POPULARITY
« Où s'arrêteront le M23 et le Rwanda ? » : question posée par le site d'information guinéen Ledjely. « La facilité avec laquelle les rebelles viennent de prendre le contrôle des deux principales régions du Nord-Kivu et du Sud-Kivu, en l'espace d'un mois seulement, doit inquiéter les autorités congolaises ».D'autant que« sur le plan diplomatique, personne ne répond, pointe Ledjely. Personne n'écoute vraiment les doléances de Félix Tshisekedi. À l'ONU, à la Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est, à la Communauté de développement de l'Afrique australe et à l'Union africaine, on n'ose même pas citer le Rwanda comme agresseur. Seuls le Royaume-Uni et la France, après la chute de Bukavu le week-end dernier, ont eu le courage d'appeler nommément le pays de Kagame à se retirer des zones qu'il a contribué à conquérir. Mais en vain. (…) Dans ces conditions, conclut le site guinéen, il n'y a donc pas de véritable obstacle susceptible d'arrêter le M23, s'il décidait de conquérir Kinshasa ». « Condamnations tièdes… »La communauté internationale reste donc les bras croisés… C'est ce que dénonce avec force dans une tribune publiée par Le Monde Afrique le chercheur américain Jason Stearns, fondateur du Groupe d'étude sur le Congo.« Trois semaines se sont écoulées depuis la chute de Goma, sans autre réaction que des condamnations tièdes, s'insurge-t-il. Au sein de l'UE, où les décisions de suspension de l'aide nécessitent un consensus, quelques intérêts étroits ont bloqué l'action. Le Rwanda a déployé des troupes dans le nord du Mozambique, où elles ont repoussé les militants islamistes, protégeant ainsi un projet pétrolier de 20 milliards de dollars appartenant à TotalEnergies. Cela a rendu la France réticente à faire pression sur le Rwanda. Depuis le début de la crise en 2021, Élysée a joué un rôle-clé en soutenant la hausse du financement à Kigali, dénonce encore Jason Stearns. Aux États-Unis, poursuit-il, les postes les plus élevés concernant l'Afrique n'ont pas encore été pourvus, ce qui a ralenti l'action. Parmi les pays africains, le manque de leadership, associé à l'efficacité diplomatique de Kigali, a empêché toute mention explicite de la présence du Rwanda en RDC dans les déclarations officielles des organismes régionaux ».Résultat, soupire Jason Stearns : « quel est le pays étranger le plus populaire aujourd'hui ? La Russie, qui n'a pratiquement aucune présence politique ou économique dans le pays. La crise du M23 est un signe supplémentaire des changements géopolitiques dans le monde. La Chine, les Émirats arabes unis, le Qatar et la Turquie sont en plein essor en Afrique, tandis que les États-Unis, qui semblent désormais déterminés à démanteler la plus grande organisation humanitaire au monde, et l'Europe se replient sur eux-mêmes, en proie au nativisme et au populisme ».« Dépoussiérer » le pouvoir…Autre tribune cette fois publiée par le site burkinabé WakatSéra. Elle est signée Jean-Jules Lema Landu, journaliste congolais, réfugié en France. Pour lui, le dialogue reste la clé… Il se félicite de la démarche de paix engagée par les religieux congolais : « les Églises Catholique et Protestante doivent en extraire le meilleur, affirme-t-il, en équilibre dans “la part“ à accorder à toutes les parties. Pour nous, précipiter le départ de Félix Tshisekedi avant la fin de son deuxième mandat, en 2028, n'aurait aucun apport positif, poursuit-il. Bien au contraire. L'essentiel, c'est de dépoussiérer urgemment les rouages gangrénés de la bonne gouvernance, au travers d'une forme de gouvernement de transition et d'union nationale. D'une manière ou d'une autre, avec un Tshisekedi “régnant sans gouverner“. La formule est possible, assure encore Jean-Jules Lema Landu. Cela permettrait d'organiser les prochaines élections dans des conditions apaisées et de transparence. C'est tout ce dont le peuple congolais a besoin ».… et dialoguer avec le M23 ?Enfin, à lire également l'éditorial du New Times à Kigali, quotidien proche du pouvoir rwandais, qui estime que Kinshasa doit négocier avec le M23. « L'est de la RDC a besoin de solutions audacieuses et non conventionnelles, écrit le New Times. Le M23 pourrait bien être la pilule amère que Kinshasa doit avaler (…). Pour le bien de millions de personnes, il est temps d'envisager l'impensable. Kinshasa ne devrait pas considérer le M23 comme une menace, affirme encore le quotidien rwandais, mais comme une opportunité. Une opportunité d'écraser les milices. De ramener les réfugiés chez eux. De construire un avenir meilleur. La question est : auront-ils le courage d'essayer ? »
« Où s'arrêteront le M23 et le Rwanda ? » : question posée par le site d'information guinéen Ledjely. « La facilité avec laquelle les rebelles viennent de prendre le contrôle des deux principales régions du Nord-Kivu et du Sud-Kivu, en l'espace d'un mois seulement, doit inquiéter les autorités congolaises ».D'autant que« sur le plan diplomatique, personne ne répond, pointe Ledjely. Personne n'écoute vraiment les doléances de Félix Tshisekedi. À l'ONU, à la Communauté de l'Afrique de l'Est, à la Communauté de développement de l'Afrique australe et à l'Union africaine, on n'ose même pas citer le Rwanda comme agresseur. Seuls le Royaume-Uni et la France, après la chute de Bukavu le week-end dernier, ont eu le courage d'appeler nommément le pays de Kagame à se retirer des zones qu'il a contribué à conquérir. Mais en vain. (…) Dans ces conditions, conclut le site guinéen, il n'y a donc pas de véritable obstacle susceptible d'arrêter le M23, s'il décidait de conquérir Kinshasa ». « Condamnations tièdes… »La communauté internationale reste donc les bras croisés… C'est ce que dénonce avec force dans une tribune publiée par Le Monde Afrique le chercheur américain Jason Stearns, fondateur du Groupe d'étude sur le Congo.« Trois semaines se sont écoulées depuis la chute de Goma, sans autre réaction que des condamnations tièdes, s'insurge-t-il. Au sein de l'UE, où les décisions de suspension de l'aide nécessitent un consensus, quelques intérêts étroits ont bloqué l'action. Le Rwanda a déployé des troupes dans le nord du Mozambique, où elles ont repoussé les militants islamistes, protégeant ainsi un projet pétrolier de 20 milliards de dollars appartenant à TotalEnergies. Cela a rendu la France réticente à faire pression sur le Rwanda. Depuis le début de la crise en 2021, Élysée a joué un rôle-clé en soutenant la hausse du financement à Kigali, dénonce encore Jason Stearns. Aux États-Unis, poursuit-il, les postes les plus élevés concernant l'Afrique n'ont pas encore été pourvus, ce qui a ralenti l'action. Parmi les pays africains, le manque de leadership, associé à l'efficacité diplomatique de Kigali, a empêché toute mention explicite de la présence du Rwanda en RDC dans les déclarations officielles des organismes régionaux ».Résultat, soupire Jason Stearns : « quel est le pays étranger le plus populaire aujourd'hui ? La Russie, qui n'a pratiquement aucune présence politique ou économique dans le pays. La crise du M23 est un signe supplémentaire des changements géopolitiques dans le monde. La Chine, les Émirats arabes unis, le Qatar et la Turquie sont en plein essor en Afrique, tandis que les États-Unis, qui semblent désormais déterminés à démanteler la plus grande organisation humanitaire au monde, et l'Europe se replient sur eux-mêmes, en proie au nativisme et au populisme ».« Dépoussiérer » le pouvoir…Autre tribune cette fois publiée par le site burkinabé WakatSéra. Elle est signée Jean-Jules Lema Landu, journaliste congolais, réfugié en France. Pour lui, le dialogue reste la clé… Il se félicite de la démarche de paix engagée par les religieux congolais : « les Églises Catholique et Protestante doivent en extraire le meilleur, affirme-t-il, en équilibre dans “la part“ à accorder à toutes les parties. Pour nous, précipiter le départ de Félix Tshisekedi avant la fin de son deuxième mandat, en 2028, n'aurait aucun apport positif, poursuit-il. Bien au contraire. L'essentiel, c'est de dépoussiérer urgemment les rouages gangrénés de la bonne gouvernance, au travers d'une forme de gouvernement de transition et d'union nationale. D'une manière ou d'une autre, avec un Tshisekedi “régnant sans gouverner“. La formule est possible, assure encore Jean-Jules Lema Landu. Cela permettrait d'organiser les prochaines élections dans des conditions apaisées et de transparence. C'est tout ce dont le peuple congolais a besoin ».… et dialoguer avec le M23 ?Enfin, à lire également l'éditorial du New Times à Kigali, quotidien proche du pouvoir rwandais, qui estime que Kinshasa doit négocier avec le M23. « L'est de la RDC a besoin de solutions audacieuses et non conventionnelles, écrit le New Times. Le M23 pourrait bien être la pilule amère que Kinshasa doit avaler (…). Pour le bien de millions de personnes, il est temps d'envisager l'impensable. Kinshasa ne devrait pas considérer le M23 comme une menace, affirme encore le quotidien rwandais, mais comme une opportunité. Une opportunité d'écraser les milices. De ramener les réfugiés chez eux. De construire un avenir meilleur. La question est : auront-ils le courage d'essayer ? »
Jason Sterns, senior fellow at NYU's Center for International Cooperation and founder of their Congo Research Group, reports on the current conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Stearns authored the searing text, "Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa".Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/tavis-smiley--6286410/support.
Jason Stearns, founder of the Congo Research Group at New York University, analyses the deteriorating situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Afrique XXI décrit un nouveau champ de bataille entre le Rwanda et la République démocratique du Congo, où les armes sont l'influence et les réseaux sociaux. Il y a d'abord ce constat du chercheur américain Jason Stearns : « en 2023, le New York Times n'a consacré que 53 articles à la crise dans l'est de la RDC contre 3 278 à la guerre en Ukraine. »On le comprend : l'absence de récits et d'images indépendantes venues du terrain fait proliférer la propagande et les théories du complot.Côté congolais, nous dit Afrique XXI, « le raccourci populaire consiste à faire porter au Rwanda la responsabilité des violences au Nord Kivu ».Un récit congolais alimenté par Charles Onana. L'écrivain camerounais, qualifié de « complotiste » a notamment été invité à Kinshasa pour une série de conférences en mars dernier. L'auteur y a avancé une thèse sans preuve étayée : « le président rwandais Paul Kagame veut installer un nouveau pouvoir à Kinshasa en vue de s'emparer des richesses de la RDC [au profit des intérêts occidentaux] ». Et ce au prix de 10 millions de Congolais tués ces trois dernières décennies.Afrique XXI le rappelle : Charles Onana a été poursuivi en France il y a cinq ans pour « contestation de crimes contre l'humanité », après « avoir nié le génocide des tutsis » dans une interview télévisée. Pour le média, « l'écrivain camerounais joue donc le rôle du croquemitaine dont Kigali a besoin ». À travers des comptes affiliés sur les réseaux sociaux, « le pouvoir rwandais accuse Charles Onana d'attiser la haine contre les tutsis » avec l'aval de la RDC. Et Paul Kagame de répéter que « les rebelles du M23 se battent au Nord-Kivu pour protéger leur communauté ».Conclusion d'Afrique XXI : « Tant que Kinshasa rejettera la responsabilité sur le « méchant Rwanda » et que Kigali pourra pointer du doigt la xénophobie en RDC, il sera difficile de trouver une solution durable au conflit. »La Mpox continue de susciter l'inquiétudeDans le site spécialisé Reliefweb, l'Unicef s'alarme de la propagation de la variole du singe dans cinq pays d'Afrique de l'Est et d'Afrique australe, notamment chez les jeunes.C'est ainsi qu'au Burundi, les enfants et les adolescents constituent 60 % des 171 cas confirmés. Les risques pour les enfants burundais sont aggravés par la faible couverture vaccinale et des taux élevés de malnutrition, selon l'Unicef.Sur le site de Jeune Afrique, la carte interactive de l'épidémie se colore jour après jour. « Le Gabon va passer en vigilance rouge » d'après l'Union. En cause : la détection d'un cas positif, « un voyageur de retour d'Ouganda ».Le Niger est, lui aussi, en « alerte sanitaire » selon Actu Niger. La détection de « deux cas suspects à Belbedji [dans le sud du pays, près de la frontière nigériane] ». Les autorités de Niamey appellent « au respect des mesures de prévention et d'isolement ».La crise du diamant au BotswanaUne gemme de près de 2 500 carats, 500 grammes, découverte dans la mine de Karowe au centre du Botswana. Sa valeur estimée : 40 millions de dollars. Mais ce caillou masque les difficultés de ce secteur économique vital pour les Botswana.Ainsi, Mmegi, le principal hebdo du pays, constate « le fort ralentissement de la demande chinoise de diamant naturel de petite taille ». La Chine se tourne de plus en plus vers les « lab-growns », des gemmes synthétiques qui concurrencent les « naturelles » extraites du sous-sol.Les ventes de Debswana, le plus grand producteur au monde, se sont ainsi effondrées de 50 % au premier semestre, selon Devdiscourse.La crise éclipsée par les nouvelles pépites de l'athlétisme botswanaisMmegi rapporte comment Debswana a octroyé l'équivalent de 35 000 euros aux athlètes de moins de 20 ans. Ils vont participer aux championnats du monde junior au Pérou la semaine prochaine. Parmi eux, il y a peut-être une star comme Letsile Tebogo. Le tout récent champion olympique a survolé jeudi 2 août le 200-mètres du meeting de Lausanne. Une épreuve qui compte pour la Ligue de Diamant.
Afrique XXI décrit un nouveau champ de bataille entre le Rwanda et la République démocratique du Congo, où les armes sont l'influence et les réseaux sociaux. Il y a d'abord ce constat du chercheur américain Jason Stearns : « en 2023, le New York Times n'a consacré que 53 articles à la crise dans l'est de la RDC contre 3 278 à la guerre en Ukraine. »On le comprend : l'absence de récits et d'images indépendantes venues du terrain fait proliférer la propagande et les théories du complot.Côté congolais, nous dit Afrique XXI, « le raccourci populaire consiste à faire porter au Rwanda la responsabilité des violences au Nord Kivu ».Un récit congolais alimenté par Charles Onana. L'écrivain camerounais, qualifié de « complotiste » a notamment été invité à Kinshasa pour une série de conférences en mars dernier. L'auteur y a avancé une thèse sans preuve étayée : « le président rwandais Paul Kagame veut installer un nouveau pouvoir à Kinshasa en vue de s'emparer des richesses de la RDC [au profit des intérêts occidentaux] ». Et ce au prix de 10 millions de Congolais tués ces trois dernières décennies.Afrique XXI le rappelle : Charles Onana a été poursuivi en France il y a cinq ans pour « contestation de crimes contre l'humanité », après « avoir nié le génocide des tutsis » dans une interview télévisée. Pour le média, « l'écrivain camerounais joue donc le rôle du croquemitaine dont Kigali a besoin ». À travers des comptes affiliés sur les réseaux sociaux, « le pouvoir rwandais accuse Charles Onana d'attiser la haine contre les tutsis » avec l'aval de la RDC. Et Paul Kagame de répéter que « les rebelles du M23 se battent au Nord-Kivu pour protéger leur communauté ».Conclusion d'Afrique XXI : « Tant que Kinshasa rejettera la responsabilité sur le « méchant Rwanda » et que Kigali pourra pointer du doigt la xénophobie en RDC, il sera difficile de trouver une solution durable au conflit. »La Mpox continue de susciter l'inquiétudeDans le site spécialisé Reliefweb, l'Unicef s'alarme de la propagation de la variole du singe dans cinq pays d'Afrique de l'Est et d'Afrique australe, notamment chez les jeunes.C'est ainsi qu'au Burundi, les enfants et les adolescents constituent 60 % des 171 cas confirmés. Les risques pour les enfants burundais sont aggravés par la faible couverture vaccinale et des taux élevés de malnutrition, selon l'Unicef.Sur le site de Jeune Afrique, la carte interactive de l'épidémie se colore jour après jour. « Le Gabon va passer en vigilance rouge » d'après l'Union. En cause : la détection d'un cas positif, « un voyageur de retour d'Ouganda ».Le Niger est, lui aussi, en « alerte sanitaire » selon Actu Niger. La détection de « deux cas suspects à Belbedji [dans le sud du pays, près de la frontière nigériane] ». Les autorités de Niamey appellent « au respect des mesures de prévention et d'isolement ».La crise du diamant au BotswanaUne gemme de près de 2 500 carats, 500 grammes, découverte dans la mine de Karowe au centre du Botswana. Sa valeur estimée : 40 millions de dollars. Mais ce caillou masque les difficultés de ce secteur économique vital pour les Botswana.Ainsi, Mmegi, le principal hebdo du pays, constate « le fort ralentissement de la demande chinoise de diamant naturel de petite taille ». La Chine se tourne de plus en plus vers les « lab-growns », des gemmes synthétiques qui concurrencent les « naturelles » extraites du sous-sol.Les ventes de Debswana, le plus grand producteur au monde, se sont ainsi effondrées de 50 % au premier semestre, selon Devdiscourse.La crise éclipsée par les nouvelles pépites de l'athlétisme botswanaisMmegi rapporte comment Debswana a octroyé l'équivalent de 35 000 euros aux athlètes de moins de 20 ans. Ils vont participer aux championnats du monde junior au Pérou la semaine prochaine. Parmi eux, il y a peut-être une star comme Letsile Tebogo. Le tout récent champion olympique a survolé jeudi 2 août le 200-mètres du meeting de Lausanne. Une épreuve qui compte pour la Ligue de Diamant.
Violent conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo is worsening the humanitarian crisis there, the World Health Organization warned this past week. As armed rebels close in on Goma, hospitals are overwhelmed and hundreds of thousands civilians have been displaced. Now, there are fears of a wider regional conflict. John Yang speaks with Jason Stearns to learn more about the situation. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders
Violent conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo is worsening the humanitarian crisis there, the World Health Organization warned this past week. As armed rebels close in on Goma, hospitals are overwhelmed and hundreds of thousands civilians have been displaced. Now, there are fears of a wider regional conflict. John Yang speaks with Jason Stearns to learn more about the situation. PBS NewsHour is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders
This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history
This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
Podcast for the UCLA Burkle Center for International Relations
A book talk with Jason Stearns, Director of the Congo Research Group, NYU
Danny and Derek welcome Jason Stearns, assistant professor at Simon Fraser University and director of the Congo Research Group at NYU, for a discussion of the conflicts currently transpiring in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). They unpack a number of topics, including the background of the March 23 Movement (M23), the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), the controversy over UN and East African peacekeeping missions, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), the Ituri Conflict, and more.Grab copies of Jason's books Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa and The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.americanprestigepod.com/subscribe
A review of "Dancing in the Glory of Monsters" by Jason Stearns which explains the causes of the Congo Wars and what unfolded once the fighting began. Show notes and sources are available at http://noirehistoir.com/blog/dancing-in-the-glory-of-monsters-book-review.
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution.
Well into its third decade, the military conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been dubbed a "forever war"--a perpetual cycle of war, civil unrest, and local feuds over power and identity. Millions have died in one of the worst humanitarian calamities of our time. The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo (Princeton UP, 2022) investigates the most recent phase of this conflict, asking why the peace deal of 2003--accompanied by the largest United Nations peacekeeping mission in the world and tens of billions in international aid--has failed to stop the violence. Jason Stearns argues that the fighting has become an end in itself, carried forward in substantial part through the apathy and complicity of local and international actors. Stearns shows that regardless of the suffering, there has emerged a narrow military bourgeoisie of commanders and politicians for whom the conflict is a source of survival, dignity, and profit. Foreign donors provide food and urgent health care for millions, preventing the Congolese state from collapsing, but this involvement has not yielded transformational change. Stearns gives a detailed historical account of this period, focusing on the main players--Congolese and Rwandan states and the main armed groups. He extrapolates from these dynamics to other conflicts across Africa and presents a theory of conflict that highlights the interests of the belligerents and the social structures from which they arise. Exploring how violence in the Congo has become preoccupied with its own reproduction, The War That Doesn't Say Its Name sheds light on why certain military feuds persist without resolution. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The Democratic Republic of Congo is one of the most resource-rich nations in the world, holding the largest deposits of critical minerals which will be key to the coming industrial transformation. But it is also a nation that is well into its third decade of war - a war that in many ways is forgotten, ignored, and buried away from public attention. But one person who has been paying attention is Jason Stearns, a Senior Fellow at the Center on International Cooperation and Chair of the Advisory Board of Congo Research Group. In his exhaustively researched excellent new book, "The War That Doesn't Say Its Name: The Unending Conflict in the Congo," Stearns explores how the conflict has continued despite the 2003 peace agreement, with the fighting becoming a structural economic activity. In his discussion with Amsterdam, Stearns doesn't hold back on the enabling role he has seen in the donor community, flooding the country with millions of dollars of aid while a narrow elite class has emerged among the military and security bureaucracy while the country has remained mired in war and poverty. Stearns' sharp and insightful on the crisis in the Congo is informed by more than a decade of experience working there on the ground in human rights organizations, leading him to present very compelling theories of how conflict has subsisted, why peacekeeping efforts have failed, and how we should start to think differently about intervention in Africa writ large. A highly recommended publication - go pick up a copy.
Join the International Committee of Democratic Socialists of America for this panel discussion with leading experts on African politics. ———————————————— What should progressives know about the political situation in Africa today? Find out by joining the International Committee of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and Haymarket Books for this panel discussion with leading experts on African politics. ———————————————— Speakers: Nisrin Elamin is Assistant Professor of International Studies at Bryn Mawr College. She is an anthropologist who researches land rights, extractive industries, foreign land grabs, and the militarization of borders in East Africa and the Sahel. Zachariah Mampilly is Marxe Chair of International Affairs at the City University of New York (CUNY). He is the author of Rebel Rulers: Insurgent Governance and Civilian Life during War (2011) and co-author of Africa Uprising: Popular Protest and Political Change (2015). Jason Stearns is Director of the Congo Research Group at NYU and Assistant Professor of International Studies at Simon Fraser University. He is the author of Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa (2011) and of The War that Doesn't Say Its Name: Why Conflict Endures in the Congo (2021). Josef Woldense is Assistant Professor in the department of African American & African Studies and Affiliated Faculty in Political Science at the University of Minnesota. He received my PhD from Indiana University in Political Science. His research interests are in the areas of elite politics, authoritarian regimes, political institutions and social network analysis with a geographical focus on Africa. Lee Wengraf (moderator) is the author of Extracting Profit: Imperialism, Neoliberalism and the New Scramble for Africa (2018). She is a member of the International Committee of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and a Contributing Editor at the Review of African Political Economy. ————————————————————— This event is sponsored by International Committee of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and Haymarket Books. Watch the live event recording: https://youtu.be/wYi2JpPRFCk Buy books from Haymarket: www.haymarketbooks.org Follow us on Soundcloud: soundcloud.com/haymarketbooks
The long-awaited results of the United States presidential election will shape the future of American democracy and U.S.-Africa policy for years to come. Are there lessons from sub-Saharan Africa that the U.S. should consider as it reflects on its electoral process? Udo Jude Ilo (Open Society Initiative for West Africa), Maria Sarungi Tsehai (#ChangeTanzania), and Jason Stearns (Congo Research Group) join Judd Devermont to discuss the elections, the future of Nigeria's #EndSARS movement, DRC's tumultuous leadership struggle, and the conflict in Ethiopia's Tigray region. Background Materials: Race and Diplomacy: How does BLM resonate in Africa? – CSIS Africa Reacts to the U.S. Presidential Election – CSIS Nigeria: Learning from #EndSARS - A New U.S. Policy Toward Nigeria – Judd Devermont and Matthew T. Page A New Direction for U.S. Foreign Policy in Africa – Jason Stearns and Zachariah Mampilly A New U.S. Policy Framework for the African Century – Judd Devermont
Today we’re tackling what can be a simple topic, but some remodeling companies are still struggling with daily job logs. Technology has made this task so much easier to accomplish and to store. In this episode, Jason Stearns talks with Tim and Steve about what to capture in a daily log, how to get your... The post Ep.81: Success with Daily Logs with Jason Stearns appeared first on The Tim Faller Show.
In this episode of Take as Directed, J. Stephen Morrison sits down with Jason Stearns, Director of the Congo Research Group at the Center for International Cooperation at New York University. Jason is among America’s premier experts on Congolese politics and economics. In this episode, he shares his astute insights into the opaque networks in eastern Congo which are deliberately and violently targeting health providers, paralyzing the international and local response to the Ebola outbreak. This is the second of a pair of episodes that examines what steps are now essential to end violence and win community trust and confidence in eastern Congo.
In this episode of Take as Directed, J. Stephen Morrison sits down with Jason Stearns, Director of the Congo Research Group at the Center for International Cooperation at New York University. Jason is among America’s premier experts on Congolese politics and economics. In this episode, he shares his astute insights into the opaque networks in eastern Congo which are deliberately and violently targeting health providers, paralyzing the international and local response to the Ebola outbreak. This is the second of a pair of episodes that examines what steps are now essential to end violence and win community trust and confidence in eastern Congo.
In this episode of Take as Directed, J. Stephen Morrison sits down with Jason Stearns, Director of the Congo Research Group at the Center for International Cooperation at New York University. Jason is among America’s premier experts on Congolese politics and economics. In this episode, he shares his astute insights into the opaque networks in eastern Congo which are deliberately and violently targeting health providers, paralyzing the international and local response to the Ebola outbreak. This is the second of a pair of episodes that examines what steps are now essential to end violence and win community trust and confidence in eastern Congo.
There are many different ways to work with architects in the remodeling industry, whether you’re working in the design/build model or as a builder using plans developed outside your company. Regardless of the work model, most remodelers agree the architectural plans they get at the beginning of the production process are only half done. So communication... The post Ep.46: Working with Architects with Jason Stearns appeared first on The Tim Faller Show.
In Episode 50, Quinn & Brian discuss: How D.C. and LA are dealing with urban heat issues. Our guests are Yesim Sayin Taylor and Molly Peterson. Yesim is the founding Executive Director of the D.C. Policy Center and Molly is a renowned reporter focusing on the environment and climate change (and our first returning guest!). We all remember when Nelly said, “It’s getting hot in herre,” but not a lot of people remember the whole verse: “It’s getting hot in herre, so take off all your clothes / all of the poor minorities in America are suffering and dying before everybody else / Uh, uh, uh, let it hang all out.” But it’s a shame, really, because if we’d just paid more attention to Nelly’s important message back in 2002, maybe we wouldn’t be facing this problem today. Want to send us feedback? Tweet us, email us, or leave us a voice message! Trump’s Book Club: The Old Man Who Read Love Stories by Luis Sepúlveda Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa by Jason Stearns Links: Learn more at https://www.dcpolicycenter.org Yesim on Twitter: https://twitter.com/yesimsy Check out https://pactio.us/host/molly-peterson Molly on Twitter: http://www.twitter.com/mollydacious Greater Greater Washington: https://ggwash.org Connect with us: Subscribe to our newsletter at ImportantNotImportant.com! Intro/outro by Tim Blane: timblane.com Follow Quinn: twitter.com/quinnemmett Follow Brian: twitter.com/briancolbertken Like and share us on Facebook: facebook.com/ImportantNotImportant Check us on Instagram: instagram.com/ImportantNotImportant Follow us on Twitter: twitter.com/ImportantNotImp Pin us on Pinterest: pinterest.com/ImportantNotImportant Tumble us or whatever the hell you do on Tumblr: importantnotimportant.tumblr.com Important, Not Important is produced by Podcast Masters Support this podcast
Nous vous fournissons une podcast extra - l’interview fait par Eric Tshikuma, redacteur en chef de www.zoom-eco.net, avec Jason au sujet du rapport du Groupe d'Étude sur le Congo, Richesses du Président: l’Entreprise Familiale des Kabila, disponible ici: http://congoresearchgroup.org/richesses-du-president/?lang=fr
Jason Stearns discusses the weekly Congo happenings with Ida Sawyer, Central Africa director for Human Rights Watch. They discuss the pending formation of the new government of PM Bruno Tshibala, the ongoing repression of peaceful demonstrations, divisions within the opposition, and violence in the Kasais.
Jason Stearns joins us to talk about electoral politics in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We get into President Joseph Kabila's strategy for political (and physical) survival, China's role in Congolese politics and Moise Katumbi, Kabila's heir apparent. Subscribe: RSS | Soundcloud | iTunes (coming soon!) Follow us and our guests: Desné Masie (co-host): Twitter Peter Dörrie (co-host/producer): Twitter | Facebook | Homepage Jason Stearns (guest, expert on politics and security in the DR Congo): Twitter | Blog African Arguments/Royal African Society: Twitter | Facebook | Homepage Notes Dancing in the Glory of Monsters - Jason's fantastic book on the Congo conflicts How will the oil price collapse affect the Africa Rising story? by Desné Masie on African Arguments Africa's oil boom goes bust by Luke Patey on African Arguments Mathematiques Congolaises by Jean Bofane Congo Kitoko - Exhibition in Paris on Congolese modern art Daniel Eizenga's Burkina Faso updates on the Sahel Blog Congo’s Katanga Governor Moïse Katumbi leaves ruling party, breaks silence by Kris Berwouts on African Arguments Thomas Piketty at the Annual Nelson Mandela Lecture The Daily Show with Trevor Noah Thanks for listening! We are grateful to African Arguments and the Royal African Society for supporting the podcast. If you would like to support us, have a suggestion for a topic we should cover or a guest we should invite, please get in touch! There are links to the social media profiles of our hosts above, or drop us a line at africanargumentspodcast@gmail.com. The music on this podcast was kindly provided by DJ Maramza.
Jason Stearns, director of RVI's Usalama Project, is interviewed by Radio France Internationale about the Peace, Security, and Cooperation Framework for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region, signed in Addis Ababa on Sunday 24 February 2013, and its implications for the DRC crisis. Featured on the RVI Podcast with permission from Radio France Internationale. Original source: http://www.rfi.fr/emission/20130224-jason-stearns-specialiste-rdc-directeur-programme-oussalama
On 17 December 2012, Jason Stearns, director of the RVI Usalama Project, discussed the capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group and the escalation of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) at a public event in London. Organized by the Africa Programme at Chatham House, in association with RVI, the event was entitled ‘M23 and the Challenges to Peace in the Eastern DRC’. The panel included Ben Shepherd, associate fellow at Chatham House and a former Director of Studies on the RVI Great Lakes Course, and Bronwen Manby of the Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project (AfriMAP). The event included a vigorous Q&A session, featured in this podcast, involving senior diplomats from the Great Lakes region. The audio recording was made by Chatham House and is also available at http://www.chathamhouse.org/events/view/187555. "The capture of Goma by the M23 rebel group marks an alarming escalation in the crisis facing the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Confusion over the nature and agenda of the rebel group, as well as other regional actors, makes analysis - let alone policy responses - difficult. This roundtable will seek to help clarify what is known about the situation, and offer some practical suggestions for what kind of responses might be most appropriate, or indeed counterproductive." - Chatham House