Podcasts about speri

Welcome to Episode 1637 Stevie Kim moderates Clubhouse's Ambassadors' Corner – In this episode, Matt Irwin interviews Luca Speri. These sessions are recorded from Clubhouse and replayed here on the Italian Wine Podcast! Listen in on this series as Italian Wine Ambassadors all over the world chat with Stevie and their chosen wine producer. Which producer would you interview if you had your pick? Co-Moderator Matt Irwin grew up in Brisbane Australia and graduated with a Bachelor of Business in Hospitality Management before moving to Europe to work as a Tour Manager for Contiki Holidays. It was whilst living in Venice, Italy and leading tours throughout Europe that his love for wine began. Moving to Calgary, Canada in 2005 with his Canadian wife, he started selling some of Italy's greatest wines to Canada's best restaurants and wine shops. Returning to Australia in 2012 to Sydney, he spent 11 years working for Australia's best Italian Wine Importer, Trembath and Taylor where he championed many of Italy's greatest growers and winemakers. Recently taking a position as Business Development for Australia & New Zealand with the Wine & Spirits Education Trust to follow his passion for Wine Education. Currently studying to be a Master of Wine and most importantly, was awarded the Italian Wine Ambassador in April 2023. Connect: Instagram @sipwine LinkedIn https://www.linkedin.com/in/matt-irwin-dipwset-iwa-b-bus-hosp-mgt-8b057533/ Guest Bio Luca Speri together with his sisters Chiara and Laura and his cousins Alberto, Giampaolo and Giampietro represents the sixth generation of the Speri family. Beside them, there is also Giuseppe, Alberto's son, of the seventh generation. Luca is the “youngest” member of his generation at 43 years old but he has already a huge amount of experience. From 2002, he has started working full time in the winery and he has been involved in every activity of the cellar. After several years of mentoring from his father in and his cousins in production activities (viticulture, winemaking,packaging and sales & marketing. Naturally, being completely a family run company, Luca is involved in all parts of the the management and production in the winery. Luca understands all parts of the wine business and has shown his talent for sales exporting his families' wines to over 60 countries including U.S., Canada, Australia, Japan, Switzerland and many others. Beside the family winery Luca is also a founding Member of the board of Famiglie Storiche, the Association of Amarone Families who are the top wineries producing Amarone. PLUS, is past President & still a Director on the board of the Antica Bottega del Vino in Verona, the most historical restaurant in Verona with one of the top wine lists in the world and a must visit for any wine lover travelling through Verona but watch out during Vinitaly cause it is the hottest place in town. Connect: Website www.speri.com _______________________________ Let's keep in touch! Follow us on our social media channels: Instagram www.instagram.com/italianwinepodcast/ Facebook www.facebook.com/ItalianWinePodcast Twitter www.twitter.com/itawinepodcast Tiktok www.tiktok.com/@mammajumboshrimp LinkedIn www.linkedin.com/company/italianwinepodcast If you feel like helping us, donate here www.italianwinepodcast.com/donate-to-show/ Until next time, Cin Cin! Follow Italian Wine Podcast for more great content - winery interviews from the Clubhouse sessions! Psssst…FYI, this show is our most popular show, find out why by tuning-in!

This week on Deconstructed, Ryan Grim is joined by Intercept reporter Alice Speri, who has frequently reported from occupied Palestinian territory, and Palestinian American writer and political analyst Yousef Munayyer. Speri and Munayyer discuss the history behind the violence that exploded Saturday, with Hamas capturing and killing an unprecedented number of Israelis, including hundreds of civilians. They also examine the current spread of misinformation during the conflict, how the media has historically ignored violence perpetrated by Israel, and how the impunity surrounding many of those attacks by Israeli forces has given the government freedom to collectively punish Palestinian civilians broadly in revenge for the assault by Hamas.If you'd like to support our work, go to theintercept.com/give, where your donation, no matter what the amount, makes a real difference.And if you haven't already, please subscribe to the show so you can hear it every week. And please go and leave us a rating or a review — it helps people find the show. If you want to give us additional feedback, email us at Podcasts@theintercept.com. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In this episode, Liam talks to Michael Jacobs, Professorial Fellow at the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) at Sheffield University. Prior to joining SPERI, Michael was Director of the IPPR Commission on Economic Justice, based at the UK think tank the Institute for Public Policy Research. From 2004–2007 he was a member of the Council of Economic Advisers at the UK Treasury. And until 2010 Michael was a Special Adviser to Prime Minister Gordon Brown, with responsibility for energy, environment and climate policy. Since leaving government, Michael has continued to stay in close touch with leading Parliamentarians and remains a highly-influential figure within Labour's policy-making circles, as the party formulates proposals to challenge the government. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On today's show, Ben and Calvin have the privilege of speaking with Dr. Richard Purcell, Associate Professor of English at Carnegie Mellon University. We begin by discussing Rich's current research on conceptions of work in Black artistic labor, and how that led him back to considering the discursive formations of a Nixon-era economic initiative/slogan known as “Black Capitalism.” We discuss Nixon's policy efforts to revitalize Black economic citizenship as a way of pacifying radical resistance, as well as the ensuing debates among Black intellectuals over labor and capital in the 1970s and 1980s. Then, Rich connects this historical context to his analysis of contemporary rap artists like Oddisee, helping us to think through how aesthetic production reflects the costs and tolls of neoliberal capitalism.Finally, we close by addressing “toothless” administrative responses to the conservative movement against Critical Race Theory (CRT). We unpack the legal studies origins of CRT as an academic field and theory, its theoretical utility, and the material connections between the conservative interests that developed “broken windows” policing and the ongoing anti-CRT campaign. We invite Rich to “get on his soapbox”, and he articulates a critique of university policies on issues such as this one that disproportionately affect students and faculty of color, including at Carnegie Mellon University.Works and concepts cited in this episodeJoint Statement from AAUP, AHA, AACU, and Pen America re: Legislative Attacks on CRT Ansfield, B. (2020) The Broken Windows of the Bronx: Putting the Theory in Its Place. American Quarterly, (72) 1, 103-127.Ayo, D. (2005). How to Rent a Negro. Lawrence Hill Books.Brimmer, A. (1969). The Economic Potential of Black Capitalism. American Economic Association.Bell, D. (1995) Who's Afraid of Critical Race Theory? Boggs, J. (1970). The Myth and Irrationality of Black Capitalism. The Review of Black Political Economy, 27-35. Crenshaw, K., Gotanda, N., Peller, G., Thomas, K. (Eds.). (1996). Critical race theory: The key writings that formed the movement. The New Press.Cross, T. (1969). Black Capitalism: Strategy for Business in the Ghetto. Atheneum Press. Everett, P. (2001) Erasure. Graywolf Press.England, J. & Purcell, R. (2020). Higher Ed's toothless response to the killing of George Floyd. The Chronicle of Higher Education.Robinson, C. (1983). Black Marxism: The making of the black radical tradition. Zed Books.Rufo, C. (2021). Battle Over Critical Race Theory. Wall Street Journal. Speri, A. (2019, March 23). The Strange Tale of the FBI's Fictional "Black Identity Extremism" Movement. The Intercept. Wacquant, L. J. (2009). Prisons of Poverty. U of Minnesota Press.

Welcome to episode 4 of "How did I get here? Discover Economics" In this episode, we talk to Ben Chu, Economics Editor of The Independent, the UK's largest quality digital news brand. Ben was previously economics editor of BBC Newsnight, the BBCs flagship current affairs programme. He is co-presenter of Coronanomics and is on the International Advisory Board for SPERI, The University of Sheffield's Political Economy Research Institute. 

Harsha Walia, Gargi Bhattacharyya and Maya Goodfellow discuss the global migration crisis, racial capitalism, and the ascendant far-right. How do borders divide the international working class and consolidate imperial, capitalist, and racist rule? Amidst a global pandemic, governments around the world have accelerated border closings, imposed more barriers to asylum seekers, and expanded immigrant detention. In Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism, Harsha Walia disrupts easy explanations for the migrant and refugee crises, instead showing them to be the inevitable outcomes of conquest, capitalist globalization, and climate change generating mass dispossession worldwide. Join Harsha Walia, Maya Goodfellow and Gargi Bhattacharyya for a discussion about this timely book. UK readers, purchase Border and Rule here: https://housmans.com/product/border-and-rule-global-migration-capitalism-and-the-rise-of-racist-nationalism/ ---------------------------------------------------- Speakers: Gargi Bhattacharyya is one of the UK's leading scholars on race and capitalism. She is the author of Rethinking Racial Capitalism (2018), Dangerous Brown Men (2008), Traffick (2005) and co-author of Empire's Endgame (2020). Harsha Walia is the award-winning author of Undoing Border Imperialism (2013) and, most recently, Border and Rule. Trained in the law, she is a community organizer and campaigner in migrant justice, anti-capitalist, feminist, and anti-imperialist movements, including No One Is Illegal and Women's Memorial March Committee. Maya Goodfellow is a Research Fellow at SPERI, University of Sheffield. She is also a regular broadcast commentator and writer, having written for the New York Times and the Guardian, among others. Maya is the author of Hostile Environment: How Immigrants Became Scapegoats (2020). ---------------------------------------------------- This event is sponsored by Housmans Bookshop and Haymarket Books. Watch the live event recording: https://youtu.be/dSETYvreYZI Buy books from Haymarket: www.haymarketbooks.org Follow us on Soundcloud: soundcloud.com/haymarketbooks

Nella repubblica di Assistentonia si sono tenute le elezioni, in attesa dei primi exit polls, Tomaso e Viscidini pregustano accordi e spartizioni di potere ma... un colpo di scena rovinerà loro la cena!

Sentimento Compassione Un povero di spirito Stanotte Versa delle lacrime Cercando Dio  Attitudine Attrazione Forse solo per caso È la notte di NataleSia la vita Il viaggio disperato Il ritorno inatteso Del figliol prodigoMai partito Dove sei stato Tutto questo tempo? Darsi tante arieDisperse poi in un ventoCuore che semina tempestaIn un'orto di cementoQuali frutti Speri di cogliere In una città fantasma? Pianto di NataleImprecare convizioneAtroce camminareAttorno a sé Sia la vitaIl coraggio di fermarsi Un lungo sentieroChe correndo senza tregua Pare passitanto in fretta Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Sentimento Compassione Un povero di spirito Stanotte Versa delle lacrime Cercando Dio  Attitudine Attrazione Forse solo per caso È la notte di NataleSia la vita Il viaggio disperato Il ritorno inatteso Del figliol prodigoMai partito Dove sei stato Tutto questo tempo? Darsi tante arieDisperse poi in un ventoCuore che semina tempestaIn un'orto di cementoQuali frutti Speri di cogliere In una città fantasma? Pianto di NataleImprecare convizioneAtroce camminareAttorno a sé Sia la vitaIl coraggio di fermarsi Un lungo sentieroChe correndo senza tregua Pare passitanto in fretta

12-11-20 Alice Speri on Social Media Censorship Alice Speri, a writer with The Intercept (TheIntercept.com) discusses a recent article she wrote with co-author Sam Biddle in which she explores censorship by Zoom against programs and conferences that feature topics Zoom considers violations of US Law. Click here to read her article. Speri joined host Ray Hanania on The Arab street Radio/US Arab Radio Network on Tuesday Dec. 11, 2020 on WNZK AM 690 Radio in Detroit. Speri and Hanania talk about the parameters of censorship as they apply to social media and how Zoom censorship a University program that only included a discussion about a controversial figure in Palestinian and Israeli history, Leila (Laila) Khaled, the first woman to hijack an airplane during the military conflict against Israel in the 1970s. Just the discussion of the topic prompted Zoom to block the program and censor the panel. The article she wrote is titled "Zoom Censorship of Palestine Seminars Sparks Fight over Academic Freedom. Zoom cited anti-terrorism laws to shut down an event with Palestinian activist Leila Khaled -- and other events criticizing its censorship. The Arab street Radio is broadcast Live every 2nd Tuesday of the month on WNZK AM 690 Radio in Detroit, Michigan and is simulcast Live on the USArabRadio Facebook page online. For more information on Ray Hanania visit his Internet writing hub at www.Hanania.com. For more information on The Arab street Radio visit www.TheArabStreetRadio.org. For more information on US Arab Radio visit www.ArabRadio.us.

En este episodio vamos a conversar con un enólogo joven. Tiene 31 años y una intensa experiencia, tanto en California donde viajó a participar de una vendimia, como en Uruguay en una empresa importante como Varela Zarranz. Ahora lo tiene como enólogo en el este, en bodega Oceánica José Ignacio y junto a otros dos colegas lleva adelante un proyecto de vinos elaborados con mínima intervención enológica, que genera atención en el mercado local y regional. Hoy les presento a Santiago Degásperi

In the latest UnionDues podcast episode, Simon chats with Becky Wright, Executive Director of the Unions21 “think and do” tank. What will unions look like after Covid?  What lessons will we learn?  That's the aim of Becky's new research project (with help from SPERI and ACTU), and we're all invited to take part. We also talk pivoting to deliver services and support on-line during the pandemic, why new members are an untapped organising resource, what is strategic corporate research and why you should use it, why member engagement can't work in isolation – and nor can a digital strategy.  Plus news on or from Unionlearn, the GFTU, and Labour Research. Companion blogpost here. A Makes-You-Think production.

Salimos a la Cancha mano a mano con Gonzalo Prósperi, futbolista de San Martín de San Juan

Marco Antonio Prósperi, presidente de la Canaco, charla con Gerardo Sánchez Yanes, sobre la reactivación económica en Puebla

Thomas Ilkjær, forfatter, vinskribent og underviser, har skrevet bogen ”Amarone - og vinene fra Valpolicella”, så der findes næppe andre i kongeriget Danmark, der vil være bedre til at overbevise os om Amarone-vinenes fortræffeligheder. Så lyt med og hør om det lykkes, hvor vi desuden taler om forskellige underområder i Valpolicella, restsukkerniveau i vine og ikke mindst ethylacetats indflydelse på den sensoriske oplevelse af Amarone-vinene. * I løbet af sæson 6 trækker vi lod om præmier fra Vintage Keeping (https://www.vintagekeeping.dk/) blandt jer der støtter os på 10’er.dk. Du kan deltage i konkurrencen på https://blindsmagerne.10er.dk/. * Gæst: Thomas Ilkjær Vine: 2013 Speri, Monte Sant'Urbano, DOCG Amarone della Valpolicella Classico 2013 Roccolo Grassi, DOCG Amarone della Valpolicella 2013 Ca’ La Bionda, DOCG Amarone della Valpolicella Classico ——————— Facebook: @blindsmagerne Instagram: @blindsmagerne Kontakt os på: Blindsmagerne@gmail.com Støt os på: https://blindsmagerne.10er.dk/

Famiglia storica della Valpolicella, l’azienda Speri è un’autorevole e fedele interprete dei vini della Valpolicella Classica, divenuta, per la sua continuità e il suo forte radicamento al territorio, un punto di riferimento dell’enologia italiana.La storia dell’azienda inizia nella prima metà del 1800 e oggi la famiglia Speri è arrivata alla settima generazione con un’estensione di circa 60 ettari di vigneto nelle zone più vocate della Valpolicella Classica. La forza dell’azienda è sempre stata ed è tuttora il gioco di squadra che oggi vede impegnate tre generazioni - Carlo, Alberto, Giampaolo, Giampietro, Chiara, Luca e Giuseppe - nella gestione dell’attività produttiva in tutte le sue fasi, dalla vigna alla bottiglia. Dopo anni di agricoltura sostenibile l’azienda nel 2015 ha ottenuto la certificazione biologica su tutta la produzione. Nel rispetto del patrimonio territoriale, la famiglia Speri coltiva da sempre solo vitigni autoctoni della Valpolicella (Corvina, Corvinone, Rondinella, Molinara e altre varietà indigene), vinifica esclusivamente le uve provenienti dai propri vigneti e segue l’intero processo produttivo.Senza mai lasciarsi sedurre dalle mode del momento, la produzione si concentra su cinque tipologie di vini classici (esclusivamente DOC e DOCG): l’azienda ha infatti mantenuto intatta nel tempo la propria identità, perseguendo una coerenza e integrità di stile riconoscibile negli anni, dove eleganza e territorio sono le parole d’ordine.Ancora, per evidenziare le peculiarità di ogni appezzamento, le uve provenienti da ogni vigneto sono vinificate separatamente, dando vita ai Cru, quali il celebre Amarone Classico Vigneto Monte Sant’Urbano, il Valpolicella Classico Superiore Sant’Urbano e il Recioto Classico La Roggia, che prendono il nome dal loro vigneto d’origine.

Famiglia storica della Valpolicella, l’azienda Speri è un’autorevole e fedele interprete dei vini della Valpolicella Classica, divenuta, per la sua continuità e il suo forte radicamento al territorio, un punto di riferimento dell’enologia italiana.La storia dell’azienda inizia nella prima metà del 1800 e oggi la famiglia Speri è arrivata alla settima generazione con un’estensione di circa 60 ettari di vigneto nelle zone più vocate della Valpolicella Classica. La forza dell’azienda è sempre stata ed è tuttora il gioco di squadra che oggi vede impegnate tre generazioni - Carlo, Alberto, Giampaolo, Giampietro, Chiara, Luca e Giuseppe - nella gestione dell’attività produttiva in tutte le sue fasi, dalla vigna alla bottiglia. Dopo anni di agricoltura sostenibile l’azienda nel 2015 ha ottenuto la certificazione biologica su tutta la produzione. Nel rispetto del patrimonio territoriale, la famiglia Speri coltiva da sempre solo vitigni autoctoni della Valpolicella (Corvina, Corvinone, Rondinella, Molinara e altre varietà indigene), vinifica esclusivamente le uve provenienti dai propri vigneti e segue l’intero processo produttivo.Senza mai lasciarsi sedurre dalle mode del momento, la produzione si concentra su cinque tipologie di vini classici (esclusivamente DOC e DOCG): l’azienda ha infatti mantenuto intatta nel tempo la propria identità, perseguendo una coerenza e integrità di stile riconoscibile negli anni, dove eleganza e territorio sono le parole d’ordine.Ancora, per evidenziare le peculiarità di ogni appezzamento, le uve provenienti da ogni vigneto sono vinificate separatamente, dando vita ai Cru, quali il celebre Amarone Classico Vigneto Monte Sant’Urbano, il Valpolicella Classico Superiore Sant’Urbano e il Recioto Classico La Roggia, che prendono il nome dal loro vigneto d’origine.

This week, we bring you a recording of this year's New Statesman and Speri prize lecture, delivered by the award-winning Professor Simon Wren-Lewis. In this timely address, he touches on the themes of Brexit, Trump and the predicament of the 'expert'. (Simon Wren-Lewis, Serena Kutchinsky) See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Professor Colin Hay, Co-Director of SPERI describes some of the work that has been happening at SPERI over the past 12 months, and introduces Lord Robert Skidelsky

This Paper is drawn from the Annual SPERI Lecture given by George Monbiot in The Octagon at the University of Sheffield on 29 April 2014. George Monbiot’s lecture is a powerful summary of his ongoing commentary and critique of neoliberal doctrine and its impact on environmental and social sustainability.

This brief considers the evolving basis of UKIP’s electoral support with reference in particular to whether more deprived communities are likely to support the party. The argument that the Green Party and Scottish National Party will take votes from Labour, whilst UKIP will grow at the Conservatives’ expense, is too simplistic. The evidence examined here challenges this notion in relation to UKIP’s support. The Brief demonstrates that prospective UKIP supporters typically reside in areas with high levels of deprivation, and that the party may pose as great a threat to Labour as it does to the Conservatives.

In this Brief, the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute assesses evidence on trends within the UK housing market since the financial crisis. It concentrates in this regard on regional differences within the apparent housing market recovery, and considers what these differences indicate about the nature of the UK’s post-crisis growth model and the purpose of schemes such as ‘Help to Buy’. The Brief also assesses the regional impact of the coalition government’s recent changes to stamp duty on housing transactions – announced in December 2014 – and considers what this measure tells us about the government’s economic stewardship. It finds that regional housing inequalities have widened, and that the coalition government’s decision to significantly reduce stamp duty indicates that it is relatively unconcerned by this trend, and the economy’s dependence on the housing market more generally.

In this brief, the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute shows that since the 2008 financial crisis, London has been relatively protected from public sector job losses compared to other regions in the UK. This means that whilst London and the South East have increased their share of public sector jobs from 23.7% to 25.1% of the UK total, the North of England has seen its share drop from 25.2% to 24.2%. Whilst one of the main justifications for austerity has been that the public sector ‘crowds out’ private sector employment, the brief shows that the region with the fastest private sector employment growth – London – has also seen the smallest reduction in its proportion of public sector employment. This suggests that public sector jobs can be complementary to rather than in conflict with the goal of building an equitable and sustainable economy for the UK.

In this Brief, the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) responds to the coalition government’s 2014 Autumn Statement by considering the optimism and accuracy of the Office for Budget Responsibility’s income tax revenue forecasts, and related forecasts, since 2010. The Autumn Statement confirms the comprehensive failure of the coalition’s deficit reduction agenda, in part due to lower than expected tax revenue forecasts, but the consistent mismatch between economic forecasts and economic reality reveals a failure to acknowledge the profound changes in the UK economy which have accelerated since the financial crisis.

This brief shows that British society is becoming increasingly intolerant of unemployed people and other disadvantaged groups, with a growing sense that unemployment is caused by individuals’ personal failings, rather than by structural problems in the economy. The evidence presented in this brief is based on 90 interviews which were conducted in Leeds with participants from a variety of different social classes and ethnic backgrounds. The research also highlighted an alarming intolerance towards disabled people, with participants questioning the legitimacy of benefits for disabled people deemed incapable of working. We appear to be witnessing therefore the re-emergence of traditional distinctions between the ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor, associated with the Victorian era. There is a danger that misplaced fears and prejudices relating to welfare claimants will present a threat to social cohesion, potentially legitimising policies which might exacerbate, rather than alleviate, social inequality.

In this brief, the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) considers the relationship between population growth and economic growth in the UK. The fact that populations and economic output tend to grow in tandem, albeit at different rates, has been well-documented. However, the link between population growth and economic growth in the UK appears to have weakened. The implications of this shift are not clear. Certainly, productivity improvements are not driving the present recovery in economic output, and it may be that rapid population growth, in the context of the increasing dependence on labour-intense industries, offers the only viable path to growth for the UK under the present economic model. In advance of the Scottish independence referendum, the Brief also includes specific analysis of the relationship between population growth and economic growth in Scotland.

In this paper, Ginevra Marandola and Timothy Sinclair argue attention to rules governing behaviour is actually mistaken when it comes to finance and rating agencies. The authors highlight the weaknesses of the typical resort to regulative rules, and show why it has not worked in the case of the credit rating agencies.

This paper reports on a bilingual ‘Q study’ of international debates about sustainable economic development. It reveals that three discourses underpin these debates: Radical Transformationism; Cooperative Reformism; and Statist Progressivism.

This paper offers a critical examination of the interaction between the SNP’s constitutional agenda, its shifting attitude to EU integration, and its economic policy goals and makes some suggestions towards an alternative model of reform that would prioritise the democratic accountability of fiscal and monetary policy across the whole UK.

This SPERI paper presents findings from a study into the rise of charitable emergency food provision in the UK and its implications for food rights.

In advance of the next G20 Summit which will take place in Brisbane, Australia on 15-16 November 2014, Tony Payne advocates the need for an effective, functioning G20.

Frances became the General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in January 2013, the first woman ever to hold this post. With 54 affiliated unions representing 6.2 million working people from all walks of life, the TUC campaigns for a fair deal at work and for social justice at home and abroad. Professor Andrew Gamble, Professorial Fellow at SPERI, engaged Frances in conversation on a wide range of topics, including the changing role of unions in British society, their capacity to contribute to the building of a new political economy and their stance on several key policy issues.

The paper analyses the UK’s approach to active labour market policy, which has been a central feature of economic statecraft in the UK since the 1990s. Yet despite the UK pioneering the ‘supply side revolution’, the country spends little on this area of policy in comparison to most other European countries. Expenditure is heavily concentrated on relatively inexpensive ‘job-search’ services, and active labour market policy interventions in fact overlap with cost-reducing ‘welfare to work’ initiatives, designed to improve work incentives for those with the lowest incomes. Despite a rhetorical indictment of New Labour policy in this area, the coalition government has continued and intensified recent policy practice, and as such focused on compelling individuals to accept low-paid, low-quality employment opportunities. The paper argues that active labour market policy is not a response to labour market conditions, but constitutive of the institutional framework which gives rise to certain labour market forms. Low spending does not mean that active labour market policy is marginal to the UK’s growth model and associated economic statecraft; rather, spending on job-search services seems to typify the understanding of employment – and the state’s limited role i

This paper analyses the political economy of the Hollande Presidency in France, evaluating the economic policies pursued by the French Socialist President since May 2012. It explains the limited coherence and success of economic policy under Hollande in terms of constraints operating at domestic and European levels, and through credibility concerns of financial markets. Domestically, it highlights difficulties managing the presidential majority, notably due to presidentialised factionalism within French Socialism. At the European level it explores disagreements within the Franco-German relationship over which economic ideas should underpin macroeconomic policies to tackle Europe’s recession and efforts to resolve the Eurozone crisis.

It is time now to move on from the analysis of the failings of the now infamous Anglo-liberal model of capitalism to begin to outline a new model that will work better in advanced capitalist societies. In this paper we set out the basic outlines of such a new model, which we call ‘Civic Capitalism’. Here we deploy the word civic in its simplest and most straightforward sense – ‘pertaining to’ and ‘working for’ all of us in society, not just as consumers, or rational egotists, or even voters, but rather as citizens of a democratic polity. We assemble the outline of the civic capitalist model by engaging in a kind of thought experiment – taking the well-known features of the Anglo-liberal model (which is after all the wreckage on which we have to build) and then adjusting, and of course in some cases redressing completely, each of these features to build cumulatively a new working model of capitalism. Nine core elements of a new model are identified and explored. They address issues of ideology, the role of the state, the regulation of markets, the promotion of sustainable development, the idea of social quality, the redress of inequality and the reform of global governance. In calling for the development of a civic capitalist alternative we need to remind ourselves that capitalism can and must be made to work for us. We can no longer be driven by its perceived imperatives and by those who have claimed for far too long – and, as it turns out, falsely – to be able to discern for us what capitalism needs. We argue here that it is now time to ask what capitalism can do for us and not what we can do for capitalism. If civic capitalism has a single mantra, then that is it.

The grip of austerity in European politics presents a double puzzle: electorally weak centre-left parties that appear unable or unwilling to formulate an alternative, and the surprising efficiency with which the EU, international institutions, and national governments have jointly pursued ‘fiscal consolidation’. This is all the more surprising in historical perspective, since many left parties emerged from the last great crisis as vehicles for building voter appeal on the basis of a marriage of ‘new’ economics with the traditional leftist theme of equality. Why are today’s centre-left parties failing to replay this historical role? This paper looks into this puzzle by considering how the relationship between professional economics and party politics changed between the late interwar years and the present, noting that this relationship has produced two kinds of authority figures in unsettled times: the national, party-based economist (NPE) of the 1930s versus the European economist-technocrat (EET) that features prominently today. I suggest that the EET expresses a historically specific European political order in which professional economics tends to exert authority over, not through, partisan politics. This shift, I argue, may help to explain the curious persistence of tunnel vision in European politics since the crisis.

This paper analyses the development of weather index-based risk products as a response to climate instability. Through analysis of two different forms of weather market – weather derivatives and weather index-based insurance schemes for farmers in developing countries – the paper makes the key argument that it is important to understand how these emerging responses to climate change seem likely to empower established economic interests, whilst deepening the threats facing the majority, and particularly the most vulnerable in society.

In this paper Green and Lavery question the foundations of Britain’s much-vaunted economic recovery. They argue that, acting in tandem, the impact of Quantitative Easing and key processes of labour market restructuring have made the burden of economic adjustment highly regressive, redistributing wealth upwards and privileging asset-holders. The present growth model must be reoriented towards a recovery that stops and then reverses this bias towards growth that benefits the few. This would involve a combination of fiscal and monetary policy measures alongside an effort to drive wage-led growth and lessen the dependence upon private household debt.

Taxation takes many different forms, encompassing progressive taxes such as income tax, regressive taxes such as Value Added Tax, and taxes targeted on private enterprises such as corporation tax. The economic downturn significantly affected tax revenues, and the Coalition Government since 2010 has sought to cut some taxes, to boost economic recovery, but at the same time raise others, in support of deficit reduction. It is important to consider, therefore, what impact these changes have had on the nature of the UK tax base as a whole. The evidence shows that regressive taxes now make up a higher proportion of tax revenues, and both progressive individual taxes and taxation targeted on private enterprises make up a lower proportion. Furthermore, revenue from business taxes is set to contract even further, even as economic growth returns, as proposed cuts are fully implemented.

July 2014 - In this Brief the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) considers the variable impact of local authority spending cuts across England, with reference to differences based on regional location, levels of deprivation and the political composition of councils. It also considers evidence on the cuts experienced by the specific councils affected by the 2014 English local elections, that is, those won by Labour, lost by the Conservatives, or where the UK Independence Party (UKIP) made significant gains. It shows there is a clear pattern to the cuts experienced by local authorities in England: councils in the North, in more deprived areas, and/or controlled by Labour have, generally speaking, been most affected by reductions in spending power at the local level. The extent to which the 2014 local elections were influenced by this differential impact is less clear, although some interesting trends are apparent.

April 2014 - This brief is focused on the impact of recent welfare reform in the UK on driving need for food bank provision. It is based on research conducted as part of a three-year study, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), into the growth of nationally co-ordinated or facilitated emergency food provision in the UK. This analysis is relevant to developing an understanding of the evolving boundaries of responsibility for welfare provision between state and civil society. The brief suggests that the All-Party Parliamentary Inquiry into hunger and food poverty should examine this issue closely, with a key emphasis on the fairness and adequacy of social protection. Welfare reform and the role it will leave for food banks should be examined by the Inquiry in terms of responsibility and be guided by the question of whose responsibility it is to protect people from hunger. The brief has been authored by Hannah Lambie-Mumford in the University of Sheffield’s Department of Geography. You can contact Hannah at hlambie-mumford@sheffield.ac.uk.

March 2014 - In this brief the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) considers the differential regional impact in England of raising the income tax personal allowance – a measure announced by George Osborne at the Budget on 19th March 2014. The measure has been championed by both coalition partners as a form of support for the low paid workers. However,the extent to which individuals benefit depends on the extent of their income that is ‘taxable’, and the proximity of their income to other tax thresholds. The evidence presented in this brief shows that those who do not benefit at all – as a result of earning less than the current allowance – are more likely to live in Northern regions (particularly Yorkshire and the Humber) and the South-West. The measure therefore neither benefits the lowest paid, nor alleviates regional inequality.

February 2014 - In this brief the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) considers the relationship between the relative value of sterling and the UK trade balance. When a country’s currency depreciates in value relative to its major competitors, its exports become cheaper (and imports become more expensive); the depreciation of sterling experienced in the wake of the financial crisis should therefore have boosted policy-makers’ efforts to rebalance the economy towards exports and away from the domestic consumption of imported goods – as occurred following depreciation in the 1970s and early 1990s. However, there is no evidence of an improved trade balance following the recent depreciation of sterling, suggesting significant imbalances in the UK economy.

January 2014 -In this brief the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) considers what levels of pay across different sectors tells us about the experience of economic rebalancing since the financial crisis. In an economy rebalanced towards manufacturing, and away from financial services, we would expect to see the pay gap between these two sectors beginning to close. However, the gap has increased rather than decreased. Furthermore, pay in real estate activities is catching up to pay in manufacturing, further undermining the role of manufacturing in boosting exports and technological dispersion.

The lecture is entitled 'The Pricing of Everything'. In this lecture George will address what he sees as a growing attempt to reduce political decisions of all kinds to a narrow, financial cost-benefit analysis. He will discuss the threat that he thinks this poses to democracy, considering such issues as privatisation and commodification, payments for ecosystem services, biodiversity offsets and claims by some government departments to have identified 'the true value' of nature and of time. He will explore the worrying ways by which core human values get shifted in the framing of political discourse. This video includes the lecture only.

The lecture is entitled 'The Pricing of Everything'. In this lecture George will address what he sees as a growing attempt to reduce political decisions of all kinds to a narrow, financial cost-benefit analysis. He will discuss the threat that he thinks this poses to democracy, considering such issues as privatisation and commodification, payments for ecosystem services, biodiversity offsets and claims by some government departments to have identified 'the true value' of nature and of time. He will explore the worrying ways by which core human values get shifted in the framing of political discourse.

The lecture is entitled 'The Pricing of Everything'. In this lecture George will address what he sees as a growing attempt to reduce political decisions of all kinds to a narrow, financial cost-benefit analysis. He will discuss the threat that he thinks this poses to democracy, considering such issues as privatisation and commodification, payments for ecosystem services, biodiversity offsets and claims by some government departments to have identified 'the true value' of nature and of time. He will explore the worrying ways by which core human values get shifted in the framing of political discourse. This includes the introduction from Prof Tony Payne, and questions from the audience.

The paper examines the power of finance in the UK in the light of debates about the meaning of power. It distinguishes four faces of power. Three are drawn from an established political science literature: decision, agenda control and non-decision. The fourth is derived from the work of Foucault, capillary power. We argue that these constitute historical strategies by finance in the UK to escape democratic control, and chart the historical evolution of these strategies. The financial crisis of 2007-8 involved the collapse of a strategy pursued in the last generation to install a system of capillary power. Finance has therefore been driven back to exercising power by the control over decision.

The global financial crisis which first began to make itself apparent in 2007 and then broke with full force in the autumn of 2008 has generated an intense debate in academic, business, journalistic and political circles alike about what went wrong and how operational faults in the prevailing Western model of political economy might best be repaired. More importantly, it has at last also begun to stimulate a deeper, albeit slower moving, consideration of whether the Anglo-American world in particular was working with the right model of political economy in the first place. It is the view I seek to defend here that if we are to address properly the former set of concerns – with what went wrong and how we might start to put it right – it is with the latter that we must start. For it is only by acknowledging the complicity and culpability of a decidedly and distinctly Anglo-American conception of capitalism in the inflation and then bursting of the bubble, that we can begin to see the full extent of what is broken and what now must be fixed. It is to this agenda that the present paper speaks. It draws on a now substantial body of empirical research, but it seeks to do so in a rather novel way – to argue that the crisis is best seen as a crisis of and indeed for growth and not as a crisis of debt. It is, moreover, a crisis of and for an excessively liberalised Anglo-American form of capitalism and the Anglo-liberal growth model (as I will call it) to which it gave rise. This is a form of capitalism and a growth model that was inherently unstable and threatened the entire world economy – its excesses cannot be tolerated again.

The great value of the literature on comparative capitalism is its emphasis on the persistent viability of alternative models to market liberalism. Central to the viability of more heavily coordinated markets are specific production regimes, supported through cooperative work and employment relations, encompassing significant participation and involvement, strong industry and firm skills sets, and bargaining centralisation. In contrast, the liberal market model is distinguished by less strong unions, decentralised bargaining, weaker worker rights, insecure tenure and flexible labour markets. As such, this approach has considerable value as a theoretical starting point both for categorising different national industrial relations regimes and in explaining the spatial concentration of specific sets of industrial relations practices. At the same time, whilst the nation-state remains an important level of analysis, there is considerable variety in practice both within nations and capitalist archetypes. This would reflect the fact that institutions are rarely closely coupled, with distinct regional and sectoral dynamics. Moreover, supra-national forces may not only erode national distinctiveness, but also reinforce difference between nations.

In 2013, economic growth in Britain started to gather pace, after several years of under-performance. This has led to claims that the British economy is finally recovering, and moreover, that the ‘austerity’ pursued by the coalition government since 2010 has been successful. This paper offers a sustained scrutiny of such claims, and examines evidence on whether the economy is ‘rebalancing’ away from the key aspects of the pre-crisis growth model – as promised by the coalition government upon taking office. The paper argues that the resurgence of growth is, to some extent, illusory. Insofar as the economy is experiencing recovery, it is best characterised as a ‘pseudo-recovery’ in that it has been facilitated by a return to the pre-crisis growth model. Given that the flaws and contradictions of the pre-crisis growth model have not been addressed by the coalition government, the recovery is likely to prove unsustainable.

When Bear Stearns, one of Wall Street’s fabled pre-crisis ‘big five’ investment banks, faced imminent collapse in March 2008, the Federal Reserve intervened. It blurred the boundaries of its own legal remit by using public money to help facilitate Bear’s purchase by the commercial bank, JPMorgan Chase. It did so to prevent increasingly worthless mortgage-backed securities from creating gaping holes in the balance sheets of the entire US banking industry. Yet the Fed’s actions also ran contrary to US regulators’ justification for their tolerance towards the complex derivatives that created the mortgage securitisation business in the first place: namely, that they provide the impetus for ‘market completeness’ by synthetically linking one financial market to another. Full market completion has been the objective of US lawmakers since the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act of 1999 formally dismantled the Glass-Steagall ‘wall’ between investment and commercial banking activities, and stipulating the abstract conditions of full market completion has also been one of the most highly prized goals of pure economics since the seminal theoretical writings of Léon Walras in the 1870s. However, general equilibrium economics has never been able to provide a genuinely economic rationale for policies that push in the direction of market completion. Moreover, the Fed’s actions in using Morgan as a conduit for rescuing Bear have in practice merely complicated the matter further. They were presented as facilitating a market rescue that would prevent future financial crises from occurring, but they had the effect of allowing the largest banks to take the whole of the subprime securitisation cycle in-house. This in turn makes market-based checks and balances against the future inflation of subprime securitisation bubbles much less robust.

This paper emerges out of a series of blogs that we jointly posted on SPERI Comment between 30 January and 18 July 2013. They sought to set out and link together the different aspects of SPERI’s intellectual agenda. The blogs attracted a certain amount of attention and discussion and are gathered up here into a single argument for ease of access. In the paper we claim that the current era in which we are living is best labelled ‘The Great Uncertainty’ and suggest, by deliberate use of this term, that the present conjuncture is being shaped by a remarkable, and hugely challenging, coalescence of three major processes of structural change occurring simultaneously and interacting in all manner of complicated ways. They can be distinguished analytically as follows: • Financial crisis: a largely Western crisis brought about by neoliberal excess and now rendering the resumption of economic growth a severe conundrum for the US, Japan and nearly all major European economies and a problem at least for the rest of the global economy; • Shifting economic power: the recent intensification of longstanding movements in the locus of economic power in the world characterised by the rise of countries like China, India, Brazil and several others too; • Environmental threat: the eventual realisation that climate change is both real and accelerating and is now asking the most serious questions about the on-going viability of traditional notions of economic growth and indeed the good society itself.

The UK’s economy is much less research and development (R&D) intensive than it was thirty years ago, and it is now significantly less R&D intensive than other developed economies. This paper argues that this decline, primarily in applied research carried out in the private sector and in government funded strategic research, represents an important loss of the UK’s innovative capacity, is a direct consequence of recent changes in its political economy, and reflects in a highly developed form more general worldwide trends. The need for radical innovations in the material and biological realms is highlighted, for example, by the challenges of developing competitively priced low-carbon energy sources, and in caring for ageing populations in a cost effective way. If the UK is to play its part in meeting these challenges, and if it is to develop a new, sustainable basis for long-term economic growth, this loss of innovative capacity needs to be reversed.

The durability of the euro appears to rest on the impossibility of abandoning it, rather than reform that would address its fundamental flaws. In practice, this makes the euro dependent on Germany’s commitment to maintain it. This paper considers whether Germany’s commitment to the euro is proven in the context of its history with European monetary arrangements since the last years of Bretton Woods and its actions during the euro zone crisis in light of German interests in the sovereign debt and banking crisis. It argues that Germany’s support for European monetary arrangements has always been conditional on Germany’s ability to insist on monetary stability and that the conjunction of the reappearance of German structural monetary power in the bond markets and Germany’s actions during the crisis have made the euro zone a site of potentially disintegrative conflict. It concludes that Germany’s commitment to the euro is unproven.

The Rt Hon Ed Miliband, leader of the Labour Party, delivers the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI) inaugural lecture from the University of Sheffield's Octagon Centre on 9 February 2012. "The right institute, at the right time, in the right place".

The University of Sheffield's Professor Tony Payne, co-director of the Sheffield Political Economy Research Institute (SPERI), gives an introduction to this new research institute at the SPERI inaugural lecture.