Podcast appearances and mentions of nixon white house

From the JFK assassination to Vietnam to the Nixon White House and beyond, Bob Schieffer of CBS has covered it all. in this 2004 interview Schieffer tells stories from his rich journalism experience.Get your copy of This Just In by Bob SchiefferAs an Amazon Associate, Now I've Heard Everything earns from qualifying purchases.You may also enjoy my interviews with Dan Rather and Sam Donaldson For more vintage interviews with celebrities, leaders, and influencers, subscribe to Now I've Heard Everything on Spotify, Apple Podcasts. and now on

This week, we continue our author introduction of Pat Buchanan, the most racist member of the Nixon White House. This time we take a look at his time in the Nixon administration and his period of wandering in the wilderness before returning to the fold of the Reagan administration. Become a patron at patreon.com/NYGBCpod Find this episode on our website at NYGBCpod.com Follow us on Bluesky @nygbcpod.bsky.social & @benygbc.bsky.social  Show Links: Spiro Agnew In Des Moines (AP): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tDC7XYaqWUo  Agnew Transcript of remarks: https://www.otterbein.edu/alumni/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2021/04/1969-Agnew-Des-Moines-Speech-Handout.pdf  Inside Nixon's Deranged, Illegal Plot to Pin the Wallace Assassination Attempt on the Left: Conor Powell & Gary Scott: https://www.thedailybeast.com/inside-nixons-deranged-illegal-plot-to-pin-the-wallace-assassination-attempt-on-the-left/ 

Dr. Larry Spinelli has worn numerous hats in and around politics...Hill staffer, senior positions in the federal bureaucracy, political science professor, historian and author. His new book is Watergate's Unexpected Hero, about the life of the incredibly impactful New Jersey Democratic Congressman Peter Rodino - to whom Spinelli was a staffer and friend for 30+ years. Rodino's 40-year career in the House spanned from Truman to Reagan as he played important roles on labor policy, landmark civil rights legislation, attempting to hold back the tide of 80s conservatism...but most notably, as Chair of the House Judiciary Committee during the Watergate crisis and Nixon impeachment hearings. In this role, the previously low-profile Rodino led the hearings watched daily by 80 million Americans amidst the greatest constitutional turning point since the Civil War. In this conversation, Dr. Spinelli talks his own connection to Rep. Rodino - and the 50+ year career of the legendary congressman who found himself at the center of a national crisis and ultimately became one of the most prominent and respected members of Congress of the past century.IN THIS EPISODEHow Larry's use of Machivellian high-school politics led him to first meet Peter Rodino in the late 1960s..How the Rodino family first came to the U.S. from Italy and located in Newark NJ...The anti-Italian discrimination the Rodinos faced and how a young Peter Rodino fought back... How Peter Rodino first gets his foot in the door in local politics in the 1930s...How his WWII service and a controversial anti-labor bill set the stage for him to come to Congress in 1948...Just weeks into his first term, Rodino bucks the seniority system and takes on a racist, autocratic committee chair...Peter Rodino's often under-realized impact on the landmark civil rights legislation of the mid 1960s...The two unexpected elections that made Peter Rodino Chair of the House Judiciary Committee in 1973 and thrust him into the spotlight as the Watergate scandal grew...The steps Rodino took to ensure bipartisan cooperation and effectiveness out of the House Impeachment Committee...The liberal member of the Committee who worked against Rodino behind the scenes...What Rodino believed was on the infamous, missing "18 minute gap" in the Nixon White House tapes...Rodino's view Gerald Ford's controversial pardon of Richard Nixon...Rodino's stature as a popular, national-figure after the Watergate hearings...How close did Rodino come to being Jimmy Carter's VP nominee in 1976...How Rodino held on to a changing Newark, NJ district as it moved from majority Italian-American to majority Black...Peter Rodino's final 15+ years after leaving the House in early 1989...Is Peter Rodino the most influential Italian-American political figure in American history...

Jazz88's Peter Solomon speaks with filmmaker John Scheinfeld about his 2023 documentary "What the Hell Happened to Blood Sweat and Tears?" The film tells the story of the pioneering jazz rock band - one of the most popular bands in the world in the late sixties and early seventies - and the disastrous impact of going on tour beind the Iron Curtain for the US State Department. Scheinfeld describes the film as "a fascinating political thriller that involves the Nixon White House, the State Department, the governments of Yugoslavia, Romania and Poland, and a lot of behind the scenes doings in Washington."

Jazz88's Peter Solomon speaks with filmmaker John Scheinfeld about his 2023 documentary "What the Hell Happened to Blood Sweat and Tears?" The film tells the story of the pioneering jazz rock band - one of the most popular bands in the world in the late sixties and early seventies - and the disastrous impact of going on tour beind the Iron Curtain for the US State Department. Scheinfeld describes the film as "a fascinating political thriller that involves the Nixon White House, the State Department, the governments of Yugoslavia, Romania and Poland, and a lot of behind the scenes doings in Washington."

Just over 50 years ago, in 1974, NPR took to the airwaves for a 25-hour-broadcast that Rob thinks may be one of the most tedious recordings he's ever heard and one that was also an incredible broadcast service. What is it? You'll have to listen. Trust us. It's worth it. 

You know Watergate, but do you know Fedgate? The more subtle scandal with more monetary policy and, arguably, much higher stakes.In today's episode, we listen back through the Nixon White House tapes to search for evidence of an alarming chapter in American economic history: When the President of the United States seemingly flouted the norms of Fed Independence in order to pressure the Chair of the Federal Reserve Board into decisions that were economically bad in the long run but good for Nixon's upcoming election.The tale of Nixon and his Fed Chair, Arthur Burns, has become the cautionary tale about why Fed Independence matters. That choice may have started a decade of catastrophic inflation. And Burns' story is now being invoked as President-elect Trump has explicitly said he'd like more control over the Federal Reserve.Help support Planet Money and hear our bonus episodes by subscribing to Planet Money+ in Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org/planetmoney.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

Welcome to Countdown 2024 ... there are now 56 days until the election.  We have conservative political titans Bill Kristol and Stuart Stevens coming up on today's show ... where the focus will be all about debate night ... in what could prove to be one of the most pivotal nights of this presidential campaign. But first let's take a quick spin around the political world for the latest.... Tonight's debate between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump in Philadelphia is the ONLY one scheduled before election day ... so the stakes are especially high.  In a likely attempt to get under the skin of the former president, Vice President Harris is bringing two former Trump White House staffers to the debate tonight, as her guests.  One of them is former Trump communications director Anthony Scaramucci ... we'll be talking with The Mooch here on Countdown on Friday! Donald Trump called into NBC News this morning for a brief interview ... saying he "doesn't know what to expect" from Harris tonight, given her recently changing positions on several key issues.  Trump campaign sources say the former president won't try to hit Harris for "flip-flopping," ... but rather attempt to tie her to her most liberal positions on issues like immigration and fracking. In some non-presidential campaign political news ... the House Republican majority put forward a spending bill that would keep the federal government up-and-running ... in exchange for approving a bill that would require voters to present proof of American citizenship.  It now looks like that gambit will fail ... and the government will be in danger of shutting down at the end of this month.  The record for a TV audience watching a presidential debate came in 2016 when Hillary Clinton squared off against Donald Trump ... and an estimated 84-million Americans tuned in.  Tonight's Trump-Harris debate could eclipse that. Today's guests on Countdown:-Bill Kristol has been a presence in national Republican politics since 1970 when he was an intern at the Nixon White House.  He went on to work in the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations ... and eventually founded The Weekly Standard.  Kristol now finds himself at The Bulwark. -Stuart Stevens was in the leadership of George W. Bush's 2000 campaign and helped to prep the eventual president (and eventual vice president Dick Cheney) for debates that year ... Stevens has served as a media consultant to countless Republican campaigns, and is now an advisor to the Lincoln Project.

For this week's presidential film, we look at one of the great films of the 1970s: All the President's Men. This is an intelligent, authentic, and--sadly--still relevant film that details the investigative journalism that brought down the Nixon White House. Robert Redford and Dustin Hoffman headline as Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, respectively. They embark on a story that will take them all the way from a minor burglary at the Watergate Hotel, all the way to the Oval Office.How accurate is this story? How does it hold up to repeat viewings? Did it deserve the Oscars it won? Find out all the answers and even more in this episode of Cinemavino!#AllThePresidentsMen #Nixon #politicalthriller #70s #Oscars #election2024

This month marked 50 years since Richard Nixon resigned the presidency for the crimes of Watergate. The endless fascination with the break-in and the cover-up has obscured what may be more important in Nixon's legacy as Americans demand a more restrained foreign policy today: his contribution to the imperial presidency and the crimes he got away with. In the summer of 1974, Congress had a chance to hold the chief executive accountable for concealing the bombing of a neutral Cambodia during the Vietnam War. But this article of impeachment was voted down. In this episode, historian Carolyn Eisenberg takes us into the Nixon White House and the jungles of Southeast Asia to show how an American president and his national security advisor prolonged the war, misled the public, and caused appalling carnage in faraway places – but got away with it, with terrible consequences for our own time. Recommended reading: 'Fire and Rain: Nixon, Kissinger, and the Wars in Southeast Asia' by Carolyn Woods Eisenberg, winner of a 2024 Bancroft Prize

In this episode of Talking History, we're investigating the resignation of President Nixon 50 years ago, the only time an American president has been forced from office in disgrace.Joining Patrick to explore this is Nixon Library resource archivist, Greg Cumming; Sandra Scanlon who lectures in American history at UCD and is an expert on American political culture and its relationship with US foreign policy during the Cold War; Sarah Thelen who lectures in the Centre for the Integration of Research, Teaching and Learning at UCC, who is an expert on Nixon and the silent majority as well as patriotism and the Nixon White House; and Prof Luke A. Nichter who is Professor of History and James H. Cavanaugh Endowed Chair in Presidential Studies at Chapman University and the author of Collusion and Chaos in the Presidential Election of 1968.

Richard Nixon, America's 37th President, resigned his office on August 9, 1974, in the wake of the Watergate scandal. Considering the 50th anniversary of Nixon's resignation on August 9, 2024, Geoff Shepard, a Nixon White House official and the youngest lawyer to serve on Nixon's Watergate defense team, reflected on the rise and fall of ... The post Nixon's Youngest Lawyer Reflects on Watergate 50 Years Later: “It Ended Up a Coup” appeared first on The New American.

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network.

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/public-policy

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/drugs-addiction-and-recovery

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/law

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Most accounts of post-1950s political history tell the story of of the war on drugs as part of a racial system of social control of urban minority populations, an extension of the federal war on black street crime and the foundation for the "new Jim Crow" of mass incarceration as key characteristics of the U.S. in this period. But as the Nixon White House understood, and as the Carter and Reagan administrations also learned, there were not nearly enough urban heroin addicts in America to sustain a national war on drugs.  The Suburban Crisis: White America and the War on Drugs (Princeton University Press, 2023) argues that the long war on drugs has reflected both the bipartisan mandate for urban crime control and the balancing act required to resolve an impossible public policy: the criminalization of the social practices and consumer choices of tens of millions of white middle-class Americans constantly categorized as "otherwise law-abiding citizens."" That is, the white middle class was just as much a target as minority populations. The criminalization of marijuana - the white middle-class drug problem - moved to the epicenter of the national war on drugs during the Nixon era. White middle-class youth by the millions were both the primary victims of the organized drug trade and excessive drug war enforcement, but policymakers also remained committed to deterring their illegal drug use, controlling their subculture, and coercing them into rehabilitation through criminal law. Only with the emergence of crack cocaine epidemic of the mid-1980s did this use of state power move out of suburbs and reemerge more dramatically in urban and minority areas.  This book tells a history of how state institutions, mass media, and grassroots political movements long constructed the wars on drugs, crime, and delinquency through the lens of suburban crisis while repeatedly launching bipartisan/nonpartisan crusades to protect white middle-class victims from perceived and actual threats, both internal and external. The book works on a national, regional, and local level, with deep case studies of major areas like San Francisco, LA, Washington, and New York. This history uses the lens of the suburban drug war to examine the consequences when affluent white suburban families serve as the nation's heroes and victims all at the same time, in politics, policy, and popular culture. Matthew D. Lassiter is professor of history and Arthur F. Thurnau Professor at the University of Michigan, where he is co-director of the Carceral State Project. Caleb Zakarin is the Assistant Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

A year after his re-election, President Nixon was knee-deep in the Watergate scandal. On October 10th, 1973, VP Spiro Agnew resigned, pleading no contest to charges of tax evasion and money laundering, part of a negotiated resolution to a scheme in which he accepted nearly thirty-thousand dollars in bribes while governor of Maryland. According to The New York Times, Nixon “sought advice from senior Congressional leaders about a replacement.” The advice was unanimous in favor of Gerald Ford. Ford agreed to the nomination, telling his wife that the Vice Presidency would be “a nice conclusion” to his career. On October 12th, President Nixon officially named Gerald Ford as Veep. The energy crisis was becoming a major issue. Nixon assured the public saying Americans wouldn't be running out of gasoline, air travel wouldn't stop, and heating oil would be plentiful in the winter months. Though the crisis would require some sacrifice on everyone's part. He outlined a plan which included using less heat, less gasoline, cutting down on highway speeds as well as cutting down on lighting at home and at work. General consensus felt things would get worse before they got better. Meanwhile on November 10th a ceasefire was achieved in the Middle-East. A tenuous agreement was reached between Egypt and Israel that put an end to military conflict. By the middle of November, the Nixon White House sought to put a positive spin on things – launching what was called “The President Fights For His Administration's Credibility.” Nixon's dwindling support from Capitol Hill Republicans caused him to make a round of addresses, primarily in Republican stronghold cities, in order to reiterate his case and help approval. The reviews were mixed – some thought it was a valiant attempt to rescue a bad situation, while others were more convinced than ever that Nixon needed to step down.

On this day in legal history, November 17, 1973, 50 years ago, President Richard Nixon declared he was not a crook. On November 17, 1973, a significant event unfolded in the annals of American legal and political history and carried with it major cultural significance. President Richard Nixon, amidst the escalating Watergate scandal, delivered a televised Q&A session with Associated Press managing editors at Disney's Contemporary Resort near Orlando, Florida. In this session, Nixon adamantly declared, "I'm not a crook," in response to mounting allegations concerning his involvement in the Watergate break-in and subsequent cover-up.Of course, no one was accusing him of being a crook – he was accused of abusing and misusing his power as president. So it was a bit like Hannibal Lecter vehemently denying having ever been a tax evader.This statement quickly became one of the most infamous quotes in American political discourse, symbolizing Nixon's defensive posture amid the scandal. The Watergate scandal itself, which began with a break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate office complex in June 1972, had by late 1973 evolved into a major political crisis. Nixon's administration was accused of obstruction of justice, abuse of power, and contempt of Congress, leading to an erosion of public trust in the presidency.Nixon's emphatic denial on November 17 was part of his broader strategy to maintain political support and manage the narrative surrounding the investigation. However, the statement did little to quell the suspicions and investigative efforts surrounding him. In fact, it heightened public interest and media scrutiny, as it contrasted sharply with the growing evidence of wrongdoing within his administration.This moment marked a turning point in the Watergate scandal. Following Nixon's declaration, the investigation intensified, eventually leading to the revelation of the Nixon White House's involvement in the scandal. The event underscored the complex interplay between legal proceedings, political power, and public perception.The significance of Nixon's statement in the context of legal history is profound. It serves as a reminder of the importance of integrity and accountability in public office and highlights the role of the legal system in upholding these principles. The fallout from this declaration and the subsequent unravelling of the Watergate scandal ultimately led to Nixon's resignation on August 9, 1974, making him the only U.S. president to resign from office.In retrospect, Nixon's "I'm not a crook" assertion remains a pivotal moment that continues to influence American political and legal discourse. It serves as a case study in legal ethics, presidential power, and the pivotal role of the media in uncovering truth. This event, thus, stands as a landmark in legal history, exemplifying the intricate relationship between law, politics, and the pursuit of justice in American society.Following the Supreme Court's ban on affirmative action in college admissions, Wall Street law firms like Simpson Thacher and Paul Weiss have established new practices focusing on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI). These practices emerged in response to client demands for guidance on racial equity audits and the legal sustainability of DEI initiatives post the Supreme Court decision. Loretta Lynch, a leader of the new practice at Paul Weiss, noted the increase in client inquiries about the effectiveness of DEI programs.This trend represents a second wave of DEI practice development, spurred initially by the aftermath of George Floyd's killing in 2020. Now, corporations seek to defend their DEI programs against conservative challenges, highlighted by the Supreme Court's decision in Students for Fair Admissions v Harvard, which disallowed race-based criteria in college admissions. Conservative groups, like America First Legal and Do No Harm, have been actively challenging corporate DEI initiatives, leading more law firms to form specialized DEI practices.Key figures like former US Attorney General Lynch have been involved in defending such programs, including Pfizer's recruitment initiative. Paul Weiss, for example, recently announced its DEI strategic advisory practice with high-profile members, reflecting a continued corporate interest in maintaining diverse workforces amidst legal and social debates.Simpson Thacher & Bartlett and McGuireWoods have also established their DEI practices, recognizing the growing legal complexities surrounding DEI in corporate environments. Bonnie Levine, a founder of Verse Legal, emphasized the need for legal advice as businesses continue to prioritize DEI.The rise of DEI practices in law firms mirrors the broader legal and corporate landscape's evolving dynamics, where firms not only offer specialized DEI services but also face similar DEI-related legal challenges as their clients. Despite the potential for conflicts of interest, there is a general consensus on the necessity of these services, highlighting the importance of multiple avenues of legal counsel in the ever-changing legal field of DEI.Wall Street Firms Build Diversity Practices After Court DecisionA mistrial was declared in the federal civil rights trial of Brett Hankison, a former Louisville, Kentucky, police officer charged in connection with the 2020 death of Breonna Taylor. The jury could not reach a unanimous verdict, leading U.S. District Judge Rebecca Grady Jennings to declare the mistrial. Hankison faced charges of using excessive force during the raid on Taylor's apartment, where he allegedly fired 10 bullets without striking anyone.Previously, Hankison was acquitted in a state court trial on charges of endangering Taylor's neighbors during the same raid. He was the only one among the three officers who fired their weapons to face criminal charges. The other two officers were not indicted by a Kentucky grand jury, as Kentucky's Attorney General Daniel Cameron did not recommend charges against them.Breonna Taylor's death, along with the deaths of George Floyd and Ahmaud Arbery, triggered widespread protests and a call for racial justice in 2020. Taylor, a 26-year-old emergency medical technician, was asleep in her apartment during a no-knock raid by police, who were investigating a drug case involving her ex-boyfriend.During the raid, Taylor's boyfriend, thinking it was a break-in and claiming he did not hear the police identify themselves, fired a shot that wounded an officer. The police returned fire, fatally shooting Taylor. In addition to Hankison, three other former Louisville police officers were charged with including false information in the affidavit for the raid warrant. One of these officers, Kelly Goodlett, has pleaded guilty, while Joshua Jaynes and Sergeant Kyle Meany are awaiting trial.The Department of Justice is now considering its options regarding a potential retrial for Hankison.Mistrial declared for Kentucky officer charged in Breonna Taylor killing | ReutersThe Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals is revisiting the issue of arbitration in cases involving California's Private Attorneys General Act (PAGA), which permits employees to file lawsuits on behalf of the state for labor law violations. The case at hand involves a subsidiary of Macy's Inc., contesting a lower court's decision to send both individual and representative claims for alleged unpaid overtime and wage violations to arbitration. This follows a similar case involving a Lowe's Home Centers LLC worker, where individual claims were arbitrated and representative claims dismissed.The core issue is whether PAGA allows workers to pursue class-like representative claims in court despite agreements to arbitrate individual disputes. PAGA authorizes employees to enforce California Labor Code provisions and bring claims on behalf of other workers.The U.S. Supreme Court, in Viking River Cruises, Inc. v. Moriana (2022), ruled that individual PAGA claims can be subject to arbitration, but dismissed representative claims in such scenarios. Justice Sonia Sotomayor noted that the interpretation of this matter should be left to California's courts.Despite the U.S. Supreme Court's stance, many California courts have opposed the notion of dismissing representative PAGA claims when individual claims are arbitrated. The California Supreme Court's ruling in Adolph v. Uber Technologies, Inc. further supported this view, asserting that workers retain the right to litigate representative claims even if their individual claims are arbitrated.In the current case, Macy's argues that the lower court's decision to send both individual and representative claims to arbitration contradicts the Viking River ruling. However, Yuriria Diaz, the employee, contends that such an arbitration order isn't immediately appealable. The impact of the Adolph decision by the California Supreme Court on this case is yet to be fully assessed, as the Ninth Circuit has not ordered additional briefings on it.The case, Diaz v. Macy's West Stores, Inc., will be heard by a panel including Ninth Circuit Judges Jay Bybee, Kenneth Lee, and Third Circuit Judge Michael Fisher. Both parties' lawyers have refrained from commenting ahead of the oral arguments scheduled for November 17, 2023. This case has the potential to radically upset the current status quo vis a vis labor and management. Macy's Case Brings PAGA Arbitration Issue Back to Ninth CircuitThe California Bar has set new guidelines for lawyers using artificial intelligence, positioning the state as a leader in ethical guidance for AI in legal practice. According to Erika Doherty, program director for the bar's Office of Professional Competence, this initiative is the first AI-specific regulation approved by a legal regulatory agency. The guidelines advise lawyers to disclose their use of generative AI to clients and to avoid charging hourly fees for time saved using AI tools. They also emphasize the need for human oversight of AI-generated content to prevent inaccuracies and bias. This step is seen as an interim measure while more comprehensive rules are developed, including potential revisions to the definition of unauthorized legal practice in the context of AI. The committee highlighted AI's potential to bridge the justice access gap, but cautioned against the risks of false information from AI outputs for self-represented individuals. Similarly, the Florida Bar's ethics committee has proposed guidelines regarding client consent and oversight for AI use, with these recommendations open for public comment until January.California Bar Passes Disclosure and Billing Guidelines for AI Get full access to Minimum Competence - Daily Legal News Podcast at www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

This is the first episode in a four episode special series looking back at the life of General Alexander Haig.  Haig served several Presidents, working most closely with Presidents Nixon, Ford and Reagan. He has been a major player throughout the time periods we have been covering throughout the entire storyline of our podcast. He has been such a large player throughout the run of our series and  we thought here at what will be his last major appearance in our timeline that now was a time to look back at Al Haig, so that you could get a full picture of this man who played such a major role in four major historic moments in our nation's history: The Vietnam War, Watergate, the Nixon Pardon by Ford, and The Reagan State Department. To say Alexander Haig was a major player in all of these events would be a major understatement. All three of these Presidents relied on Haig for advice an understanding of the World. Over the final months of the Vietnam War, Haig helped guide the President to the conclusion, as we shall see in this special series, and it is alleged he may have also later helped guide Richard Nixon out of the Presidency.  Haig's role in the Nixon years, especially, is not without controversy, some of which I was unaware of when I started this podcast several years ago. In this episode we will look back at several historic moments from the life of Alexander Haig.  We start first at the moment that most likely ended his political life when he stepped up to the cameras and insisted he was incharge of the government after the assassination attempt on President Reagan.  We will hear from the man himself, from an interview he gave while attempting to run for President in his own right in 1988. We will hear of his role in the pardon of Richard Nixon from Gerald Ford, and we will hear of his successes as Secretary of State including his role in trying to prevent the Falklands War. But it is his role at the end of Vietnam, and at the end of the Nixon Administration itself that has engendered the most controversy, including accusations that at some point he may have been involved in a spy ring against the President from the Joints Chiefs of Staff, and also that he may have been a secret source for the Washington Post's journalistic team of Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, while also managing the Nixon White House as its Chief of Staff.  We will examine it all here in this first of four episodes on General Alexander Haig.  Questions or comments at , Randalrgw1@aol.com , https://twitter.com/randal_wallace , and http://www.randalwallace.com/Please Leave us a review at wherever you get your podcastsThanks for listening!!

This week, we are joined by The Art Director for The upcoming Eerie Horror Fest, Monster Mark Kosobucki as we review one of George A. Romero's early classics, The Crazies.  A movie that seriously has a totally different meaning in light of the past few years with the Covid-19 Pandemic, The Crazies is a tale of a small town in Western Pennsylvania that becomes infected by a bio weapon from the US Government and said government's attempt to quite it down to keep order.   This movie takes jabs at a government that at the time was in the midst of a crisis of credibility due to the Vietnam War, the fight for Civil Rights, and the growing news of corruption within the Nixon White House.   But does this movie hold up as a cautionary tale and a gem within Romero's Filmography?  We'll find out today!   MONSTER MARK & THE EERIE HORROR FEST Check out our special guest, Monster Mark Kosobucki and his amazing artwork!  Monster Mark on Instagram- https://www.instagram.com/monstermark138/?hl=en Get your tickets now for Eerie Horror Fest- Oct 4-7 at The Warner Theater in Erie, PA!  https://eeriehorrorfest.com/ DISCORD!!!  Take the conversation further!  Come check out our Discord channel where we you can interact face to face (digitally) with us.  Like our opinion or hate it, now you can tell us directly!  https://discord.gg/QWPUCGCuVC SUPPORT THE PODCAST! Do you love the show and want to show your appreciation?  Consider a one time or monthly tip in our virtual tip jar.  Our show will ALWAYS be free, but unfortunately creating the podcast is not free.  Your support will go directly to our production costs.   https://glow.fm/thecinemapsychosshow/ JDUBS VIDEO NASTIES AND NEWSLETTER Our co-host, John Wooliscroft, has a brand new film channel on youtube. Check it out and Subscribe- https://www.youtube.com/@JDUBSVIDEONASTIES Sign up for the PSYCHOS NATION, our monthly newsletter - http://eepurl.com/dhGswf FEEDBACK AND CONTACT US Gotta a movie or question you want to throw our way?  Or did we trash one of your favorite films and you want to know where to send a dead horse.  Either way, drop us a line!  We welcome your questions and dead horses.   NEW !!!  Leave us voicemail! - https://cinemapsychosshow.com/contact-us/ Email cinemapsychosshow@gmail.com Twitter - https://twitter.com/PsychosShow Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/psychosshow/ Discord -https://discord.gg/QWPUCGCuVC Tiktok-https://www.tiktok.com/@cinemapsychosshow Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/psychosshow/ Website - https://cinemapsychosshow.com/ Brian Cottington - https://twitter.com/BrianCottington John Wooliscroft - https://twitter.com/TheUnRealJWools Theme Music: TITLE: “Red Alert” AUTHOR: Jack Waldenmaier PUBLISHER: Music Bakery Publishing (BMI) WARNING: UNAUTHORIZED USE OF THE MUSIC CONTAINED IN THIS PRODUCTION IS SUBJECT TO CRIMINAL PROSECUTION. All copyrights, licensing, duplication and distribution rights are held exclusively by Music Bakery Publishing (BMI). 214-636-5887 musicbakery.com    

HBO just premiered a new mini-series called "The White House Plumbers" starring Woody Harrelson and Justin Theroux. It's based on a book by former Nixon domestic advisor Egil "Bud" Krogh, a key player in the administration's secret espionage unit, aka "The Plumbers," and his son Matt Krogh. G&R talked to Matt last year on the 50th anniversary of the Watergate break-in. We're reposting the episode to coincide with the HBO series' premiere. From 2022: "June 17th, 2022 was the 50th anniversary of the Watergate break in. In 1972, five men were arrested breaking into the Democratic National Committee HQ at the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.C. They were part of a group that operated out of the Nixon White House called the “Plumbers.” Their job was to investigate leaks in the White House and conduct other surveillance and sabotage against Nixon's political enemies. One of the heads of the White House Plumbers was Egil “Bud” Krogh. Krogh passed away in 2020, but before his death, he co-wrote a memoir of his experience in the Nixon Administration's secret espionage unit with his son Matt Krogh (@mattkrogh). In our Watergate anniversary episode, we talk with Matt Krogh about his father Egil Krogh, the Plumbers and the Nixon administration.  We also talk about the Watergate scandal in relation to the current political environment. Bio// Matt Krogh is the co-author, with his father, the late Egil “Bud” Krogh, of "The White House Plumbers" (out this fall), along with its earlier iteration "Integrity." HBO has made a mini-series based on the book starring Woody Harrelson and Justin Theroux. By day, Matt is a professional change maker focused on issues of climate change, fossil fuels, and policy. Mostly based in Bellingham, Washington, he has spent his career in nonprofit activism at various organizations, and has worked as a freelance writer, ranger, and geographic analyst. He currently co-owns Warthog Information Systems (www.warthogis.com), a company focused on using geographic information to make the world a better place. He is grateful for the opportunity to amplify his dad's important life lessons through co-authoring The White House Plumbers, along with its earlier iteration Integrity." -------------------------------------- Music//  "Watergate Blues" by Tom T. Hall, and "H2O Blues" by Gil Scott Heron Links// The White House Plumbers: The Seven Weeks That Led to Watergate and Doomed Nixon's Presidency (https://amzn.to/3xrYHQm) A Final Interview With Nixon “Plumber” Egil “Bud” Krogh, Who Has Died at Age 80 (https://bit.ly/3QfjXRJ) If Watergate Happened Now, It Would Stay a Secret (https://bit.ly/3aQInkt) NY Times: Egil Krogh, 80, Nixon Aide, Dies; Authorized an Infamous Break-In(https://nyti.ms/3tujem0) Follow Green and Red// https://linktr.ee/greenandredpodcast Check out our new website: https://greenandredpodcast.org/ Donate to Green and Red Podcast// Become a recurring donor at  https://www.patreon.com/greenredpodcast Or make a one time donation here: https://bit.ly/DonateGandR This is a Green and Red Podcast  (@PodcastGreenRed) production. Produced by Bob (@bobbuzzanco) and Scott (@sparki1969).  “Green and Red Blues"  by Moody.  Editing by Isaac.

Let's go back and take a look at jazz at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Edward Allan Faine pulls back the curtain on the Nixon White House. Was Tricky Dick a jazz fan? After all, he did give Duke Ellington the Medal of Freedom in 1969. Who was in the band and who jammed at the “after-party”? Why did Sinatra almost get canceled, and just who that was playing piano behind some of Pearl Bailey's set? We'll touch on some of the more recent President's and their bands of choice for “the best gig in town!” Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Encore! Award-Winning Writer, Producer & Director John Scheinfeld discusses with Jan Price his documentary, "What the Hell Happened to Blood, Sweat & Tears?""What the Hell Happened to Blood, Sweat & Tears" is a political thriller with the classic rock band at the heart of the action! It involves the US State Department, the Nixon White House, the governments of Yugoslavia, Romania, and Poland, and documentary footage that has been suppressed for over 50 years by one or all of these!In June 1970, hot off their spectacular Grammy® win for Album of the Year (besting The Beatles' "Abbey Road"), Blood, Sweat & Tears, a popular American rock band, became the first to perform behind the Iron Curtain. What happened to "Blood, Sweat & Tears after that tour has remained a mystery, now the story can finally be told!"What the Hell Happened to Blood, Sweat & Tears?" is now playing in select theaters! Go to bstdoc.com/watch for more info! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Let's go back and take a look at jazz at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Edward Allan Faine pulls back the curtain on the Nixon White House. Was Tricky Dick a jazz fan? After all, he did give Duke Ellington the Medal of Freedom in 1969. Who was in the band and who jammed at the “after-party”? Why did Sinatra almost get canceled, and just who that was playing piano behind some of Pearl Bailey's set? We'll touch on some of the more recent President's and their bands of choice for “the best gig in town!” Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The story behind the latest documentary from award-winning and Oscar nominated director John Sheinfeld, WHAT THE HELL HAPPENED TO BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS has to be seen to be believed. Blood, Sweat & Tears, known for hits such as “Spinning Wheel”, “You've Made Me So Very Happy”, and “And When I Die”, headlined the legendary Woodstock Festival and won multiple Grammy Awards, most notably 1970's win for Album of The Year, beating The Beatles' “Abbey Road” and “Johnny Cash Live at San Quentin.” This is the incredible never-before-told story about a top rock band that was unknowingly embroiled in a political rat's nest involving the U.S. State Department, the Nixon White House and a controversial concert tour of Yugoslavia, Romania and Poland, countries that were behind what was then known as the Iron Curtain.  As a result, they found themselves in the crosshairs of a polarized America -as divided then as it is now – and became an early victim of cancel culture. Written, produced and directed by award-winning filmmaker John Scheinfeld (The U.S. vs. John Lennon, Chasing Trane, Who Is Harry Nilsson?, Herb Alpert Is...), and executive produced by James Sears Bryant, the film was created with the full cooperation of Blood, Sweat & Tears. WHAT THE HELL HAPPENED TO BLOOD, SWEAT AND TEARS features never-before-seen film and photos of the band, as well as present day interviews with five of the nine band members including distinctive lead singer David Clayton-Thomas, sax player and musical arranger Fred Lipsius, innovative bass player Jim Fielder, outspoken guitarist Steve Katz and drummer and band leader Bobby Colomby. For more go to: bstdoc.com

First, the indictment. Now the arraignment of Donald Trump. We go In Depth into all the security involved in bringing a former president to justice. This may be the first time a former president is indicted but hardly the first time a current or former president has been in deep trouble. We talk to former White House attorney John Dean who was a pivotal figure in the Watergate scandal. Joining us toward the end of the show is former Trump attorney Michael Cohen who's a key witness in this hush money case.  To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

First, the indictment. Now the arraignment of Donald Trump. We go In Depth into all the security involved in bringing a former president to justice.  This may be the first time a former president is indicted but hardly the first time a current or former president has been in deep trouble. We talk to former White House attorney John Dean who was a pivotal figure in the Watergate scandal.  Joining us toward the end of the show is former Trump attorney Michael Cohen who's a key witness in this hush money case.  To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices

March 27, 2023 Hoover Institution | Stanford University A Hoover History Working Group Seminar with Luke Nichter, Geoff Shepard, and Dwight Chapin. New evidence has surfaced in the fifty years since President Nixon's resignation. This seminar gathers together three prominent authorities on Watergate, the biggest political scandal of the 20th century. For 50 years, we were taught a carefully curated history of Watergate. It was the nation's greatest political scandal: a White House-led cover-up, the only resignation of a sitting president, and the conviction of some two dozen members of Richard Nixon's administration. However, with the opening of new archival material, a fuller history emerges that prompts us to challenge what was previously known. ABOUT THE SPEAKERS Luke A. Nichter is a Professor of History and James H. Cavanaugh Endowed Chair in Presidential Studies at Chapman University. His area of specialty is the Cold War, the modern presidency, and U.S. political and diplomatic history, with a focus on the "long 1960s" from John F. Kennedy through Watergate. He is a noted expert on Richard Nixon's 3,432 hours of secret White House tapes, and a New York Times bestselling author or editor of seven books, the most recent of which is The Last Brahmin: Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. and the Making of the Cold War. Luke's next book project, under contract with Yale University Press, is tentatively titled The Making of the President, 1968: Lyndon Johnson, Hubert Humphrey, Richard Nixon, George Wallace, and the Election that Changed America, for which he was awarded a National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship for 2020-2021. The book draws on interviews with approximately 85 family members and former staffers, in addition to extensive archival research involving first-time access to a number of key collections that will recast our understanding of the 1968 election. Geoff Shepard is an attorney and former official in the Nixon and Ford administrations. He came to Washington in 1969 as a White House Fellow, after graduating from Harvard Law School. He then joined John Ehrlichman's Domestic Council staff at the Nixon White House, where he served for five years and worked closely with senior officials at the Department of Justice. As a result, he knew and had worked with virtually all of the major Watergate figures. He also worked on President Nixon's Watergate defense team, where he was principal deputy to the President's lead lawyer, J. Fred Buzhardt. In that capacity, he helped transcribe the White House tapes, ran the document rooms holding the seized files of H. R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman and John Dean, and staffed White House counselors Bryce Harlow and Dean Birch on Watergate issues and developments. Over the past decade, Geoff has uncovered internal documents within the Watergate Special Prosecution Force that call into question everything we've been told about Watergate. His first book, The Secret Plot to Make Ted Kennedy President (2008), focuses on the political intrigue behind the successful exploitation of the Watergate scandal by Kennedy administration loyalists. His second book, The Real Watergate Scandal, Collusion, Conspiracy and the Plot that Brought Nixon Down (2015), focuses on judicial and prosecutorial abuses in the Watergate prosecutions. His third book, The Nixon Conspiracy, Watergate and the Plot to Remove the President (2021), describes prosecutors' work with the House Judiciary Committee to bring about Nixon's impeachment. Dwight Chapin worked as the Personal Aide to former Vice President Richard Nixon during his presidential campaign, becoming Special Assistant to the President after Nixon's election victory. He became Deputy Assistant to the President in 1971, and visited China three times: with Henry Kissinger in October of 1971, with Alexander Haig in January of 1972, and with President Nixon in February of 1972. Chapin served as “Acting Chief of Protocol” for these trips. Chapin remained in his role as Deputy Assistant until he left the White House Staff in March 1973. Chapin was also President and Publisher of Success Magazine for five years, and later served in Asia as Managing Director of Hill and Knowlton Public Relations. In 1988 Chapin established Chapin enterprises, an independent communications consultancy, which he operated for the next thirty years. Chapin published an in-depth memoirs about his time with Nixon, The President's Man (2022), which relates his memorable experiences and concludes with new insights about the break-in that brought down Nixon's presidency.

Award-Winning Writer, Producer & Director John Scheinfeld discusses with Jan Price his new documentary, "What the Hell Happened to Blood, Sweat & Tears?""What the Hell Happened to Blood, Sweat & Tears" is a political thriller with the classic rock band at the heart of the action! It involves the US State Department, the Nixon White House, the governments of Yugoslavia, Romania, and Poland, and documentary footage that has been suppressed for over 50 years by one or all of these!In June 1970, hot off their spectacular Grammy® win for Album of the Year (besting The Beatles' "Abbey Road"), Blood, Sweat & Tears, a popular American rock band, became the first to perform behind the Iron Curtain. What happened to "Blood, Sweat & Tears after that tour has remained a mystery, now the story can finally be told! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Legendary investigative reporter, Seymour Hersh, tells us all about the story he broke that describes in great detail how the U.S. blew up the Nordstream pipelines in a covert “act of war” against Russia. Plus, Mickey Huff, of Project Censored joins us to speak to Ralph about the state of the so-called “free press.”Seymour Hersh is the pre-eminent investigative journalist of our time.  He has won five George Polk Awards, two National Magazine Awards, and more than a dozen other prizes for investigative reporting. In 1970, Mr. Hersh won the Pulitzer Prize for exposing the My Lai Massacre and its cover-up during the Vietnam War. In 2004, Mr. Hersh exposed the Abu Ghraib prison scandal in a series of pieces in The New Yorker. Among his many books are The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House, Chain of Command: The Road From 9/11 to Abu Ghraib, The Dark Side of Camelot, The Samson Option, The Killing of Osama Bin Laden, and his latest, a memoir of his storied, decades-long career, entitled simply Reporter.The pipeline industry all know that Russia didn't [sabotage the Nord Stream pipeline]. Everybody knows they did not do it. There might have been some vagueness about who. But they were pretty sure all along who. Because who else threatened to do it, but the President and his Under Secretary Victoria Nuland? They're the two that went public with it— much to the dismay of the people actually doing the covert operation. Seymour HershWe always saw the Russians' great abundance of gas and the Russian delivery of gas to Europe—from Jack Kennedy in 1962— we saw it as weaponizing gas.Seymour HershIt's a famous notion that the CIA and all those secret groups, they don't work for the Constitution. They work for the Crown. They work for the President.Seymour HershMickey Huff is the director of Project Censored and the founder and host of The Project Censored Show, a weekly syndicated public affairs program. He is professor of social science, history, and journalism at Diablo Valley College. He has authored and edited several books including ​​United States of Distraction: Media Manipulation in Post-Truth America (and what we can do about it), Let's Agree to Disagree, The Media and Me: A Guide to Critical Media Literacy for Young People, and Project Censored's State of the Free Press 2023: The News That Didn't Make the News—And Why.[The Norfolk Southern crash] is a bipartisan disaster. It's a direct example of what happens with regulatory capture. And it shows, once again, the gross failure of the corporate media— they'll cover balloons, and the Super Bowl, and a bunch of other distractions, instead of things that really matter to working class Americans.Mickey Huff, co-editor of State of the Free Press 2023: The News That Didn't Make the News—And WhyYou're not allowed to ask the tough questions, Ralph. And anybody who's been in the press pool long enough knows that. They don't have to be told that. The censorship doesn't have to be directly from the government, or even from the corporate owners. Reporters know that if they ask questions that don't get answered too often, and get overlooked, they're going to get yanked. They're going to get called back to the office. They might end up losing their jobs because they don't have copy and they don't have stories.Mickey Huff, co-editor of State of the Free Press 2023: The News That Didn't Make the News—And WhyEncourage members of the press not to forget [the 20th anniversary of the US invasion of Iraq on March 19th]. That was a massive war crime— over a million innocent Iraqis died, the country destroyed, falling apart to this day— and Bush and Cheney are luxuriating in the US without any accountability whatsoever. There's a lot of talk now on the first anniversary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. But very little talk about the US and its sociocide destruction of the Iraqi people. And I think that illustrates how important it is to ask questions on subjects that have been taboo or censored.Ralph Nader Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi announced Thursday that her husband, Paul Pelosi, has been released from a San Francisco hospital after surgery to repair a skull fracture and injuries to his hand and arm. CNN's Jamie Gangel and Dr. Sanjay Gupta talk to Anderson about his recovery.  Also, CNN's Sara Murray has exclusive reporting on how DOJ officials have discussed whether a Donald Trump candidacy in 2024 would create the need for a special counsel to oversee two federal investigations related to the former president. Anderson gets perspective on that from CNN Law Enforcement Analyst and former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe and CNN Contributor John Dean, who served as White House Counsel in the Nixon White House.To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

A judge releases new information from the Mar-a-Lago affidavit, revealing documents handed over to investigators by Trump's lawyers had markings associated with spies, and that the DOJ requested the Trump Organization hand over more than six-months of surveillance footage. CNN Senior Law Enforcement Analyst Andrew McCabe and former Nixon White House counsel John Dean, join to discuss.The Pentagon says Russian forces are retreating after a Ukrainian counter offensive sees the country reclaim 2,300 square miles of territory. CNN Correspondent Melissa Bell reports from inside the newly liberated regions of Ukraine. CNN Anchors Bianca Nobilo and Richard Quest join Don live in London on the day of The Queen's return to Buckingham Palace, to discuss the Royal family and the British public coming together to pay their tributes in a procession that already stretches fours miles through the City's streets.To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

"Charles W. Colson, the Republican political operative who boasted that he would “walk over my own grandmother” to ensure the reelection of President Richard M. Nixon and went on to found a worldwide prison fellowship ministry after his conversion to evangelical Christianity, .......Mr. Colson's reputation as a “dirty tricks artist” overshadowed his achievements as a darkly brilliant political strategist. He helped lay the groundwork for the Nixon landslide of November 1972 by appealing to disgruntled Democrats and blue-collar minority voters.A self-described “hatchet man” for Nixon, Mr. Colson compiled the notorious “enemies list” of politicians, journalists and activists perceived as threats to the White House. And most fatefully, he helped orchestrate illegal activities to discredit former Pentagon official Daniel Ellsberg, who was suspected of leaking a top-secret history of the Vietnam War to the New York Times and The Washington Post. "   ------ Washington Post Obituary written by Michael Dobbs This is what most everyone thinks they know about Chuck Colson. What has been the most stunning thing I have learned about the Watergate Scandal has been how little the Prosecutor's actually had to make a case on Chuck Colson. The case was weak and they all knew it. But Leon Jaworski, while simultaneously working to protect William Bittman from an alleged overwhelming case of guilt, was determined to see Chuck Colson imprisoned. In this episode we will let you listen in on how the case was maneuvered, and how Chuck Colson was scared into a plea deal. We will also introduce you to Chuck Colson, what his role was in the Nixon White House, and finally you will hear his own opinion on what happened to him at the hands of the Sinister Force of Watergate. A Sinister Force who literally stole a portion of this man's life and destroyed his reputation too. *** For more information please go to the following website ShepardonWatergate,comSupport My WorkIf you love the show, the easiest way to show your support is by leaving us a positive rating with a review. You can also tell your family and friends about " Randal Wallace Presents : Nixon and Watergate " tooThe Lowcountry Gullah PodcastTheculture, history and traditions podcast where Gullah Geechee culture lives!Listen on: Apple Podcasts Spotify

 In this episode we are going to step back to October of 1973. The singular event that changes everything in Watergate was the Saturday Night Massacre. When we originally told the story we did so from the overall perspective of the Nixon White House and the news media that covered it. We travel back in this episode and let you hear the story from the oral histories of the members of the Special Prosecutor's office whose boss was fired. It is, we thought, the best way to introduce you to several people whose oral histories will take you to the very end of our Podcast Documentary look at Richard Nixon. While this episode centers more on the Special Prosecutors you will hear from two top level Nixon staffers, Ray Price and an oral history of Alexander Haig, read by me. You will also hear from Elliot Richardson, William Ruckelshaus, and Robert Bork. But at the end you will get a play by play from three members of the special prosecutor's office we have only brushed upon in our earlier episodes. They are the number two man in the office, Henry Ruth, who will one day become the Special Prosecutor,  along with Richard Ben Veniste, and Jill Wine Banks.  It will give you some insight as to what it was like for those in the office on the night of the firing of Archibald Cox. This is the first of three episodes centered on the people of the Watergate Scandal and their roles in it. Support My WorkIf you love the show, the easiest way to show your support is by leaving us a positive rating with a review. You can also tell your family and friends about " Randal Wallace Presents : Nixon and Watergate " tooThe Lowcountry Gullah PodcastTheculture, history and traditions podcast where Gullah Geechee culture lives!Listen on: Apple Podcasts Spotify

CNN learns that privately, White House officials are deeply concerned about exactly what Trump took to Mar-a-Lago, and whether it could potentially put the sources and methods of the US intelligence community at risk. CNN Senior Justice Correspondent Evan Perez, former Nixon White House counsel John Dean, and former US attorney Harry Litman, join to discuss the fine line the White House is walking between not interfering with the DOJ investigation, and dealing with the repercussions that might come from the former president mishandling this sensitive intelligence information.School districts struggle to find teachers amid the pandemic, low pay and escalating culture wars. Plus, Rep Liz Cheney says the January 6 Committee still wants to hear from Mike Pence, a Massachusetts anti-abortion advocate tells CNN he thinks banning abortion would make men more responsible as fathers, and vulnerable GOP candidates distance themselves from Trump going into the 2022 midterms.Hosted by Laura Coates.To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

John Dean taught a class about Watergate and the discovery of the Nixon White House taping system. In June 1973, during testimony before the Senate Watergate Committee, Mr. Dean implicated President Nixon and administration officials, including himself, in the Watergate cover-up. Mr. Dean later pleaded guilty of obstruction of justice for his role in Watergate and served four months in prison. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Why are the media & Hollywood so obsessed with Richard Nixon? To find the answer, we tell the often-ignored story of his life. Along the way we hear from the one-and-only Ann Coulter, New York Times bestselling author and purveyor of the Unsafe Substack. We also hear from Geoff Shepard, author of The Nixon Conspiracy. Geoff worked in the Nixon White House and was the man that transcribed the infamous Nixon audio tapes. You may think you know all you need to know about the 37th president, but fully understanding the ignored truth behind his story reveals the dark mission of the mainstream narrative machine…and what needs to be done to break its spell.Support the show: https://redpilledamerica.com/support/See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

June 17th is the 50th anniversary of the Watergate break in. In 1972, five men were arrested breaking into the Democratic National Committee HQ at the Watergate Hotel in Washington D.C. They were part of a group that operated out of the Nixon White House called the “Plumbers.” Their job was to investigate leaks in the White House and conduct other surveillance and sabotage against Nixon's political enemies. One of the heads of the White House Plumbers was Egil “Bud” Krogh. Krogh passed away in 2020, but before his death, he co-wrote a memoir of his experience in the Nixon Administratins secret espionage unit with his son Matt Krogh (@mattkrogh). In our Watergate anniversary episode, we talk with Matt Krogh about his father Egil Krogh, the Plumbers and the Nixon administration. We also talk about the Watergate scandal in relation to the current political environment. Bio// Matt Krogh is the co-author, with his father, the late Egil “Bud” Krogh, of "The White House Plumbers" (out this fall), along with its earlier iteration "Integrity." HBO has made a mini-series based on the book starring Woody Harrelson and Justin Theroux. By day, Matt is a professional change maker focused on issues of climate change, fossil fuels, and policy. Mostly based in Bellingham, Washington, he has spent his career in nonprofit activism at various organizations, and has worked as a freelance writer, ranger, and geographic analyst. He currently co-owns Warthog Information Systems (www.warthogis.com), a company focused on using geographic information to make the world a better place. He is grateful for the opportunity to amplify his dad's important life lessons through co-authoring The White House Plumbers, along with its earlier iteration Integrity. -------------------------------------- Music// "Watergate Blues" by Tom T. Hall, and "H2O Blues" by Gil Scott Heron Links// The White House Plumbers: The Seven Weeks That Led to Watergate and Doomed Nixon's Presidency (https://amzn.to/3xrYHQm) A Final Interview With Nixon “Plumber” Egil “Bud” Krogh, Who Has Died at Age 80 (https://bit.ly/3QfjXRJ) If Watergate Happened Now, It Would Stay a Secret (https://bit.ly/3aQInkt) NY Times: Egil Krogh, 80, Nixon Aide, Dies; Authorized an Infamous Break-In(https://nyti.ms/3tujem0) Follow Green and Red// https://linktr.ee/greenandredpodcast Check out our new website: https://greenandredpodcast.org/ Donate to Green and Red Podcast// Become a recurring donor at https://www.patreon.com/greenredpodcast Or make a one time donation here: https://bit.ly/DonateGandR This is a Green and Red Podcast (@PodcastGreenRed) production. Produced by Bob (@bobbuzzanco) and Scott (@sparki1969). “Green and Red Blues" by Moody. Editing by Isaac.

This month marks 50 years since the Watergate scandal rocked the Nixon presidency, but many of the scandal's lessons still seem fresh. We sat down with former Nixon White House aide John Dean, as CNN correspondent Kristen Holmes breaks down the Watergate scandal – and what it tells us as the Jan. 6th House select committee prepares for public hearings next week. Don't miss the “Watergate: Blueprint for a Scandal” premiere this Sunday at 9pm and 10pm ET on CNN. To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

With fears rising that the war in Ukraine might spark a big rise in global food prices, we're going back 50 years to the story of how a drought in the bread basket of the Soviet Union led to a catastrophic trade deal between Moscow and Washington. The Nixon White House unwittingly signed a grain financing contract that crippled American farmers, fuelled inflation and sent world cereal prices through the roof. Laura Jones speaks to investigative journalist Martha Hamilton and former Soviet crop scientist, Dr Felix Kogan, about what became known as "The Great Grain Robbery". PHOTO: Golden wheat on a farm in the US state of Nebraska in the 1970s (Denver Post/Getty Images)

What's it like to be a part of history? With the 50th anniversary of Nixon's famous trip to China taking place this year, Dwight Chapin joins host Richard Aldous to talk about his new book, The President's Man: Memoirs of Nixon's Trusted Aide.

A donation from the Recording Industry Association of America to the Nixon White House, the White House Recording Library was comprised of 2,000 LPs, and overseen by a committee of scholars, journalists, and musicians. The library was then stored away and forgotten. John Chuldenko, the grandson of President Jimmy Carter, recalls hearing stories of the collection and began his search to uncover the lost music. He shares his quest and discovery with White House Historical Association President Stewart McLaurin.