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Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance.   #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2.   On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack.   Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure. 

fWotD Episode 3214: Shigi Qutuqu Welcome to featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia's finest articles.The featured article for Saturday, 21 February 2026, is Shigi Qutuqu.Shigi Qutuqu (c. 1178 – 1260) was a high-ranking official during the early decades of the Mongol Empire. The adopted son of the empire's founder Temüjin (later entitled Genghis Khan) and his wife Börte, Shigi Qutuqu played an important role in the codification of Mongol law, serving with distinction as an administrator in North China. He may also have been a major source for the Secret History of the Mongols, which portrays him very favourably.Although the Secret History states that Shigi Qutuqu was adopted by Hö'elün, Temüjin's mother, chronological inconsistencies make this account improbable. The foundling was brought up in Temüjin's household and was one of the first Mongols to become literate. The Secret History exaggerates his role in the years after the empire's foundation, but Shigi Qutuqu was nevertheless appointed to several high-ranking legal positions, in which he served during the Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty. He was the commander during the only Mongol defeat of the western campaign against Khwarazmia, being overcome by Jalal al-Din at the 1221 Battle of Parwan.Shigi Qutuqu continued his career as an official during the reign of his adoptive brother Ögedei Khan, Genghis's successor. He conducted a census of North China in 1235–1236 which allowed the Mongol administration to overhaul its fiscal policies. While some contemporaries found his decrees and judgements oppressive and biased, others praised his honesty and judicial integrity. Having survived power struggles during the reigns of Güyük and Möngke, Shigi Qutuqu died at the age of 81 during the Toluid Civil War.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:21 UTC on Saturday, 21 February 2026.For the full current version of the article, see Shigi Qutuqu on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Bluesky at @wikioftheday.com.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm generative Ruth.

In the medieval Middle East, no group was as feared as the Order of the Assassins - or as misunderstood. In this episode, Olivia and Aran chart the emergence of this deadly organisation and their role in the complex web of Middle Eastern politics. This episode has everything you could want: high-octane derring-do, arcane Islamic eschatology, thundering Mongol armies and yes: even a few scheming viziers. Come for the assassins, stay for Aran almost bursting a vessel trying to accurately explain all of early Islamic history in five minutes.

In this episode of Legacy, Peter and Afua explore the rise and fall of the Samurai, tracing their evolution from elite medieval warriors to a modern-day cultural symbol. They dive into the tensions between the Samurai's disciplined, Zen-influenced ideals and the brutal realities of history, from Mongol invasions to the modernization that led to their eventual disappearance.Stay connected with LegacyFollow us for clips, behind-the-scenes stories, and new episode drops: Instagram: @originallegacypodcastTikTok: @legacy_productionsExplore more from Peter and Afua — essays, sources, and ideas: Substack: peterfrankopan.substack.com | afuahirsch.substack.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Carregado pelo Rei do Áudio, Ricardo Maria, terceiro de seu nome, príncipe das terras devastadas pelo vento, filho de mãe doida.Patreon⁠⁠https://www.patreon.com/CUBINHO⁠⁠BILHETES GENTIL:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://linktr.ee/antonioacoutinho⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠BILHETES ARRAIAL:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://ticketline.sapo.pt/evento/-arraial-vitor-sa-99200?fromTopList=1⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠BILHETES LABS:⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://ticketline.sapo.pt/evento/freakshow-labs-97913⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠CUBINHO, o podcast do colectivo CUBO. António Azevedo Coutinho, Ricardo Maria e Vítor Sá arrancam com a segunda parte deste projecto a três frentes. CUBINHO, um podcast em que se garante boa disposição e alguém a embirrar com o Ricardo.António Azevedo Coutinho https://www.instagram.com/antonioacoutinho/https://twitter.com/antonioacoutinhRicardo Mariahttps://www.instagram.com/ricardotaomaria/https://twitter.com/ricardotaomariaVítor Sáhttps://www.instagram.com/savitorsa/https://twitter.com/savitorsa

Last time we spoke about The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow. Following the brutal 1938 capture of Wuhan, Japanese forces aimed to solidify their hold by launching an offensive against Chinese troops in the 5th War Zone, a rugged natural fortress in northern Hubei and southern Henan. Under General Yasuji Okamura, the 11th Army deployed three divisions and cavalry in a pincer assault starting May 1, 1939, targeting Suixian and Zaoyang to crush Nationalist resistance and secure flanks. Chinese commander Li Zongren, leveraging terrain like the Dabie and Tongbai Mountains, orchestrated defenses with over 200,000 troops, including Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group. By May 23, they recaptured Suixian and Zaoyang, forcing a Japanese withdrawal with heavy losses, over 13,000 Japanese casualties versus 25,000 Chinese, restoring pre-battle lines. Shifting south, Japan targeted Shantou in Guangdong to sever supply lines from Hong Kong. In a massive June 21 amphibious assault, the 21st Army overwhelmed thin Chinese defenses, capturing the port and Chao'an despite guerrilla resistance led by Zhang Fakui. Though losses mounted, Japan tightened its blockade, straining China's war effort amid ongoing attrition.   #188 From Changkufeng to Nomonhan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Well hello again, and yes you all have probably guessed we are taking another detour. Do not worry I hope to shorten this one a bit more so than what became a sort of mini series on the battle of Changkufeng or Battle of Lake Khasan. What we are about to jump into is known in the west as the battle of khalkin Gol, by the Japanese the Nomohan incident. But first I need to sort of set the table up so to say. So back on August 10th, 1938 the Litvinov-Shigemitsu agreement established a joint border commission tasked with redemarcating the disputed boundary between the Soviet Union and Japanese-controlled Manchukuo. However, this commission never achieved a mutually agreeable definition of the border in the contested area. In reality, the outcome was decided well before the group's inaugural meeting. Mere hours after the cease-fire took effect on the afternoon of August 11, General Grigory Shtern convened with a regimental commander from Japan's 19th Division to coordinate the disengagement of forces. With the conflict deemed "honorably" concluded, Japan's Imperial General Headquarters mandated the swift withdrawal of all Japanese troops to the west bank of the Tumen River. By the night of August 13, as the final Japanese soldier crossed the river, it effectively became the de facto border. Soviet forces promptly reoccupied Changkufeng Hill and the adjacent heights—a move that would carry unexpected and profound repercussions. Authoritative Japanese military analyses suggest that if negotiations in Moscow had dragged on for just one more day, the 19th Division would likely have been dislodged from Changkufeng and its surrounding elevations. Undoubtedly, General Shtern's infantry breathed a sigh of relief as the bloodshed ceased. Yet, one can't help but question why Moscow opted for a cease-fire at a juncture when Soviet troops were on the cusp of total battlefield triumph. Perhaps Kremlin leaders deemed it wiser to settle for a substantial gain, roughly three-quarters of their objectives, rather than risk everything. After all, Japan had mobilized threatening forces in eastern Manchuria, and the Imperial Army had a history of impulsive, unpredictable aggression. Moreover, amid the escalating crisis over Czechoslovakia, Moscow may have been wary of provoking a broader Asian conflict. Another theory posits that Soviet high command was misinformed about the ground situation. Reports of capturing a small segment of Changkufeng's crest might have been misinterpreted as control over the entire ridge, or an imminent full takeover before midnight on August 10. The unexpected phone call from Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to the Japanese embassy that night—proposing a one-kilometer Japanese retreat in exchange for a cease-fire along existing lines—hints at communication breakdowns between Shtern's headquarters and the Kremlin. Ironically, such lapses may have preserved Japanese military honor, allowing the 19th Division's evacuation through diplomacy rather than defeat. Both sides endured severe losses. Initial Japanese press reports claimed 158 killed and 740 wounded. However, the 19th Division's medical logs reveal a grimmer toll: 526 dead and 914 injured, totaling 1,440 casualties. The true figure may have climbed higher, possibly to 1,500–2,000. Following the armistice, the Soviet news agency TASS reported 236 Red Army fatalities and 611 wounded. Given Shtern's uphill assaults across open terrain against entrenched positions, these numbers seem understated. Attackers in such scenarios typically suffered two to three times the defenders' losses, suggesting Soviet casualties ranged from 3,000 to 5,000. This aligns with a Soviet Military Council investigation on August 31, 1938, which documented 408 killed and 2,807 wounded. Japanese estimates placed Soviet losses even higher, at 4,500–7,000. Not all victims perished in combat. Marshal Vasily Blyukher, a decorated Soviet commander, former warlord of the Far East, and Central Committee candidate, was summoned to Moscow in August 1938. Relieved of duty in September and arrested with his family in October, he faced charges of inadequate preparation against Japanese aggression and harboring "enemies of the people" within his ranks. On November 9, 1938, Blyukher died during interrogation a euphemism for torture-induced death.Other innocents suffered as well. In the wake of the fighting, Soviet authorities deported hundreds of thousands of Korean rice farmers from the Ussuri region to Kazakhstan, aiming to eradicate Korean settlements that Japanese spies had allegedly exploited. The Changkufeng clash indirectly hampered Japan's Wuhan offensive, a massive push to subdue China. The influx of troops and supplies for this campaign was briefly disrupted by the border flare-up. Notably, Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group, slated for Wuhan, was retained due to the Soviet threat. Chiang Kai-shek's drastic measure, breaching the Yellow River dikes to flood Japanese advance routes—further delayed the assault. By October 25, 1938, when Japanese forces captured Hankow, Chiang had relocated his capital to distant Chungking. Paradoxically, Wuhan's fall cut rail links from Canton inland, heightening Chiang's reliance on Soviet aid routed overland and by air from Central Asia. Japan secured a tactical win but missed the decisive blow; Chinese resistance persisted, pinning down a million Japanese troops in occupation duties. What was the true significance of Changkufeng? For General Koiso Suetaka and the 19th Division, it evoked a mix of bitterness and pride. Those eager for combat got their share, though not on their terms. To veterans mourning fallen comrades on those desolate slopes, it might have felt like senseless tragedy. Yet, they fought valiantly under dire conditions, holding firm until a retreat that blended humiliation with imperial praise, a bittersweet inheritance. For the Red Army, it marked a crucial trial of resolve amid Stalin's purges. While Shtern's forces didn't shine brilliantly, they acquitted themselves well in adversity. The U.S. military attaché in Moscow observed that any purge-related inefficiencies had been surmounted, praising the Red Army's valor, reliability, and equipment. His counterpart in China, Colonel Joseph Stilwell, put it bluntly: the Soviets "appeared to advantage," urging skeptics to rethink notions of a weakened Red Army. Yet, by World War II's eve, many British, French, German, and Japanese leaders still dismissed it as a "paper tiger." Soviet leaders appeared content, promoting Shtern to command the Transbaikal Military District and colonel general by 1940, while honoring "Heroes of Lake Khasan" with medals. In a fiery November 7, 1938, speech, Marshal Kliment Voroshilov warned that future incursions would prompt strikes deep into enemy territory. Tokyo's views diverged sharply. Many in the military and government saw it as a stain on Imperial Army prestige, especially Kwantung Army, humiliated on Manchukuo soil it swore to protect. Colonel Masanobu Tsuji Inada, however, framed it as a successful reconnaissance, confirming Soviet border defense without broader aggression, allowing the Wuhan push to proceed safely. Critics, including Major General Gun Hashimoto and historians, questioned this. They argued IGHQ lacked contingency plans for a massive Soviet response, especially with Wuhan preparations underway since June. One expert warned Japan had "played with fire," risking Manchuria and Korea if escalation occurred. Yet, Japanese commanders gleaned few lessons, downplaying Soviet materiel superiority and maintaining disdain for Red Army prowess. The 19th Division's stand against outnumbered odds reinforced this hubris, as did tolerance for local insubordination—attitudes that would prove costly. The Kremlin, conversely, learned Japan remained unpredictable despite its China quagmire. But for Emperor Hirohito's intervention, the conflict might have ballooned. Amid purges and the Czech crisis, Stalin likely viewed it as a reminder of eastern vulnerabilities, especially with Munich advancing German threats westward. Both sides toyed with peril. Moderation won in Tokyo, but Kwantung Army seethed. On August 11, Premier Fumimaro Konoye noted the need for caution. Kwantung, however, pushed for and secured control of the disputed salient from Chosen Army by October 8, 1938. Even winter's chill couldn't quench their vengeful fire, setting the stage for future confrontations. A quick look at the regional map reveals how Manchukuo and the Mongolian People's Republic each jut into the other's territory like protruding salients. These bulges could be seen as aggressive thrusts into enemy land, yet they also risked encirclement and absorption by the opposing empire. A northward push from western Manchuria through Mongolia could sever the MPR and Soviet Far East from the USSR's heartland. Conversely, a pincer movement from Mongolia and the Soviet Maritime Province might envelop and isolate Manchukuo. This dynamic highlights the frontier's strategic volatility in the 1930s. One particularly tense sector was the broad Mongolian salient extending about 150 miles eastward into west-central Manchukuo. There, in mid-1939, Soviet-Japanese tensions erupted into major combat. Known to the Japanese as the Nomonhan Incident and to the Soviets and Mongolians as the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, this clash dwarfed the earlier Changkufeng affair in scale, duration, and impact. Spanning four months and claiming 30,000 to 50,000 casualties, it amounted to a small undeclared war, the modern era's first limited conflict between great powers. The Mongolian salient features vast, semiarid plains of sandy grassland, gently rolling terrain dotted with sparse scrub pines and low shrubs. The climate is unforgivingly continental: May brings hot days and freezing nights, while July and August see daytime highs exceeding 38°C (100°F in American units), with cool evenings. Swarms of mosquitoes and massive horseflies necessitate netting in summer. Rainfall is scarce, but dense morning fogs are common in August. Come September, temperatures plummet, with heavy snows by October and midwinter lows dipping to –34°C. This blend of North African aridity and North Dakotan winters supports only sparse populations, mainly two related but distinct Mongol tribes. The Buriat (or Barga) Mongols migrated into the Nomonhan area from the northwest in the late 17th to early 18th centuries, likely fleeing Russian expansion after the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk. Organized by Manchu emperors between 1732 and 1735, they settled east of the river they called Khalkhin Gol (Mongolian for "river"), in lands that would later become Manchukuo. The Khalkha Mongols, named for the word meaning "barrier" or "shield," traditionally guarded the Mongol Empire's northern frontiers. Their territories lay west of the Buriats, in what would become the MPR. For centuries, these tribes herded livestock across sands, river crossings, and desert paths, largely oblivious to any formal borders. For hundreds of years, the line dividing the Mongolian salient from western Manchuria was a hazy administrative divide within the Qing Empire. In the 20th century, Russia's detachment of Outer Mongolia and Japan's seizure of Manchuria transformed this vague boundary into a frontline between rival powers. The Nomonhan Incident ignited over this contested border. Near the salient's northeastern edge, the river, called Khalkhin Gol by Mongols and Soviets, and Halha by Manchurians and Japanese, flows northwest into Lake Buir Nor. The core dispute: Was the river, as Japan asserted, the historic boundary between Manchukuo and the MPR? Soviet and MPR officials insisted the line ran parallel to and 10–12 miles east of the river, claiming the intervening strip. Japan cited no fewer than 18 maps, from Chinese and Japanese sources, to support the river as the border, a logical choice in such barren terrain, where it served as the sole natural divider. Yet, Soviets and Mongolians countered with evidence like a 1919 Chinese postal atlas and maps from Japanese and Manchukuoan agencies (1919–1934). Unbeknownst to combatants, in July 1939, China's military attaché in Moscow shared a 1934 General Staff map with his American counterpart, showing the border east of the river. Postwar Japanese studies of 18th-century Chinese records confirm that in 1734, the Qing emperor set a boundary between Buriat and Khalkha Mongols east of the river, passing through the hamlet of Nomonhan—as the Soviets claimed. However, Kwantung Army Headquarters dismissed this as non-binding, viewing it as an internal Qing affair without Russian involvement. Two former Kwantung Army officers offer a pragmatic explanation: From 1931 to 1935, when Soviet forces in the Far East were weak, Japanese and Manchukuoan authorities imposed the river as the de facto border, with MPR acquiescence. By the mid- to late 1930s, as Soviet strength grew, Japan refused to yield, while Mongolians and Soviets rejected the river line, sparking clashes. In 1935, Kwantung Army revised its maps to align with the river claim. From late that year, the Lake Buir Nor–Halha sector saw frequent skirmishes between Manchukuoan and MPR patrols. Until mid-1938, frontier defense in northwestern Manchukuo fell to the 8th Border Garrison Unit , based near Hailar. This 7,000-man force, spread thin, lacked mobility, training, and, in Kwantung Army's eyes, combat readiness. That summer, the newly formed 23rd Division, under Kwantung Army, took station at Hailar, absorbing the 8th BGU under its command, led by Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara. At 52, Komatsubara was a premier Russian specialist in the Imperial Army, with stints as military attaché in the USSR and head of Kwantung's Special Services Agency in Harbin. Standing 5'7" with a sturdy build, glasses, and a small mustache, he was detail-oriented, keeping meticulous diaries, writing lengthy letters, and composing poetry, though he lacked combat experience. Before departing Tokyo in July 1938, Komatsubara received briefings from Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations Section chief. Amid planning for Changkufeng, Inada urged calm on the Manchukuo-MPR border given China's ongoing campaigns. Guidelines: Ignore minor incidents, prioritize intelligence on Soviet forces east of Lake Baikal, and study operations against the Soviet Far East's western sector. Familiar with the region from his Harbin days, Komatsubara adopted a low-key approach. Neither impulsive nor aggressive, he kept the green 23rd Division near Hailar, delegating patrols to the 8th BGU. An autumn incident underscores his restraint. On November 1, 1938, an 8th BGU patrol was ambushed by MPR forces. Per Japanese accounts, the three-man team, led by a lieutenant, strayed too close to the border and was attacked 50 meters inside Manchukuo. The lieutenant escaped, but his men died. Komatsubara sent an infantry company to secure the site but forbade retaliation. He pursued body recovery diplomatically, protested to MPR and Soviet officials, and disciplined his officers: garrison leaders got five days' confinement for poor troop training, the lieutenant thirty days. Despite this caution, pressures at AGS and KwAHQ were mounting, poised to thrust the 23rd Division into fierce battle. Modern militaries routinely develop contingency plans against potential adversaries, and the mere existence of such strategies doesn't inherently signal aggressive intentions. That said, shifts in Japan's operational planning vis-à-vis the Soviet Union may have inadvertently fueled the Nomonhan Incident. From 1934 to 1938, Japanese war scenarios emphasized a massive surprise assault in the Ussuri River region, paired with defensive holding actions in northwestern Manchuria. However, between mid-1938 and early 1939, a clandestine joint task force from the Army General Staff  and Kwantung Army's Operations Departments crafted a bold new blueprint. This revised strategy proposed containing Soviet forces in the east and north while unleashing a full-scale offensive from Hailar, advancing west-northwest toward Chita and ultimately Lake Baikal. The goal: sever the Transbaikal Soviet Far East from the USSR's core. Dubbed Plan Eight-B, it gained Kwantung Army's endorsement in March 1939. Key architects—Colonels Takushiro Hattori and Masao Terada, along with Major Takeharu Shimanuki—were reassigned from AGS to Kwantung Army Headquarters to oversee implementation. The plan anticipated a five-year buildup before execution, with Hattori assuming the role of chief operations staff officer.  A map review exposes a glaring vulnerability in Plan Eight-B: the Japanese advance would leave its southern flank exposed to Soviet counterstrikes from the Mongolian salient. By spring 1939, KwAHQ likely began perceiving this protrusion as a strategic liability. Notably, at the outbreak of Nomonhan hostilities, no detailed operational contingencies for the area had been formalized. Concurrently, Japan initiated plans for a vital railroad linking Harlun Arshan to Hailar. While its direct tie to Plan Eight-B remains unclear, the route skirted perilously close to the Halha River, potentially heightening KwAHQ's focus on the disputed Mongolian salient. In early 1939, the 23rd Division intensified reconnaissance patrols near the river. Around this time, General Grigory Shtern, freshly appointed commander of Soviet Far Eastern forces, issued a public warning that Japan was gearing up for an assault on the Mongolian People's Republic. As Plan Eight-B took shape and railroad proposals advanced, KwAHQ issued a strikingly confrontational set of guidelines for frontier troops. These directives are often cited as a catalyst for the Nomonhan clash, forging a chain linking the 1937 Amur River incident, the 1938 Changkufeng debacle, and the 1939 conflict.Resentment had festered at KwAHQ over perceived AGS meddling during the Amur affair, which curtailed their command autonomy. This frustration intensified at Changkufeng, where General Kamezo Suetaka's 19th Division endured heavy losses, only for the contested Manchukuoan territory to be effectively ceded. Kwantung Army lobbied successfully to wrest oversight of the Changkufeng salient from Chosen Army. In November 1938, Major Masanobu Tsuji of KwAHQ's Operations Section was sent to survey the site. The audacious officer was dismayed: Soviet forces dominated the land from the disputed ridge to the Tumen River. Tsuji undertook several winter reconnaissance missions. His final outing in March 1939 involved leading 40 men to Changkufeng's base. With rifles slung non-threateningly, they ascended to within 200 yards of Soviet lines, formed a line, and urinated in unison, eliciting amused reactions from the enemy. They then picnicked with obentos and sake, sang army tunes, and left gifts of canned meat, chocolates, and whiskey. This theatrical stunt concealed Tsuji's real aim: covert photography proving Soviet fortifications encroached on Manchukuoan soil. Tsuji was a singular figure. Born of modest means, he embodied a modern samurai ethos, channeling a sharp intellect into a frail, often ailing body through feats of extraordinary daring. A creative tactician, he thrived in intelligence ops, political scheming, aerial scouting, planning, and frontline command—excelling across a tumultuous career. Yet, flaws marred his brilliance: narrow bigotry, virulent racism, and capacity for cruelty. Ever the ambitious outsider, Tsuji wielded outsized influence via gekokujo—Japan's tradition of subordinates steering policy from below. In 1939, he was a major, but his pivotal role at Nomonhan stemmed from this dynamic. Back in Hsinking after his Changkufeng escapade, Tsuji drafted a response plan: negotiate border "rectification" with the Soviets; if talks failed, launch an attack to expel intruders. Kwantung Army adopted it. Deputy Chief of Staff Major General Otozaburo Yano flew to Tokyo with Tsuji's photos, seeking AGS approval. There, he was rebuffed—Changkufeng was deemed settled, and minor violations should be overlooked amid Tokyo's aversion to Soviet conflict. Yano's plea that leniency would invite aggression was countered by notes on Europe's tensions restraining Moscow. Yano's return sparked outrage at KwAHQ, seen as AGS thwarting their imperial duty to safeguard Manchukuo. Fury peaked in the Operations Section, setting the stage for Tsuji's drafting of stringent new frontier guidelines: "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes." The core tenet: "If Soviet troops transgress the Manchukuoan frontiers, Kwantung Army will nip their ambitions in the bud by completely destroying them." Specific directives for local commanders included: "If the enemy crosses the frontiers … annihilate him without delay, employing strength carefully built up beforehand. To accomplish our mission, it is permissible to enter Soviet territory, or to trap or lure Soviet troops into Manchukuoan territory and allow them to remain there for some time… . Where boundary lines are not clearly defined, area defense commanders will, upon their own initiative, establish boundaries and indicate them to the forward elements… . In the event of an armed clash, fight until victory is won, regardless of relative strengths or of the location of the boundaries. If the enemy violates the borders, friendly units must challenge him courageously and endeavor to triumph in their zone of action without concerning themselves about the consequences, which will be the responsibility of higher headquarters." Major Tsuji Masanobu later justified the new guidelines by pointing to the "contradictory orders" that had hamstrung frontier commanders under the old rules. They were tasked with upholding Manchukuo's territorial integrity yet forbidden from actions that might spark conflict. This, Tsuji argued, bred hesitation, as officers feared repercussions for decisive responses to incursions. The updated directives aimed to alleviate this "anxiety," empowering local leaders to act boldly without personal liability. In truth, Tsuji's "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes" were more incendiary than conciliatory. They introduced provocative measures: authorizing commanders to unilaterally define unclear boundaries, enforce them with immediate force "shoot first, ask questions later", permit pursuits into enemy territory, and even encourage luring adversaries across the line. Such tactics flouted both government policy and official army doctrine, prioritizing escalation over restraint. The proposals sparked intense debate within Kwantung Army's Operations Section. Section chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and Colonel Masao Terada outranked Tsuji, as did Major Takeharu Shimanuki, all recent transfers from the Army General Staff. Tsuji, however, boasted longer tenure at Kwantung Army Headquarters since April 1936 and in Operations since November 1937, making him the de facto veteran. Hattori and Terada hesitated to challenge the assertive major, whose reputation for intellect, persuasion, and deep knowledge of Manchuria commanded respect. In a 1960 interview, Shimanuki recalled Tsuji's dominance in discussions, where his proactive ideas often swayed the group. Unified, the section forwarded Tsuji's plan to Kwantung Army Command. Commander Lieutenant General Kenkichi Ueda consulted Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai and Vice Chief General Otozaburo Yano, seasoned leaders who should have spotted the guidelines' volatility. Yet, lingering grudges from AGS "interference" in past incidents like the Amur River and Changkufeng clouded their judgment. Ueda, Isogai, and Tsuji shared history from the 1932 Shanghai Incident: Tsuji, then a captain, led a company in the 7th Regiment under Colonel Isogai, with Yano as staff officer and Ueda commanding the 9th Division. Tsuji was wounded there, forging bonds of camaraderie. This "clique," which grew to include Hattori, Terada, and Shimanuki, amplified Tsuji's influence. Despite Isogai's initial reservations as the group's moderate voice, the guidelines won approval. Ueda issued them as Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488 on April 25, 1939, during a division commanders' conference at KwAHQ. A routine copy reached AGS in Tokyo, but no formal reply came. Preoccupied with the China War and alliance talks with Germany, AGS may have overlooked border matters. Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations head, later noted basic acceptance of Order 1488, with an informal expectation—relayed to Hattori and Terada—of prior consultation on violations. KwAHQ dismissed this as another Tokyo intrusion on their autonomy. Some Japanese analysts contend a stern AGS rejection might have prevented Nomonhan's catastrophe, though quelling Kwantung's defiance could have required mass staff reassignments, a disruptive step AGS avoided. Tsuji countered that permitting forceful action at Changkufeng would have deterred Nomonhan altogether, underscoring the interconnectedness of these clashes while implicitly critiquing the 1939 battle's location. Undeniably, Order 1488's issuance on April 25 paved the way for conflict three weeks later. Japanese records confirm that Khalkha Mongols and MPR patrols routinely crossed the Halha River—viewed by them as internal territory, 10 miles from the true border. Such crossings passed uneventfully in March and April 1939. Post-Order 1488, however, 23rd Division commander General Michitaro Komatsubara responded aggressively, setting the stage for escalation. The Nomonhan Incident ignited with a border clash on May 11–12, 1939, that rapidly spiraled into a major conflict. Over a dozen "authoritative" accounts exist, varying in viewpoint, focus, and specifics. After cross-referencing these sources, a coherent timeline emerges. On the night of May 10–11, a 20-man Mongolian People's Republic border patrol crossed eastward over the Halha River (known as Khalkhin Gol to Mongols and Soviets). About 10 miles east, atop a 150-foot sandy hill, lay the tiny hamlet of Nomonhan, a cluster of crude huts housing a few Mongol families. Just south flowed the Holsten River, merging westward into the broader Halha. By morning on May 11, Manchukuoan forces spotted the MPR patrol north of the Holsten and west of Nomonhan. In the MPR/Soviet perspective, Nomonhan Hill marked the Mongolia-Manchuria border. To Manchukuoans and Japanese, it sat 10 miles inside Manchukuo, well east of the Halha. A 40-man Manchukuoan cavalry unit repelled the Mongolians back across the river, inflicting initial casualties on both sides—the Manchukuoans drawing first blood. The MPR patrol leader exaggerated the attackers as 200 strong. The next day, May 12, a 60-man MPR force under Major P. Chogdan evicted the Manchukuoans from the disputed zone, reestablishing positions between the Halha and Nomonhan. The Manchukuoans, in turn, reported facing 700 enemies. Sporadic skirmishes and maneuvering persisted through the week. On May 13, two days post-clash, the local Manchukuoan commander alerted General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division headquarters in Hailar. Simultaneously, Major Chogdan reported to Soviet military command in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia's capital. What began as a Mongolian-Manchukuoan spat was poised to draw in Soviet and Japanese patrons. Attributing the May 10–11 violation hinges on border interpretations: both sides claimed the Halha-Nomonhan strip. Yet, most accounts concur that Manchukuoan forces initiated the fighting. Post-May 13 notifications to Moscow and Tokyo clarify the record thereafter. Midday on May 13, Komatsubara was leading a staff conference on the newly issued Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488—Major Tsuji Masanobu's aggressive border guidelines. Ironically, the first Nomonhan combat report arrived mid-discussion. Officers present recall Komatsubara deciding instantly to "destroy the invading Outer Mongolian forces" per Order 1488. That afternoon, he informed Kwantung Army Headquarters of the incident and his intent to eradicate the intruders, requesting air support and trucks. General Kenkichi Ueda, Kwantung commander, approved Komatsubara's "positive attitude," dispatching six scout planes, 40 fighters, 10 light bombers, two anti-aircraft batteries, and two motorized transport companies. Ueda added a caveat: exercise "extreme caution" to prevent escalation—a paradoxical blend of destruction and restraint, reflective of KwAHQ's fervent mood. Ueda relayed the details to Tokyo's Army General Staff, which responded that Kwantung should handle it "appropriately." Despite Kwantung's impulsive reputation, Tokyo deferred, perhaps trusting the northern strategic imbalance, eight Japanese divisions versus 30 Soviet ones from Lake Baikal to Vladivostok, would enforce prudence. This faith proved misguided. On May 14, Major Tsuji flew from KwAHQ for aerial reconnaissance over Nomonhan, spotting 20 horses but no troops. Upon landing, a fresh bullet hole in his plane confirmed lingering MPR presence east of the Halha. Tsuji briefed 23rd Division staff and reported to Ueda that the incident seemed minor. Aligning with Order 1488's spirit, Komatsubara deployed a force under Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma: an armored car company, two infantry companies, and a cavalry troop. Arriving at Nomonhan on May 15, Azuma learned most MPR forces had retreated westward across the Halha the prior night, with only token elements remaining, and those withdrawing. Undeterred, he pursued. The advance met scant resistance, as foes had crossed the river. However, Japanese light bombers struck a small MPR concentration on the west bank, Outpost Number 7, killing two and wounding 15 per MPR reports; Japanese claimed 30–40 kills. All agree: the raid targeted undisputed MPR territory. Hearing of May 15's events, Komatsubara deemed the Mongolians sufficiently rebuked and recalled Azuma to Hailar on May 16. KwAHQ concurred, closing the matter. Soviet leaders, however, saw it differently. Mid-May prompted Soviet support for the MPR under their 1936 Mutual Defense Pact. The Red Army's 57th Corps, stationed in Mongolia, faced initial disarray: Commander Nikolai Feklenko was hunting, Chief of Staff A. M. Kushchev in Ulan Ude with his ill wife. Moscow learned of clashes via international press from Japanese sources, sparking Chief of Staff Boris Shaposhnikov's furious inquiry. Feklenko and Kushchev rushed back to Ulaanbaatar, dispatching a mixed force—a battalion from the 149th Infantry Regiment (36th Division), plus light armor and artillery from the 11th Tank Brigade—to Tamsag Bulak, 80 miles west of the Halha. Led by Major A. E. Bykov, it bolstered the MPR's 6th Cavalry Division. Bykov and Cavalry Commander Colonel Shoaaiibuu inspected the site on May 15, post-Azum's departure. The cavalry arrived two days later, backed by Bykov (ordered to remain west of the river and avoid combat if possible). Some MPR troops recrossed, occupying the disputed zone. Clashes with Manchukuoan cavalry resumed and intensified. Notified of renewed hostilities, Komatsubara viewed it as defiance, a personal affront. Emboldened by Order 1488, he aimed not just to repel but to encircle and annihilate. The incident was on the verge of major expansion. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The ghosts of the Changufeng incident have come back to haunt both the USSR and Japan. Those like Tsuji Masanobu instigated yet another border clash that would erupt into a full blown battle that would set a precedent for both nations until the very end of WW2. 

In this episode of History 102, 'WhatIfAltHist' creator Rudyard Lynch and co-host Austin Padgett analyze the ethno-genesis of Eastern Europe, tracing the Slavic migration, the impact of Mongol and Turkic conquests, and the unique sociopolitical structures of Poland, Russia, and the Balkans. -- FOLLOW ON X: @whatifalthist (Rudyard) @LudwigNverMises (Austin) @TurpentineMedia -- TIMESTAMPS: (00:00) Intro (02:50) The Human Character and Potential of Eastern Europe (08:52) The Hunnic Migration and the Slavic Power Vacuum (15:58) Proximity to Rome and Ancient Greek Colonies (21:54) The Avars, Bulgars, and Nomadic Confederacies (23:45) Surviving Populations: Albanians (Illyrians) and Romanians (Vlachs) (26:22) The Significance of the Slavic Slave Trade (32:55) Byzantine Influence and the Creation of the Slavic Alphabet (43:24) Imperial Cultures versus National Identities (51:50) The Khazar Kingdom and Jewish Conversion (54:19) The Vikings (Rus) and the Foundation of Kievan Rus (01:07:22) The Year 1000: Monotheistic Religions and the Civilizational Fault Line (01:16:30) The Relationship Between Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus (01:24:00) 19th Century Intellectualization of Peasant Identities (01:32:00) The Formation of Poland and Hungary (01:38:52) Bohemia (Czechia) and the Early Protestant Hussite Wars (01:45:26) The Severity of Eastern European Serfdom (01:51:30) The Rise and Fall of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (02:03:50) The Teutonic Knights and the Prussian State (02:11:30) The Mongol Storm and the Rise of Muscovite Russia (02:17:15) Ivan the Terrible and the Shift to Autocratic Totalitarianism (02:21:30) The Austrian Habsburgs and Ottoman Balkan Governance (02:28:09) Wrap Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

National pride often comes from shared heritage—like a common language or ethnic background. Religious Nationalism can be seen in historical Russia, where being part of the Orthodox Church was considered key to being Russian, even if you spoke a different language, whereas Ethnic Nationalism is like modern Mongolia, where having the same Mongol background is what counts as national identity, even if people follow different faiths.—but for the small nation of Uruguay, that feeling of unity was forged not in a parliament, but on a soccer pitch. When the Uruguayan national team, La Celeste, stunned the world by winning the 1924 Paris Olympics, it was more than just a sports victory. That triumph created a profound, shared, and globally recognized national identity, transforming the soccer team into a powerful symbol that helped bond the country together in a way politics had struggled to achieve. Soccer’s ability to literally bring nations into existence has only grown with the growth and spread of the World Cup. Since 1930, the World Cup has become a truly global obsession. It is the most watched sporting event on the planet, and 211 teams competed to make it into the 2022 tournament. From its inception, it has also been a vehicle for far more than soccer. A tool for self-mythologizing and influence-peddling, The World Cup has played a crucial role in nation-building, and continues to, as countries negotiate their positions in a globalized world. Today’s guest is Jonathan Wilson, author of “The Power and the Glory: A History of the World Cup.” We look at history of the matches and goals, the tales of scandal and triumph, the haggling and skulduggery of the bidding process, and the political and cultural tides behind every tournament. Jonathan Wilson details not merely what happened but why, based on fresh interviews and meticulous research. The book is as much about the legends of the sport, from Pelé to Messi, as it is about the nations that made them, from Mussolini’s Italy to partitioned Germany to controversy-ridden Qatar.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of History 102, 'WhatIfAltHist' creator Rudyard Lynch and co-host Austin Padgett discuss medieval Islam's decline from the Abbasid collapse through Mongol invasions, exploring the intellectual shift from cosmopolitan rationalism to religious orthodoxy and the rise of Turkic military states. -- FOLLOW ON X: @whatifalthist (Rudyard) @LudwigNverMises (Austin) @TurpentineMedia -- TIMESTAMPS: (00:00) Intro (14:04) Early Islamic Tolerance & Arab Demographic Strategy (24:17) [SPONSOR BREAK] (26:36) The Abbasid Caliphate & Dar al-Islam (37:02) The Islamic Golden Age: Wealth & Intellectual Achievement (52:02) The Fall of the Abbasid Caliphate (1:06:57) Al-Ghazali's Intellectual Counter-Revolution (1:27:13) The Mystic Period: Sufism & Rumi (1:40:19) Umayyad Spain & The Mediterranean Shifts Christian (1:55:25) Seljuk Turks & The Battle of Manzikert (2:01:35) Muslim Conquest of India & The Mamluk Problem (2:10:48) Ibn Khaldun & The 120-Year Dynasty Cycle (2:26:09) Mongol & Tamerlane Devastation (2:32:16) The "Sensitive Warlord" Archetype & Conclusion Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

En el siglo XIII, el imperio mongol lo intentó todo para conquistar Japón… y todo salió mal. Invasiones, enormes flotas y un enemigo inesperado: el viento. En Salud por la Historia, Paula Molina y Andrés Kalawski cuentan cómo los tifones que destruyeron a los mongoles dieron origen al mito del kamikaze, el “viento divino”. Historias de fracasos épicos que cambiaron la historia.

El Imperio mongol fue el mayor imperio contiguo de la historia de la humanidad. También fue uno de los que más rápido se formaron y de los que menos duraron. En apenas un siglo le cambiaron la cara a Eurasia gracias a una sucesión de campañas militares muy exitosas que fueron desde la península de Corea hasta el valle del Danubio. Surgió en plena estepa de la meseta mongola, en el corazón mismo de la de Asia Central a principios del siglo XIII, un lugar en el que vivían tribus nómadas no especialmente civilizadas. Su origen está indisolublemente ligado a la figura de Temujin, que tras unificar bajo su mando a estas tribus que se encontraban en estado de guerra permanente, fue proclamado Gengis Kan en el año 1206. Gengis Kan demostró ser un guerrero excepcionalmente dotado. Los mongoles, que eran grandes jinetes, desarrollaron una efectiva maquinaria de guerra que se basaba en una extrema movilidad, gran disciplina y los arqueros montados. Esto les permitió derrotar a ejércitos mucho más numerosos, en ocasiones incluso profesionales, de China, Persia, Mesopotamia, el centro de Asia y Europa del Este. La expansión mongola fue fulgurante. En una sola generación cabalgaron desde el océano Pacífico hasta el mar Negro. A su paso acabaron con imperios y dinastías bien consolidadas y borraron del mapa ciudades muy antiguas. Pero, tras la destrucción de la conquista, el imperio trajo la paz, la Pax Mongolica, que se adueñó de Eurasia durante buena parte del siglo XIII. Este periodo de relativa estabilidad permitió que la ruta de la seda floreciera como nunca antes lo había hecho y como no lo haría después. Esto facilitó y agilizó el comercio de seda, especias, porcelana y pólvora, pero también de ideas, religiones y nuevas tecnologías que viajaban en las caravanas comerciales de oriente a occidente. Fue durante esta época cuando el veneciano Marco Polo atravesó Asia y pudo conocer de primera mano el imperio. Tras su viaje de las maravillas escribió un libro que tuvo un gran impacto en la Europa tardomedieval. La administración mongola fue sorprendentemente práctica y se basaba en la meritocracia. Sólo los más capaces eran elegidos para servir al Gran Kan, tanto en la guerra como en la paz. Los mongoles crearon un gran sistema de correo, el Yam, que comunicaba los extremos de su imperio, y exhibieron una tolerancia religiosa poco habitual para la época. Esto permitió que cristianos, musulmanes, budistas y animistas convivieran bajo su protección siempre que pagaran los correspondientes tributos y respetaran la autoridad del monarca. Tras la muerte de Gengis Kan en 1227 el imperio continuó creciendo con sus sucesores y alcanzó su cenit territorial a finales de ese siglo. No obstante, la inmensa extensión de los territorios que controlaba y las disputas sucesorias terminaron por fragmentar el imperio. Se dividió en cuatro grandes kanatos: el Ilkanato en Persia, la Horda de Oro en Rusia, el Kanato de Chagatai en Asia central y la Dinastía Yuan en China, esta última fundada por Kublai Kan, nieto de Gengis. Kublai trasladó el centro de gravedad del imperio hacia una estructura imperial china de estilo tradicional. Fue él quien fijó la corte en la actual ciudad de Pekín. A pesar de su poderío, las divisiones internas, la peste negra y las dificultades para gobernar regiones tan distantes y diversas condenaron al imperio mongol a un inevitable declive. Para mediados del siglo XIV, el control mongol sobre la mayoría de estos territorios se había desvanecido. Brilló poco tiempo, pero lo hizo con tanta fuerza que cuando, ya en el siglo XV los navegantes europeos empezaron a navegar hacia Asia, la idea que tenían de aquel lugar era la del imperio de los mongoles. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 4:21 El imperio mongol 1:11:49 Jerusalén y Mahoma 1:15:42 El origen de los derechos humanos Bibliografía: - "La horda" de Marie Favereau - https://amzn.to/4qlhfMo - "Los mongoles, señores de Asia" de Juan José Fernández Doctor - https://amzn.to/4jwCDLG - "Breve historia de Gengis Kan" de Borja Pelegero Alcaide - https://amzn.to/49c8zBI - "The mongols" de Timothy May - https://amzn.to/3Ll0uBE · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK #FernandoDiazVillanueva #mongoles #imperiomongol Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Islam is often treated as a civilisation apart — self-contained, resistant to modernity, and fundamentally at odds with the West. In this episode, Thomas speaks to Oxford professor James McDougall about why that framing is misleading, and how Islamic history is inseparable from the making of the modern world itself. Drawing on his new book Worlds of Islam: A Global History, McDougall explains: Why Islamic and Western histories are deeply intertwined rather than civilisationally opposed The extent to which Islam is an imperial and political project Islam's role in shaping global modernity before European dominance What made European power different in the nineteenth century How the Mongol sack of Baghdad reshaped the geography of the Islamic world The importance of Central Asia, Indonesia, and West Africa to Islamic history The debate over early Islamic sources and why scholarly scepticism has softened Whether today's tensions reflect a clash of civilizations — or a clash of perspectives Follow James on Instagram: www.instagram.com/jamesrobertmcdougall Follow James on Substack: substack.com/@mcdougalljames Follow James of Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/jamesrmcd.bsky.social Join the Conflicted Community here: https://conflicted.supportingcast.fm  Find us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/MHconflicted And Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MHconflicted And Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/conflictedpod Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Conflicted is a Message Heard production. Executive Producers: Jake Warren & Max Warren. This episode was produced by Thomas Small and edited by Lizzy Andrews. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

.Zero absoluto. .Palestras motivacionais a pirilampos com o cu apagadiço. .Não me comem por parvo. .Inventário de grãos de areia no topo da ampulheta. .Deus antes de ser Criador era chinês. .Animal social e traição. .Diplomacia bélica. .Equivocabúlos diplomáticos. .Papa Tareco. .Fazer justiça pelo peixe dourado. .Peixes caguinchas e lagostins. .Cheiro a Mongol. .Ponto de vista do cavalo do mongol. .Episódio do João Quadros revisitado pela testosterona. .Traições legitimadas pelo horóscopo. .A vida encontra sempre um caminho. .Humanidade tem de dar o exemplo ao homem. .Consumidor ou sem-abrigo. .O mau-tempo é inimigo de arruadas. .Gouveia e Melo numa zona de restauração de um shopping. O dia em que descobri que sou pior que o Numeiro ---- O menino está aqui: Substack: robertogamito.substack.com Twitter: twitter.com/RobertoGamito Instagram: www.instagram.com/robertogamito Facebook: www.facebook.com/robertogamito Youtube: bit.ly/2LxkfF8 Threads: www.threads.com/@robertogamito

The greatest energy source for civilization before the steam engine was wind. It powered the global economy in the Age of Sail. Wind-powered sail ships made global shipping fast and cheap by harnessing free, reliable ocean winds to propel large cargo loads over vast distances without needing fuel or frequent stops. It also powered windmills, the factories of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. Windmills allowed for abundant bread by milling flour by turning heavy grindstones with wind-driven sails. They also powered trip hammers to forge iron and steel by lifting and dropping massive weights. We can credit them as well for pumped water, sawed timber, and processed oils, spices, and paper. Wind is one of most elemental yet overlooked forces shaping our world today, and it is at the center of the human story. Many times it changed history – such as “Protestant Wind” saving England from the Spanish Armada, kamikaze winds halting the Mongol invasions of Japan, and easterlies carrying Chernobyl’s fallout. Wind also powers massive turbines today, but there was a forgotten moment in the 1880s when we could’ve chosen wind power over fossil fuels. It even creates certain types of civilizations. Some historians believe the cleverest and most civilized people lived in places where weather was varied and posed constant challenges. Today’s guest is Simon Winchester, author of “The Breath of the Gods: The History and Future of the Wind.” We look at how wind—life‐giving and destructive, chaotic and harnessable — has shaped civilization from antiquity to today.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The One where Dr Nicholas Morton comes to Signal to dicuss his fantastic book THE MONGOL STORM! A book even Dave’s dad gave 5 stars! Nic goes DEEP on the Mongols, the Crusaders, Assassins, Richard the Lionheart, Saladin, Templars, and MANY OTHER THINGS! This is a Signal classic and Nic is an incredibly good sport with a very excited and curious Dave! Grab THE MONGOL STORM on Amazon or your local bookstore! Signal of Doom was voted #13 in the Top 100 Comic Book Podcasts on Feedspot! Please support the show on Patreon! Every dollar helps the show! https://www.patreon.com/SignalofDoom Follow us on Twitter: @signalofdoom Dredd or Dead: @OrDredd Legion Outpost: @legionoutpost

Massive population shocks are nothing new; just look at the Mongol invasions or the Black Death. But is the demographic collapse of today comparable to those historic cases?Join the Patreon here: https://www.patreon.com/PeterZeihanFull Newsletter: https://bit.ly/4pjcFgH

fWotD Episode 3125: Chagatai Khan Welcome to featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia's finest articles.The featured article for Monday, 24 November 2025, is Chagatai Khan.Chagatai Khan (Mongolian: ᠴᠠᠭᠠᠲᠠᠶ; c. 1184 – 1242) was a son of Genghis Khan and a prominent figure in the early Mongol Empire. The second son of Genghis's wife Börte, Chagatai was renowned for his masterful knowledge of Mongol custom and law, which he scrupulously obeyed, and his harsh temperament. Because Genghis felt that he was too inflexible in character, most notably never accepting the legitimacy of his elder brother Jochi, he excluded Chagatai from succession to the Mongol throne. He was nevertheless a key figure in ensuring the stability of the empire after Genghis's death and during the reign of his younger brother Ögedei Khan.Chagatai held military commands alongside his brothers during the Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty in 1211 and the invasion of the Khwarazmian Empire in 1219. During the latter, he was appointed to a key role in organising logistics in addition to battlefield responsibilities, but was censured after feuding with Jochi during the Siege of Gurganj. After the campaign, Chagatai was granted large tracts of conquered land in Central Asia, which he ruled until his death. He quarrelled with civil officials such as Mahmud Yalavach over matters of jurisdiction and advised Ögedei on questions of rulership. Chagatai died shortly after Ögedei in 1242; his descendants would rule his territories as the eponymous Chagatai Khanate.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:02 UTC on Monday, 24 November 2025.For the full current version of the article, see Chagatai Khan on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Bluesky at @wikioftheday.com.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm standard Russell.

He was born in Tver in 1272 to Prince Yaroslav Yaroslavovich, who was the brother of St Alexander Nevsky (November 23). Michael was brought up in the faith by his mother, who later became a nun. Such was his fervor that from childhood he was certain that he must end his life either as a monk or a martyr. He succeeded his brother as Prince of Tver in 1285, and later became Grand Prince of Vladimir, the Russian capital during the Mongol conquest.   When Prince Michael lost the throne of Vladimir through the plotting of his kinsman Prince George, his advisers urged him to go to war against George; but he preferred to lose power rather than to subject his people to bloodshed. When George attacked Tver itself, Michael took up arms to defend it, and was victorious. One of his prisoners was Princess Agatha, George's wife and the sister of the Tatar Khan. When she died in captivity, the full wrath of both George and the Tatars was aroused against Michael. The Prince knew that the only way to avert catastrophe for his people was to go to the Golden Horde to be judged at the Khan's court. Michael's kinsmen and advisors knew that such a course would surely lead to his death, but none were able to dissuade him from going to save his people.   Michael was kept prisoner with a wooden yoke around his neck, and subjected to many humiliations by the Tatars. But as he awaited his sentence he remained calm, spending his days in chanting the Church services and the Psalms. On the night of 21-22 November he had a revelation of his impending death. He attended the Liturgy, took Communion, and embraced his family. Then, opening the Psalter, he read the words Cast thy burden on the Lord, and He will sustain thee: He will never permit the righteous to be moved (Ps 54). He then calmly greeted his kinsman George and his minions, who pounced on the Prince and ran him through with swords. Prince Michael's relics were returned to Moscow, then translated to Tver in 1320. When the city was besieged in 1549, St Michael appeared to the inhabitants in the form of a mounted knight, armed for battle.

He was born in Tver in 1272 to Prince Yaroslav Yaroslavovich, who was the brother of St Alexander Nevsky (November 23). Michael was brought up in the faith by his mother, who later became a nun. Such was his fervor that from childhood he was certain that he must end his life either as a monk or a martyr. He succeeded his brother as Prince of Tver in 1285, and later became Grand Prince of Vladimir, the Russian capital during the Mongol conquest.   When Prince Michael lost the throne of Vladimir through the plotting of his kinsman Prince George, his advisers urged him to go to war against George; but he preferred to lose power rather than to subject his people to bloodshed. When George attacked Tver itself, Michael took up arms to defend it, and was victorious. One of his prisoners was Princess Agatha, George's wife and the sister of the Tatar Khan. When she died in captivity, the full wrath of both George and the Tatars was aroused against Michael. The Prince knew that the only way to avert catastrophe for his people was to go to the Golden Horde to be judged at the Khan's court. Michael's kinsmen and advisors knew that such a course would surely lead to his death, but none were able to dissuade him from going to save his people.   Michael was kept prisoner with a wooden yoke around his neck, and subjected to many humiliations by the Tatars. But as he awaited his sentence he remained calm, spending his days in chanting the Church services and the Psalms. On the night of 21-22 November he had a revelation of his impending death. He attended the Liturgy, took Communion, and embraced his family. Then, opening the Psalter, he read the words Cast thy burden on the Lord, and He will sustain thee: He will never permit the righteous to be moved (Ps 54). He then calmly greeted his kinsman George and his minions, who pounced on the Prince and ran him through with swords. Prince Michael's relics were returned to Moscow, then translated to Tver in 1320. When the city was besieged in 1549, St Michael appeared to the inhabitants in the form of a mounted knight, armed for battle.

Abū Muḥammad Musharrif al-Dīn Muṣliḥ b. ʿAbd-Allāh, better known as Saadi is called simply as the Master in Persian for his place in classical Persian poetry. His Bustan and Gulistan takes pride of place in the canon of Islamic literary creations. Saadi was born in Shiraz 1210CE. He was alive during the Mongol sack of Baghdad in 1258 who took over his homeland. What more can we say about his socio-political and cultural context? Saadi appears to have travelled extensively: Baghdad, India, Syria. What more can we say about his personal biography? Saadi's Bustan and Gulistan are well-known. Give us a guide to reading those works and tell us about his other works. He also has an elergy to the fallen caliphate. What translations and secondary resources would you recommend on Saadi? And finally let's end with a sample and translation.    Further Reading: Sa'di: The Poet of Life, Love and Compassion by Homa Katouzian Gulistan (translated by Wheeler Thackston Bustan (translated by G.M. Wickens)   Ali Hammoud: https://alihammoud7.substack.com/    We are sponsored by IHRC bookshop. Listeners get a 15% discount on all purchases. Visit IHRC bookshop at shop.ihrc.org and use discount code AHP15 at checkout. Terms and conditions apply. Contact IHRC bookshop for details. 

Is it true that the "blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church"? In this episode, Alex and Scott challenge the popular belief that persecution is inherently good for the church. Drawing from Ronald Boyd-MacMillan's article Does Persecution Always Bring Growth?, they argue that while persecution can refine believers, history shows it often destroys the local church entirely. They distinguish between short, intense persecution that may spark renewal and long-term systemic persecution that weakens or eliminates the church altogether. Alex and Scott discuss that Christians should not romanticize suffering and realize that persecution is a valuable tool that Satan uses against God's people. They stress the importance of religious freedom, both for evangelism and human dignity, urging Christians to defend it globally, and ultimately, they conclude that while God can bring good from persecution, it should never be desired or celebrated. Key Topics Misconceptions about persecution as beneficial for church growth Historical examples where persecution led to church extinction (e.g., Uyghur, Arabic, and Mongol eras) Distinction between short-term vs. long-term persecution effects The role of religious freedom in advancing the gospel Biblical and historical perspectives on persecution and faithfulness Do you love The Missions Podcast? Have you been blessed by the show? Then become a Premium Subscriber! Premium Subscribers get access to: Exclusive bonus content A community Signal thread with other listeners and the hosts Invite-only webinars A free gift! Support The Missions Podcast and sign up to be a Premium Subscriber at missionspodcast.com/premium The Missions Podcast is powered by ABWE. Learn more and take your next step in the Great Commission at abwe.org. Want to ask a question or suggest a topic? Email alex@missionspodcast.com.

First Published in May 2023 The War in Ukraine is like nothing we've ever seen. For NATO and especially the United States, the conflict remains a mystery, a contradiction of every theory of modern warfare. The West's concept of War goes back, at least to Genghis Khan and his Mongol cavalry — a strategy of broad sweeping attack over vast areas of land. The objective is to cover as much territory as possible and drive out the enemy. War became a giant chessboard where the winner had the most ground.

Sir Bartle Frere's ultimatum to Cetshwayo kaMpande of 11 January 1879 was about to expire. Last episode I explained the reasons behind Frere's fevered decision, egged on as he was by Sir Theophilus Shepstone whose shadow looms large over the history of Natal - and South Africa. Cetshwayo's diplomacy had relied on the British supporting him against the claims of the Boers to his territory to the north west, already volatile by Mpande's reign, now it was going to set off one of the most unique wars of the colonial period. The Boers, Swazi and the Zulu all claimed this zone, rich as it was in reddish deep soil, around Phongola, Ntombe, Mkhondo. Beautiful territory too, it must be said, the deep riverine bush, open plains between, flat topped high mountains. In summer its warm, in winter, waterless, cold. The Zulu relied on seasonally moving their cattle up to these highlands in spring, and down to lower reaches of the hills in autumn. The Swazi would do the same if they could, and conflict over this land extended way back before the Boers rolled onto the landscape. Because the Disputed Territory was so far north, Natal authorities found it impossible to control any movement here, and as you heard last episode, their Border Commission report ruled that the land belonged to the Zulu and that the Boers had no legal status there. But Shepstone who was now Administrator of the annexed Transvaal, wanted to curry favor with the Boers and Frere wanted the various colonies and republics of South Africa to form a confederation. Cetshwayo was standing in his way, along with Pedi chief, Sekhukhuni. The last Eastern Cape Frontier War had ended, the amaXhosa were thought of as a defeated nation, while by now the British also regarded the Basotho as benign, so the industrialised military might of the British empire swiveled increasingly towards Zululand. Cetshwayo was walking a delicate line through the 1870s, frustrated internally by having no glorious campaign to prove he'd bloodied his men in a fantastic war, although defeating the Swazi, sort of, seizing a few mountain fortresses in the Lubombo range. These were on the margins of the Boer and Swazi, it was where Zibhebhu of the Nyawo lived. It was where Dingane had died if you recall — so the capture of the territory was a feather in Cetshwayo's cap. While Cetshwayo brooded about his northern reaches, it was the murder of two Zulu women I mentioned last episode that was seized upon by the Natal Authorities as a part of the many pretexts to go to war. Cetshwayo was well aware of the value of firearms and horses. By 1878 there were 20 000 muskets in Zululand, but these were used like a throwing spear, and the stabbing spear was still the preferred method of dispatching your opponent. The stabbing was the principle of washing the spear, soaking it in your enemies blood, thus entering the hallowed portal of manhood. If your regiment did enough washing, then the King would announce that the amabutho had permission to marry and the man could don a hearing. So in a sense, successfully wielding a spear led directly to a sanctioned marriage, and the ability to create sons and daughters. The spear was a symbol of procreation if you like. Such a system had global resonances. In the homesteads of Zululand in 1878 as the build up to war took place, the senior commanders and chiefs were aware of the tide of colonialism washing up against their military system. It was in terms of tactics that the coming war that would be the greatest undoing of the Zulu system. All of these were overtaken by a more modern state or the machinery of empire and the pressure of time. The Spartans lost their supremacy after Leuctra (LOO-ktruh) in 371 BCE, their military culture fading under Macedonian and then Roman rule. The Aztec Empire was obliterated by the Spanish conquest in 1521. The Mongol empire fractured within a century of Genghis Khan's death, its unity dissolved into regional khanates.

First Published in May 2023 The War in Ukraine is like nothing we've ever seen. For NATO and especially the United States, the conflict remains a mystery, a contradiction of every theory of modern warfare. The West's concept of War goes back, at least to Genghis Khan and his Mongol cavalry — a strategy of broad sweeping attack over vast areas of land. The objective is to cover as much territory as possible and drive out the enemy. War became a giant chessboard where the winner had the most ground.

First Published in May 2023 The War in Ukraine is like nothing we've ever seen. For NATO and especially the United States, the conflict remains a mystery, a contradiction of every theory of modern warfare. The West's concept of War goes back, at least to Genghis Khan and his Mongol cavalry — a strategy of broad sweeping attack over vast areas of land. The objective is to cover as much territory as possible and drive out the enemy. War became a giant chessboard where the winner had the most ground.

First Published in May 2023 The War in Ukraine is like nothing we've ever seen. For NATO and especially the United States, the conflict remains a mystery, a contradiction of every theory of modern warfare. The West's concept of War goes back, at least to Genghis Khan and his Mongol cavalry — a strategy of broad sweeping attack over vast areas of land. The objective is to cover as much territory as possible and drive out the enemy. War became a giant chessboard where the winner had the most ground.

Trevor Loudon Reports – Russia descends from Vikings and Mongols—raiders by blood. It adopted Mongol tactics to break free, then built its own empire of theft. No pro-freedom revolt in Russian history ever succeeded. Only tyrannies replace tyrannies. Putin's regime fuses state and mafia. Starr demands a Cuba-style embargo on Russia. No more apologies, no more resets. End the cycle of lies...

Trevor Loudon Reports – Russia descends from Vikings and Mongols—raiders by blood. It adopted Mongol tactics to break free, then built its own empire of theft. No pro-freedom revolt in Russian history ever succeeded. Only tyrannies replace tyrannies. Putin's regime fuses state and mafia. Starr demands a Cuba-style embargo on Russia. No more apologies, no more resets. End the cycle of lies...

Christian College Sex Comedy: Part 17 I Need A Bigger Bed? In 30 parts, By FinalStand. Listen to the podcast at Explicit Novels.             Being dead is wonderful; you never get tired and you have all the time in the world to regret how you ended up this way      Yes, Rio," Mercy wiggled in even tighter, "you can annoy me whenever you want." I was starting to seriously work over Heaven's butthole when I caught Barbie Lynn move her lips over to Rio's ear. "You rock," Barbie Lynn whispered to my 'Bro'. Rio kept her eyes shut but grunted in disgust. She was a stone-cold pitiless bad-ass who cared about nothing and nobody, just ask her. "Are you putting your whole god-damn fist up my ass?" Heaven hissed. "That's my thumb, ya big baby," I quietly teased. We owed it to our bed buddies to keep the noise down as much as possible. "That's right, Big Daddy, tear my poor little hinny up," she pouted devilishly. She was on top so she had to press her tits hard against me to whisper in my ear. "Next time I want to be alone so you can treat me like your dog-bitch, press my face into a pillow to stifle my screams, and drill me deeper than you've ever reached before." "Are you trying to make me cum before I even get inside you?" I gasped. "Oh, God, no," Heaven squeaked. "Don't you dare, please," she begged. "You make me feel so good. I'm sorry I teased you. We can take it slow if you want." "If you want to make me happier, play with yourself and let me feel it," I breathed. Heaven struggled for words before giving up and grunting. Her hips shook as she accelerated her hand's manipulations of her cock, which rested tightly against my stomach. At the same time, I switched up my one thumb with three fingers in her rectum. Heaven gave a choked whimper as she took my intrusion tentatively, then pushed down even harder. As my bulbous head pressed past her sphincter, Heaven hiccupped and tears welled in her eyes. "I, I, did the calculations," she gulped. "If I, have sex with you, every twelve hours, my rectum will, adjust so sex, will be more, fun." "You figured this all out?" I teased. "Purely scientific, I swear," she grinned. "It is, not because, I want to, fuck you, all the time." "I respect you for your mind, Heaven, but this time I think you might be too close to the subject matter," I tickled her back. She took hold of my cock. "Too close to this," she gulped. I swiveled my hips back and forth, sending my cock deeper and deeper into Heaven. She eventually gave up any hopes of a coherent argument and curled herself onto my chest, panting. "Hello, Lover," I told her in near silence. "Thank you, my Bitch," she responded between kisses to the line where the jaw meets the throat. The rest of what either one of us wanted to say was lost as I rocked my hips up, propelling my cock even deeper into her bowels. Heaven clawed at my chest as her sexual tension ramped up. Eventually, our symmetry brought Heaven struggling to the end of her road. "Boyfriend, boyfriend, boyfriend," she gurgled. "He's my Boyfriend!" she screamed. At least she didn't use my name, unless you counted the fact that I was the only boy on campus. "Oh, damn," Heaven gasped for air. "Thanks for bringing me back, Zane." We kissed passionately. "Thanks for the, attitude adjustment too." "Huh?" I wondered. I'd heard the term before but not from someone who regularly talked with Heaven. "Iona posted the slang," Heaven gasped-giggled. I shifted my head from the right side of Heaven's head to the left. My shock must have registered with Heaven, whose gaze went from my face to looking over her shoulder to the form of Gabrielle Black. Heaven scrambled off me and pulled the sheets tight. Shades of Gabrielle Black "We need to talk, Zane Braxton." I saw Gabrielle's lips move but I was pretty sure the words floated across the room without disturbing the ears of anyone around us. I gave her a nod, planted on Heaven a reassuring, full-on kiss, then quick-stepped over to a wardrobe and put on a robe. She followed me out, keeping a keen eye on me while mostly hanging in my blind spot. Vivian was sound asleep as we passed her. I took Gabrielle to the far corner of the Solarium, locating a remote control when we were close. Ms. Black gave me a fatally cold look as I punched in the code that would give us a dead zone electronically to talk in. "Surveillance," I held up the remote. She understood the implications. "I want to see more of your so-called gift with women." I had no doubt this was not a sexual come-on. I would have been a hell of a lot happier if it was; instead, it put me in a situation I knew very little about. "Strip," I requested, with as much calm as I could instill in my voice. Gabrielle gave me a lightning assessment, then started shedding her perpetually black outerwear and lingerie. When she finished, the words 'Hot Damn' came up a ton of times unbidden to my thoughts. I worked out regularly, took martial arts, and stretched whenever I could. I might as well have been a coach potato as far as Gabrielle was concerned. She wasn't bulky; rather, strong in the long muscles that counted more for strength and stamina. I still managed to have the courage to ask her to extend her arms and spread her legs. Hell, I even touched her ass, thigh, and caressed the right shoulder twice. When I finished up, I was before her once more. I leaned on the back of a chair and waited, I had taken five minutes, where in most cases it took seconds, but this woman's body wove deceptions like a champion. "Well?" she finally gave in to her curiosity before I gave in to my fear. "Well, I imagine the most important thing to you at this second is the wrists. I did spend some time in a high-pressure private academy in my formative years and I know the difference between horizontal and vertical. Horizontal cuts on the wrist are a cry for help, vertical show a real desire to die." "Now, I can't know for sure that you didn't make two attempts but you look like you're insanely intense, emphasis on the insane, so I guess some fucked up shit happened to you that made you damn sure the only answer was to check out permanently," I stated evenly. "What now?" she questioned me, her intonation utterly devoid of emotion or compassion. "I'd like to tell you what I tell every other woman I learn a secret about, that your past is your business and your business alone," I sighed. "But?" she prodded me. "Gabrielle, your body is a roadmap of pain, suffering, and death," I shrugged, "and there is no damn way you came to this school legally." Gabrielle studied me in a way that made an icy fist grasp my heart. "Of course, I am hardly a poster child for someone who does belong at FFU. Are you going to kill me now or do you want me to continue?" I inquired hopefully. "Mr. Braxton, Zane, the wiring in this place is sub-standard and clearly unauthorized. I would choke you unconscious, put you in the hot tub, then electrocute you," she informed me with the air of a professor describing the events of tenth century Anglo-Saxon England. "I will not do this right now because you are terrified of me, which shows a great deal of insight and intelligence, somewhat remarkable in someone so young," she added. "Okay. Something allowed you to slip past the Psych Evaluation to get into someone's military; I could put that down to being experience with the system plus being clever enough to fool the testers," I said. "Once inside, something fucked up your perception of authority, something not good. I figure you are obsessed with physical defense, bi-sexual, yet your sexual attitude toward me is one of contempt. Since you don't know me enough to hold me in contempt yet, you were abused by a man in authority over you," I delivered the bad news. Gabrielle did not respond. "This is total conjecture but it patches in with what comes later; you entered some kind of actual combat duty. You learned not only that you were good at killing but you liked it. It substituted for sexual release and that whole risk-pain thing you have kept until today. I count six bullet wounds, a knife wound on the back above the right kidney, and two things I guess are shrapnel wounds but I've never seen any before to compare," I added. "I imagine you got out of the regular service because the level of your medical care diminished for a while, then, Bang!, you got this expensive plastic surgery. You do okay for maybe three years, then you pick up that nick in your left ankle, followed by the shoulder getting done," I said. "No indications of why these two injuries?" she narrowed her eyes. "I'm going to go all James Bond on you. Gabrielle Black fell for somebody hard and I'm betting it was a woman. It is kind of frightening to think of what kind of psycho she was to lure you in and trap you," A light flickered in her eyes when I went down this path. "You guarded her, became very close to her as a parade of lovers passed through her life until she sucked you in." "One day you found yourself killing for her and I doubt you asked why. I doubt there was only one time but in the end, it was never enough. One night you came back and found this year's model on the payroll. Gabrielle Black is way too smart to wait for this to play out. You loved her but you liked living more, so you escaped before you were introduced to your employer's retirement plan," I grimaced. "You came back to the United States, your accent indicates time in France or Italy, and this job fell into your lap. Lancaster, Virginia is out of the way enough for you to hide in while close enough to several major cities for you to move around if you need to, so you edit your work record and hire on at an all-girls university," I finished. "What now?" "I don't kill you and Vivian. Making two deaths look like an accident would be incredibly difficult; murder-suicide would only make your female cohorts dig deeper and there are some serious advantages in staying here for me," she stated. Sensing my confusion, she clarified. "Vivian has been awake for some time observing us but I doubt she can hear what we are saying." Gabrielle finished redressing; she gave me a once-over. "My turn. What makes you hard? Seriously, you have been perpetually aroused since I've met you," she mused. "There is a bit of a list: fear, joy, sunlight, moonlight, sex, the impossibility of sex, I informed her. "I understand," Gabrielle cut me off. "Who are you going to tell?" "Christina Buchanan, Cordelia Dresden, and Dana Gorman." I decided that lying would do me worse than no good; I might get one or two lies past Gabrielle and this wasn't the time to waste one. "Good enough. But if there are repercussions from tonight, I will feel far less tolerant toward you," she made sure I understood. I was happy that this looked like a painless parting of the ways. "Thank you," I spoke to her retreating form. She looked over her shoulder questioningly. "For taking me seriously," I explained. She gave a curt nod, turned, and departed. Vivian pretended to be asleep when I returned to bed and I let her. It seemed like the rare sane thing for me to do. Say 'Lesbian Bikers' at your own peril.             Mankind is poison because we compromise our souls for the companionship of others   "Vivian, I'm going to take a shower," I whispered to Vivian. I was hovering over her from the back of the sofa-sleeper, asking permission to take my shower downstairs. She was laid out beneath me, her jersey bunched up around her breasts and her left thumb hooked into the band of her shorts and pushing them dangerously down. "Umm," she sighed, a little smile tilting her lips. "Honey, I need your permission to use the downstairs shower," I continued. I wisped across her lips with my own. Her smile blossomed into full-blown pleasure. "Okay, I'm getting up, I'm getting up," she moaned. Vivian slowly opened her eyes as she stretched and twisted her body to wakefulness. "Good morning, Zane," she yawned with this adorable little grin on her face. "You look beautiful," I complimented quietly. "Umm, thank you," she purred. "You look, Zane! What are you doing?" she bolted upright, barely missing a head-on-head collision. "I'm asking you permission to go down to the fifth floor and take a shower," I repeated. "Why didn't you simply sneak past me?" she propped herself up on her elbows. "I said I would wait on your decision, so I waited. Can I please, please do something," I pleaded, "before I go nuts?" "Umm, okay," Vivian said cautiously. I reached down to her midsection and she flinched so I held back. No word passed for several seconds so I resumed my journey to her pushed up sleeping jersey and slowly pulled it down until her stomach and crotch were covered. "Zane," Vivian sighed, "could you control your hormones for thirty minutes, when you are awake?" "I have to go now," I stood up, "because covering you up didn't make you any less attractive." "Zane," Vivian came off the sofa and followed me, "you should attempt to look at a woman as a fellow follower of Christ and less in terms of beautiful and ugly and you might be happier. Go take a shower." She's telling me this with an earnest warm face and finely sculpted legs that disappear right below the crotch into that billowing Dallas Cowboys shirt. "Go on and fuck the bitch," Rio growled as she traipsed by with Mercy's hand on her shoulder. Barbie Lynn came slowly limping behind. Barbie flashed me a grin and I raced to catch up. At the bottom of the stairs something occurred to me. "Hon, where is your towel?" I asked Barbie Lynn. She shot me an apologetic smile. I stepped behind Barbie Lynn, ran a hand along her hip to the curve of her stomach and kissed her on the neck. "Take mine; I'll catch up," I chuckled. I draped my towel over her shoulder and bounded up the stairs. At the top of the stairs I stumbled to a stop. Vivian had only then finished taking off her jersey and was holding it in her left hand. The bottom of the shirt scrapped the ground. Vivian looked at me, neither shocked, ashamed, nor outraged. Her breasts were freaking gorgeous, fully round, buoyant, and with a miniscule droop. Her pale blue panties left little to the imagination, her cunt lips clearly camel toed. "I apologize," I quickly spun away and raced to my sleep area. I grabbed a towel and headed straight for the stairs. "Zane, it is okay," Vivian called out. She'd covered her breasts and diaphragm with the jersey. "Huh?" "I don't mind; I know you didn't mean to see me so I'm not offended and I don't feel you went back on your word," she related with a sense of grace. I wasn't truly sure of what word I hadn't gone back on but she appeared happy. "Does that mean you can flash me your ta-ta's guilt free?" I asked hopefully. Vivian regarded me with amusement. "Zane, constantly being distracted by unbridled sexuality will not leave you content," she lectured me patiently. We regarded each other for some time. "Is there anything else I can do for you?" "If you are going to offer, could you come over here, turn around, bend over, grab your ankles and finally look past your thigh at me?" I cringed. She shook her head, regarded me once, then rolled her eyes. "I may not be able to save you but I'm not going to shove you down to damnation either," she stated firmly. "Do it; I won't take advantage of you and I'll tell you a valuable secret," I offered. Lesbian Bikers Normally my chance of success with Vivian and that line was nil, but the convergence of a Gabrielle's midnight visit and her desire to show me that trust and honesty could exist without a sexual context brought her to me. She slowly turned around and assumed my desired position. I rabidly wanted to step up to her, gently slip her panties aside and take her cunt with deep languid strokes. "Please stand up," I groaned. Once she was up I leaned into her ear. "You are not a virgin," I whispered carefully. Vivian tensed slightly. "All it means to me is that you know what you are talking about when you mention sexuality and I have to treat you with more respect. I apologize for prying." She twisted to face me and was about to say something but I put a finger to her lips to silence her. "People are listening," I cautioned her quietly. "Thank you for that," Vivian whispered. "It was one time in high school and we had exchanged Promise Rings. It was a mistake we both regret." "It's all cool," I grinned. "I kind of wish your first time had turned you into a wild sex monkey and you and your beau planned on having five hundred kids, but we're good." "Zane," Vivian sounded exasperated, "I pity the woman you decide to marry." "What?" I acted shocked, "I would never cheat on my wife." "Oh, I believe you, but I fear the poor woman would die from exhaustion," she scolded me. "She'd die happy?" I offered up as my only defense. "Lord, give me strength," Vivian groaned. "Go take a shower." "Gotchya, Boss," I beamed happily. I turned half way to the door, then gave a backward glance. "Vivian, if you ever need anything, just ask." "I, ." she was about to scold me but she stopped and sighed. "Fine, Zane, I know you mean well; now go." I winked and raced away. I could swear Vivian believed she was getting a crash course in Mothering a Teenage Boy. Biker Bar Horror Story It had been a hard day of first-round semester testing plus restructuring the Marksmanship and Orienteering Clubs. I still managed to get in sufficient studying (in my opinion) for Friday's round of activities. At lunch I had a little talk with Cordelia and Christina about Gabrielle Black and their fears concerning her. I really wish both women hadn't looked so concerned. I would have preferred they called me paranoid instead. I was sitting watching some bizarre sitcom rerun with an arm around Iona when Rio came rocketing up the stairs. "Hey, Princess," she screamed at me (in case anyone has missed it, Rio is a freak), "Val found out about a Biker bar called the Dixie Roadhouse and we're heading there. Do you want in?" I looked down to Iona who, despite a look of fearful concern, gave me a nod of consent. "Sure thing, Rio," I said, as I popped over the sofa and pulled Iona along after me. "Zane, you are not going out to a bar," Vivian rose to the challenge. "You are only eighteen." "If I don't go, we may not get Rio back," I cautioned my guardian. "Speaking of which: Rio, where is Mercy?" Vivian rounded on my 'Bro'. "I ambushed her: hit her in the head with the Gutenberg Bible and tied her to the back of Valerie's hog," Rio smiled proudly. Pulling Iona along with me, I pursued Rio down the stairs. "I promise I'll bring them all back," I shouted to Vivian. She was kind enough not to chase me down and make me stay. The Dixie Roadhouse looked like some sort of converted barn with a few cobbled together outbuildings. Mine was probably not the first car to grace this dirt parking lot but it was definitely rare to have a ride with four wheels parked here. I had Rio and Mercy with me. Of course, Mercy had not been beaten and tied up for tonight's outing. Iona had ridden gleefully on the back of Val's bike. "This is going to be epic," Rio exulted. "That's right," I joked tragically. "We are five teenagers in school uniforms going into a place that constantly lays down new sawdust to cover up all the blood." "Hey, Sissy-Boy," Rio punched me, "this is on my Bucket List, so don't wimp out on me now." We quickly paired up, Rio with Mercy and Iona with me. Val, Valkyrie went in alone as she felt that would increase her odds of survival. She also wore her Stormriders' patch and colors. Unfortunately, the rest of her gang was two thousand miles away. "Rio," Valerie coughed as she handed Rio a switchblade. Rio snickered, flipped the blade out several times in quick succession before stealthily stashing it into her waist band. 'Thank God,' I thought, 'she actually knows how to use a knife.' The double doors leading into the bar/club were propped open so we migrated in as a group. People didn't stop and stare but they managed a passable job of telling us to 'get the hell out' with their eyes alone. Valerie led us to the bar where the lone bartender took his time getting to us. The guy was going for the chest hair with a black leather vest look along with copious amounts of facial hair. "We don't serve kids," he growled out when he stopped in front of Valkyrie. "We are not high school kids, we are not cops; we are college kids who need a damn drink, not a lecture. So are you going to give us shit or a beer, because there must be a dozen lame college dumps we can go slumming at." "Who are you?" he grumbled. "Valkyrie, Stormriders," Valerie answered. "What is your name?" he persisted. "Valerie Palmer," she shrugged. "Are you kin of Mad Dog Palmer?" he inquired. "Dude, no one calls him Mad Dog who wants to live, and he's my grandfather," she smiled. "Got it," the bartender gave a sinister grin. "What are you doing here?" "My Dad divorced my Mom and became a born again Christian," she informed the guy. "Harsh; so are these kids yours?" he asked; meaning the rest of us. "They are not members but I consider them my associates," Valkyrie allowed. The bartender shrugged and started handing out beers. Val pulled out a roll of bills and paid for our first round. Val and I took slow steady pulls on our drinks. Rio downed hers in two chugs. Mercy and Iona took tentative sips and made disgusted faces as a result. I paid for Rio's second round. "It tastes awful," Iona whispered to me. "Pretend you are drinking it then. Beer is not for everyone," I assured her, and letting her see my smile dispelled any thought that I felt less of her for being different. "Rio," Mercy tried next. "Drink it," Rio demanded. "Do it, and I'll screw you with the bottle; don't, and I'll pour it over your head and shirt." Mercy choked on her response and took a swig of beer. "You annoy the hell out of me, Mercy," Rio reacted in a warmer tone. I looked at Valerie; she looked to me and nodded. Things could be working out far worse. I noticed six biker babes playing pool off in the darkest corner. I didn't think they were a problem but two of them kept giving me the eye. I hoped my current group of women would provide me shielding. A group of ten bikers came rolling into the place, laughing, punching, and doing other masculine bonding rituals. They noted the five out-of-place newcomers at the bar but didn't seem put out until I saw these two guys in the pack and they saw me. We had a bit of history that went all the way back to a bad night for me on a bench in a communal jail cell. Perhaps I suggested that if they didn't get out of my way, I would shove their heads through the bars of the cell. I was in for two counts of assault and they were in for minor drug possession so they backed down. By the look on their faces, they remembered that night, oh, fuck. "Guys!" I cried out. I came off my stool and quickly walked up to the closer of the two. He actually took a step back into one of his buddies. "It is good to see you, Man," I kept grinning. I stepped up, put my left hand on his right elbow to propel his hand up. I clasped his palm and shook it, chest to chest. "A week ago we were all in lock-up together, I was totally wasted, and this guy and his buddy (I nodded to the second guy) saved my ass. Let me buy all of you guys the first two rounds," I offered. The guy who was clearly the dominant member gave my 'buddy' a look. He figured something wasn't right but he didn't know what it was. The two bikers in the cell hadn't talked about their facedown with some college kid since they'd backed off without a fight. "That's about right, Zane," the guy holding my hand said. "Those two guys get out of the hospital?" he continued as we walked as a group to the bar. "Yeah, I administered a warning more than a lesson," I shrugged. "I wanted them to leave my ladies alone. The point was made. The whole jail thing was the Sheriff getting me back for a fight I was in the previous weekend but no one pressed charges." That earned me some knowing chuckles. Beers were handed out; I paid for this round and the next, my heart finally calming down from the near catastrophe. "Gus, what's with the little girls?" the leader addressed the bartender. He titled his head toward Valkyrie. Her colors gave her the higher status. "The little one is with Zane and those two (Rio and Mercy) are together," Valarie answered deadpan. The big guy put his hand on Iona's shoulder while looking at me. "Mind if I take your girl for a dance," he didn't ask, he told me. "You take your hand off of her and I'll forget you touched my girl," I stated with a quiet calm coming over me. "If I don't?" he taunted me. "I don't play twenty questions," I warned him. "Seriously, dude, you want to get into a fight over a girl barely out of a training bra?" Valerie tried to make light of the situation. "She's his sister." The leader let go of Iona and stepped back. "She's your sister? Why in the hell did you bring you sister to this place?" he was curious. "Are you trying to tell me this place isn't 'family friendly'?" I grinned, finally taking a real breath. "That's a fucked-up way to look at things but yes, I guess it is," he chuckled. He reached past Iona and took his beer. Everyone around us relaxed again. "What were you going to do?" he idly asked me. "Since you had your left hand on Iona and your right was going for that steel rod you use as a sap, I was going crush your trachea then introduce your forehead to the bar," I explained. "That might have killed me," he noted. "Nothing personal, but I had nine more bodies to put down," I reminded him. "I would have given us better than even odds that we would be getting out of here," Valerie joined in. "So you really kicked Dog-Boy and Sticks off their bench?" he changed direction. Apparently, then, some in the gang did know. "They were a bit stoned and I was really pissed off," I exaggerated. "That makes sense; they are idiots," the leader grinned. A group of four more bikers with the same colors as the current crop came in. The guy we'd been talking with and five others broke off and headed to the rear of the establishment to seats around two circular tables. The four guys remaining gathered around Rio and Mercy. One guy put a hand on Mercy's shoulder. "Come on out and see my ride," he grinned at a surprisingly calm Mercy. "Hands off," Rio sneered, "I own the bitch." That caused the four men to look at each other. "Don't worry, I rent her out from time to time," Rio acted nonchalant. Two of the guys closed in, one running a hand down Mercy's shoulder and thigh while the other put a hand on each of her hips. "How much?" he growled. "We can take her into the bathroom right now." "Nope," Rio shrugged. "She's got tests at school tomorrow and I've got her busy all weekend long, but write down your number and I'll call you. Zane, pen." I tossed Rio a pen who handed it to the biggest biker. The guy looked Rio, then to her hand. "No," Rio snickered. "Mercy, off the stool and lean over the bar," she emphasized with a slap to the ass. Mercy scrambled to obey. Rio smiled at the dude then flipped Mercy's skirt up, wedged her already slender lacy underwear into her ass crack. Rio smacked a cheek. "Here you go." "Hell, ya," he laughed, as he scrawled his name and number over Mercy's proffered ass cheek. "Are you sure you are going to remember this?" "Oh, yeah; I'm going to be pounding this ass most of the night when I get her home," Rio told him. "I thought you said she had tests tomorrow," the third guy joked. "So do I, and that means I've got a lot of stress to work through," Rio grinned shark-like. "She's going to have to suck it up." That earned another round of laughs. "You really, truly annoy the hell out of me, Mercy," Rio snorted. Mercy resumed her barstool, turned to face Rio and sipped her beer once more. The warming radiance of Mercy's smile was both tragic and sweet. I stole a look toward Iona who had a wide-eyed curious look about her and ended up at Valarie, who looked relieved enough to finally put her back to the bar and look around. We were into our second beer (still Iona and Mercy's first and Rio's fourth) when our sense of ease began floundering. One of the biker chicks that had been playing pool came over to get a round of beers for her outfit. "Candy-ass whores," the woman taunted Rio as she picked up the six beers and walked away. Rio looked to me, somewhat confused and then outraged, and ended up with a glance to Valarie. "What did you say?" Rio sounded disarmingly curious to the biker chick. "You heard me," the woman scoffed. Rio was off the stool like a shot and brought her beer down on the biker chick's head. "Iona, stay close behind me," I hissed. I motioned to Mercy to get her attention. Before the woman could right herself, Rio kicked her in the thigh. As she stumbled forward, all of her beers crashed to the sawdust on the ground. Since the target of her wrath wasn't face-planting fast enough, Rio linked her fists together and hammer-slammed the chick between the shoulder blades; down she went. "I told you to repeat what you said, Bitch!" Rio screamed as she kicked the fallen woman in the ribs. At that point, three of the biker chick's closest companions descended on Rio and pulled her away. Valarie gestured to me to stay seated and I got Mercy's attention and kept her on her stool as well. "Hold her up," growled the biker girl Rio had decked. "What did you say, Bitch?" Rio snarled right back. "Lose the bull-dykes and I'll make you taste my shoe leather." "She's trying to get killed," Valarie whispered to me. Iona tensed with fear. "No, she's trying to get us all killed," I responded softly. "Let's take her outside," the first biker babe suggested as Rio struggled and kicked, attempting to free herself. "No," a different girl directed. "Let's take her to the john; I have an idea." The other women laughed and began dragging Rio away. "Zane!" Rio called out, "We are about to have a Leather Lesbian Slut orgy. Join in anytime you like." That was my cue to get my ass kicked. I moved to intervene, Val on my left between me and the worst of the crowd, Mercy to my right, and Iona taking up the rear. Sadly, a guy around my height but with a beer gut decided that I wasn't going to have an easy time of it. "No, you don't," he threatened. It was pretty clear four or five other guys were ready to jump in. Rio's cursing form disappeared behind the doors. I didn't have much time before Rio incensed the biker chicks so much they throttled her. "Do you have a gun?" I asked with as much patience as I could muster. He grinned evilly, pulled back his vest, and showed me the automatic he had stuck into his belt. I waited until his hand released the vest and moved toward his hip. I snatched the gun, flipped it around and rammed the barrel into his stomach. The only sound in the place was the four overhead fans and some Chris Rock wannabe belting it out over the stereo system. Rio's screams were becoming shriller. "I don't appreciate you pointing a gun at one of my brothers," a different man said. He was one of the group of four that had arrived earlier but I had the impression he was 'somebody'. "I'm really busy right now but I promise to deal with you when I retrieve my friend; okay?" I didn't wait for his response because I was sure it would suck. "Do you want me to feed you your gun back one bullet at a time?" I prodded the guy I had the gun on? He looked around for the moral support from his gang members. "Do it and you are dead," he countered with what I felt was false bravado. "That will hardly do you any good," I grinned as I cocked the hammer back. "Do you want your gun back?" "Ah, yes?" the biker gulped. "Are you going to let me get my girl and get her out of here?" I asked. "Ah, sure?" he seemed confused. I un-cocked the gun, flipped the handhold around and offered him his piece, grip first. No one appeared to know what to make of that. As if expecting a trick, the guy moved slowly. When he took it, I made to move past him. "You be careful now," I told him. He cocked the gun and pressed it into the side of my ribs. "Fuck you," he managed to get out before the 'click' and the point of Valkyrie's blade dug into his jugular, drawing a line of blood. "You really are too fucking stupid to live," Val seethed. "I'm Valkyrie of the Stormriders," she challenged the room. "We wage war on the Hell's Angels and the Mongols so some two-bit outfit like you Warlords doesn't bother me in the least. I'll bleed every one of you fuckers. Your bitch picked a fight with our bitch and you wouldn't man up and deal with it so now my friends will," she growled. "Zane, go get Rio." I nodded quickly and moved past the guy with the gun. "Iona with me; Mercy, you watch Valkyrie's back," I ordered. Iona clung to my back while Mercy hesitantly moved back to back with Val. She wanted to come with us and save Rio, no doubt. I raced over to the women's bathroom and flung open the door. Four sets of eyes riveted me as I came in. The other two women were busy shoving Rio headfirst into one of the toilets. The rest of us were facing knives and guns and Rio was about to get a swirlie. "Hi," I stammered. The two women holding Rio down backed out of the stall and joined the stand-off. "Zane, what fucking took you so long?" Rio panted. She staggered out and looked Iona and I over. "Where the fuck is Mercy?" Rio sounded concerned. "You stupid cow!" I snapped. "We are about to be murdered because of you, damn it." "You left Mercy out there with those animals?" Rio screeched back. She tried to push past the other biker chicks but thankfully didn't get very far. I'd have decked her myself. "Would you please give us our friend back," I requested after taking a deep breath. I was about to be told 'no' when one of the other bikers stepped into the light and I made her out clearly for the first time. "You're, I started to say. "You are Zane Braxton," she stated. "The guy who fucked your sister for an hour?" the lady closest to the lead girl asked. "Yeah," she leered. "He's the kid from the DVD she sent me and her husband, the bitch." Yes, this was the twin sister of the Sheriff's Deputy I'd had a three-way with. Didn't she work at a college club as a bartender? What a small damn world. The whole atmosphere of the room changed. Rio shrugged off the hands holding on to her but didn't bolt. "Rio, take Iona out to the others and wait for me in the parking lot," I insisted. "No, Zane. I'm not leaving you here to take Rio's beating," Iona resisted. Rio wasn't abandoning me either. I reached out and stroked Iona's hair and put my keys in her hand. "It will be okay. No one is going to kill anyone here tonight. Now I need you to go so I can settle up accounts," I grinned down at her with only a twinge of worry. Rio resolved the matter by taking Iona by the hand and dragging her out. Iona looked to be on the verge of tears. Rio's eyes told me she's suddenly sobered up and was regretting leaving me in harm's way. I looked back at the six women and the one oddity chipped away at my senses but I didn't know what to make of it. "So, how's your husband?" was the only, and rather lame, thing I could think to say. "I think he's turned State's Evidence against the Aryan Nation," she shrugged. "I thought your husband was some sort of hardened criminal," I inquired. "Ha," several of the chicks chuckled. "Zane, my husband is an accountant," she clarified with some amusement at my expense. "But, weapons charges, he was laundering money?" I pieced it together. "Good job, College boy," the 'strange' woman congratulated me. "Let's get you out of here before someone takes offense," the leader said. "Give me your number and we'll walk you out. I'm Belle, by the way." She offered her hand and I foolishly kissed it. I quickly gave up my digits, then we did a series of handshakes, French kisses and introductions. When the 'strange' woman's turn came, she introduced herself as Willa. I wanted to fucking cry because just looking at a woman will tell me a good deal about her person, a handshake even more, and a kiss is freaking El Dorado. Willa was a biker chick but she was also college educated, had a regimented training background, and was the only woman in the room who was looking for a way to not hurt Rio, very service-minded of her. "There may be a problem," I interrupted as we headed for the door. "There is this guy," I described the guy I took the gun from, "who I took his gun and threatened him with it. This other guy," I painted a portrait of the authoritative guy, "told me he was pissed with the whole gun thing." All the women stopped and looked at one another. "Zane, where is the gun?" Belle questioned me. "I gave it back to him once he agreed that I could come in here and retrieve Rio, my friend," I answered. "It is a damn miracle you aren't dead," Willa scowled. "I would have been but my other buddy, Val, put a knife to his throat. I left her with Rio's companion covering her back," I explained. "She's kind of tough." "That the one with Stormrider colors?" Belle asked. "Yeah. She's Valarie Palmer, my classmate as FFU," I told them. "Is she Damien Palmer's little girl?" Willa guessed. "She's his oldest granddaughter; is that important?" I inquired. The women seemed nervously amused by my ignorance. "He's a God-damn legend, Zane," Belle said. "Damien Palmer once took the Stormriders to a Mongol gathering in Las Vegas. Outnumbered three to one, they kicked serious ass, cleared out the place, and he ended the fight by grabbing a Mongol chapter president and some other poor Mongol bastard, jumped out a fifth-story balcony, and used their bodies to cushion his fall. I doubt prison has mellowed him much." "Your problems are a little more immediate. The guy whose gun you took is Big Ted, he's a moron. That 'other guy' is Deacon, Warlord chapter president for Northern Virginia," Willa weighed in. "Is he going to let my girls go?" I fretted. "Let's go and find out," Belle shrugged. We stepped out, Belle in the lead, followed by Willa, then me, then the rest. There were a few guys standing by the doors watching something. No one was jumping around or nursing serious wounds so I hoped the girls had exited. "Belle, the kid and I need to have a word out back," Deacon ordered confidently. "Deacon, my sister is keeping an eye on this guy," Belle suggested. "It may not be a good idea to put him in the hospital." "We can't let him push Big Ted around; it is happening," Deacon declared. "Big Ted," she looked to the guy I'd punked, "you want to kick Zane's ass out front?" Belle left Big Ted in the awkward position of taking his chances with me or looking weak in front of his gang. "I'll hand him his nuts," Big Ted growled. Deacon gave his consent and the club emptied out into the front lot. My girls were huddled around my car and Valarie's bike. Rio looked like she was going to do something stupid like run up to me but Mercy and Val held her back. I was actually relieved to see that Iona was behind the wheel of my car with the engine running. The Warlords spread out in a rough semi-circle with Deacon, Big Ted and Belle in the center. I had backed up about ten feet toward the road, facing the Warlords, when Big Ted came for me. He was about my height but around fifty pounds heavier, thus the name Big Ted. The Warlord flexed his arms and did some kind of primitive gesture meant to intimidate me. "So do we start with 'ready, set, go' or what?" I questioned. That brought a round of laughter from the motorcycle gang and Big Ted looked over his shoulder to share in their mirth. My first kick caught him in the nuts, the second one caught him in the chest and knocked him down, and the third saw me stomping on his nut sack once again. I swept around him and kicked him in the head hard enough, he rolled over twice in the dust. Ted was seriously unconscious. For ten seconds no one said a word. Any hope I had of getting away with my underhanded win began to fade when Deacon came forward. "You come to my roadhouse, beat up one of my people, and expect to get away with it?" he grumbled. "Deacon, I am so very sorry this happened. My friends and I only wanted to come by, have a few beers, and let my buddy Val soak in the kind of establishment she was used to going to, namely a biker bar," I said carefully. "Things were said, my best bud went a little nuts, and the shit got out of hand. How can I make it up to you?" "What the fuck can you do for me?" Deacon sneered. "Five thousand dollars?" I threw out there. He studied me. "You have that kind of money?" he questioned me. "Absolutely; I can have you the money tomorrow at six p.m." I promised. "Don't fuck up," he stated with menace, "or I will hunt you and your friends down. Got it?" "Understood," I pledged. Deacon snorted in disdain and headed back inside. The rest of the Warlords were heading inside with a few dragging Ted in and I finally let my focus expand beyond my immediate environs. The car pulling up was still unexpected. I knew the shape of the person who stepped out of the Sheriff's cruiser. "Zane," Sheriff's Deputy Tara Cavanaugh greeted me happily. "Belle," she said to her sister with far less warmth. "Zane, what brings you here?" "A schoolmate of mine is a motorcyclist; she wanted to see what a biker bar was like so we ended up here." "We couldn't get in because we are only eighteen but another friend of mine got sick and had to go to the bathroom. Belle was good enough to get her out," I lied. "Zane, you have sawdust on your shoes," Tara pointed out. "I had to go part of the way in to get my friend," I grinned feebly. "Zane, are you lying to me?" Tara frowned. "Yes," I admitted. "The truth is only going to cause a whole lot of trouble, though." "Wow, morally flexible where the law is concerned," Belle licked her lips. "Of course we already knew he was all kinds of flexible, didn't we?" "Usually the point where I start being talked about like a piece of meat is my cue to leave," I stated crossly. "Deputy Cavanaugh, may I leave now?" "Beat it, Zane," Tara told me. "Thanks, Deputy; take care, Belle. It was nice to meet you and thanks for all your help," I thanked her before rejoining my companions. Valarie drove alone in the lead. The rest of us followed in my car, sans conversation. Sorting Through One Helluva Mess We kept our silence until we stepped out of the elevator on the fifth floor. Valarie grabbed Rio ferociously, slammed her into the wall with one hand holding Rio's right bicep while her forearm was pressed so it choked Rio's throat. "You stupid, crazy bitch!" Valarie howled. "You could have gotten us all killed!" I looped an arm around Mercy's waist before she could go charging to Rio's rescue, and have Valarie beat her up. "Hang on, Mercy; I'll work this out," I whispered. She nodded but her concern was burning through. It was heart-warming to see Iona put an arm through Mercy's in what would be a futile gesture to keep Mercy still if things went bad. "Get your hands off me, Cum-dumpster," Rio snarled, followed by some choking noises as Valerie applied pressure to her windpipe. Next Rio tried to kick Valerie but the bigger woman deflected it with her thigh. It was time for me to step up. "I've got this, Valerie," I told her calmly. Valerie stepped back because she figured her next option was to beat Rio black and blue. I moved into Valerie's place but put my hands to either side of Rio's shoulders. "Rio, this is done; let's put it aside and go to bed early if you want, but I want to ask you one thing if you'll let me," I asked softly. "Fuck off, Zane," Rio rumbled, "I'm not in the mood for one of your mind games." "Okay," I shrugged. "To the Bitter End," I nodded. "To the Bitter End," she muttered back, her eyes drooping to the ground. "We are done," I told the rest of the crowd. Valerie snorted angrily and I figured she'd either bitch me out or never speak to me again. Rio grabbed me before I got away. "I, damn it, Zane, I screwed up again," she choked back a sob. "I'm fine, Rio. I signed on for the crazy so I have no one to blame but myself," I reassured her. "What did you want to ask me?" she sighed as she put her cheek on my chest. "Bro, I can't keep charging in to save you and keep Iona safe at the same time. What am I going to do?" I inquired. "Sorry, Man. I fucked up big time," she moaned. "I don't know why it happened." "That doesn't matter, Rio. Let's call it a night," I said serenely. We started to break up and I could see Valerie still glaring hate at me and Rio. "Rio, do me a favor?" "What?" Rio sounded dejected. "What was the second and, third thing you asked me in the bathroom?" I inquired. Rio snapped her face up toward me, angry and upset. "Don't," she insisted. "I have a near-eidetic memory so if you don't remember, I do," Iona chimed in. "Shut up, you two," Rio snarled. "Rio, I have had it with you. Jump and I'll kick in your teeth," Val seethed in response. Mercy looked ready to jump in too. "You said 'Where is, I began. "Don't, damn it," Rio growled, but she could see I wasn't going to relent. "Fine," she groaned in defeat. "I asked where Mercy was, then I bitched you out for leaving her with those 'animals'. Happy now?" "Pretty much, yeah," I tried not to sound pleased with myself. What I did accomplish was put a glimmer of understanding in Valerie's mind. A few seconds later Mercy clued in too. "Oh, Rio," Mercy teared up, "you didn't have to worry." "I swear, if you cry I'm going to shove so many ice cubes up your cunt, your eyes will shimmer like a snow globe," Rio swore to Mercy. "Rio," Valerie sighed with exasperation, "Learn how to fight, and more importantly, learn when not to fight." In the pack dynamic, going off and picking your own fight was nuts; fighting for someone in your group was totally different. By the uncomplicated code that nomads lived by, you stuck up for your own, and that made all the difference to Valerie. Rio was still crazy and could have gotten us all killed, but she'd done it for another member of the group; in this, case, Mercy. That demanded a reprimand, not expulsion. "How about we go up to Zane's and have some ice-cream?" Iona suggested. "We have ice-cream?" Rio perked up. "When did this happen?" "Rio," Iona sighed wearily, "we put them in on the first day. They are two 1950's style ice-cream freezers, one opposite the close showers and the other down by the far kitchenette." "Mercy," Rio grinned fiercely, "Bring several wash cloths to bed tonight. I'm going to cover your nipples with mint chocolate chip and lick it off." I wondered if Mercy could actually orgasm to death, she certainly looked ready to. "I thought you were going to, Mercy turned to Rio and patted her own behind. "Pound-cake, what makes you think you are getting any sleep tonight?" Rio chastised Mercy, then spanked her ass. "Rio, are you bi-polar?" Val ground out. "One second you are weeping on Zane's shoulder and the next you are engaging in kinky foreplay with your girlfriend." "She's not my girlfriend, she's my toy," Rio corrected. "Also, this shit ain't over. I know Zane jumped on a grenade meant for me but I can't do anything about it right now. I know I put us all in danger, again, nothing I can do about it at the moment. I do know that when I find that bitch Belle or any of her girl-pals, I'm going upside their heads with a pool cue, though." "Gosh," mused Iona, "I should figure out what I want on my tombstone." "Mine is going to read 'didn't kill Rio Talon soon enough'," griped Valerie. "Hardy-har-har," grumped Rio. "You are acting like they'll ever find our bodies." "You annoy me," Mercy whispered to Rio before licking her ear. "Careful, you," Rio smirked. "Ice cubes-cunt snow globe." I was thankful when I got to the door lock, entered my code, and held the door for them to head up. I tagged Valerie at the top of the stairs. She looked at me with annoyance but softened to curiosity when she saw my concern. "Zane," Vivian called out before I got anywhere. "We need to talk." That was depressing. "Val, I need to ask you something important. Can you please wait?" I asked the biker babe. "Sure," she promised before heading to get a drink. I walked with Vivian into my bedroom area. At the foot of the bed was laid out a skirt, shirt, bra, panties and socks. The shoes were on the floor. The owner was no mystery. Reclining on the pillows was Paige. She was clothed, sort of. She was decked out all in brilliant red: stockings, garter belt, silky panties, and a gauze-like bra that highlighted her pale breasts perfectly. Her flesh radiated like freshly fallen snow and her hair flowed forth from my pillow like a glacier crafted by spiders into a delicate web. "Hey," I sighed hungrily. "Hey," Paige responded in a rich sultry voice. "Paige!" Vivian snapped. "How did you get past me?" "I'm a ghost-panthress stalking my prey," Paige leered. "With the way Zane's heart is pounding, I'm doing a good job of it too." "Get up, put on a robe, and leave the room now," Vivian insisted. "Oh," groaned Paige as she rolled over and shook her delicious shaped bottom at me, "I'm so tired. I need someone's help in getting out of bed." Yes, I wanted to go to the bed right then, but it had nothing to do with helping Paige actually get out of that bed or that position. "I'll take care of her," I told Vivian. I walked to a wardrobe across the room, opened it up, and took a look around inside. Vivian walked behind me and gasped. "What are you doing with all these robes, all these women's robes, Zane?" Vivian muttered. "I got them predicated on the notion that I would have women up here. I thought it would be considerate of me to give them a choice of what to wear," I indicated my selection. "How did you smuggle them all in here?" Vivian wondered. "We have mail service, Vivian. I ordered them online." She seemed confused. The university didn't block clothing sites from their computer network. I pulled out a short red one with a white and black tiger circling on the back and showed it to Paige. "Oh, cool, I'll look like a Bangkok whore," Paige sounded conflicted. "Actually, this one is from China so that would make you a White Russian Shanghai hooker," I corrected. "Oh, I like that," Paige purred as she crawled over to my side of the bed on all fours. &qu

Send us a textDuncan Smart is no ordinary health voice.An international endurance athlete and the force behind his recent books CARNIVORE: The Manual: A Real-World Guide to Meat-Based Living. For Carnivore, Keto and Low-Carb Warriors and Blood & Bone: The Vampire's Guide to Carnivore Living, he wields metabolic science like a knife, carving through nutritional lies with ancestral fire.Known to readers as The Carnivore Vampire, Duncan fuses Slavic folklore, Mongol steppe wisdom, and Arctic survival rituals into a manifesto for the metabolically betrayed. His work is a rebellion against sickness, sedation, and the modern feedlot of dogma.He once walked the tamed path: teacher; vegetarian; cog in the machine - until his body screamed for the truth. His return to flesh, fire, and fasting sparked a visceral transformation: gut sealed, mind cleared, mission forged. Duncan dissects dogma with academic precision from his base in North Yorkshire's wild moors, where he trains, writes, and helps others to rewild their biology. Through the concepts of meat as sacred fuel, movement as ancestral ritual, and metabolic fire as birthright.Find Duncan at-IG- @duncsmartFB- @Duncan SmartBlood & Bone: The Vampire's Guide to Carnivore LivingCARNIVORE: The Manual: A Real-World Guide to Meat-Based Living. For Carnivore, Keto and Low-Carb WarriorsFind Boundless Body at- myboundlessbody.com Book a session with us here!

EPISODE #467 Cruz and James return to Germany (and to vampires) with the 1979 remake/reimagining NOSFERATU! It's a good one! It's a great one, even! And no audio errors this time! It stars Klaus Kinski, Bruno Ganz, and Isabelle Adjani! We also talk about HBO's TASK (2025), the Kazakh films STEPPENWOLF (2024) and MONGOL (2007), and THE OTHERS (2001). LINKS: Join the cause at Patreon.com/Quality. Follow the us on on Bluesky at kislingconnection and cruzflores, on Instagram @kislingwhatsit, and on Tiktok @kislingkino. You can watch Cruz and show favorite Alexis Simpson on You Tube in They Live Together. Thanks to our artists Julius Tanag  and Sef Joosten. The theme music is "Eine Kleine Sheissemusik" by Drew Alexander. Also, I've got a newsletter, so maybe go check that one out, too. Listen to DRACULA: A RADIO PLAY on Apple Podcasts, at dracularadio.podbean.com, and at the Long Beach Playhouse at https://lbplayhouse.org/show/dracula And, as always, Support your local unions! UAW, SAG-AFTRA, and WGA strong and please leave us a review on iTunes or whatever podcatcher you listened to us on!

In this episode of CAA Conversations, Dr. Yipaer Aierken hosts a conversation with Dr. Rachel Miller an Dr. Mya Dosch exploring the rise of generative AI and how it is reshaping the practice of teaching art and art history—particularly in general education art history courses. As AI tools become more integrated into students' academic and daily lives, educators are being challenged to rethink not only how we teach but also how we define learning, teaching, and pedagogy in higher education. This week's conversation between three California State University professors covers their teaching experiences, pedagogy development processes, and the course assignments designed to reflect on the key question: Why is it important to rethink how we teach in the Age of AI? Yipaer Aierken is an assistant professor of Asian art at California State University, Sacramento, where she teaches courses on the art of Asia, including China, Japan, Korea, India, and Southeast Asia. Professor Aierken is a scholar with an interdisciplinary focus on both art history and religious studies. She employs methods from art history, religious studies, and ethnography in her study of polyethnic artists and scholar-officials of the Yuan and Qing dynasties, including those of Uyghur, Tibetan, Manchu, and Mongol origins. She has published pedagogy lesson plans on Art History Teaching Resources and previously taught at the University of California, Davis, and Arizona State University. In February 2026, Professor Aierken will present papers and chair panels on Asian and Asian diaspora women artists at the CAA Annual Conference. Rachel Miller is an associate professor of art history and chair of the art department at California State University, Sacramento, where she teaches courses on ancient, medieval, Renaissance, and Baroque art, using teaching methods that place European art in a broader global context and decolonize European art's traditional normative position in the canon of art history. Professor Miller has presented papers and workshops on art history pedagogy and organized pedagogy panels at the College Art Association, the Sixteenth Century Society, and the Renaissance Society of America annual conferences. She has written on pedagogy for the Sixteenth Century Journal and Art History Teaching Resources and has a forthcoming essay, co-written with Dr. Mya Dosch, in the edited volume Equity-Enhancing Strategies for the Art History Classroom. Dr. Miller also serves as an editor of Art History Teaching Resources and is on the editorial board of the journal Art History Pedagogy & Practice. Mya Dosch is associate professor of art of the Americas at California State University, Sacramento. Their current research considers commemorations of the 1968 student movement in Mexico City, from monumental sculptures to ephemeral protest interventions. Dosch's work on Mexican prisons, public art, and protest appears in the journal Future Anterior and the anthologies Teachable Monuments and Imágenes en Colectivo. They have also facilitated student-written audio guides for the Crocker Art Museum and are working on a student-developed public art catalog for Sacramento State.

Gruzie je jednou z nejstarších křesťanských zemí, navíc s vlastní gruzínskou pravoslavnou církví. Mezi mnoha zdejšími křesťanskými památkami se vymyká třeba velmi dobře zachovalý kostel kláštera Džvari nebo stále aktivní kostel ve středověké pevnosti Ananuri. Na něm jsou dodnes znatelné následky nájezdů Mongolů i sovětského útlaku náboženství.Všechny díly podcastu Zápisník zahraničních zpravodajů můžete pohodlně poslouchat v mobilní aplikaci mujRozhlas pro Android a iOS nebo na webu mujRozhlas.cz.

Explore the untold truths about Genghis Khan in this insightful episode as we take a deep dive into history's most misunderstood conqueror. Was Genghis Khan merely a brutal warlord, or a visionary leader whose strategies, innovations, and hidden legacy still shape our world today? Join us as we uncover a critical examination of his rise from slavery to uniting the Mongol tribes, his revolutionary military tactics, and the lasting impact of his merit-based empire. We'll dive into suppressed knowledge, his genetic legacy, and explore conspiracies surrounding his lost tomb and hidden technologies.In this must-watch episode, we balance solid historical facts with unique perspectives and plausible theories, challenging the mainstream narrative. From his infamous conquests to the sophisticated systems he built, Genghis Khan's story is not just about warfare—it's about rewriting civilizations and leaving a hidden mark on history. Did shamanistic rituals unify his empire? Were advanced technologies from his conquests suppressed? Let's unpack these mysteries together.As someone passionate about uncovering history's mysteries, I've combined years of podcasting experience with insights from historians and researchers to bring you this unique perspective on the man behind the empire. This episode isn't just for history buffs—it's for anyone curious about the intersections of power, innovation, and hidden truths.What do you think about Genghis Khan's legacy? Is it overhyped or a true testament to his genius? Share your thoughts in the comments, and join the conversation! Don't forget to like, subscribe, and hit the notification bell for more episodes that challenge the narratives you thought you knew. Stay curious, and let's uncover history together.#history #ancienthistory #conspiracytheories #conspiracytheory #secretsocieties___________________________________________________________________________⇩ SUPPORT OUR SPONSORS ⇩BRAVE TV HEALTH: Parasites are one of the main reasons that so many of our health problems happen! Guess what? They're more active around the full moon. That's why friend of the Show, Dr. Jason Dean, developed the Full Moon Parasite Protocol. Get 15% off now by using our link: https://bravetv.store/JRSCOMMAND YOUR BRAND: Legacy Media is dying, we fight for the free speech of our clients by placing them on top-rated podcasts as guests. We also have the go-to podcast production team. We are your premier podcast agency. Book a call with our team https://www.commandyourbrand.com/book-a-call MY PILLOW: By FAR one of my favorite products I own for the best night's sleep in the world, unless my four year old jumps on my, the My Pillow. Get up to 66% off select products, including the My Pillow Classic or the new My Pillow 2.0, go to https://www.mypillow.com/cyol or use PROMO CODE: CYOL________________________________________________________________⇩ GET MY BEST SELLING BOOK ⇩Unremarkable to Extraordinary: Ignite Your Passion to Go From Passive Observer to Creator of Your Own Lifehttps://getextraordinarybook.com/________________________________________________________________DOWNLOAD AUDIO PODCAST & GIVE A 5 STAR RATING!:APPLE: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-create-your-own-life-show/id1059619918SPOTIFY: https://open.spotify.com/show/5UFFtmJqBUJHTU6iFch3QU(also available Google Podcasts & wherever else podcasts are streamed_________________________________________________________________⇩ SOCIAL MEDIA ⇩➤ X: https://twitter.com/jeremyryanslate➤ INSTAGRAM https://www.instagram.com/jeremyryanslate➤ FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/jeremyryanslate_________________________________________________________________➤ CONTACT: JEREMY@COMMANDYOURBRAND.COM

We're back after our summer holidays and kicking off the second half of season 3 by looking at a particular Washington-based developer that we've looked at many times before, Sucker Punch Productions. After chatting about two-thirds of their raccoon trilogy on this very podcast, we're taking a look at something that is much more recent, much more grown-up, much more samurai. We're going back to 2020 to take a look at an open-world, action-adventure game set during the first Mongol invasion of Japan. We're talking Ghost of Tsushima.On this episode of Stealth Boom Boom, we chat a little bit about tourism, whether Akira Kurosawa mode is just a black and white filter and nothing more, and there's what some people are calling “a surprising amount of Infamous chat”, too. We also look at how they tried to balance authenticity with audience expectation, finishing a game during a global pandemic, and there's a heated discussion about wind.Here are some of the things you're gonna hear us chat about in our review: outrageously quick load times; stealth that encourages speed over patience; some very enjoyable, very familiar outpost-clearing; the power of Focused Hearing; loads of tall grass; the feeling of a sequel to Assassin's Creed 2; being hated by samurai as you fling kunai, wind chimes, and sticky bombs about; undercover Batman; sword-fighting that feels like accessible Sekiro: Shadows Die Twice, whilst also engaging the player with a number of different things to consider; no lock on; announcing your arrival at the beginning of a fight; taking on one other opponent in a duel; running after foxes, slicing bamboo, and one or two other things that are absolutely everywhere on this very large map; an uninspired grappling hook; an island that is too big for some and the right size for others; Samuel Taylor Coleridge; Ishikawa's student; a plot that would've worked better in a more linear game; using Ghost tactics and feeling completely fine; and our clothing choices.After all that, we take you through what some of the critics were saying about the game around the time it came out, and then we give you our final verdicts on whether Ghost of Tsushima is a Pass, a Play, or an Espionage Explosion.For those who would like to play along at home, we'll be discussing, reviewing and dissecting Amnesia: The Dark Descent on the next episode of Stealth Boom Boom.IMPORTANT LINKS TO THINGS

Mongol Must Stay in Jail Until He Gets a Non-Mongol RoomieToday on Black Dragon Biker TV, we're breaking down a bizarre courtroom ruling out of Florida. Anthony Trimboli, a member of the Mongols MC, appeared before Circuit Judge Elizabeth Blackburn at the Justice Center in Daytona Beach. He and several other Mongols were arrested following their brawl with the Warlocks during Daytona Bike Week 2025, where a gas station was allegedly lit up with gunfire like it was nothing.But here's the twist…Judge Blackburn ruled that Trimboli must remain in the Volusia County Branch Jail until he either finds a new place to live or secures a roommate who is not a Mongol. That's right — no going home until the living situation passes inspection. Also in Today's Show:The THUG Riders MC are starting to cop pleas. Members are heading to court, taking deals, and some are already on their way to jail time. What does this mean for the future of the club?We'll Break Down: Why the judge refused to release a Mongol back into a Mongol household What really went down at that Daytona Bike Week gas station shootout⚖️ How “roommate conditions” play into MC bail and probation restrictions The THUG Riders plea deals and what's next for the club's leadershipJoin Black Dragon, Lavish T. Williams, and Logic as we cut into the courtroom drama, the consequences, and what these rulings really mean for the set. Catch the show on: Black Dragon Biker TV – /blackdragonbikertv Lavish T. Williams – /@lavishtwilliams Keep It Logical – /keepitlogicalBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-dragon-s-lair-motorcycle-chaos--3267493/support.Sponsor the channel by signing up for our channel memberships. You can also support us by signing up for our podcast channel membership for $9.99 per month, where 100% of the membership price goes directly to us at https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-.... Follow us on:Instagram: BlackDragonBikerTV TikTok: BlackDragonBikertv Twitter: jbunchiiFacebook: BlackDragonBikerBuy Black Dragon Merchandise, Mugs, Hats, T-Shirts Books: https://blackdragonsgear.comDonate to our cause:Cashapp: $BikerPrezPayPal: jbunchii Zelle: jbunchii@aol.com Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/BlackDragonNPSubscribe to our new discord server https://discord.gg/dshaTSTSubscribe to our online news magazine www.bikerliberty.comGet 20% off Gothic biker rings by using my special discount code: blackdragon go to http://gthic.com?aff=147Join my News Letter to get the latest in MC protocol, biker club content, and my best picks for every day carry. https://johns-newsletter-43af29.beehi... Get my Audio Book Prospect's Bible an Audible: https://adbl.co/3OBsfl5Help us get to 30,000 subscribers on www.instagram.com/BlackDragonBikerTV on Instagram. Thank you!We at Black Dragon Biker TV are dedicated to bringing you the latest news, updates, and analysis from the world of bikers and motorcycle clubs. Our content is created for news reporting, commentary, and discussion purposes. Under Section 107 of the Copyright

Send us a textFr Joe Krupp concludes the Mongol series with a look at the life of Genghis KhanCheck out the JIBM Web site at:  https://www.joeinblackministries.com/Please use the following link if you would like to financially support Church of the Holy Family: https://pushpay.com/g/hfgrandblanc?sr...Support the show

Genghis Khan, born as Temujin in 1162 on the harsh steppes of Mongolia, rose from the shadows of tribal betrayal and childhood adversity to become one of the most formidable conquerors in world history. Orphaned as a boy, hunted by enemies, and shaped by struggle, he united the scattered Mongol tribes with unmatched charisma, strategy, and brutal determination. Under his leadership, the Mongols transformed from nomadic warriors into an unstoppable military force that built the largest contiguous land empire the world has ever seen. Genghis Khan's empire stretched from the Pacific Ocean to Eastern Europe, rewriting the map of the known world. He shattered ancient kingdoms, crushed powerful armies, and introduced military tactics that changed warfare forever. Yet he was more than just a warrior—he established laws, promoted trade, welcomed diverse faiths, and created a postal system that rivaled modern networks. Feared by many and admired by others, he was a paradox of cruelty and vision. His name struck terror in his enemies and continues to echo through the centuries. Genghis Khan did not just build an empire—he built a legacy. His story is not only about conquests, but about survival, resilience, and transformation. From the plains of Mongolia to the gates of Baghdad and beyond, his impact was seismic. Few names in history carry such raw power and mystique. This is the incredible story of the man who rose from nothing to rule everything—the thunder from the steppes, Genghis Khan. This is Part 2 of 2 Part series.

“History is written by the winners.” This aphorism is catchy and it makes an important point that a lot of what we know about history was written with an agenda, not for the purposes of informing us. Unfortunately, it isn’t true. There are many times that the so-called “losers” wrote the histories remembered today. After the American Civil War, Southern historians like Edward Pollard crafted "Lost Cause" narratives, romanticizing the Confederacy despite their defeat. Similarly, Chinese and Persian accounts of the Mongol invasions, such as those by Zhao Hong and Ata-Malik Juvayni, detailed Mongol brutality and cultural impacts from the perspective of the subjugated, challenging the victors' dominance. But this statement still gets to a fundament question: What if the history you learned was deliberately shaped by people with their own agendas? This question drives today’s guest, Richard Cohen, in his book “Making History: The Storytellers Who Shaped The Past.” We explore how historians and storytellers, from ancient Greece to the modern era, shape our understanding of history through their biases and agendas, featuring figures like Herodotus, who blended fact and fable, Edward Gibbon, whose Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire reflected his personal perspective, and William Randolph Hearst, whose yellow journalism distorted historical narratives. No history is truly objective, as personal, cultural, and political influences inevitably color the accounts of chroniclers like Thucydides, Tacitus, Voltaire, but we can still construct an understanding of the past that brings us closer to the truth.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Genghis Khan, born as Temujin in 1162 on the harsh steppes of Mongolia, rose from the shadows of tribal betrayal and childhood adversity to become one of the most formidable conquerors in world history. Orphaned as a boy, hunted by enemies, and shaped by struggle, he united the scattered Mongol tribes with unmatched charisma, strategy, and brutal determination. Under his leadership, the Mongols transformed from nomadic warriors into an unstoppable military force that built the largest contiguous land empire the world has ever seen. Genghis Khan's empire stretched from the Pacific Ocean to Eastern Europe, rewriting the map of the known world. He shattered ancient kingdoms, crushed powerful armies, and introduced military tactics that changed warfare forever. Yet he was more than just a warrior—he established laws, promoted trade, welcomed diverse faiths, and created a postal system that rivaled modern networks. Feared by many and admired by others, he was a paradox of cruelty and vision. His name struck terror in his enemies and continues to echo through the centuries. Genghis Khan did not just build an empire—he built a legacy. His story is not only about conquests, but about survival, resilience, and transformation. From the plains of Mongolia to the gates of Baghdad and beyond, his impact was seismic. Few names in history carry such raw power and mystique. This is the incredible story of the man who rose from nothing to rule everything—the thunder from the steppes, Genghis Khan. This is Part 1 of 2 Part series.

We saw James Gunn's new Superman — and we're still recovering. Ray breaks down the most deranged scenes, including Superman's tearful apology tour and his new creepily apologetic vibe with Lois Lane. We get into why the Epstein memo actually dropped this week, the Mongol toddler archer program, Soviet goal-setting efficiency, and what a desk job looks like in the upcoming cannibal labor economy. Plus: Ray's childhood crabapple trauma, a defense of violent unions, and why Batman is the real intelligence asset.Join the Patreon for weekly bonus episodes:

Greg Jenner is joined in 13th-Century Venice by Professor Sharon Kinoshita and comedian Ria Lina to learn all about medieval traveller Marco Polo and his adventures in China.Born into a family of merchants, in 1271 a teenage Marco set out for the court of the Mongol emperor Qubilai Khan with his father and uncle. They would not return to Italy for nearly a quarter of a century. In the service of the emperor, the Polos saw all manner of extraordinary things – including the Mongols' amazing imperial postal service and diamond-hunting eagles in India.Imprisoned by the Genoese on his eventual return, Polo spent his time in prison writing his Description of the World with the Arthurian romance author Rustichello, a travelogue describing his exploits in the East and the wonders he had seen. This episode explores Polo's extraordinary life, the decades he spent travelling in China and beyond, and the fascinating account he wrote on his return.This is a radio edit of the original podcast episode. For the full-length version, please look further back in the feed.Hosted by: Greg Jenner Research by: Hannah Cusworth Written by: Hannah Cusworth, Emmie Rose Price-Goodfellow, Emma Nagouse, and Greg Jenner Produced by: Emmie Rose Price-Goodfellow and Greg Jenner Audio Producer: Steve Hankey Production Coordinator: Ben Hollands Senior Producer: Emma Nagouse Executive Editor: Philip Sellars

Send us a textFr Joe Krupp continues in Part 3 with an exploration of the Mongol invasions into the Muslim and Christian worlds.Check out the JIBM Web site at:  https://www.joeinblackministries.com/Please use the following link if you would like to financially support Church of the Holy Family: https://pushpay.com/g/hfgrandblanc?sr...Support the show

You may be familiar with the name of Marco Polo – the 13th-century Venetian merchant who travelled along the Silk Road, journeyed through Asia and spent time at the court of Mongol emperor Kublai Khan. Famously, he documented his experiences in a detailed account that has inspired many travellers since. Emily Briffett and Sharon Kinoshita follow in Polo's footsteps, exploring the medieval world through his eyes. (Ad) Sharon Kinoshita is the author of Marco Polo and His World (Reaktion Books, 2024). Buy it now from Waterstones: https://go.skimresources.com?id=71026X1535947&xcust=historyextra-social-histboty&xs=1&url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.waterstones.com%2Fbook%2Fmarco-polo-and-his-world%2Fsharon-kinoshita%2F%2F9781789149371. The HistoryExtra podcast is produced by the team behind BBC History Magazine. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Send us a textFr Joe Krupp continues with part 2 with an exploration of the dominance of the Mongol armies and their entrance into the Muslim world.Check out the JIBM Web site at:  https://www.joeinblackministries.com/Please use the following link if you would like to financially support Church of the Holy Family: https://pushpay.com/g/hfgrandblanc?sr...

Dr. Eleanor Janega sifts through the myths to uncover the foundations of medieval Hungary and its peoples. From the legendary tales of the country's origins to the process of Christianization under King Stephen, Eleanor and Professor Nora Berend discuss how various migrations shaped the kingdom, the devastating impact of the Mongol invasions, and Hungary's intricate relationships with surrounding empires. MOREGenghis Khan's Pax Mongolica >The Habsburgs >Gone Medieval is presented by Dr. Eleanor Janega. It was edited by Rob Weinberg. The senior producer is Anne-Marie Luff.All music used is courtesy of Epidemic Sounds.Gone Medieval is a History Hit podcast.Sign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe. You can take part in our listener survey here: https://uk.surveymonkey.com/r/6FFT7MK

Last time we spoke about the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. On July 7, 1937, tensions escalated between Japan and China as the Japanese military conducted a training exercise near the Marco Polo Bridge. During the exercise, gunfire erupted, sowing confusion and leading to the unexplained disappearance of one soldier. This incident prompted Japan to demand permission to search the nearby city of Wanping, which was denied by Chinese forces, escalating tensions further. By the next day, Japanese troops attacked, resulting in fierce fighting at the bridge. Under heavy assault, Chinese defenders fought valiantly but faced overwhelming force. As the conflict intensified, both sides struggled with heavy casualties, leading to the full-scale Sino-Japanese War. The Japanese military's aggressive maneuvers and the determined Chinese resistance marked the beginning of a brutal conflict, forever altering the landscape of East Asia. The profound toll on both nations foreshadowed the horrors of war that were to come, as China prepared to defend its sovereignty against a relentless enemy.   #155 Operation Chahar 1937 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By the end of July of 1937 the Japanese had overwhelmed the Beiping-Tianjin region. It's pretty understandable as to how this came so fast. As we have discussed thoroughly in this series, the Japanese had gradually seized control over Northern China going back to Operation Nekka in 1933. Little by little they had carved it out. Typically when you pull out a map of a war between two nations, one nation pierces into the other and gradually seizes control of key locations until it archives victory. However with the case of the outset of the Second Sino-Japanese War its more like the Japanese are starting at multiple key locations where they have concessions, treaties or where there are autonomous regions. Thus its honestly a huge headache to follow. When the Marco Polo Bridge Incident broke out, Chiang Kai-Shek had been in Kuling, a mountain top resort where he spent his summer vacations. He received the news with composure, but his message to the nation conveyed a sense of optimism and anticipation. The embarrassment of the Sian mutiny was a thing of the past. Although he wasn't overly confident, he believed that this was the pivotal moment China had been preparing for, more so than at any time in recent years. For nearly three weeks, efforts were made to resolve the situation through diplomatic means. For the first time, Chiang was in a position to make demands. He understood they would likely be rejected, but that wasn't the main point. He asked Japan to acknowledge its responsibility for the recent turmoil, to issue an apology, and to provide compensation. After making that request, he addressed his nation with a formal commitment: China would not accept any settlement that compromised its sovereign rights or territorial integrity. No changes would be permitted regarding the status of the Hubei-Chahar Council, and local officials would not be reassigned at the request of any foreign government. Any restrictions on the Twenty-ninth Army's positions would be unacceptable. He declared that the era of Japanese expansion in North China had come to a definitive end. The Japanese army achieved significant victories on the battlefield in China, leading to the inevitable expansion of the conflict. The first major campaign following the Nanyuan victory unfolded along the mountainous border marked by the inner Great Wall, separating northern Hubei from Chahar. On the Jinpu Railway, just south of Tianjin, lies a small station known as Jinghai. Adjacent to this station is the Jian River, which had swollen to a width of 20 meters due to intermittent heavy rains in northern China after the Japanese army's occupation of Tianjin. The embankments on either side of the river were overgrown with dense reeds and grass, and a wooden arch bridge spanned the river. After landing at Dagukou in Tianjin, the 10th Division, commanded by Lieutenant General Rensuke Isogai, advanced south along the Jinpu Railway. However, as the vanguard, the 10th Regiment of the 33rd Brigade made its way through the muddy terrain towards the Jian River's wooden bridge, they were suddenly taken aback. A group of Chinese soldiers appeared, their faces vividly painted red and armed with long-handled broadswords, a sight reminiscent of the legendary Chinese figure Guan Yu, as depicted in many traditional portraits. These soldiers belonged to the 26th Independent Brigade of the 38th Division of the 29th Army, who were in retreat from Tianjin. Following the city's fall, they had retreated southward to Jinghai Station, where they prepared to make a stand. Brigade Commander Li Zhiyuan recognized their inferior numbers and weaponry compared to the Japanese forces. Drawing from painful lessons learned during the positional battles in Tianjin, he decided to divide his troops strategically: one battalion would defend the station, another would protect the county town, and a third would engage in guerrilla tactics along the Jinpu Road. If faced with a small number of Japanese soldiers, they would fight fiercely; if overwhelmed, they would attempt to encircle the attackers to prevent a direct assault on their main position. Despite the Japanese army's attempts to advance, including efforts to send an armored train into Jinghai Station, the Chinese soldiers cleverly laid straw on the tracks and buried mines, thwarting the train's progress. Once Japanese troops disembarked to mount an offensive, they were ambushed by the battalion executing guerrilla tactics, resulting in a chaotic retreat that left behind several dozen casualties. Over the course of weeks, the divisional headquarters ordered a battalion of Japanese troops to move south along the Jinpu Road, requiring them to cross the Jian River at the wooden bridge. The 26th Independent Brigade was assigned to halt this advance, and they managed to hold their ground for over 20 days. Recognizing the gravity of their situation, Brigade Commander Li Zhiyuan gathered his group and battalion commanders to emphasize the necessity of pushing back the Japanese forces. He passionately rallied them, declaring, “We must defend this river to the death. Each regiment will select a death squad. Each member will carry a long-handled broadsword and four grenades, paint their faces red and rush across the bridge to engage in melee combat!” When Li asked for volunteers to lead the death squad, the regiment commander, Zhu, eagerly stepped forward, quickly gathering a group that followed him, uniting passionately in their cause. The death squad charged across the bridge, catching the Japanese off guard with their war paint and weapons. The sudden attack left the Japanese soldiers dazed, leading to a chaotic retreat as they struggled through the muddy terrain. In the tumult, more than 200 long-handled swords struck down a significant number of Japanese troops. Those advancing from behind panicked at the sight of their retreating comrades. An officer, dismounted during the chaos, was left behind, and the Chinese soldiers, filled with zeal, pressed forward, ignoring the orders from Brigade Commander Li Zhiyuan to fall back for their own safety. Despite moments of heroism, many fell that day by the Jian River, as the officers and soldiers burned their boats and set fire to the wooden bridge, rendering retreat impossible. As the Japanese military consolidated its power in the Pingjin region, many leaders underestimated the tenacity of Chinese resistance. Plans were made to defeat the Chinese army and air force swiftly, aiming to resolve the issue in North China decisively, with no diplomatic negotiations or external interventions allowed during military operations. Now, in late July to early August, Chiang Kai-shek issued orders to improve defenses at Nankou. He mobilized Tang Enbo's 13th Army in Suidong for battle readiness, tasked Liu Ruming to sabotage railways, and directed Fu Zuoyi and Yan Xishan in Suiyuan to prepare for conflict. Troops were reorganized rapidly, with divisions merging to strengthen the 17th Army under Liu Ruming's command. Chiang insisted that Nankou's defenses be deep and wide to thwart enemy cavalry and tank assaults, rendering Japanese mechanized advantages ineffective. He called for close cooperation among commanders and a resolute defense. Tang Enbo's 13th Army, consisted of the 4th and 89th Divisions, whom established defensive positions along the Peiping-Suiyuan Railway at Nankou, with additional units positioned further back at Juyongguan. The 13th Army, was 20,000 men strong, all motivated soldiers committed to fighting the Japanese, but their equipment was woefully inadequate. The 89th Division had a few outdated artillery pieces, whilst other units were in even worse condition, hampering their effectiveness against the well-armed Japanese forces. Liu's 17th Army stationed its 84th Division at Chihcheng, Yanqing, and Longguan, effectively securing the flank of the 13th Army against potential Japanese advances from Chahar. The 21st Division was deployed in Huailai, situated along the railway to the rear of Tang's forces. Additionally, Zhao Chengshou's 1st Cavalry Army, Liu 's 143rd Division, and two Peace Preservation Brigades commenced an offensive against Mongol forces in northern Chahar. As the Japanese launched initial assaults on Nankou on August 4, fierce fighting erupted. The Chinese defenders fought valiantly, but heavy bombardments by artillery and air raids took a toll. The Japanese began using tanks to support their infantry, yet the 530th Regiment successfully repelled an attack at Deshengkou. Meanwhile, the Japanese intensified their efforts, culminating in poison gas assaults that overwhelmed Chinese positions on Longhutai, leading to significant losses. Despite the escalating pressure and casualties, the determination to hold Nankou was unwavering. On August 5, the Kwantung Army requested permission for the advance guard to move to Changpei, arguing that the Central Army's invasion of Chahar had jeopardized the security of Manchukuo. This request was denied, yet the advance guard proceeded to Changpei on August 8. This unauthorized movement by the Kwantung Army was a serious act of defiance, as Tolun lay outside Manchukuo's borders, and troop deployments required imperial authorization. Although imperial sanction had been obtained for the move to Tolun on July 28, permission for the advance guard to proceed was only granted retroactively, with the stipulation that they would not advance further into Inner Mongolia. Nevertheless, this unauthorized action ultimately compelled the high command to approve the advance to Changpei. On August 7, the Japanese army launched a large assault on Nankou with its three main divisions, aiming to breach the Great Wall and advance westward along the Pingsui Railway to flank the strategic city of Shanxi. By August 8, the Japanese forces that had captured Beiping and Tianjin deployed the entire 20th Division, commanded by Lieutenant General Kawagishi Fumisaburo, and supplemented their efforts with the 5th and 10th Divisions, along with the Sakai Brigade, to attack Nankou along the Pingsui Railway. On August 8, the Japanese 11th Independent Mixed Brigade, led by General Shigiyasu Suzuki, initiated an attack on the left flank of the 13th Corps' position at Nankou. However, their efforts were halted after three days due to challenging terrain and the determined resistance from Chinese forces.  On the same day, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the activation of the 14th Group Army, comprising the 10th, 83rd, and 85th Divisions, under General Wei Lihuang. Elements of the 14th Group Army traveled by rail from Yingchia-chuang to Yi County and then embarked on a ten-day march through the plains west of Beiping to flank and support Tang Enbo's forces. Meanwhile, the Chinese 1st Army Region launched attacks against the Japanese in Liangxiang and Chaili to divert their attention and dispatched a detachment to Heilung Pass to cover the advance of the 14th Group Army. On August 9, the central high command ordered the China Garrison Army to eliminate resistance in the area and instructed Kwantung Army Commander Ueda Kenkichi to send reinforcements from Jehol and Inner Mongolia to support the operation. The China Garrison Army deployed its 11th Independent Mixed Brigade and the 5th Division, recently arrived from Hiroshima under Lieutenant-General Itagaki Seishirö, to launch an attack on the mountainous regions around Nankou and Pataling within the Great Wall. Following intense fighting, they succeeded in crossing into Chahar.    The Kwantung Army aimed to conquer Chahar and, upon receiving approval from the Japanese General Staff, established an expeditionary headquarters on August 14, led by its chief of staff, Lieutenant General Tojo Hideki. Yes that Tojo. Tokyo's objective was to secure the strategic flank of Manchukuo, while the Kwantung Army sought to create puppet regimes in northern China and integrate the occupied territories into a Japanese sphere of influence. The Chahar Expeditionary Force comprised three mixed brigades, including Japan's only fully mechanized unit, which was equipped with medium tanks, heavy and light armored vehicles, and light tanks. The Japanese troops shifted their main attack toward Zhangjiakou via the Pingsui Railway due to pressures from the Kwantung Army eager to occupy Inner Mongolia, Suiyuan, and Chahar. They sought to eliminate threats from the rear before launching further operations along the Pinghan Line and Jinpu Line. The 11th Independent Mixed Brigade of the 20th Division of the Chinese Garrison Army was ordered to assault Chinese defenders in the Nankou area, with the goal of capturing key locations on the Great Wall, like Badaling, to facilitate the Fifth Division's advance. The Chinese assessed the Japanese strategy, believing they would first secure critical points along the Pingsui route to facilitate further incursions into Shanxi and Zhengding. They understood that holding the Nankou line was vital for both logistical support and tactical maneuvering. Nankou, a key town on the Pingsui Railway connecting Beijing to Zhangjiakou and Baotou, was surrounded by mountains and the Great Wall, marking it a significant natural defense line. As the Japanese army aimed to capture Zhangjiakou and divide their forces into Shanxi and Suiyuan, the Chinese army's control over Nankou became crucial. A renewed assault on August 11, bolstered by tanks and aircraft, successfully captured Nankou Station, allowing General Suzuki's brigade to advance toward Juyong Pass. On August 12, Tang Enbo's army launched a counterattack, encircling the Japanese forces and severing their supply and communication lines. That day, Tang Enbo sent a telegram to Luo Fanggui: “Brother Fanggui, Commander Luo of the 529th Regiment, I have received your telegram. Your regiment has recently defeated formidable enemies, laying the groundwork for our army's future victories. Your efforts bring me great relief! The Nankou position is critical to our nation's war of resistance. Despite the enemy's numerical superiority and fierce artillery fire, we cannot surrender this area. It is our fighting spirit, not our numbers or advanced weaponry, that will help us withstand these powerful foes. We vow never to abandon our positions. Life is transient, and we must embrace our fate. A hero perishing on the battlefield is the glorious destiny of a soldier.” On the same day, he also sent a telegram to Wang Zhonglian: “Brother Jieren Wang, commander of the 89th Division, I have read your telegram. Brigade Li has triumphed against formidable foes, establishing a precedent for our army's victory. Your successes bring me much comfort! The Nankou position is our glorious objective. If I perish, the country lives on. If I survive, the country perishes. We would rather die defending this position than live in disgrace. Please convey to all the officers and soldiers of your division, who share in this struggle, the importance of striving for victory!” On August 13, Tang Enbo ordered the defensive positions at Nankou to be abandoned as the remaining troops pulled back to stronger positions at Badaling and Juyongguan. Renowned journalist Fan Changjiang noted Tang Enbo's physical and emotional toll, describing him as a mere shadow of his former self after enduring relentless battles without rest. His subsequent thoughts and fears reflected the despair of facing insurmountable odds, with the Japanese army overwhelming the Nankou defenses. Casualty reports from the Battle of Nankou reveal stark discrepancies; average estimates suggest Chinese losses neared 26,000, while Japanese casualties were around 2,600,an alarming ratio of 10 to 1. Despite the devastating defeat, Tang Enbo's leadership gained national recognition for his efforts, though he viewed the loss of Nankou as a blemish on an otherwise honorable defense. The indomitable spirit displayed during the relentless struggle at Nankou, despite the defeat and challenges faced, inspired a sense of resilience among the Chinese people, reminding them that even in dire circumstances, they would not yield to oppression. Meanwhile in response to having their supply and communication lines severed, on August 14, Seishirō Itagaki dispatched the 5th Division to relieve the 11th Independent Mixed Brigade at Juyonggua. Fu Zuoyi's troops attacked Chahar from Suidong. Dong Qiwu 's troops attacked Shangdu and recaptured it on the 14th, while Shi Yushan 's troops attacked Dehua and recaptured it on the 16th. By the 16, Itagaki had arrived at Nankou and initiated an enveloping assault targeting the right flank of the 13th Army, executing a five-pronged attack at Huanglaoyuan. In anticipation, the 7th Brigade of the 4th Division, commanded by Shi Jue, was positioned to counter this maneuver. Reinforcements, including Li Xianzhou's 21st Division and Zhu Huaibing's 94th Division, were brought in, resulting in several days of intense fighting. On August 17, General Yan Xishan, Director of the Taiyuan Pacification Headquarters, ordered the 7th Group Army, commanded by Fu Zuoyi, to move the 72nd Division and three additional brigades by rail from Datong to Huailai to support Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang Kai-shek urged steadfastness in the face of adversity, emphasizing that retreat was not an option. But with communication breakdowns and logistical challenges, Tang Enbo faced dilemmas that would lead him to issue the order for his troops to break out on August 26. As the Japanese army occupied Huailai and Yanqing, Tang Enbo's forces executed a withdrawal, retreating via various routes before suffering further losses.  Meanwhile Liu Ruming's troops of the 143rd Division of the 29th Army took Zhangbei from Zhangjiakou . Proceed to Wanquan Dam , the junction of Wanquan and Zhangbei. The members of the pseudo-Mongolian military government fled to Duolun under the leadership of King De . In order to relieve the danger in Zhangjiakou, Liu Ruming's troops began to attack the enemy in Zhangbei. On August 20, they captured key points such as Bolicai Village outside Zhangbei City. At this time, the mechanized troops of the Japanese Kwantung Army led by Hideki Tojo rushed from Rehe to support Zhangbei. When passing through Guyuan, they were divided into two groups: one group of Japanese troops, the Suzuki Brigade and Homma Brigade went south to attack Zhangjiakou. On the night of August 21, the Chinese army retreated to Shenweitai, 25 kilometers south of Zhangbei County. On August 22, the Japanese army began its attack. Shenwei Tower fell at midnight on the 23rd. At the same time, another part of the Japanese army launched a roundabout attack on Wanquan County. On the morning of August 24, they captured Wanquan County, and then headed straight for Zhangjiakou along the highway with an infantry regiment and an artillery battalion. From August 25 to 27, the Japanese army attacked Bajiaotai, the highest point of Cir Mountain west of Zhangjiakou. At noon on the 27th, Zhangjiakou fell. Gao Guizi's 17th Army marched to Dushikou to resist the enemy from Duolun Akagi and Longguan and intercepted the Pingsui Railway. Gao Guizi's troops failed to withstand the Japanese attack, and the 301st Regiment of the 29th Army stationed in Xuanhua also retreated southward. On August 28, Xuanhua fell into the hands of the enemy. Meanwhile, in northern Chahar, the Chinese 1st Cavalry Army successfully captured Shangdu, Nanhaochan, Shangyi, and Huade from the puppet Mongolian Army led by Demchugdongrub. Elements of the 143rd Division secured Zhongli, while the main force advanced to Zhangbei. During this Chinese offensive, the Japanese Chahar Expeditionary Force, consisting of the mechanized 1st Independent Mixed Brigade along with the 2nd and 15th Mixed Brigades, prepared for a counteroffensive from Zhangbei to Kalgan. Tojo personally commanded the units of the 1st Independent Mixed Brigade during Operation Chahar, which would serve as his only real combat service for his career. From August 18 to 19, the Chahar Expeditionary Force launched a counterattack from Zhangbei, capturing Shenweitaiko on the Great Wall and the Hanno Dam. The scattered and ill-equipped Chinese forces were unable to halt the Japanese advance, which now threatened the Peking–Suiyuan Railway at Kalgan. On August 20, General Fu Zuoyi's 7th Group Army diverted its 200th and 211th Brigades, which had been moving south by rail to join General Tang Enbo's forces, back to defend Kalgan. Fu's remaining 72nd Division arrived to reinforce Chenpien, while his 7th Separate Brigade was dispatched to protect the railhead at Huailai.On August 21, the Japanese forces breached the defenses at the villages of Henglingcheng and Chenbiancheng. General Tang Enbo's forces, awaiting reinforcements but having suffered over 50% casualties, continued to defend Huailai, Juyong Pass, and Yanqing. Liu Ruming's 143rd Division retreated to safeguard Kalgan from the advancing Japanese troops. On August 23, as Seishirō Itagaki's 5th Division advanced toward Huailai from Chenpien against Ma Yenshou's 7th Separate Brigade, advance elements of the 14th Army Group arrived on the Japanese flank at Chingpaikou. They successfully drove off the Japanese outpost and made contact with Japanese forces advancing toward Chenpien. However, delays in crossing the Yongding River postponed their attack until it was too late to halt the Japanese advance. Due to poor communications, they also failed to coordinate with General Tang Enbo's forces during the battle. After eight days and nights of fierce fighting, on August 24, Itagaki linked up with the Kwantung Army's 2nd Independent Mixed Brigade at Xiahuayuan. By August 24, the Japanese army breached the defensive line of the Chinese defenders' Wang Wanling Division along the western Hengling, crossed the Great Wall, and advanced into the Huailai area. At this time, the Japanese forces attacking Zhangjiakou from Chabei also secured control of the railway line west of Zhangjiakou, posing a significant threat to the Chinese defenders at Nankou. On August 25, the Chinese defenders were compelled to withdraw from Nankou and retreat to Juyongguan. By August 27, they received orders to break out and relocate southward, completely evacuating the Nankou battlefield. Since Wei Lihuang's troops lost their intended target for reinforcement and Baoding along the Pinghan Line was in a state of emergency, they engaged the enemy in the Wanping area for over a month before retreating south. Following the abandonment of both Nankou and Juyongguan, the Japanese army invaded Huailai City on the night of August 27. The Chinese army suffered over 16,000 casualties, while the Japanese army reported more than 15,000 casualties. On August 26, General Tang Enbo's forces were ordered to break out toward the Sangchien River, while Liu Ruming's troops were directed to withdraw to the opposite side of the Hsiang-yang River. On August 29, a Japanese unit known as the Oui Column by the Chinese and the Ohizumi Detachment by the Japanese launched an attack. According to Hsu Long-hsuen, this unit moved south from Tushihkou, and on August 30, it attacked Yenching via Chihcheng but was repelled by the Chinese 17th Army. The unit had moved to Guyuan by August 25 and reached Xuanhua by September 7, effectively cutting the railway behind Tang's forces and east of the Chinese defenders along the Great Wall. Following the repulsion of the Oui Column's attack, the Chinese 17th Army withdrew to join the rest of Tang Enbo's forces on the far side of the Sangchien River. Kalgan fell to the Japanese on August 27. After General Fu Zuoyi's 200th and 211th Brigades failed in their counterattack to recapture Kalgan, Fu's forces retreated to the west to defend the railway to Suiyuan at Chaikoupao.  On August 30, the army high command ordered the task force and the China Garrison Army to occupy Chahar Province. The North China Area Army deployed Lieutenant General Itagaki Seishiro's Fifth Division, the theater's strategic reserve, for this operation. The Japanese forces relied on armored units to breach Chinese defenses and utilized rail lines to transport troops and supplies effectively to critical locations throughout Chahar. Although the First Independent Mixed Brigade's tanks and armored cars demonstrated proficiency, the Kwantung Army's assessment of the operation criticized the armored units for their lack of shock effect and frequent mechanical breakdowns. Additionally, these vehicles required significant supplies and maintenance, leading the army to deem them ineffective in combat situations. The Second Air Group provided crucial support for the ground offensive in Chahar. From mid-August, this air group, stationed in Chengde and Jingzhou, conducted bombing raids on enemy positions and transport routes, performed reconnaissance missions, and even airdropped supplies to encircled Japanese forces. To match the rapid advance of the mechanized ground forces, air units were repositioned to advanced airfields. After bombing Taiyuan in late August, some units returned to their home bases, leaving behind two fighter squadrons and two heavy bomber squadrons, which formed a provisional air regiment. By mid-September, the Fifth Division and the Chahar Expeditionary Force were advancing southwest through the rugged mountains of Shanxi Province and captured Datong on September 13. Five days later, anticipating a decisive battle, Lieutenant General Katsuki ordered the Fifth Division to pivot southeast toward Baoding to encircle the retreating Chinese forces. Shortly after repositioning, Itagaki learned from aerial reconnaissance that Chinese units were assembling near Pingxingguan (Dayingzhen) Pass. Concerned that these forces might advance eastward through the pass and threaten his rear, Itagaki dispatched a regimental-sized task force under the command of Major General Miura Keiji, leader of the Twenty-first Brigade, to disperse the enemy troops and control the road on both sides of the pass. Miura's task force departed by truck in the mid-afternoon of the following day, but the overland movement proved much slower and more challenging than anticipated. Travelling along a single rutted dirt track through steep mountains, the forty-nine trucks carrying his infantry and heavy weapons, including crew-served machine guns and battalion artillery, could only manage a speed of seven miles per hour. By late afternoon, the lead elements were still about five miles east of the pass when they encountered a few hundred Chinese troops who had retreated after a brief firefight. As night fell, the Japanese moved cautiously forward and reached a village approximately a mile from the pass, where they encountered stiff resistance, including mortar and automatic weapons fire. After successfully repelling a counterattack by the Chinese Seventy-third Division, Miura launched a night assault. Supported by pack artillery and heavy machine guns, two Japanese companies pushed through the pass and seized the high ground on its west side by early morning. However, Chinese reinforcements soon arrived and attempted to reclaim the lost territory, resulting in ongoing fighting for the heights on September 24. Meanwhile, the Chinese Communist 115th Division, comprising the 685th, 686th, and 687th regiments of the Eighth Route Army, consisting of around 6,000 effective troops under the command of twenty-nine-year-old Lin Biao, maneuvered south around the Japanese rear. By September 24, they had interposed themselves on the road east of the pass, effectively cutting off Miura's task force from its supply base. That same day, the Central Army's Seventy-first Division launched several sharp counterattacks against Miura's outnumbered forces west of the pass, threatening to overrun the Japanese positions. Central Army and Communist forces had planned to attack both flanks of the Japanese at dawn on September 25, but torrential rains delayed the advance of the Central Army reserves. The downpour also muffled the sounds of an approaching Japanese night assault. Utilizing the poor night security of the Chinese, Japanese assault parties surprised the Seventy-first and Eighty-fourth divisions, pushing them from their positions west of the pass. Miura mistakenly believed he controlled both sides of the pass and assumed the Chinese forces were in full retreat. Unbeknownst to him, Lin Biao's troops had blocked the eastern entrance to the pass, prompting him to order a resupply column with rations and ammunition forward from about fifteen miles east of the pass to replenish his depleted task force. The supply train, consisting of seventy horse-drawn wagons and eighty trucks, struggled to make progress along the single dirt track, where sections had become muddy bogs due to the heavy rains. Most of the hundred-plus soldiers handling the horses and wagons were untrained and unarmed. The few regular service corps soldiers carried only ten cavalry carbines, while a single infantry platoon of thirty men provided security. The eighty trucks transported another 176 men, most of whom were not infantry. Therefore, the resupply column was ill-prepared for any trouble. Following a sunken road worn down by centuries of caravans, the column approached the pass through a narrow man-made defile, with its sides rising as high as thirty-five feet above the track. Around mid-morning, about four miles east of the pass, the Chinese Communist 115th Division launched an ambush. Communist troops rained grenades and small-arms fire from the high ground overlooking the road onto the trapped convoy. Although the Japanese fought back desperately, the combination of surprise, advantageous terrain, and overwhelming numbers turned the road into a killing ground. The ambush decimated almost all of the teamsters and the infantrymen who protected the wagons. At his field headquarters, Miura heard the heavy gunfire and explosions and quickly ordered a battalion-sized rescue force to assist the convoy. However, the Chinese 685th Regiment, blocking the only road to the trapped supply train, halted the Japanese battalion. Elements of the 685th and 686th regiments then finished off the motorized convoy, with only five trucks at the rear escaping. After looting weapons, equipment, and clothing, the Communists burned the remaining vehicles and withdrew southwest into the rugged mountains. Although the Communists claimed to have killed 3,000 Japanese troops, the more realistic number is around 200. Nonetheless, Lin Biao's guerrillas had achieved a significant tactical success. While the 115th Division destroyed the Japanese resupply column east of the pass, the Central Army's Sixth and Seventh Army Groups, including the Seventy-first Division, launched a series of day and night assaults against Miura's dispersed units west of the pass. Both sides incurred heavy losses, and the Japanese struggled to maintain control of the high ground as the Chinese fanned out through the valleys and attacked from all sides. Isolated and under heavy attack, the Japanese were low on ammunition, food, and water, lacked proper cold-weather clothing in the frigid mountains, and were greatly outnumbered. They resorted to scavenging ammunition and weapons from fallen Chinese soldiers. Itagaki promptly ordered his 41st and 21st infantry regiments, supported by an infantry regiment from the Kwantung Army located about fifty miles northeast of the pass, to rescue the beleaguered task force. These regiments moved along a narrow mountain road amidst heavy rain, which slowed their progress. The relief force split up about forty miles north of Pingxingguan, with the Twenty-first Regiment swinging westward to outflank the Chinese, while the other two regiments continued toward the pass. To the northwest, the Fifteenth Brigade of the Chahar Expeditionary Force advanced southeastward from Datong to encircle the Chinese. Central Army forces defending along the inner Great Wall, about fifty miles northwest of Pingxingguan, inflicted substantial casualties on the Japanese. The Japanese Forty-first Regiment finally reached Miura on September 28, and on the same day, the Twenty-first Regiment dislodged the stubborn defenders along the Inner Great Wall, roughly forty miles northwest of the pass, disrupting the entire Chinese defense and threatening to surround the besieging forces. Nonetheless, fighting continued through September 29, when the Second Brigade broke through the Chinese Central Army's defenses and advanced westward. Facing potential encirclement and certain destruction, the Japanese Sixth Army Group withdrew southwest the following day. Japanese accounts do not specify overall losses, but Chinese reports claim nearly 3,000 Japanese casualties while acknowledging they suffered ten times that number. After five days of intense fighting in rugged terrain, Miura's forces managed to hold their ground, but their heavy losses and those sustained by relief columns rendered it a Pyrrhic victory. Both Communist and Nationalist Chinese forces retreated southwest, surviving to fight another day. The determination of the Chinese Central Army in both offensive and defensive maneuvers, combined with the skillful hit-and-run tactics of the 115th Division, inflicted significant damage on the Japanese and became a cornerstone of Chinese propaganda. On October 1, the Japanese General Staff ordered the North China Area Army to destroy the Chinese forces in Shanxi Province, which were estimated to number over twenty divisions from either the Shanxi Army or the Central Army, and were fortifying positions in Taiyuan, Yangquan, and Yuanpingzhen. The Japanese Fifth and Twentieth Divisions advanced toward Taiyuan, while the Fifteenth Division, reinforced by a mixed brigade, launched an assault south from Yuanpingzhen on October 13. The Fifteenth Division quickly encountered strong Chinese resistance from well-prepared defenses, which halted its advance. From October 19 to 26, the Twentieth Division faced thirteen Chinese divisions entrenched near Jiuguan. Although they successfully repelled numerous fierce counterattacks, the division was unable to breach the Chinese lines. A maneuver by one of its regiments to the rear of the Chinese defenses forced a withdrawal of Chinese troops. The reconstituted Fifth Division joined the pursuit of the retreating Chinese forces on November 3, reaching Taiyuan five days later. Meanwhile, the Twentieth Division, moving westward, inflicted heavy losses on the Chinese units that were withdrawing from Taiyuan. Overall, given that the offensive aimed to secure territory, it can be considered a tactical and operational success. Shortly thereafter, all Japanese forces, except for the Twentieth Division, withdrew from Shanxi Province. The Chahar campaign concluded with the Kwantung Army in control of Chahar, Suiyuan, and the northern half of Shanxi Province. The Japanese quickly established puppet regimes in the captured territories. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In July 1937, tensions between Japan and China erupted following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, leading to fierce fighting as Japanese troops attacked. Chinese defenders, under command of Chiang Kai-shek, bravely resisted despite overwhelming odds, determined to protect their sovereignty. The Battle of Nankou saw relentless assaults, tank warfare, and desperate defense tactics, revealing the depth of Chinese resolve. 

Genghis Khan reshaped the world with brutal force and brilliant organisation. He began life in exile and rose to be a powerful nomadic warrior who united the disparate Mongol tribes to create the largest contiguous empire in history. Dan is joined by economic historian Duncan Weldon to explain how his empire revolutionised global trade via the Silk Road and changed the tactics of global warfare for centuries to come. They discuss how he unified vast territories with a common legal code, developed a pioneering communication system, connected East and West and laid the groundwork for the eventual industrial revolution.Duncan's new book is called 'Blood and Treasure: The Economics of Conflict from the Vikings to Ukraine.'Produced by Mariana Des Forges and edited by Dougal PatmoreSign up to History Hit for hundreds of hours of original documentaries, with a new release every week and ad-free podcasts. Sign up at https://www.historyhit.com/subscribe.We'd love to hear your feedback - you can take part in our podcast survey here: https://insights.historyhit.com/history-hit-podcast-always-on.You can also email the podcast directly at ds.hh@historyhit.com.

Greg Jenner is joined in 13th-Century Venice by Professor Sharon Kinoshita and comedian Ria Lina to learn all about medieval traveller Marco Polo and his adventures in China.Born into a family of merchants, in 1271 a teenage Marco set out for the court of the Mongol emperor Qubilai Khan with his father and uncle. They would not return to Italy for nearly a quarter of a century. In the service of the emperor, the Polos saw all manner of extraordinary things – including the Mongols' amazing imperial postal service and diamond-hunting eagles in India. Imprisoned by the Genoese on his eventual return, Polo spent his time in prison writing his Description of the World with the Arthurian romance author Rustichello, a travelogue describing his exploits in the East and the wonders he had seen. This episode explores Polo's extraordinary life, the decades he spent travelling in China and beyond, and the fascinating account he wrote on his return. If you're a fan of epic voyages, luxurious royal courts and medieval travel writing, you'll love our episode on Marco Polo.If you want more from Ria Lina, check out our episode on pirate queen Zheng Yi Sao. For more on the Mongols listen to our episode on Genghis Khan, and for more medieval travel writers, there's our episode on medieval Muslim explorer Ibn Battuta. You're Dead To Me is the comedy podcast that takes history seriously. Every episode, Greg Jenner brings together the best names in history and comedy to learn and laugh about the past. Hosted by: Greg Jenner Research by: Hannah Cusworth Written by: Hannah Cusworth, Emmie Rose Price-Goodfellow, Emma Nagouse, and Greg Jenner Produced by: Emmie Rose Price-Goodfellow and Greg Jenner Audio Producer: Steve Hankey Production Coordinator: Ben Hollands Senior Producer: Emma Nagouse Executive Editor: Philip Sellars