and broke through the weakened Jochid left. Hard fighting continued until evening, Toqtamish valiantly trying to save the left and prevent encirclement, but Temur had the better of the day. Defeated, Toqtamish had an orderly retreat planned, sending one commander to the Caucasus in an effort to harass Tamerlane's rear. This gave Toqtamish enough time to escape while Temur crushed this army. However, Toqtamish could not rally another army, leaving his cities isolated before the might of Tamerlane.   Tamerlane pursued Toqtamish, but upon losing him decided to prevent Toqtamish from ever having strength to raise another army again. He then set about systematically dismantling the economy of the Golden Horde, thoroughly sacking every single one of the major cities of the steppe; from the Crimea trade cities, where only Caffa, due to a timely bribe escaped judgment. Tana, Ukek, Sarai to Hajji Tarkhan and more all were brought to ruin on Tamerlane's order, left smoldering husks as his army moved past. Despite some popular claims, Moscow was not attacked; the Rus' chronicles indicate only the town of ‘Elets suffered the wrath of the Emir. He declared another of Urus Khan's sons, Quyurchuq as Khan, and was convinced by Edigü to grant him yarliq to collect and summon his peoples; but realized too late that Edigü had tricked him, and used Tamerlane's patent and the vacuum of power to carve out his own lands.   By the summer of 1396, the steppe environment and some sort of epidemic was wreaking havoc on Tamerlane's troops, and he ordered the withdrawal to Samarkand, carrying with it the loot and treasures of the Golden Horde. The Horde's cities and trade had struggled through the upheavals of the fourteenth century, but Tamerlane had just delivered a death blow from which they would not recover.   Toqtamish was not done yet. For the next ten years he continued to seek to reclaim his throne, but now faced a stiff opponent in the form of Edigü. Ridding himself of Tamerlane's puppet, Edigü reenthroned Temür Qutlugh, in time followed by a host of other puppets, and directed the effort to crush Toqtamish once and for all. But as a man well accustomed to defeat and bouncing back from it, Toqtamish proved remarkably hard to kill, and simply would not take “no” for an answer. The most notable effort came in 1399. After allying with Vytautas the Great, Grand Duke of Lithuania, the two launched a joint-invasion of the Golden Horde. At the Vorskla River in 1399, Edigü and Temür Qutlugh inflicted a crushing defeat on the army of Vytautas and Toqtamish. Many Lithuanian princes were killed, and the fleeing Duke was chased as far as Kyiv, where only after hefty ransom was the city and its refugees spared. The Toqtamish-Lithuanian alliance continued though, and Toqtamish's son Jalal al-Din fought alongside Vytautas at the famous battle of Grünwald, or Tannenburg, against the Teutonic Order in 1410. Today, the Lipka Tatars in Lithuania and Poland are their distant descendants.   By 1405, the humbled Toqtamish was in Siberia, and reached out to his former mentor, Tamerlane. Tamerlane was then in the midst of a march on China, wintering in Otrar, and it seems his old heart was warmed by Toqtamish's offer of cooperation against Edigü. But nothing was to come of it; the old emir died that winter, and the next year Toqtamish fell in a skirmish against the forces of Edigü.   So ended the life of Toqtamish Khan, the final powerful khan over the whole of the Golden Horde. Though not a truly transformative or administrative monarch, the fact he instilled any sort of stability over the Horde, and led a remarkable effort at unifying it before its final disintegration, left him a powerful legacy.  In later Turkic histories Toqtamish is one of the most popular Jochid khans, and over the next century he was benchmark for others who wished to unify the Horde. In 1509, the Crimean Khan Mengli Giray, when sending a large army against Astrakhan during his own bid to reunify the Horde, is reported to have said “I shall be a Toqtamish.” And perhaps Toqtamish would have been successful, had he not faced Tamerlane in battle, perhaps the only man at the time with the strength to overcome the might of the Golden Horde. And for that, the Golden Horde paid dearly. Our next, and final episode on the Golden Horde, deals with its final disintegration, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals Podcast to follow. If you enjoyed this and would like to help us continue bringing you great content, consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one.