Podcasts about ibn taymiyya

V drugi polovici 20. stoletja se je pojavila moderna islamska ekonomska misel kot odgovor na ideje socializma, kapitalizma in tudi kolonializma. A začetke klasične islamske ekonomske misli je lahko najti že v 7. stoletju. Ekonomska tradicija je v islamu temeljila na tako imenovani inštituciji ḥisbe kot moralno-pravnem nadzorovalnem mehanizmu, ki je prek tržnega inšpektorja (muḥtasib) nadzoroval pravično izmenjavo dobrin, odnose med trgovci in kupci ter preverjal kakovost prodanega in kupljenega blaga. Ekonomska infrastruktura je poleg ḥisbe zajemala tudi versko podporo (waqf), ki je vključevala na primer graditev civilne infrastrukture, mest in celo zapuščino ter muslimanski davek (zakāt) in prepoved obrestne mere (ribā). V klasični dobi, ki je trajala približno od 7. do 17. stoletja, so pravni učenjaki, islamski teologi, filozofi in mistiki razglabljali o ekonomski aktivnosti v okviru moralnega prava in kozmološke misli šerijata. Spajali so pravo z moralo (fiqh in akhlāq) in vednost z delovanjem (‘ilm in amal), zato so ji na primer kartezijanska bifurkacija med dušo in telesom in percepcija univerzuma kot mehanične kompozicije (Rene Descartes) bile nepoznane oziroma tuje. Kartezijanski duh jasnosti in racionalnosti je namreč islamskemu svetu med obdobjem kolonializma vsilil določeno percecijo sveta in pravnih kategorij, medtem ko je klasičen islam poznal pluralnost filozofske, pravne in teološke misli. Visoko razvita islamska ekonomska misel predpostavlja drugačno zastavo sveta in delovanja, kot jo poznamo v moderni Evropi. Pravni učenjak al-Šaybani (749–805), poznani sufiji al-Muhasibi (781–857), Ibn Abi al-Dunya (823–894) in al-Ghazali (1058–1111), ortodoksna teologa in pravnika Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328) in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (1292–1350) ter poznani učenjak in trgovec iz Damaska al-Makrizi (1364–-1442), so podrobno preučevali teorijo denarja, zvišanje cen na tržišču, teorijo ponudbe in povpraševanja ter vlogo šerijata in islamske politične oblasti v okviru moralnega delovanja družbe. Fundamentalno drugačna zasnova koncepta ekonomije (iqtiṣād) ne predpostavlja racionalno-tehnične ureditve, temveč moralno-metafizični svetonazor, zaobjet v kozmološki strukturi Korana kot ultimativnega besedila. Številni učenjaki so tostranstvo (dunyā) teoretizirali v navezavi do onstranstva (ākhira), pojem denarja pa analizirali le kot medij izmenjave in orodje za dosego višjega duhovnega cilja. Islamski koncept ekonomije (iqtiṣād) pravzaprav pomeni proces skromnosti, gospodarnosti in zmernosti, ki so predvsem duhovnega značaja. V tem oziru iqtiṣād nikakor ne more pomeniti ekonomije, kot jo razumemo v moderni dobi, kot tehnična in k zaslužku usmerjena aktivnost, temveč kot človeški odnos do samega sebe in sveta v luči duhovnega vzgiba.

In this thought-provoking seminar, Jamier Turner delves into the evolving formulations of the design argument among Muslim thinkers, focusing on a non-Paleyan approach inspired by the ideas of the 14th-century theologian, Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328 CE). Turner challenges traditional Paleyan models, often criticized for their vulnerability to Darwinian objections, by presenting a Taymiyyan framework emphasising non-inferential, metaphysical causality in nature's design. Discover how this innovative perspective circumvents the challenges faced by Paleyan inferences while maintaining compatibility with scientific explanations of biological phenomena. Turner also addresses three critical objections to the Taymiyyan model and explores its potential as a robust defense of design-based theistic belief.

durée : 00:53:48 - Questions d'islam -

Published book chapter: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/9783110552386-010/htmlPre-proof deposit (green open access): https://nottingham-repository.worktribe.com/output/945700/foundations-of-ibn-taymiyyas-religious-utilitarianismHere are Prof Jon Hoover's basic web links. The ORCiD is included because it is probably the most durable.https://www.nottingham.ac.uk/humanities/departments/theology-and-religious-studies/people/jon.hooverhttps://sites.google.com/site/jhoover363/publicationshttps://orcid.org/0000-0001-8571-4413https://twitter.com/jhoover04Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/blogging-theology/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Prieur du couvent des dominicains du Caire, Adrien Candiard travaille dans le célèbre Institut Dominicain d'études orientales situé également au Caire.Depuis une douzaine d'années, il est engagé dans l'étude de l'islam et dans le dialogue islamo chrétien, publiant aussi bien une thèse sur Ibn Taymiyya, théologien musulman du XIVe siècle, que des livres grand public comme : « comprendre l'islam… ou plutôt pourquoi on n'y comprend rien ». Adrien Candiard est également l'auteur de la pièce de théâtre : « Pierre et Mohamed », un hommage à un autre Dominicain, Pierre Claverie, ancien évêque d'Oran, qui fut assassiné en Algérie en 1996.

Ibn Taymiyya (1263–1328) of Damascus was one of the most prominent and controversial religious scholars of medieval Islam. He called for jihad against the Mongol invaders of Syria, appealed to the foundational sources of Islam for reform, and battled against religious innovation. Today, he inspires such diverse movements as Global Salafism, Islamic revivalism and modernism, and violent jihadism. This volume synthesizes the latest research, discusses many little-known aspects of Ibn Taymiyya's thought, and highlights the religious utilitarianism that pervades his activism, ethics, and theology.

durée : 00:53:48 - Questions d'islam - Qui fut Taqiy ad-Dîn Abûl-‘Abbâs Ahmad Ibn ‘Abdel Halîm Ibn Taymiyya, celui qu'on surnommait "le Cheikh de l'islam" ? Et comment expliquer que son oeuvre soit si peu étudiée alors que ce théologien controversiste médiéval est une référence de l'islamisme contemporain? - invités : Adrien Candiard

Things you'll learn in this episode of Our Prophet:- Various versions of the Prophet's famous Hadith at Khandaq- Why did Ibn Taymiyya reject this well-quoted Hadith?- Why did the Prophet give such high credit to Imam Ali?- Does this Hadith present Imam Ali as greater than the Prophet?- How some Companions had trouble accepting the virtues of Imam Ali- Details of Amr's conversation with Ali on the battlefield- An unusual hadith by Imam Sadiq on Dhulfaqar speaking to Imam Ali- Where were the righteous companions of the Prophet when Amr challenged the Muslims?Join us in creating the most comprehensive life story (seerah) of Prophet Muhammad (s). Dedicate episodes in the memory of your loved ones by visiting https://thaqlain.org/ourprophet.Visit https://app.thaqlain.org and download the first "Knowledge App" from the School of Ahlulbayt.#ProphetMuhammad #PropheticBiography #OurProphetSupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/our-prophet/donations

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Cette série de vidéos est basé sur les recherches de Osman Nuri T. qui s'est lui-même basé sur les sources les plus authentiques,notamment chez les savants de la Sounnah comme Ibn Taymiyya et son élève Ibn Al-Qayyim.N'hésitez surtout pas à vous abonner, partager et liker ma chaîne afin de profiter de plus de vidéos !Activez les notifications en cliquant sur la cloche

Paul Williams of Blogging Theology talks to Muhammad Jalal about his ten most influential books, why he recommends them and the importance of reading. Titles mentioned in order of rank: 1. The Meaning of the Holy Qur'an by Abdullah Yusuf Ali 2. Islam and the Destiny of Man by Charles Le Gai Eaton 3. The Book of Hadith: Sayings of the Prophet Muhammad from the Mishkat Al Masabih selected by Charles Le Gai Eaton 4. Encountering Mystery: Religious Experience in a Secular Age by Dale C. Allison Jr. 5. Ibn Taymiyya on Reason and Revelation by Carl Sharif El-Tobgui 6. Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Teachings by Martin Lings 7. Misquoting Muhammad by Jonathan A.C. Brown 8. The Oxford Book of English Verse edited by Christopher Ricks 9. Critique of Pure Reason by Immanuel Kant 10. The Making of a Salafi Muslim Woman by Anabel Inge This Ramadan please consider making a donation, however small, to The Thinking Muslim, to receive a share in the reward and to help us make a greater impact. ⁠⁠⁠https://www.thinkingmuslim.com/Donate⁠ Join our Telegram group here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://t.me/thinkingmuslim ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Follow us on Twitter here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://twitter.com/jalalayn⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ https://twitter.com/thinking_muslim⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Website Archive: ⁠thinkingmuslim.com

Dallas Lectures

In this episode, we explore the history and key features of the movement known as Salafism, which has become a significant force in modern Islam.Sources/Suggested Reading:Crawford, Michael (2014). "Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab". Oneworld Academic.Hamid, Sadek (2016). "Sufis, Salafism and Islamists: The Contested Ground of British Islamic Activism". I.B. Tauris.Hoover, Jon (2019). "Ibn Taymiyya". Oneworld Academic.Meijer, Roel (ed.) (2009). "Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement". C Hurst & Co Publishers LtdWinter, Tim (ed.) (2008). "The Cambridge Companion to Islamic Theology". Cambridge University Press.#Salafism #Islam #Religion Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode we talk about a scholar who represents the very opposite tendency compared to many other figures we have discussed on this channel. Ibn Taymiyya is a controversial thinker, but one that has had a major impact on the contemporary Islamic world.Sources/Suggested Reading:Abrahamov, Binyamin (1998). "Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism. Edinburgh University Press.El-Rouayheb, Khaled & Sabine Schmidtke (2019). "The Oxford Handbook of Islamic Theology". Oxford University Press.Hoover, Jon (2019). "Ibn Taymiyya". In the Makers of the Muslim World Series. OneWorld.Moustafa, Mohamed A. (2017). "Upholding God's Essence: Ibn Taymiyya on the Createdness of the Spirit". Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy and Sciences. 3(2): 1-43.Skeikh, Mustafa (2007). "Ibn Taymiyya, Analogy and the Attributes of God". Faculty of Theology, University of Oxford.#IbnTaymiyya #Islam #Salafism Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

~ Ibn Taymiyya on Reason and Revelation: A Study of Darʾ taʿāruḍ al-ʿaql wa-l-naql https://brill.com/view/title/55796~ Reason and Revelation in Ibn Taymiyyah with Dr. Carl Sharif El-Tobgui https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=atXivkQv6u8&t=1s~Ibn Taymiyyah On Reason And Revelation By Carl Sharif El-Tobgui https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VA57sBh22yASupport this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/blogging-theology/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/islamic-studies

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu.

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

Islam's fourth caliph, Ali, can be considered one of the most revered figures in Islamic history. His nearly universal portrayal in Muslim literature as a pious authority obscures centuries of contestation and the eventual rehabilitation of his character.  In Opposing the Imam: The Legacy of the Nawasib in Islamic Literature (Cambridge University Press, 2021), Nebil Husayn, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Miami, examines the enduring legacy of the nawasib, early Muslims who disliked Ali and his descendants. The nawasib participated in politics and scholarly discussions on religion at least until the ninth century. However, their virtual disappearance in Muslim societies has led many to ignore their existence and the subtle ways in which their views subsequently affected Islamic historiography and theology. By surveying medieval Muslim literature across multiple genres and traditions including the Sunni, Mu'tazili, and Ibadi, Husayn reconstructs the claims and arguments of the nawasib and illuminates the methods that Sunni scholars employed to gradually rehabilitate the image of Ali from a villainous character to a righteous one. In our conversation we discussed approaching early Muslim sources, the spectrum of anti-ʿAlid positions, Ibn Taymiyya's take, the rehabilitation of 'Ali, and the legacy of anti-ʿAlid sentiment within Sunni theology. Kristian Petersen is an Assistant Professor of Philosophy & Religious Studies at Old Dominion University. You can find out more about his work on his website, follow him on Twitter @BabaKristian, or email him at kpeterse@odu.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

'The Correct Reply to the One Who Altered the Religion of the Messiah' by Ibn Taymiyya http://www.ibntaymiyyah.com/articles/...Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/blogging-theology/donations

Dr Joshua Ralston discusses his book "Law and the Rule of God: A Christian Engagement with Shari'a" with Dr Ali-Reza Bhojani. In Law and the Rule of God, Joshua Ralston presents an innovative approach to Christian-Muslim dialogue. Eschewing both polemics and apologetics, he proposes a comparative framework for Christian engagement with Islamic debates on sharī'a. Ralston draws on a diverse range of thinkers from both traditions including Karl Barth, Ibn Taymiyya, Thomas Aquinas, and Mohammad al-Jabri. He offers an account of public law as a provisional and indirect witness to the divine rule of justice. He also demonstrates how this theology of public law deeply resonates with the Christian tradition and is also open to learning from and dialoguing with Islamic and secular conceptions of law, sovereignty, and justice. #sharia #god #christian

    The Mongols were known for unleashing a series of unrelenting horrors upon the Islamic world, from the catastrophic destruction of the Khwarezmian Empire under Chinggis Khan, to the sack of Baghdad under his grandson Hulegu, where the Caliph himself was killed on Mongol order. No shortage of Islamic authors over the thirteenth century remarked upon the Mongols as a deathblow to Islam, a punishment sent by God for their sins. Yet, many of the Mongols of the west end of the empire even before the end of the thirteenth century converted to Islam, and in time some of the heirs of Chinggis Khan held the sharia over the yassa. In today's episode, we explore why so many Mongols chose to convert to Islam. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       The Mongolian interaction with Islam began in the twelfth century, as Muslim merchants came to Mongolia with expensive goods such as textiles or metal weapons and tools to exchange for furs and animals to sell in China or Central Asia. Some of these merchants took up valued roles among the up and coming Mongol chiefs; at least two Muslims, Hasan the Sartaq and Ja'far Khoja, were among the warlord Temujin's close allies during his fabled escape to lake Baljuna, where they swore long lasting loyalty to him. Hasan's arrival brought much need flocks of sheep to help feed Temujin's starving men, while Ja'far Khoja was supposedly a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Ja'far served Temujin in valued roles for the rest of his life, acting as an embassy to the Jin Emperor and as daruqachi, or overseer, over the Jin capital of Zhongdu and its environs once the Mongols took it in 1215. When Temujin took the title of Chinggis Khan and began to expand the Mongol Empire, initially Muslims found little reason to lament the expansion of the Great Khan. Muslim merchants continued to serve in prominent roles, acting as emissaries and spies on behalf of Chinggis Khan, who rewarded them handsomely: gladly did Chinggis give them gifts and overpay for their wares in order to encourage them to make the difficult journey to Mongolia, as well as bring him useful information of Central Asia. One such Central Asian, Mahmud, served as Chinggis' loyal envoy to the Khwarezm-Shah Muhammad. His actions earned him the title of Yalavach, becoming Mahmud the Messenger.   In the Tarim Basin in 1218, the local Muslim population had suffered oppression under the Naiman prince Kuchlug, who had usurped power in the Qara-Khitai Empire. When Chinggis Khan's great general Jebe Noyan entered the region pursuing Kuchlug, he proclaimed that all those who willingly submitted would be free to worship as they chose. The region largely seems to have swiftly thrown out Kuchlug's garrisons and officers and happily accepted Mongol rule, not as conquerors but liberators.       This, of course, was not the case for the next stage of Mongol expansion. The highly destructive campaign against the Kwarezmian Empire launched in 1219 resulted in the deaths of perhaps millions of people from what is now Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan through eastern Iran and Afghanistan, a predominatly Muslim region. There are no shortage of accounts of horrendous atrocities suffered throughout the former domains of the Khwarezm-shahs. Though most of what is now modern Iran submitted peacefully to the Mongol commander Chormaqun over the 1230s, with the arrival of Hulegu in the 1250s a new wave of massacres were unleashed, culminating in the infamous sack of Baghdad in 1258 and death of the ‘Abbasid Caliph, an immense blow the psyche of the ummah. At the end of the 1250s it seemed reasonable to anticipate that soon the whole of the remaining Muslim world would become the subject of the Grand Khan.       The initial period after the Mongol conquest was, for many Muslims, not easier. Statements by modern writers of Mongol religious toleration have been greatly over-exaggerated. While it is true that the Mongols in the early years of the Empire generally did not persecute on the basis of religion, the Mongols did persecute on the basis on specific beliefs that they felt ran contrary to steppe custom or the laws of Chinggis Khan, the great yassa. For example, for slaughtering animals the Mongols forbid the spilling of blood. This differed greatly from Muslim and Jewish halal and kosher slaughter, that mandated the draining of it. This in particular became a frequent source of conflict over the thirteenth century, with the Mongols feeling the spilling of blood on the earth would bring misfortune. We are told from the Persian writer Juvaini, a member of Hulegu's entourage in the 1250s, that Chinggis Khan' second son Chagatai so thoroughly enforced this prohibition that “for a time no man slaughtered sheep openly in Khorasan, and Muslims were forced to eat carrion.” Essentially, the Mongol viewpoint was that as long as a given religion adherents remained loyal and did not perform the tenets the Mongols forbid, then the worshippers could practice freely. But such freedoms could be revoked: Khubilai Khan in the 1280s, upon feeling insulted when a group of Muslims at his court refused to eat meat he offered them, banned halal slaughter and circumcision, on pain of property loss and death, for almost the entire decade. A Khwarezmian refugee to the Delhi Sultanate writing around 1260, Juzjani, wrote of his sincere belief that Chagatai and other members of the Mongol leadership intended a genocide of the Muslims.   Why then, did Islam succeed in converting the Mongols of western Asia, after such a low-point? It was a matter of proximity. The majority of the population in the major centres in the Golden Horde, Ilkhanate and Chagatai Khanate were Muslims, ensuring that not only could sufis and others proselytize to the Mongol leadership, but also their military. Efforts by Buddhists or various Christian representatives, be they Catholic, Syriac or Nestorian, lacked comparable resources or presence, and their efforts were generally restricted to attempting to convert the highest ranking Mongols. While this brought them some influence, in contrast to the image in most historical narrative sources monarchs tended to convert once enough of their followers had done so for it to be a sound decision for their legitimacy. More Mongols simply had closer proximity to Muslims populations than they ever did Christian or Buddhist, leading to a more thorough conversion than any Franciscan friar could ever accomplish. Similar proximity prompted the slow sinicization of the Mongols in Yuan China.       While the Mongols disliked certain tenets of Islam, they still found use of it. Islamic craftsmen, administrators and healers were quickly spread across the Mongol Empire, accompanying every Khan and Noyan everywhere from campaigns to their personal camps. In short order they commanded armies, often of their own locally raised forces, to fight for the khans. The various Islamic peoples of Central Asia, be they Turkic or Iranic, could provide a plethora of skills and manpower the Mongols found useful or themselves lacked. Various Mongol armies, particularly the tamma garrison forces, were stationed in close proximity to Islamic centres for extended periods of time. Mongol princes from the highest ranks of the empire, including Chinggis Khan and his own sons, took Muslim wives and concubines. For the lower ranking soldiers forced to leave their families behind in Mongolia, they took Muslim wives and began new Muslim families which replaced their own.        By the reign of Chinggis Khan's son and successor Ogedai, Muslims made up many of the highest ranking members of the bureaucracy and administration from eastern Iran to Northern China. Some of these men, such as Mahmud Yalavach, his son Mas'ud Beg, and ‘Abd al-Rahman, served as heads of the Branch Secretariats the Mongols established to govern Asia. These men were answerable only to the Great Khan, and held immensely powerful positions.       The proximity of high ranking Muslims throughout the Mongol government and army in significant numbers made them an influential force. The presence of well educated Islamic jurists in the courts of the Khans is very well attested, and a merchant who showed great fiscal ability could find himself richly rewarded in lucrative ortogh arrangements with Mongol princes, where a  Mongol prince would provide silver and other currencies, taken via conquest, tribute and taxation, to a merchant as a loan, who would then use it for trade, make money and pay back the prince. Sometimes a well connected merchant could even be rewarded with prominent government position once they won the favour of a prince or khan. The Mongol search for whatever skills they saw as useful particularly rewarded Muslims with aptitude in alchemy and astrology. The Khans of the Ilkhanate spent considerable sums of money on the alchemists who claimed to be able to produce gold or prolong life, much to the chagrin of the Ilkhanid vizier and historian Rashid al-Din. Astrologists who could help determine the future or courses of action also received great reward, for the Mongols put great stock in this, as it was a position similar to the occupation of their own shamans.       With the mention of the shamans, we should give a brief account of the Mongols pre-Islamic religion, and in what ways it helped pave the way for their conversions. Though often dubbed “shamanism,” this is a poor description. Shamans occupied only a part of the Mongol folk religion, which was a series of practices relating to the appeasement and interpretation of spirits which inhabited every part of the natural world. It was the fear of offending these spirits which was behind the Mongols' own methods of slaughter, refusing to spill blood on the earth, place dirty things into running water or urinate or place knives into fire and ashes. It was the job of shamans to communicate, appease or harness these spirits, and ensure no misfortune befell the family or, after 1206, the Empire. The duties of shamans strictly fell to influencing events within the current life, rather than with a next level of existence. Thus, for the Mongols it was useful to accumulate other holymen who could interact with the supernatural on their behalf beyond what their own shamans did. It also demonstrates why, once they did convert, the Mongols saw it fit to continue to commune with shamans, and makes it so difficult for many to accept the conversion of the Mongols as sincere.       In fact, as historians like Devin DeWeese or Peter Jackson have thoroughly argued, we are in no place to gauge the authenticity of any Mongol's conversion. Our vantage point centuries later, and nature of our sources, leaves us unable to actually determine the conviction of each convert, and makes it inappropriate to reduce the story of a given khan's conversion to simply a matter of political convenience. The Mongols actively selected aspects of sedentary societies which benefitted themselves, and therefore could choose to profess Islam while continuing observe shamanic practices and standard cultural actions, all the while seeing no juxtaposition between this.        The earliest conversions of the Mongols or their servants began in the 1230s and 40s. One of the earliest, most prominent figures to convert was not even a Mongol, but a Uyghur named Korguz, Ogedai's appointment to the new Branch Secretariat of Western Asia, covering Iran and the Caucasus, towards the end of his life. Korguz was one of the most powerful civilian officials in the empire, and his conversion to Islam from Buddhism at the start of the 1240s marked the highest profile convert yet in the Mongol government, though he was killed in 1244 on the order of Ogedai's widow, the regent Torogene. Batu, shortly before the climactic battle against the Hungarians at Mohi in 1241, certainly had a number of Muslims in his army. According to Juvaini, while preparing for the confrontation Batu ascended a hill to pray to Eternal Blue Heaven, and asked the Muslims in his army to pray for victory as well. It is unclear if they were Muslim troops raised from Central Asia and the steppe, or Mongol converts to Islam in his army.        The exact mechanics of conversion are unknown. Though the historical sources like to portray the people following a prominent prince or khan's conversion, it seems generally that it was the other way around, where the lower ranks converted in enough numbers to make it useful or safe for a prince to convert. For example, one of the primary army units in Mongol expansion and consolidation were the tamma,  a sort of garrison force permanently stationed in a region, made up of a mixed body of nomadic and sedentary troops. The Mongols in these troops were usually forbidden to have their wives and families accompany them. Separated from their homeland, families or local shamans, and taking new, local wives who were generally Muslims, these Mongols were largely removed from the infrastructure that would have encouraged the maintenance of their traditional religion and made them more susceptible to conversion. If not themselves, then their children. Perhaps the best example comes from the tamma commander Baiju, stationed in the Caucasus and Anatolia from the early 1240s until the start of the 1260s. Over the twenty or so years of his career, he appears in a variety of historical accounts, which demonstrate not only the presence of a great number of Muslims in his camp, as advisers, administrators and sufis, but also demonstrate the gradual conversion of his men. By the end of his life, according to sources like the Mamluk encyclopedist al-Nuwayri, Baiju himself became a Muslim and asked to be washed and buried in the Muslim fashion on his death.     Perhaps the most famous convert though, was Berke. A son of Jochi and grandson of Chinggis Khan, Berke is most well known for his war against his cousin Hulegu over the Caucasus. Conflicting accounts are given for his conversion, with some having him raised a Muslim, while others suggest a conversion in the 1240s, drawn to Islam through the efforts of the sufi Shaykh Sayf al-Din Bakharzi. Certainly by the 1250s Berke was a Muslim, and quite a sincere one: the Franciscan Friar William of Rubruck remarks during his trips through the Jochid territories in 1253 that Berke was a Muslim, and forbid the consumption of pork in his camp. Juvaini reported that meat at Mongke Khaan's enthronement feast in 1251 was slaughtered in halal fashion out of deference to Berke, and Juzjani in distant Delhi had learned of Berke's Islam by 1260. Mamluk accounts present him having a Muslim vizier and showing great respect for qadis and other Muslim holymen. Yet, the Mamluk embassy also remarked that Berke still continued to dress and wear his hair in the distinctive Mongolian style, rather than don Islamic clothing. While Berke's war with Hulegu is often portrayed as his anger over the death of the Caliph, it seems this was a secondary concern to him. His own letter to Sultan Baybars remarks on his anger over Hulegu's infringement of the yassa of Chinggis Khan, by failing to send Berke loot from Baghdad and Iraq or consult with him. The fact that war began three years after Baghdad's fall, and that Hulegu occupied Jochid territory in northern Iran and the Caucasus after Mongke's death, suggests that Berke's immediate concerns were more strategic than spiritual. Islam for the early converts like Berke was not a change of identity, but an acceptance alongside their existing beliefs and incorporated into a Chinggisid world view. Almost certainly Berke, like his Islamic successors, continued to consult with shamans and the yassa, yet never felt disloyal to the sharia.       While Berke's conversion was accompanied by some of his brothers and commanders, it did not precipitate the Islamization of the emerging Golden Horde. Following Berke's death around 1266, it took some 14 years for another Islamic Khan to sit on the throne of the Jochids. At the start of the 1280s, both the westernmost khanates of the Mongol Empire saw the enthronement of Muslim rulers: Töde-Möngke taking the throne in the Golden Horde between 1280 and 1282,, and from 1282 to 1284 Tegüder Ahmad in the Ilkhanate. Once more, the sources hint that shaykhs and sufis were behind the conversion of both men, and continued to be held in great esteem in both courts. For the Ilkhan Tegüder, who upon his enthronement went by the name of Sultan Ahmad, we have a variety of sources which describe his commitment to Islam, which vary widely and demonstrate why it remains difficult for many to accept the authenticity of the early conversions.      In a letter Tegüder sent to the Mamluk Sultan Qalawun, Tegüder spoke of establishing sharia law in the Ilkhanate, protected pilgrimage routes and built new religious buildings, similar claims to what Töde-Möngke made in his first letter to the Mamluks around similar time. Tegüder argued that based on the fact of their now shared religion it was easier for the Mamluk Sultans to submit to him. Cilician Armenian writers like Het'um of Corycus and Step'annos Orbelian generally portray Tegüder as a prosecutor of Christians. Yet at the same time the Syriac churchman Bar Hebraeus wote of Tegüder as a friend to Christians, an upholder of religious toleration who exempted them from taxation and allowed Hebraeus to build a new church, while the Mamluks were largely skeptical of his conversion.   Ghazan, the great reformer of the Ilkhanate, sought to portray himself as a powerful Muslim monarch and an heir to the defunct ‘Abbasid Caliphate, but also as the first true Muslim Ilkhanate. For this reason, his two predeceassers who were attached to Islam, Tegüder and Baidu, were both denigrated in official accounts from his reign. Ghazan was raised a Buddhist, and only came to Islam a few weeks before his enthronement, urged to convert by his commander Nawruz Noyan and the Shaykh Sadr al-Din al-Hamuwayi during his rebellion against Ilkhan Baidu. While his biographer Rashid al-Din desperately sought to portray Ghazan's conversion causing his commanders and soldiers to follow suit, it seems almost certain that it was in fact the opposite, and that by converting Ghazan hoped to gain the wavering support of Baidu's Muslim followers. Ghazan did so successfully, and overthrew Baidu only a few months after he had himself seized the throne. Upon becoming IlKhan, on the instigation of his zealous general Nawruz, Ghazan order the destruction of Christian, Jewish, Buddhist and Zoroastrian centres in Muslim cities in his empire and imposed the jizya. However, these harsh measures were quickly rescinded by 1297 with the downfall of Nawruz, though Buddhists did not return to the prominence they had previously enjoyed. Ghazan before the end of the 1290s donned a turban and even declared jihad against the Mamluks. Though some Mamluk scholars, none more famous than the jurist and scholar Ibn Taymiyya, were not convinced of Ghazan's Islam. Outside of Damascus in 1300, Ibn Taymiyya insulted both Ghazan and his vizier, the Jewish convert to Islam Rashid al-Din, of being false Muslims. Ghazan, he stated, continued to worship Chinggis Khan in place of sharia.   The life of Ghazan's brother and successor Oljeitu demonstrates perhaps the most extreme example of a Mongol prince's flexible approach to religion. His father Arghun had the young Oljeitu baptized a Nestorian Christian and given the name of Nicholas, supposedly after the Pope Nicholas IV, with whom Arghun was attempting to ally with against the Mamluks. As a teen, he converted to Buddhism, when he took the Buddhist name of Oljeitu. Under the influnece of a wife, he then converted to Sunni islam, taking the name of Muhammad Khudabanda, servant of God, which became the source of rude puns on his name: kharbunda, donkey driver. First he attached himself to the Sunni school of Hanafism, then to Shafi'ism, before frustration with fighting between the schools turned him back to Buddhism, before in 1309 returning to Islam, but this time abandon the Sunnis for Shi'ism. A number of different sources offer explanations for what drove Oljeitu to become a Shi'a, generally focusing on how a various princes, commanders, scholars and others convinced upon Oljeitu the merits of Shi'a Islam. One particularly detailed account has a Shi'a Scholar describe the succession of the first of the Rashidun Caliphs, those accepted in Sunni Islam, to the Prophet Muhammad instead of 'Ali, remarking to Oljeitu it would be as if a non-Chinggisid general were to succeed Chinggis Khan. According to the Mamluk sources, Oljeitu's conversion to Shi'ism prompted a series of rebellions across Ilkhanid Iraq. In some accounts, Oljeitu converted back to Sunni Islam shortly before his death in 1316. His son, Abu Sa'id, followed him to the throne, a Sunni Muslim who did not waver in his faith as his father.    Following Ghazan's reign from 1295 until 1304, the Ilkhanate became an Islamic state, with the majority of its army and upper echelons converted to Islam.  The process was slower in the Golden Horde and Chagatai Khanate. After Töde-Möngke's deposition in 1287, the Golden Horde would not have another Muslim monarch until the reign of Özbeg, who took the throne in 1313. It seems he converted shortly after his accession, seemingly to gain the support of influential noyans within the Horde. In legendary accounts Özbeg was converted by a sufi named Baba Tükles, who proved the veracity of his religion when he comfortably survived an oven wearing nothing but chain maille, while the shaman he challenged was burnt to death in his oven. However, Baba Tükles does not enter into accounts of Özbeg's life until centuries after his death. It seems likely that Özbeg was converted by influential sufi and islamic jurists in his entourage, and the increased islamization of members of military and aristocracy making it a viable political choice to convert as well. To cement his reign and his religion, Özbeg ordered the executions of over a hundred Chinggisid princes and noyans. Other prominent converts, such as Ghazan in the Ilkhanate and Tughluq Temur in the eastern Chagatai Khanate, also carried out large scale purges though none matched those of Özbeg. So extensive was Özbeg's purge that within a generation, the line of Batu had died out within the Golden Horde. In the Chagatai Khanate, Islamization proceed in stops and starts. In the western half of the Chagatai realm, centered as it was around the trade cities of Transoxania and closer to the Iranian world, islamization went quicker, more or less winning out by the mid 14th century. It would take another century in the eastern half of the Chagatai realm, Moghulistan, where steppe lifestyle maintained greater influence. Not until the reign of Tughluq Temur's grandson, appropriately named Muhammad Khan, in the fifteenth century did Islam win out most of the remaining holdouts, according to the mid-sixteenth century source of Mirza Haidar Dughlat. For the eastern Chagatais, where the local islamic population was much smaller, there was much less interaction with the faith, and thus it took much longer for the military and the noyans to fully convert, despite the conversion of the Khans themselves.   Still, in policy men like Özbeg, Ghazan and Oljeitu largely matched their forebears in providing taxation exemptions, favours and other privileges to Christians, especially Franciscan missionaries, though on a lesser scale than earlier in the thirteenth century. Their successors, Özbeg's son Janibeg and Oljeitu's son Abu Sa'id, proved less welcoming, as even Christians found their privileges revoked. Janibeg ordered his men to dress in the fashion of Muslims, while Abu Sa'id sought to become the protector of the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, one year even sending an elephant there for inexplicable reasons. Still, these monarchs showed themselves to continue in their traditions, such as acts of levirate marriage, that is marrying their father's wives, something forbidden by Islam.  Islam proved an aspect of these monarch's identities, but it took many generations in Iran for all elements of Mongol culture and Chinggisid ideology to be driven out, and in the steppes the process, it can be argued, never truly fully replaced the memory of the house of Chinggis Khan.        Our series on the Mongols will continue, and we will visit in detail the topic of Mongol religious tolerance very soon, which ties closely to this matter, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals Podcast. If you'd like to help us continue to bring you great content, please consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. Please also consider leaving us a positive review and rating on the podcast catcher of your choice, and sharing us with your friends; each one helps the podcast out alot. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one.

TESTO DELL'ARTICOLO ➜ http://www.bastabugie.it/it/articoli.php?id=6544LA SVIZZERA DICE NO AL BURQA di Lorenza FormicolaDomenica gli svizzeri hanno votato a maggioranza ristretta a favore del divieto di nascondere il volto. Un segnale forte contro l'islam e l'islamizzazione d'Europa, per chi lo ha proposto; iniziativa xenofoba e sessista per gli altri.Votando contro l'uso del velo integrale nella sfera pubblica, la Svizzera si unisce a Francia, Austria, Bulgaria, Belgio e Danimarca, dopo anni di dibattiti. Le Courrier si domanda se la Svizzera abbia "paura del burqa o dell'islam", Liberation sul confine della xenofobia e islamofobia.Il testo, proposto dal partito di destra Udc, ha ottenuto il 51,21% dei voti e la maggioranza dei cantoni, come raccontano i risultati ufficiali pubblicati dal governo federale. Il referendum non faceva riferimento a burqa o niqab esplicitamente, motivo per cui da oggi in Svizzera sarà vietato coprirsi integralmente il viso in pubblico in qualsiasi occasione. Il che vale anche per i manifestanti incappucciati, ma sono previste eccezioni per i luoghi di culto. Dalle urne elvetiche sono usciti, domenica 7 marzo 2021, così, contemporaneamente un ‘sì' all'iniziativa popolare per il divieto di velarsi e un ‘no' alla legge sull'identità elettronica, che prevedeva un sistema misto, pubblico-privato, per la gestione dell'identità digitale per gli acquisti online.SCONFITTE IPOCRISIA E RETORICAPer entrambi i quesiti identitari, il Comitato di Egerkingen, animato dall'Udc, destra moderata e primo partito svizzero, ottiene una vittoria. Il quesito sull'identità digitale era stato promosso da ecologisti e socialisti. E in questo caso la vittoria del fronte referendario è andata addirittura al di là dei sondaggi, oltrepassando ampiamente il 60% dei no. In 18 Cantoni su 23 hanno sostenuto, e quindi approvato, l'iniziativa referendaria. In testa il Giura (60,7% di sì), seguito dal Ticino e da Svitto. Interessanti i risultati del Vallese (58,3% di sì) e di Friburgo (55,9% di sì). "Significativo che i cinque cantoni citati siano rispettivamente francofono, italofono, tedescofono e gli ultimi due bilingui francese-tedesco", scrive Giuseppe Rusconi sul sito Rossoporpora.org.Alla vigilia della festa della donna, la Svizzera mette così di fatto al bando il burqa nei luoghi pubblici. E stende un velo su ipocrisia e retorica. Anche se già quando si annunciò il referendum si parlava di "razzismo". Oggi la querelle è solo più esasperata. In Italia, nel 2009, fu Souad Sbai a proporre l'abolizione del velo islamico con una proposta di legge presentata in Parlamento. Inutile scrivere che quella legge non vide mai la luce. Nel commentare il risultato del referendum la Sbai dichiara, "È una bellissima notizia. La mia proposta di legge del 2009 fu fermata da una richiesta mandata all'allora Presidente della Repubblica, Ciampi. Tra i firmatari di questa petizione c'erano alcuni personaggi che, a distanza di qualche anno, si recarono in Siria per combattere con l'Isis. In ogni caso, è un bell' 8 marzo. Spero che l'Occidente apra gli occhi su questo, perché non è vero che danneggia la libertà della donna. Sì, qualcuna non uscirà di casa, ma tante avranno la libertà e non saranno sottomesse, come forse vorrebbero alcune donne di sinistra. Oggi saranno arrabbiati radicali e estremisti che vedono la donna come loro proprietà". E aggiunge, "forse questa legge darà fastidio anche agli esponenti di una certa sinistra. A questo punto, speriamo che in tanti prendano esempio e abbiano il coraggio di dire ‘no' all'estremismo islamista che avanza, e rallentarne il processo. Questa legge - conclude Souad Sbai - è più che altro rivolta alla sicurezza. Quante persone possono nascondersi dietro a quel burqa e niqab e passare inosservate, magari per compiere un atto terroristico?".IL VELO RAPPRESENTA LA CHIUSURA CONTRO LA CULTURA EUROPEACertamente il tema della sicurezza è al centro delle istanze che hanno spinto anche gli altri Paesi europei a muoversi nella stessa direzione. Ma la verità è che il dibattito ossessionato dal razzismo denuncia un'ignoranza di fondo sul velo e sul suo significato per giornalisti, analisti e politici. È piuttosto insignificante l'idea per cui, presi singolarmente gli elementi dell'islam, possano risultare innocui. Compongono l'ampiezza del sistema politico che è l'islam.Lo hijab, il burqa e il niqab non hanno mai rappresentato un dogma della religione islamica, e non sono un simbolo religioso. Il primo ad utilizzare la parola "velo" fu il giurista Ibn Taymiyya nel XIV Secolo. E lo fece prendendo spunto dal versetto 31 della sura 24 del Corano. Dal velarsi al velo. Da azione ad oggetto, fu questo il passaggio. Nasce per creare un confine che separi, che respinga gli sguardi. Nel mondo islamico, infatti, è ovunque sottolineato come la donna non debba guardare e soprattutto non debba farsi guardare. Per l'islam la femminilità è associata alla concupiscenza e il sesso femminile è associato al disordine. Il velo è allora lo strumento per conseguire l'obiettivo della purezza.Ma non solo. Nel mutamento linguistico s'inserisce anche quello di carattere sociale. Il credente si trova costretto a scontrarsi con l'essere musulmani in una società a maggioranza non musulmana, l'Occidente. E allora il velo rappresenta la chiusura contro la cultura europea. Nega la libertà come fattore di "occidentalizzazione", e inventa regole giuridiche per tenere sotto controllo la propria gente e l'islam stesso.Oggi più che mai il velo non è un look islamico, ma la differenza che corre tra un donna di Allah e tutte le altre donne. È, quello sì, razzismo puro.

Learn more about the Hanbali School with Sh Yusuf ibn Sadiq. Shaykh Yusuf is a trained Hanbali jurist and Hadith scholar. He currently teaches in Cairo. Join our newsletter ➡️ SafinaSociety.org/newsletter Are you keeping up with your morning & evening dhikr? ➡ SafinaSociety.org/wird Take classes: ★ MyArkview.org

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ibn Taymiyya is one of the most prolific and influential Islamic thinkers to date, and was even the only pre-modern Muslim author cited in the 9/11 Report. His supporters and detractors alike have engaged his scholarship extensively for hundreds of years, and Hoover’s monograph, Ibn Taymiyya (2020), in English, as part of Oneworld’s “Makers of the Muslim World” series therefore offers an invaluable contribution to existing literature on Ibn Taymiyya. In our interview, Professor Hoover and I discuss the reasons for Ibn Taymiyya’s popularity, including his time in prison and controversial views on marriage, interfaith relations, and mysticism. Hoover’s monograph goes beyond a simple introduction to Ibn Taymiyya’s life and works and instead explores the prolific thinker in great detail, in terms of his own scholarship as well as reception history. Unsurprisingly, Hoover’s previous scholarship on Ibn Taymiyya (including a monograph on theodicy, as well several articles that explore Ibn Taymiyya’s thought broadly) informs the current work by allowing the author to write from an already expert vantage point. The bibliography is extensive and complements Hoover’s extant bibliography of Taymiyyan studies scholarship, hosted on his personal website. The book is sure to appeal to a broad range of audiences, including journalists, political scientists, and religion scholars. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Religions du Monde - Dimanche 11 octobre 2020 - 11h10-12h00 (Heure de Paris) 1/ Le discours du président Macron, le vendredi 2 octobre 2020, aux Mureaux sur le séparatisme islamiste a mis fin à des mois de tergiversations et désigné clairement l’offensive que le gouvernement entend mener contre l’islam radical. Scolarisation obligatoire des enfants dès l’âge de trois ans, fin sous trois ans du système des imams étrangers détachés, contrôle plus strict du financement des mosquées et des associations, enseignement de l’arabe à l’école, etc.Le texte de loi sur le séparatisme portera finalement un titre plus consensuel «projet de loi renforçant la laïcité et les principes républicains» et sera présenté en Conseil des ministres le 9 décembre :- Mohammed Moussaoui, président du CFCM (Conseil français du culte musulman) - Najwa El Haïté, adjointe au maire d’Évry-Courcouronnes en charge de la culture et de la transformation digitale, docteur en Droit public- François Pupponi, député du Val d’Oise et maire de Sarcelles de 1997 à 2017 - Philippe Portier, vice-président de l’EPHE, ancien directeur du laboratoire GRSL (Groupe Religions Sociétés Laïcités) du CNRS.  2/ Fratelli Tutti «Tous frères». Cinq ans après Laudato si sur la préservation de la création, le pape François publie une encyclique sociale sur la fraternité, véritable réquisitoire contre l’individualisme de nos sociétés qui ont perdu le sentiment d’appartenance à une même  humanité. Un cri pour réveiller les consciences. Éric Senanque, correspondant de RFI au Vatican. 3/ «Le fanatisme n’est pas un excès de Dieu mais une absence de Dieu» et le discours théologique fait partie des solutions pour remédier à ce dérèglement du religieux qu’est le fanatisme. C’est le fil conducteur du petit traité (1) du frère Adrien Candiard de l’IDEO (l’Institut dominicain d’études orientales) du Caire. Adrien Candiard est spécialiste d’Ibn Taymiyya, le théologien musulman du XIVe siècle, figure de référence aux salafistes et aux jihadistes. (1) « Du fanatisme : quand la religion est malade » (Cerf) 

Join us in this new series to discuss a new project by MAS, Project100, with special guest Dr. Sharif El-Tobgui, author of " Ibn Taymiyya on Reason and Revelation". We expand on the course he'll be teaching through Project100 titled, "Islam and the Modern Worldview". Learn more about Dr. Sharif El-Tobgui: Brandeis Faculty Guide Profile | Academica.edu Profile Get his book as PDF or hard copy: Brill - Ibn Taymiyya on Reason and Revelation, Academia.edu PDF ---- Learn more about Project100 Visit https://www.muslimamericansociety.org/project100 The Muslim American Society invites applicants for Project 100 a 4-week concentrated program of high-level intellectual engagement and deep spiritual exploration centered around the themes of: Islam and the Modern Worldview with Dr. Sharif El-Tobgui & Probing the Depths of the Seerah with Dr. Wael Hamza In addition to shorter, rotating modules on topics including spirituality & dhikr, leadership development, mental health, choosing a career, social & political engagement in American society ---- Visit muslimamericansociety.org to learn more about our work and how you can get involved. Connect with us: https://www.facebook.com/MuslimAmericanSociety https://twitter.com/mas_national https://www.youtube.com/user/masyouth https://soundcloud.com/muslimamericansociety ---- Muslim American Society is committed to the vision of a virtuous and just American society and its mission is to move people to strive for God consciousness, liberty, and justice, and to convey Islam with utmost clarity. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/muslimamericansociety/message

Among the most controversial of Muslim thinkers, Ibn Taymiyya has been lumped with al-Ghazali as responsible for "what went wrong."  In this episode, we look at the reality of a man whose quotes and misquotes have been at the heart of controversy for centuries. 

Our Ummah has been blessed with exemplary figures and our Islamic history is gloriously rich with such examples of real men who understood Islam comprehensively. It was not their lineage or themselves as a person that made them such great people; but rather their adoption of the Islamic creed and ideas and their clear understanding of it that made them into the person they were. Sheikh ul-Islam Taqi Ad-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiyah (r) is one such example. His courage and works reach us like a ray of light in this dark period even today. He has been notably known for many great acts, including his works on the Islamic Aqeedah and Tauheed. However, in order to really respect him, we do not need to emulate him since he dealt with the problems in his time with the clear understanding of Islam that he had. Instead, we adopt the same attitude and ideas he did and step forward to deal with the issues and problems we face today. And we ask: if he were alive today what would he oppose, what would he speak against and fight against today; who are the mongols of today and what is the biggest deviation from Tauheed today?

Ibn Taymiyya et le féminin par Eric Geoffroy by Conscience Soufie

Interesting dicussion on whether or not Jinn possession is real. Arguments for and against are explored in some interesting detail with quotes from Imam Ahmad, Ibn Taymiyya and al-Qurtubi.

Skepticism is a familiar term to many of us conjuring up notions of doubt, uncertainty, and perhaps even unbelief. Yet, Skepticism did not always have such a narrow meaning. In fact Skepticism has helped formulate a number of important religious and intellectual positions throughout history. Paul L. Heck‘s new book Skepticism in Classical Islam: Moments of Confusion (Routledge, 2013) is perhaps the first major treatment of skepticism in the Islamic context. This book explores the critical role skepticism played in the development of Islamic theology from the 10th through 14th centuries. Paul Heck suggests we should not understand skepticism as atheism. Rather, it is the admission that one cannot convincingly demonstrate a truth claim with certainty. Heck surveys a number of important Islamic scholars, such as Al-Jahiz, al-Amiri, Al-Ghazali, and Ibn Taymiyya, concluding they all acknowledged such impasses only to be inspired to find new ways to resolve the conundrums they faced. In his book Paul Heck examines the way these key thinkers, among others, in classical Islam faced perplexing theological and philosophical questions, all the while walking a fine line between belief in God’s message as revealed in the Qur’an and the power of the mind to discover truths on its own. Although this is a book about Islamic skepticism, Heck wants to stimulate scholars in the field of religious studies to inquire into how skepticism has formed, and continues to form, a constitutive part of religious reasoning and how we understand the nature of religion. Seeking to put Islam on the map of the broader study of the history of skepticism, I believe this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Religion, History, Islamic Studies, and Philosophy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Skepticism is a familiar term to many of us conjuring up notions of doubt, uncertainty, and perhaps even unbelief. Yet, Skepticism did not always have such a narrow meaning. In fact Skepticism has helped formulate a number of important religious and intellectual positions throughout history. Paul L. Heck‘s new book Skepticism in Classical Islam: Moments of Confusion (Routledge, 2013) is perhaps the first major treatment of skepticism in the Islamic context. This book explores the critical role skepticism played in the development of Islamic theology from the 10th through 14th centuries. Paul Heck suggests we should not understand skepticism as atheism. Rather, it is the admission that one cannot convincingly demonstrate a truth claim with certainty. Heck surveys a number of important Islamic scholars, such as Al-Jahiz, al-Amiri, Al-Ghazali, and Ibn Taymiyya, concluding they all acknowledged such impasses only to be inspired to find new ways to resolve the conundrums they faced. In his book Paul Heck examines the way these key thinkers, among others, in classical Islam faced perplexing theological and philosophical questions, all the while walking a fine line between belief in God’s message as revealed in the Qur’an and the power of the mind to discover truths on its own. Although this is a book about Islamic skepticism, Heck wants to stimulate scholars in the field of religious studies to inquire into how skepticism has formed, and continues to form, a constitutive part of religious reasoning and how we understand the nature of religion. Seeking to put Islam on the map of the broader study of the history of skepticism, I believe this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Religion, History, Islamic Studies, and Philosophy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Skepticism is a familiar term to many of us conjuring up notions of doubt, uncertainty, and perhaps even unbelief. Yet, Skepticism did not always have such a narrow meaning. In fact Skepticism has helped formulate a number of important religious and intellectual positions throughout history. Paul L. Heck‘s new book Skepticism in Classical Islam: Moments of Confusion (Routledge, 2013) is perhaps the first major treatment of skepticism in the Islamic context. This book explores the critical role skepticism played in the development of Islamic theology from the 10th through 14th centuries. Paul Heck suggests we should not understand skepticism as atheism. Rather, it is the admission that one cannot convincingly demonstrate a truth claim with certainty. Heck surveys a number of important Islamic scholars, such as Al-Jahiz, al-Amiri, Al-Ghazali, and Ibn Taymiyya, concluding they all acknowledged such impasses only to be inspired to find new ways to resolve the conundrums they faced. In his book Paul Heck examines the way these key thinkers, among others, in classical Islam faced perplexing theological and philosophical questions, all the while walking a fine line between belief in God’s message as revealed in the Qur’an and the power of the mind to discover truths on its own. Although this is a book about Islamic skepticism, Heck wants to stimulate scholars in the field of religious studies to inquire into how skepticism has formed, and continues to form, a constitutive part of religious reasoning and how we understand the nature of religion. Seeking to put Islam on the map of the broader study of the history of skepticism, I believe this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Religion, History, Islamic Studies, and Philosophy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Skepticism is a familiar term to many of us conjuring up notions of doubt, uncertainty, and perhaps even unbelief. Yet, Skepticism did not always have such a narrow meaning. In fact Skepticism has helped formulate a number of important religious and intellectual positions throughout history. Paul L. Heck‘s new book Skepticism in Classical Islam: Moments of Confusion (Routledge, 2013) is perhaps the first major treatment of skepticism in the Islamic context. This book explores the critical role skepticism played in the development of Islamic theology from the 10th through 14th centuries. Paul Heck suggests we should not understand skepticism as atheism. Rather, it is the admission that one cannot convincingly demonstrate a truth claim with certainty. Heck surveys a number of important Islamic scholars, such as Al-Jahiz, al-Amiri, Al-Ghazali, and Ibn Taymiyya, concluding they all acknowledged such impasses only to be inspired to find new ways to resolve the conundrums they faced. In his book Paul Heck examines the way these key thinkers, among others, in classical Islam faced perplexing theological and philosophical questions, all the while walking a fine line between belief in God’s message as revealed in the Qur’an and the power of the mind to discover truths on its own. Although this is a book about Islamic skepticism, Heck wants to stimulate scholars in the field of religious studies to inquire into how skepticism has formed, and continues to form, a constitutive part of religious reasoning and how we understand the nature of religion. Seeking to put Islam on the map of the broader study of the history of skepticism, I believe this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Religion, History, Islamic Studies, and Philosophy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Skepticism is a familiar term to many of us conjuring up notions of doubt, uncertainty, and perhaps even unbelief. Yet, Skepticism did not always have such a narrow meaning. In fact Skepticism has helped formulate a number of important religious and intellectual positions throughout history. Paul L. Heck‘s new book Skepticism in Classical Islam: Moments of Confusion (Routledge, 2013) is perhaps the first major treatment of skepticism in the Islamic context. This book explores the critical role skepticism played in the development of Islamic theology from the 10th through 14th centuries. Paul Heck suggests we should not understand skepticism as atheism. Rather, it is the admission that one cannot convincingly demonstrate a truth claim with certainty. Heck surveys a number of important Islamic scholars, such as Al-Jahiz, al-Amiri, Al-Ghazali, and Ibn Taymiyya, concluding they all acknowledged such impasses only to be inspired to find new ways to resolve the conundrums they faced. In his book Paul Heck examines the way these key thinkers, among others, in classical Islam faced perplexing theological and philosophical questions, all the while walking a fine line between belief in God’s message as revealed in the Qur’an and the power of the mind to discover truths on its own. Although this is a book about Islamic skepticism, Heck wants to stimulate scholars in the field of religious studies to inquire into how skepticism has formed, and continues to form, a constitutive part of religious reasoning and how we understand the nature of religion. Seeking to put Islam on the map of the broader study of the history of skepticism, I believe this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Religion, History, Islamic Studies, and Philosophy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Shaykh Yasir Qadhi gives an amazing summary of his dissertation relating Ibn Taymiyyah at the Yale University and it makes for an interesting listen as we try to decipher the concepts of Aqal and Naqal in the light of Islam. During the sixth century of Islam,  an Iranian scholar named Fakhr ad-Din ar-Razi Rah generated ... Read more

Anke von Kügelgen joins Peter to discuss developments over the last century or so, including attitudes towards past thinkers like Avicenna, Averroes and Ibn Taymiyya.

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum's words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya's magnum opus, Dar' Ta'arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum's monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya's ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum's words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya's magnum opus, Dar' Ta'arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum's monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya's ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law.

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In Politics, Law, and Community in Islamic Thought: The Taymiyyan Moment (Cambridge University Press, 2012), Ovamir Anjum explores a timely topic, even though his focus is hundreds of years in the past. In order to present his topic Professor Anjum asks a series of foundational questions, such as: How have Muslims understood ideal government and political theology? What is the role of rulers in those politics? And what does it even mean to talk about “politics” as a category? In Anjum’s words “the relationship between Islam and politics in the classical age can neither be described as a formal divorce nor a honeymoon, but rather a tenuous and unstable separation of spheres of religious authority from political power that was neither justified in theory nor wholeheartedly accepted” (136). The “Taymiyyan Moment,” a rephrasing of the “Machiavellian Moment” comes during the life of the prodigious author, theologian, and jurist Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328). By honing in on Ibn Taymiyya’s magnum opus, Dar’ Ta’arud al-‘aql wa-l-naql (The Repulsion of Opposing Reason and Revelation)–not a political work, per se, but a theological one–Anjum reflects on, among other things, tensions between “community-centered” and “ruler-centered” visions of politics, and how scholars before Ibn Taymiyya had understood these ideas. Based on meticulous research of primary and secondary sources, Anjum’s monograph will likely encourage new scholarship on the post-classical era, including the impact of Ibn Taymiyya’s ideas on later generations, as well as interest among scholars from a variety of disciplines, ranging from History and Religious Studies, to Political Science and Law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The controversial jurist Ibn Taymiyya sets forth an originalist theory of law and a searching criticism of the philosophers’ logic.

Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328 C.E.) was an Islamic thinker who has exerted, and continues to exert, an enormous influence within the Islamic tradition. Ibn Taymiyya was often quoted by the late Osama Bin Laden and in this video, Dr. Jon Hoover, who has studied his theology and his importance in Islam, introduces Ibn Taymiyya and his thought.