Podcasts about Mobutu Sese Seko

In part one of a series on mercenaries in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Boris explores the strange history of the (ex)Nazis and racist psychopaths who helped install the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko following the assassination of Patrice Lumumba.   Reading: Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja - The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: A People's History Ending music: Vicky Longomba-Vive Patrice Lumumba Subscribe to patreon.org/tenepod @tenepod.bsky.social  + x.com/tenepod

Joris Hessels praat met Joost Vandensande, een van de makers van 'Mobutu's game'. De Congolese dictator Mobutu Sese Seko was een kind van het Belgische kolonialisme en de Koude Oorlog, hij kon 32 jaar aan de macht blijven door een uiterst complex en doordacht politiek spel te spelen. Lang werd Mobutu beschouwd als een karikatuur, een ordinaire handpop van het Westen maar in de reeks 'Mobutu's Game' op VRT MAX zien we hoe hij zich ontwikkelde tot een handig, bijwijlen briljant politiek strateeg.

« La première prise de parole publique du président de la RDC se faisait attendre », pointe Le Monde Afrique, depuis l'offensive sur Goma du M23, au côté de troupes rwandaises. « Après avoir annulé une réunion de crise avec le président rwandais Paul Kagame, le chef de l'État congolais s'est enfin exprimé, hier, dans une allocution retransmise en direct à la télévision. “Une riposte vigoureuse et coordonnée contre ces terroristes et leurs parrains est en cours“, a affirmé Félix Tshisekedi. “L'est de notre pays, en particulier les provinces du Nord-Kivu, du Sud-Kivu et de l'Ituri, fait face à une aggravation sans précédent de la situation sécuritaire“, a-t-il ajouté. Selon lui, les violences risquent de conduire “tout droit à une escalade“ dans la région des Grands-Lacs ».Et de fait, les rebelles du M23 ne semblent pas se contenter de Goma. Ils se dirigeraient maintenant vers le Sud-Kivu et sa capitale Bukavu.En fait, analyse Afrikarabia, site spécialisé sur la RDC, « acculé militairement et diplomatiquement, Félix Tshisekedi essaie de ne pas perdre la main politiquement, et de gagner les cœurs des Congolais. Le président a essentiellement surfé sur la fibre patriotique et de l'unité nationale. “Unissons nos efforts, a-t-dit (…) Mobilisons-nous (…) Nous gagnerons cette guerre par notre unité (…) Je ne vous abandonnerai jamais, j'en fais le serment“ ».« Loin d'être rassurant… »Toutefois, c'est un peu tard… s'exclame WakatSéra au Burkina Faso : « le ver est déjà bien dans le fruit. (…) Incompréhensible et inquiétant : c'est seulement maintenant que Félix Tshisekedi dénonce la torpeur de la communauté internationale et appelle son peuple à la résistance ! »« Tshisekedi loin d'être rassurant », renchérit Ledjely. « Le plus étonnant dans ce discours à la Nation, pointe le site d'information guinéen, c'est l'invitation qu'il lance en faveur de la réduction du niveau de vie des institutions pour soutenir l'effort de guerre. Pourquoi n'y a-t-il pas pensé plus tôt ? », s'interroge Ledjely. « N'est-ce pas là une des causes de la défaite d'aujourd'hui ? En effet, l'autre mal de la RDC, ce sont des institutions et une élite qui dévorent le budget sur le dos des populations pauvres. Si les troupes congolaises, mal équipées et pas du tout motivées, ont capitulé devant l'ennemi, c'est aussi l'explication. Mais curieusement, conclut le site guinéen, le président congolais ne s'en est souvenu qu'au lendemain de la défaite de son camp. Hélas ! »Et on revient à Afrikarabia qui donne des chiffres : « sur un budget de 16 milliards de dollars, le train de vie des institutions congolaises en consomme, en effet, plus de 67%. Une hérésie dans un pays qui manque de tout. Il aura donc fallu attendre la généralisation de la guerre à l'Est et la perte d'un quart du Nord-Kivu pour rendre l'État plus sobre… dans le cas où cette mesure serait réellement appliquée ».Kagame : des visions expansionnistes ?Quant au président rwandais, Paul Kagame, il montre son vrai visage, pointe L'Observateur Paalga. « Après avoir nié pendant longtemps, c'est à visage découvert que les Rwandais agissent désormais. La preuve : la déclaration de l'ambassadeur (rwandais) itinérant pour la région des Grands Lacs, Vincent Karega, qui a affirmé que la progression du M23 continuerait vers le Sud-Kivu. Les choses sont désormais claires. Est-ce Kagame qui a parlé par la bouche de Karega ? On doute fort qu'il prenne certaines libertés sans l'accord tacite du filiforme homme de Kigali ». Et L'Observateur Paalga de s'interroger : « le Rwanda, qui avait aidé les rebelles de Laurent Désiré Kabila à marcher sur Kinshasa pour chasser Mobutu Sese Seko, le Rwanda ambitionne-t-il d'entreprendre la même action avec toujours comme cheval de Troie une rébellion qu'il soutient à bout de bras ? »Le départ des mercenaires occidentauxEnfin, Jeune Afrique nous révèle les coulisses de l'évacuation des mercenaires roumains qui combattaient à Goma aux côtés des Forces armées congolaises… « Ces mercenaires de la société Congo protection avaient d'abord assuré des missions de formation et d'aide à l'artillerie, avant de participer eux-mêmes à des combats sur le terrain ». Notamment« pour repousser le M23 lors de sa première offensive sur Saké, en mars 2023. (…) Lundi, alors que le M23 pénétrait dans Goma, les hommes de Congo Protection avaient rapidement abandonné le combat, affirme Jeune Afrique. Des négociations ont été ouvertes avec les rebelles afin de négocier leur reddition et leur évacuation vers la Roumanie, via Kigali ».Quant aux mercenaires français de la société Agemira, qui combattaient également aux côtés des Forces armées congolaises, on ne connait pas leur sort…

« La première prise de parole publique du président de la RDC se faisait attendre », pointe Le Monde Afrique, depuis l'offensive sur Goma du M23, au côté de troupes rwandaises. « Après avoir annulé une réunion de crise avec le président rwandais Paul Kagame, le chef de l'État congolais s'est enfin exprimé, hier, dans une allocution retransmise en direct à la télévision. “Une riposte vigoureuse et coordonnée contre ces terroristes et leurs parrains est en cours“, a affirmé Félix Tshisekedi. “L'est de notre pays, en particulier les provinces du Nord-Kivu, du Sud-Kivu et de l'Ituri, fait face à une aggravation sans précédent de la situation sécuritaire“, a-t-il ajouté. Selon lui, les violences risquent de conduire “tout droit à une escalade“ dans la région des Grands-Lacs ».Et de fait, les rebelles du M23 ne semblent pas se contenter de Goma. Ils se dirigeraient maintenant vers le Sud-Kivu et sa capitale Bukavu.En fait, analyse Afrikarabia, site spécialisé sur la RDC, « acculé militairement et diplomatiquement, Félix Tshisekedi essaie de ne pas perdre la main politiquement, et de gagner les cœurs des Congolais. Le président a essentiellement surfé sur la fibre patriotique et de l'unité nationale. “Unissons nos efforts, a-t-dit (…) Mobilisons-nous (…) Nous gagnerons cette guerre par notre unité (…) Je ne vous abandonnerai jamais, j'en fais le serment“ ».« Loin d'être rassurant… »Toutefois, c'est un peu tard… s'exclame WakatSéra au Burkina Faso : « le ver est déjà bien dans le fruit. (…) Incompréhensible et inquiétant : c'est seulement maintenant que Félix Tshisekedi dénonce la torpeur de la communauté internationale et appelle son peuple à la résistance ! »« Tshisekedi loin d'être rassurant », renchérit Ledjely. « Le plus étonnant dans ce discours à la Nation, pointe le site d'information guinéen, c'est l'invitation qu'il lance en faveur de la réduction du niveau de vie des institutions pour soutenir l'effort de guerre. Pourquoi n'y a-t-il pas pensé plus tôt ? », s'interroge Ledjely. « N'est-ce pas là une des causes de la défaite d'aujourd'hui ? En effet, l'autre mal de la RDC, ce sont des institutions et une élite qui dévorent le budget sur le dos des populations pauvres. Si les troupes congolaises, mal équipées et pas du tout motivées, ont capitulé devant l'ennemi, c'est aussi l'explication. Mais curieusement, conclut le site guinéen, le président congolais ne s'en est souvenu qu'au lendemain de la défaite de son camp. Hélas ! »Et on revient à Afrikarabia qui donne des chiffres : « sur un budget de 16 milliards de dollars, le train de vie des institutions congolaises en consomme, en effet, plus de 67%. Une hérésie dans un pays qui manque de tout. Il aura donc fallu attendre la généralisation de la guerre à l'Est et la perte d'un quart du Nord-Kivu pour rendre l'État plus sobre… dans le cas où cette mesure serait réellement appliquée ».Kagame : des visions expansionnistes ?Quant au président rwandais, Paul Kagame, il montre son vrai visage, pointe L'Observateur Paalga. « Après avoir nié pendant longtemps, c'est à visage découvert que les Rwandais agissent désormais. La preuve : la déclaration de l'ambassadeur (rwandais) itinérant pour la région des Grands Lacs, Vincent Karega, qui a affirmé que la progression du M23 continuerait vers le Sud-Kivu. Les choses sont désormais claires. Est-ce Kagame qui a parlé par la bouche de Karega ? On doute fort qu'il prenne certaines libertés sans l'accord tacite du filiforme homme de Kigali ». Et L'Observateur Paalga de s'interroger : « le Rwanda, qui avait aidé les rebelles de Laurent Désiré Kabila à marcher sur Kinshasa pour chasser Mobutu Sese Seko, le Rwanda ambitionne-t-il d'entreprendre la même action avec toujours comme cheval de Troie une rébellion qu'il soutient à bout de bras ? »Le départ des mercenaires occidentauxEnfin, Jeune Afrique nous révèle les coulisses de l'évacuation des mercenaires roumains qui combattaient à Goma aux côtés des Forces armées congolaises… « Ces mercenaires de la société Congo protection avaient d'abord assuré des missions de formation et d'aide à l'artillerie, avant de participer eux-mêmes à des combats sur le terrain ». Notamment« pour repousser le M23 lors de sa première offensive sur Saké, en mars 2023. (…) Lundi, alors que le M23 pénétrait dans Goma, les hommes de Congo Protection avaient rapidement abandonné le combat, affirme Jeune Afrique. Des négociations ont été ouvertes avec les rebelles afin de négocier leur reddition et leur évacuation vers la Roumanie, via Kigali ».Quant aux mercenaires français de la société Agemira, qui combattaient également aux côtés des Forces armées congolaises, on ne connait pas leur sort…

Goma au cœur des combats… Douze ans après le premier assaut de novembre 2012, pourquoi le M23 et les soldats rwandais s'en prennent-ils à nouveau à la grande cité de l'Est de la République démocratique du Congo ? Pourquoi l'Union africaine réagit-elle avec mollesse ? Y a-t-il une issue à cette nouvelle guerre meurtrière ? Pendant trois ans, de 2021 à 2024, Christophe Lutundula a été le vice-Premier ministre et le ministre des Affaires étrangères du Congo-Kinshasa. Aujourd'hui, il est sénateur et préside la Commission des relations extérieures de la Chambre Haute. RFI : Christophe Lutundula, bonjour,Christophe Lutundula : bonjour.Pourquoi le M23 et le Rwanda ont-ils décidé d'attaquer Goma à la fin de ce mois de janvier ?Je pense qu'il y a les raisons suivantes. La première, c'est que Goma, c'est une plaque tournante économique, particulièrement en ce qui concerne le commerce de produits miniers. Mais il y a une autre raison, une raison politique, c'est la soif d'hégémonie du président [Paul] Kagame. Il veut démontrer à la communauté internationale qu'il est le seul interlocuteur valable avec lequel il faut traiter en ce qui concerne les questions de sécurité, de paix et même les questions de coopération avec la région des Grands Lacs. C'est comme qui dirait qu'il veut devenir le successeur du président Mobutu Sese Seko qui a joué le même rôle pendant la période de la guerre froide.Toujours sur le plan politique, en fait, il veut humilier le peuple congolais, en obligeant le président [Félix] Tshisekedi de négocier avec ses protégés qui constituent son cheval de Troie, les M23.Cette attaque survient en effet cinq semaines après l'échec de la rencontre de Luanda, où Paul Kagame avait exigé que Félix Tshisekedi ouvre un dialogue avec les rebelles du M23. Le président congolais avait refusé, est-ce qu'aujourd'hui Paul Kagame cherche à imposer ce dialogue par la force ?Mais il ne s'en est jamais caché, il a toujours dit qu'il n'y aura pas de solution s'il n'y a pas de négociations directes avec les M23. Mais là, je crois qu'il se trompe. Le président Tshisekedi, il a des fondamentaux. Quand il dit que c'est la ligne rouge, je crois que, j'ai travaillé avec lui pendant trois ans, ce sont des lignes, pas seulement le dialogue, il y a l'intégrité territoriale, la souveraineté. Je ne crois pas du tout que le président Tshisekedi va accepter. Il est vraiment catégorique et c'est toujours le fils de son père.Vous pensez que Félix Tshisekedi va refuser ce dialogue direct avec les M23. Mais ce qui frappe les observateurs depuis trois jours, Christophe Lutundula, c'est le refus de l'Union africaine et des trois pays qui représentent l'Afrique au Conseil de sécurité, l'Algérie, la Sierra Léone, la Somalie, de nommer le Rwanda comme pays solidaire des rebelles du M23 dans l'attaque sur Goma. Comment expliquez-vous cette bienveillance à l'égard du président Kagame ?Mais c'est très simple, ce sont des modus operandi, je n'ose pas dire l'ADN de l'Union africaine. Nous, nous en avons l'expérience. Nous avons connu une crise politique grave du temps du président Mobutu, de la Conférence nationale et ainsi de suite, l'Union africaine n'a rien fait. Il y a le grand barrage de la Renaissance qui oppose l'Éthiopie, le Soudan et l'Égypte, l'Union africaine s'est mise à l'écart. Donc ce n'est pas une surprise.De toute façon, l'Afrique a un problème à assumer sa souveraineté. Être souverain, c'est être capable de résoudre ses problèmes par soi-même. Donc, il y a des intérêts économiques, les connexions avec les multinationales et les États qui soutiennent le président Kagame et qui profitent du pillage des ressources naturelles de la RDC. Donc des pays africains évitent de bousculer, d'indisposer ces États tutélaires.En Afrique centrale, l'armée rwandaise est redoutée. Est-ce qu'elle fait peur à certains pays qui, du coup, n'osent pas se fâcher avec Kigali ?On sait aujourd'hui que l'armée rwandaise est présente dans certains pays où elle protège justement certains intérêts. Je ne veux pas énerver la susceptibilité diplomatique de ces pays-là, il y a le Mozambique, où elle protège ce que vous savez, il y a la Centrafrique. Au Bénin, le Rwanda forme l'armée et on peut continuer la série ! Donc effectivement, c'est un élément qui intervient en conjugaison avec le fait d'éviter d'énerver la susceptibilité des tuteurs.Je crois que, dans les circonstances actuelles, on doit être un peu plus ferme au niveau des décideurs. Et je crois que, dans ce sens-là, tous les mécanismes de vérification qui ont été mis en place ne valent pas la peine. Il faut les remplacer, à mon avis, par un dispositif de garanties mutuelles. Qu'est-ce que je veux dire par là ? Si on peut déployer le long de la frontière entre la RDC et le Rwanda une force internationale tampon, garantie par le Conseil de sécurité, l'Union européenne et peut-être l'Afrique avec le Conseil paix et sécurité, cela pourra permettre que les Rwandais sortent et que cette force garantisse qu'il n'y aura pas d'incursions.Parce que le Rwanda parle des FDLR. Que de notre côté, le Rwanda va sortir, le M23 va se replier, rentrer dans ses positions d'antan, et cette force va créer les conditions du dialogue avec le Rwanda. Il faut ouvrir cette perspective-là, me semble-t-il.Christophe Lutundula, merci. À lire aussiRDC: des tirs entendus dans Goma, le M23 et ses alliés rwandais présents dans des quartiersÀ lire aussiÀ l'ONU, la RDC réclame des sanctions contre le Rwanda alors que les combats font rage autour de Goma

Mobutu Sese Seko

  Clement Manyathela hosts Advocate Sipho Mantula, Researcher at the Thabo Mbeki African School of Public and International Affairs as they discuss DRC's late dictator Mobutu Sese Seko's leadership, ideology and the key strategies he used to maintain his position of power for over three decades.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Cada día un pequeño apunte de Alberto Mayol por YouTube en http://apuntes.cl

The dictator knock-out tournament continues. The hosts unravel the lives and legacies of two dictators of the Congo; Belgian King Leopold II and Mobuto Sese Seko, the President of the Congo & Zaire. They discuss the Leopold II, his hunger for a colony, his evil plan to create the Congo Free State, severed hands, rubber harvesting and his French prostitute mistress/wife. They also discuss Mobutu's rise to power, his betrayal of his allies, the CIA, his leopard skin hat, unseemly corruption and his fall from power. These two dictators battle it out in the knock-out tournament to determine the single greatest dictator of all time. One of these two dictators will be eliminated from the tournament and the other will remain in contention to be crowned history's biggest dictator.

Nach Lumumbas Tod reißt der Verräter Mobutu Sese Seko die Macht im Kongo an sich und errichtet eine blutige Diktatur. Den deutschen Journalisten Erich Follath lässt er verhaften und zum Tode verurteilen. Jahre später lädt er ihn aber in seinen Palast ein. In Folge 191 reden Sabine Rückert und Andreas Sentker mit dem Reporter Erich Follath über seine Zeit in einer kongolesischen Todeszelle und seine Begegnung mit einem der schrecklichsten Tyrannen Afrikas.  Die neue Ausgabe des Kriminalmagazins "ZEIT Verbrechen" liegt am Kiosk und ist hier online bestellbar. Sie möchten zwei Ausgaben zum Kennenlernpreis testen? Dann klicken Sie hier. Und zu unserem Newsletter geht's hier entlang. [ANZEIGE] Mehr über die Angebote unserer Werbepartnerinnen und -partner finden Sie HIER. [ANZEIGE] Falls Sie uns nicht nur hören, sondern auch lesen möchten, testen Sie jetzt 4 Wochen kostenlos DIE ZEIT. Hier geht's zum Angebot.

This week we talk about the Rwandan genocide, the First and Second Congo Wars, and M23.We also discuss civil wars, proxy conflicts, and resource curses.Recommended Book: Everyday Utopia by Kristen R. GhodseeTranscriptThe Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, was previously known as Zaïre, a name derived from a Portuguese mistranscription of the regional word for "river."It wore that monicker from 1971 until 1997, and this region had a rich history of redesignations before that, having been owned by various local kingdoms, then having been colonized by Europeans, sold to the King of Belgium in 1885, who owned it personally, not as a part of Belgium, which was unusual, until 1908, renaming it for that period the Congo Free State, which was kind of a branding exercise to convince all the Europeans who held territory thereabouts that he was doing philanthropic work, though while he did go to war with local and Arab slavers in the region, he also caused an estimated millions of deaths due to all that conflict, due to starvation and disease and punishments levied against people who failed to produce sufficient volumes of rubber from plantations he built in the region.So all that effort and rebranding also almost bankrupted him, the King of Belgium, because of the difficulties operating in this area, even when you step into it with vast wealth, overwhelming technological and military advantages, and the full backing of a powerful, if distant, nation.After the King's deadly little adventure, the region he held was ceded to the nation of Belgium as a colony, which renamed it the Belgium Congo, and it eventually gained independence from Belgium, alongside many other European colonies around the world, post-WWII, in mid-1960.Almost immediately there was conflict, a bunch of secessionist movements turning into civil wars, and those civil wars were amplified by the meddling of the United States and the Soviet Union, which supported different sides, funding and arming them as they tended to do in proxy conflicts around the world during this portion of the Cold War.This period, which lasted for about 5 years after independence, became known as the Congo Crisis, because government leaders kept being assassinated, different groups kept rising up, being armed, killing off other groups, and then settling in to keep the government from unifying or operating with any sense of security or normalcy.Eventually a man named Mobutu Sese Seko, usually just called Mobutu, launched a real deal coup that succeeded, and he imposed a hardcore military dictatorship on the country—his second coup, actually, but the previous one didn't grant him power, so he tried again a few years later, in 1965, and that one worked—and though he claimed, as many coup-launching military dictators do, that he would stabilize things over the next five years, restoring democracy to the country in the process, that never happened, though claiming he would did earn him the support of the US and other Western governments for the duration, even as he wiped out any government structure that could oppose him, including the position of Prime Minister in 1966, and the institution of Parliament in 1967.In 1971, as I mentioned, he renamed the country Zaïre, nationalized all remaining foreign owned assets in the country, and it took another war, which is now called the First Congo War, to finally unseat him. And this conflict, which began in late-1996, spilled over into neighboring countries, including Sudan and Uganda, and a slew of other nations were involved, including but not limited to Chad, the Central African Republic, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Eritrea, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Tanzania, alongside foreign assistance granted to various sides by France, China, Israel, and covertly, the United States.The conflict kicked off when Rwanda invaded Zaïre, more neighboring states joined in, all of them intending to take out a bunch of rebel groups that the Mobutu government was no longer keeping in line: Mobutu himself having long since fallen ill, and thus lacking the control he once had, but still profiting mightily from outside influences that kept him as a friendly toehold in the region.So these other nations sent military forces into Zaïre to handle these groups, which were causing untold troubles throughout the region, and the long and short of this conflict is that it only lasted a few months, from October 1996 to May 1997, but the destruction and carnage was vast, everyone on both sides partnering up to take out rebels, or in the case of those rebels, to join up against these government militaries, and all of them using the opportunity to also engage in violence against ethnic enemies with whom they had long-simmering beefs.This led to the collapse of Mobutu's government, the country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo when a new government was installed, but very little changed in terms of the reality of how that government functioned, so all the same variables were still in place a year later, in 1998, when what's now called the Second Congo War kicked off, informed by basically the same problems but bringing even more African governments into the fighting, many of them pulled into things by alliances they had with involved neighbors.And just as before, a variety of groups who felt aggrieved by other groups throughout the region used this conflict as an excuse to slaughter and destroy people and towns they didn't like, including what's been called a genocide of a group of Pygmy people who lived in the area, around 70,000 of them killed in the waning days of the war.In mid-2003, a peace agreement was signed, most of the warring factions that had fought in Congolese territory were convinced to leave, and it was estimated that up to 5.4 million people had died during the conflict.What I'd like to talk about today is what's happening in the DRC, now, at a moment of heightening tensions throughout the region, and in the DRC in particular, amidst warnings from experts that another regional conflict might be brewing.—A transition government was set up in the DRC in 2003, following the official end of that Second Congo war, and this government, though somewhat weak and absolutely imperfect in many ways, did manage to get the country to the point, three years later, in 2006, that it could hold an actual multi-party election; the country's first ever, which is no small thing.Unfortunately, a dispute related to the election results led to violence between supporters of the two primary candidates, so a second election was held—and that one ended relatively peacefully and a new president, Joseph Kabila, was sworn in.Kabila was reelected in 2011, then in 2018 he said he wouldn't be running again, which helped bring about the country's first peaceful transition of power when the next president, from the opposing party, stepped into office.During his tenure in office, though, Kabila's DRC was at near-constant war with rebel groups that semi-regularly managed to capture territory, and which were often supported by neighboring countries, alongside smaller groups, so-called Mai-Mai militias, that were established in mostly rural areas to protect residents from roaming gangs and other militias, and which sometimes decided to take other people's stuff or territory, even facing off with government forces from time to time.Violence between ethnic groups has also continued to be a problem, including the use of sexual violence and wholesale attempted genocide, which has been difficult to stop because of the depth of some of the issues these groups have with each other, and in some cases the difficulty the government has just getting to the places where these conflicts are occurring, infrastructure in some parts of the country being not great, where it exists at all.That 2018 election, where power was given away by one president to another, peacefully, for the first time, was notable in that regard, but it was also a milestone in it marked the beginning of widespread anti-election conspiracy theories, in that case the Catholic Church saying that the official results were bunk, and other irregularities, like a delay of the vote in areas experiencing Ebola outbreaks, those areas in many cases filled with opposition voters, added to suspicions.The most recent election, at the tail-end of 2023, was even more awash with such concerns, the 2018 winner, President Tshisekedi, winning reelection with 73% of the vote, and a cadre of nine opposition candidates signing a declaration saying that the election was rigged and that they want another vote to be held.All of which establishes the context for what's happening in the DRC, today, which is in some ways a continuation of what's been happening in this country pretty much since it became a country, but in other ways is an escalation and evolution of the same.One of the big focal points here, though, is the role that neighboring Rwanda has played in a lot of what's gone down in the DRC, including the issues we're seeing in 2024.Back in 1994, during what became known as the Rwandan genocide, militias from the ruling majority Hutu ethnic group decided to basically wipe out anyone from the minority Tutsi ethnic group.Somewhere between a 500,000 and a million people are estimated to have been killed between April and July of that year, alone, and that conflict pushed a lot of Hutu refugees across the border into the eastern DRC, which at the time was still Zaïre.About 2 million of these refugees settled in camps in the North and South Kivu provinces of the DRC, and some of them were the same extremists who committed that genocide in Rwanda in 1994, and they started doing what they do in the DRC, as well, setting up militias, in this case mostly in order to defend themselves against the new Tutsi-run government that had taken over in Rwanda, following the genocide.This is what sparked that First Congo War, as the Tutsi-run Rwandan government, seeking justice and revenge against those who committed all those atrocities went on the hunt for any Hutu extremists they could find, and that meant invading a neighboring country in order to hit those refugee groups, and the militias within them, that had set up shop there.The Second Congo War was sparked when relations between the Congolese and Rwandan governments deteriorated, the DRC government pushing Rwandan troops out of the eastern part of their country, and Kabila, the leader of the DRC at the time, asking everyone else to leave, all foreign troops that were helping with those Hutu militias.Kabila then allowed the Hutus to reinforce their positions on the border with Rwanda, seemingly as a consequence of a burgeoning international consensus that the Rwandan government's actions following the genocide against the Tutsis had resulted in an overcompensatory counter-move against Hutus, many of whom were not involved in that genocide, and the Tutsis actions in this regard amounted to war crimes.One of the outcomes of this conflict, that second war, was the emergence of a mostly Tutsi rebel group called the March 23 Movement, or M23, which eventually became a huge force in the region in the early 20-teens, amidst accusations that the Congolese government was backing them.M23 became such an issue for the region that the UN Security Council actually sent troops into the area to work with the Congolese army to fend them off, after they made moves to start taking over chunks of the country, and evidence subsequently emerged that Rwanda was supporting the group and their effort to screw over the Congolese government, which certainly didn't help the two countries' relationship.Alongside M23, ADF, and CODECO, a slew of more than 100 other armed, rebel groups still plague portions of the DRC, and part of the issue here is that Rwanda and other neighboring countries that don't like the DRC want to hurt them to whatever degree they're able, but another aspect of this seemingly perpetual tumult is the DRC's staggering natural resource wealth.Based on some estimates, the DRC has something like $24 trillion worth of natural resource deposits, including the world's largest cobalt and coltan reserves, two metals that are fundamental to the creation of things like batteries and other aspects of the modern economy, and perhaps especially the modern electrified economy.So in some ways this is similar to having the world's largest oil deposits back in the early 20th century: it's great in a way, but it's also a resource curse in the sense that everyone wants to steal your land, and in the sense that setting up a functioning government that isn't a total kleptocracy, corrupt top to bottom, is difficult, because there's so much wealth just sitting there, and there's no real need to invest in a fully fleshed out, functioning economy—you can just take the money other countries offer you to exploit your people and resources, and pocket that.And while that's not 100% what's happened in the DRC, it's not far off.During the early 2000s and into the 20-teens, the DRC government sold essentially all its mining rights to China, which has put China in control of the lion's share of some of the world's most vital elements for modern technology.The scramble to strike these deals, and subsequent efforts to defend and stabilize on one hand, or to attack and destabilize these mining operations, on the other, have also contributed to instability in the region, because local groups have been paid and armed to defend or attack, soldiers and mercenaries from all over the world have been moved into the area to do the same, and the logic of Cold War-era proxy conflicts has enveloped this part of Africa to such a degree that rival nations like Uganda are buying drones and artillery from China to strike targets within the DRC, even as China arms DRC-based rebel groups to back up official military forces that are protecting their mining operations.It's a mess. And it's a mess because of all those historical conditions and beefs, because of conflicts in other, nearby countries and the machinations of internal and external leaders, and because of the amplification of all these things resulting from international players with interests in the DRC—including China, but also China's rivals, all of whom want what they have, and in some cases, don't want China to have what they have.In 2022, M23 resurfaced after laying low for years, and they took a huge chunk of North Kivu in 2023.For moment that same year, it looked like Rwanda and the DRC might go to war with each other over mining interests they control in the DRC, but a pact negotiated by the US led to a reduction in the military buildup in the area, and a reduction in their messing with each other's political systems.In December of 2023, though, the President of the DRC compared the President of Rwanda to Hitler and threatened to declare war against him, and UN troops, who have become incredibly unpopular in the region, in part because of various scandals and corruption within their ranks, began to withdraw—something that the US and UN have said could lead to a power vacuum in the area, sparking new conflicts in an already conflict-prone part of the country.As of March 2024, soldiers from South Africa, Burundi, and Tanzania are fighting soldiers from Rwanda who are supporting M23 militants in the eastern portion of the DRC, these militants already having taken several towns.Seven million Congolese citizens are internally displaced as a result of these conflicts, having had to flee their homes due to all the violence, most of them now living in camps or wandering from place to place, unable to settle down anywhere due to other violence, and a lack of sufficient resources to support them.Rwanda, for its part, denies supporting M23, and it says the Congolese government is trying to expel Tutsis who live in the DRC.Burundi, located just south of Rwanda, has closed its border with its neighbor, and has also accused Rwanda of supporting rebels within their borders with the intent of overthrowing the government.Most western governments have voiced criticisms of Rwanda for deploying troops within its neighbors' borders, and for reportedly supporting these militant groups, but they continue to send the Rwandan government money—Rwanda gets about a third of its total budget from other governments, and the US is at the top of that list of donors, but the EU also sends millions to Rwanda each year, mostly to fund military actions aimed at taking out militants that make it hard to do business in the region.So changes in political stances are contributing to this cycle of violence and instability, as are regular injections of outside resources like money and weapons and soldiers.And as this swirl of forces continues to make the DRC borderline ungovernable, everyday people continue to be butchered and displaced, experiencing all sorts of violence, food shortages, and a lack of basic necessities like water, and this ongoing and burgeoning humanitarian nightmare could go on to inform and spark future conflicts in the region.Show Noteshttps://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kabilahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_genocidehttps://gsphub.eu/country-info/Democratic%20Republic%20of%20Congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congohttps://www.reuters.com/world/africa/why-fighting-is-flaring-eastern-congo-threatening-regional-stability-2024-02-19/https://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congohttps://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_23_Movementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kivu_conflicthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Free_Statehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mobutu_Sese_Sekohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Crisishttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1965_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_coup_d%27%C3%A9tathttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Congo_Warhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Congo_War This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe

It's another EmMajority Report Thursday! Emma speaks with John Washington, staff writer at Arizona Luminaria and contributor for The Intercept, to discuss his recent book The Case For Open Borders. Then, she's joined by Christoph N. Vogel, research director of the Insecure Livelihoods Project at Ghent University and author of the book Conflict Minerals, Inc.: War, Profit and White Saviourism in Eastern Congo, to discuss recent developments in the conflict involving the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda. First, Emma runs through updates on the US recent tiptoe toward calling for a ceasefire, Israel's ongoing siege on Gaza, the major wins for the right in the upcoming government funding bill, Bernie and AOC's new Green New Deal for housing, Trump's financial woes, Julian Assange, the GOP's Biden inquiry, the DOJ v. Apple, Bolsonaro's falsified documents, and AMLO's response to Texas, before parsing a little deeper through the makeup of Congress' recent funding bill. John Washington then joins, parsing through the Democrats' recent complete capitulation to Donald Trump's far-right border militancy agenda, the common thread of this tactic by Democrats, and the absurdity of their rhetorical posturing alongside policy acquiescence, with a clear parallel in the politics of Mexico's AMLO. Expanding on this, Washington and Emma tackle the political class' commitment to the status quo on immigration, despite the relative recency (and ineffectiveness) of the shift toward closed, militarized borders, and how an argument for more humane and responsive immigration policy is still grounded in modern-day examples and is much more aligned with the rhetoric that much of the “progressive” west employs. John then dives into the economics of border militancy, with the increased precarity for migrants pushing them into more and more exploitative conditions and driving down wage and condition standards for citizens as well, with the globalization of exploitation alongside the restriction of the movement of people becoming cemented with the Free Trade Agreements of the neoliberal era. Wrapping up, Washington and Emma walk through the brutal ineffectiveness of border militancy, and what alternative visions to immigration could look like. Christoph Vogel then dives into the major problems with Western coverage of conflict in the Congo, largely employing a depoliticized, resource– and narrative-driven form of storytelling about issues with deeply political roots. After briefly touching on the role of Mobutu Sese Seko in Congolese relations to the West, Vogel walks through the three major periods of conflict in the recent history of the DRC, beginning with the rule and eventual overthrow of Mobutu in the ‘90s, the return of the DRC name under Laurent and then Joseph Kabila in the early 2000s (including the first democratic elections in 2006) during the Second Congo War, and finally the ongoing period of unstable and fracturing political and security environment, with countless militia and belligerent groups revolting and driving record displacement in the country. Expanding on the ongoing period of crisis, Vogel walks through the constant speculation and polemics around the data of the displacement and devastation by the main parties involved, and the relatively minor role resource extraction, particularly mining, has played in generating and maintaining these conflicts. Lastly, Chris Albright joins to discuss the devastating impact of last year's environmental disaster in East Palestine, walking through the major impacts on the health of him and his community, and the lackluster response from Joe Biden and Ohio representatives, also touching on their ongoing attempt to hold the President and representatives accountable, and what those of us outside of East Palestine can do to support their cause. And in the Fun Half: Emma is joined by Matt Binder and Brandon Sutton as they watch Karine Jean-Pierre's callous response to a question about whether Biden will reach out to the Arab-American community, go full Freudo-Marxist on the right's insane reaction to Kristen Stewart's recent Rolling Stone cover, and talk with Spencer from Minnesota about the shows coverage of tort law and Johnson and Johnson's crimes. They also parse through the abuse and exploitation of reality stars, with some help from Love is Blind's Nick Thompson, plus, your calls and IMs! Check out John's book here: https://www.haymarketbooks.org/books/2199-the-case-for-open-borders Follow Christoph on Twitter here: https://twitter.com/ethuin?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor Check out this event in East Palestine, OH this coming Saturday, calling on elected officials to issue an emergency declaration in the area!: https://www.unionprogress.com/2024/03/19/coalition-of-residents-unionists-and-activists-coming-together-in-east-palestine-to-demand-health-care/ https://www.eastpalestinejustice.com/ Become a member at JoinTheMajorityReport.com: https://fans.fm/majority/join Check out Seder's Seeds here!: https://www.sedersseeds.com/ ; use coupon code Majority and get 15% off; ALSO, if you have pictures of your Seder's Seeds, send them here!: hello@sedersseeds.com Check out, and share friend of the show Janek Ambros's new documentary for The Nation, "Ukrainians in Exile" here!: https://twitter.com/thenation/status/1760681194382119399?s=20 Check out this GoFundMe in support of Mohammad Aldaghma's niece in Gaza, who has Down Syndrome: http://tinyurl.com/7zb4hujt Check out the "Repair Gaza" campaign courtesy of the Glia Project here: https://www.launchgood.com/campaign/rebuild_gaza_help_repair_and_rebuild_the_lives_and_work_of_our_glia_team#!/ Get emails on the IRS pilot program for tax filing here!: https://service.govdelivery.com/accounts/USIRS/subscriber/new Check out StrikeAid here!; https://strikeaid.com/ Gift a Majority Report subscription here: https://fans.fm/majority/gift Subscribe to the ESVN YouTube channel here: https://www.youtube.com/esvnshow Subscribe to the AMQuickie newsletter here: https://am-quickie.ghost.io/ Join the Majority Report Discord! http://majoritydiscord.com/ Get all your MR merch at our store: https://shop.majorityreportradio.com/ Get the free Majority Report App!: http://majority.fm/app Check out today's sponsors: Earthbreeze: Right now, my listeners can receive 40% off Earth Breeze just by going to https://earthbreeze.com/majority! That's https://earthbreeze.com/majority to cut out single-use plastic in your laundry room and claim 40% off your subscription.  Sunset Lake CBD: Follow the Majority Report crew on Twitter: @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech @BradKAlsop Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on Youtube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's show The Discourse on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/ExpandTheDiscourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here! https://avaraiza.bandcamp.com/ The Majority Report with Sam Seder - https://majorityreportradio.com/

Des Lions de l'Atlas aux Éléphants de Côte d'Ivoire, en passant par les Aigles du Mali et les Guépards du Bénin, pourquoi la majorité des sélections nationales de foot en Afrique ont-elles pour emblème des animaux ? La logique a été respectée en ouverture de la Coupe d'Afrique des Nations de football : les Éléphants de Côte d'Ivoire ont battu 2 à 0 les Lycaons de Guinée-Bissau. Le lycaon, ce chien qui ressemble à une hyène, qui chasse en meute, ou en équipe, qui a d'ailleurs totalement disparu de la Guinée-Bissau (il n'en reste que quelques milliers dans toute l'Afrique), ne pouvait, sur le papier, ou la balance, faire le poids face à l'animal terrestre le plus lourd de la planète, l'éléphant.Six équipes de foot africaines sur dix ont pour emblème un animal, parce que l'Afrique abrite quelques-unes des espèces les plus charismatiques, à commencer par le lion. Trois pays se sont choisis comme emblème le roi des animaux, dans l'espoir d'être les dieux du stade : le Cameroun, et les Lions indomptables, le Maroc et les lions de l'Atlas, une sous-espèce disparue à l'état naturel, et le Sénégal, avec les Lions de la Teranga. « Par sa crinière, le lion impose la respectabilité. Il vous fait peur, souligne le journaliste Rémy N'Gono, consultant à Radio Foot Internationale. Quand les Sénégalais entrent dans un stade, ils agissent comme des lions : ils se jettent sur la proie. Ils ont faim. Ils ont envie de te dévorer ! »Des animaux puissantsLes félins, superprédateurs, se taillent d'ailleurs la part du lion. « L'animal représente souvent la puissance dans les totems. Prenez le léopard du Zaïre de Mobutu Sese Seko. Il avait décidé que ce serait et son emblème et l'emblème de l'équipe nationale », rappelle Rémy N'Gono. « Dans le choix d'un emblème, précise le sociologue du sport Patrick Mignon, il y a quelque chose qui relève de ce qu'on va penser être un consensus sur une représentation de soi ; quel est, effectivement, l'animal sur lequel on va pouvoir trouver un accord qui satisfera tout le monde. À partir de là, c'est aussi une image qu'on renvoie à l'adversaire. »La force tranquille des Zébus de Madagascar, le mordant des Scorpions de Gambie, ou la puissance des Étalons, l'animal symbole du Burkina Faso… On choisit un emblème, lié à son pays, pour ses qualités physiques. « En Afrique, il y a des animaux qui sont beaucoup respectés, mais qu'aucune équipe ne peut prendre comme nom ou comme sobriquet. Par exemple : la tortue. Tout le monde te dira en Afrique que c'est l'animal le plus intelligent. Mais le football représente un combat, donc à partir de cet instant, on cherche celui qui peut avoir la force de pouvoir gagner, pas par la ruse, mais par la détermination, l'endurance, le côté physique », explique Rémy N'Gono.La loi de la jungle sur la pelouseTrois pays ont choisi l'aigle : la Tunisie, le Nigeria et le Mali. Mais que dire alors des Hirondelles du Burundi ? L'an dernier, le Bénin a officiellement changé de nom. Les Écureuils sont devenus les Guépards. Ce qui fait sourire Rémy N'Gono : « Dans la forêt, où les fauves sont là, l'écureuil est sur des branches en train de chercher des noix de palmistes. Mais qu'est-ce que l'écureuil peut gagner ? Du coup, [les Béninois] se sont dit : nous allons devenir des guépards. Mais vous le savez très bien : l'âne a beau changer de nom, il restera toujours un âne ! ». Malgré son nouveau surnom, le Bénin ne s'est pas qualifié pour cette Coupe d'Afrique des nations. À l'avant-dernière CAN, en 2019, les Lions de la Teranga se faisaient battre en finale par les Fennecs, les renards rusés du désert algérien. La loi de la jungle n'est pas toujours respectée.À lire aussiCAN 2024: et voici l'éléphant Akwaba, mascotte de la compétition en Côte d'Ivoire

Creusée par l'administration coloniale en 1939, puis municipalisée à l'indépendance, la piscine de Bouaké a fait la renommée de la ville jusqu'à la fin des années 1970. Lieu de fête et de prestige, les présidents du Zaïre et de la Centrafrique, Mobutu Sese Seko et Jean-Bedel Bokassa y ont été reçus avec faste par Félix Houphouët-Boigny. À l'abandon depuis la fin des années 1990, la mairie avait lancé un grand projet de réhabilitation en 2020, mais les travaux sont à l'arrêt depuis un peu plus d'un an, soulevant l'incompréhension de ceux qui militent pour sa réouverture.

Quelle est la vraie nature du régime rwandais ? Pourquoi l'élimination physique d'un certain nombre de dissidents à l'étranger ne fait pas scandale ? Dans Rwanda, assassins sans frontières, publié aux éditions Max Milo, l'autrice et journaliste britannique Michela Wrong, qui a travaillé à Reuters et à la BBC, vient de publier en français un portrait sans complaisance du président Paul Kagame. Après la récente libération du héros du film Hôtel Rwanda en mars 2023, Paul Rusesabagina, elle dévoile un aspect méconnu du régime de Kigali. RFI : Michela Wrong, dans ce voyage à l'intérieur du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR), vous enquêtez sur tous les dissidents qui ont été assassinés à l'étranger : Seth Sendashonga au Kenya en mai 1998, Patrick Karegeya en Afrique du Sud en janvier 2014. Pourquoi faites-vous la comparaison avec l'assassinat de Trotski sur ordre de Staline (en août 1940 à Mexico) ?Michela Wrong : Effectivement, mon livre parle d'une campagne d'assassinats et d'intimidations des dissidents rwandais à l'étranger. Et beaucoup d'entre eux étaient des anciens copains, des anciens dirigeants du FPR. J'ai fait la comparaison avec Trotski parce que Kagame est un peu comme Staline, il est vraiment obsédé par ce groupe d'anciens dirigeants du FPR qu'il a connus depuis longtemps, depuis son enfance. Ils ont lutté ensemble en Ouganda et après au Rwanda. Et il regarde ces gens vraiment comme des menaces à son régime, parce que ce sont des gens qui le connaissent mieux que tout le monde. Et comme Staline, il a utilisé les amis pour entrer dans l'intimité de ces gens-là. Alors par exemple, [Patrick] Karegeya s'est fait piéger par Apollo [Kiririsi Ismael], c'était un homme d'affaires rwandais que Patrick Karegeya considérait comme un ami. Alors il a été invité dans une chambre d'hôtel par Apollo et, là-bas, il y a eu un escadron de la mort qui lui a sauté dessus, qui l'a étranglé.Ce qui est frappant dans votre enquête, c'est qu'on apprend que les assassins rwandais du dissident Patrick Karegeya sont parfaitement identifiés par la police sud-africaine, mais que la justice sud-africaine renonce à les poursuivre et à les juger, et qu'elle assume ce renoncement…Oui, il y a eu une procédure de 5 ans avant que l'assassinat de Patrick Karegeya arrive au tribunal. Et moi, j'étais étonnée, j'étais parmi les très rares journalistes qui se sont présentés au tribunal. Et on a compris plein de choses, il y avait toute une lettre écrite par la police sud-africaine pour expliquer au parquet pourquoi on n'avait pas poursuivi ce cas. Ils [les enquêteurs] disaient clairement que c'était parce qu'on savait qu'il y avait des liens entre l'escadron de la mort et le gouvernement de Kigali. C'était très embarrassant et très gênant, et on a décidé de ne pas poursuivre l'affaire. Ils ont dit cela dans une déclaration qui a été publiée par le parquet sud-africain.Vous montrez bien comment, depuis le génocide des Tutsis en 1994, le président Kagame exploite habilement le sentiment de culpabilité de la communauté internationale pour s'affranchir d'un certain nombre de règles internationales en toute impunité. Mais la libération le 25 mars dernier de l'opposant Paul Rusesabagina, qui a été rendu célèbre par le film Hôtel Rwanda, n'est-ce pas la preuve que quelquefois Paul Kagame doit céder aux pressions internationales, notamment américaines ?Oui, effectivement. Ce qu'on voit avec Paul Kagame, c'est que c'est quelqu'un qui se montre implacable, un homme dur. Mais c'est aussi un monsieur qui est très sensible, même obsédé par son image, sa réputation à l'étranger. Alors, dès qu'il voit qu'il y a eu un changement dans ses relations avec un allié important -et dans ce cas-là, c'étaient les États-Unis-, il peut changer de politique tout d'un coup. Quand il a vu qu'il y avait même la Maison Blanche, le Département d'État, Hollywood qui soutenaient la famille de Rusesabagina, qui mettaient la pression pour sa libération, il a cédé tout d'un coup. Et je pense que, là, il y a une leçon pour tout le monde parce que, souvent, on n'ose pas critiquer ce gouvernement et on n'impose pas de sanctions sur le gouvernement de Kigali parce qu'on pense que ça va mener nulle part. Mais, effectivement, on voit que la pression, ça marche.Vous allez jusqu'à écrire que le président Paul Kagame a besoin d'une guerre perpétuelle avec un ennemi bien identifié pour survivre politiquement…Effectivement, si on regarde l'histoire du FPR, on voit qu'ils n'ont pas seulement bouleversé le gouvernement de Juvénal Habyarimana, le président rwandais [jusqu'en 1994]. Ils ont aussi bouleversé le président Mobutu [Sese Seko] du Zaïre. Après, ils ont fait la guerre à Laurent-Désiré Kabila, le monsieur qu'ils avaient mis en place pour le remplacer. Après, ils se sont même bagarrés avec leurs alliés ougandais de Yoweri Museveni, à Kisangani et ailleurs. On voit vraiment que c'est un régime qui a vraiment un profil militaire. Et oui, Paul Kagame a besoin de cela. Il a besoin de se montrer fort au niveau militaire et aussi de convaincre le monde que lui et sa communauté [tutsi] sont toujours menacés. Alors cela justifie le fait qu'il est un président très répressif, autoritaire, qui ne tolère absolument pas le débat, les critiques ou les gens qui essaient de l'affronter chez lui. Je trouve que c'est vraiment un système très fragile et, pour moi, c'est surréel que tant de pays en Occident considèrent ce monsieur comme un symbole de stabilité. Pour moi, c'est le contraire.

The story becomes crazy today... We look at the Belgian colonisation of the Congo all the way up to the CIA backed dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko. Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/MrMitchellHistory Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

This week on International Horizons, RBI director John Torpey is joined by Jason Stearns, assistant professor of international studies at Simon Fraser University, who discusses how the Congolese government is invested in conflict on its territory. Stearns traces the current conflict back to the Belgian colonial heritage that created an ethnic disbalance in the population that was then exploited by the authoritarian leader, Mobutu Sese Seko, to maintain power. It later triggered the regional invasion of Congo in which the territory was divided between neighboring countries until the country was finally reunified in 2003. When former rebels lost power in a democratic process and tried to regain it through military means, neighboring countries scrambled to profit from extraction and influence. This left little incentive to put an end to the conflict, and forced the incumbent president to side with the military establishing a system of clientelistic networks in order to stay in power. Finally, Stearns comments on how aspects of this system can be seen in other countries, and how Congolese view the international attention on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in light of this ongoing conflict. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

Where did mr.Putin come from? What defines his ideology and regime? Why such a specific form of authoritarianism? Some are looking for its roots in the USSR, in Soviet KGB, others - in the criminal world. However, nothing is new in this world. And just a couple years before Putin came to power in Russia, a dictator, who was undoubtedly the ideological predecessor of "Bloodymir", was overthrown in Africa. Putinism, vs. mobutism.. This video tells the story of Mobutu Sese Seko and explores parallels with modern Putin's Russia.Original video created by "Acute Angle" (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LCYohl5xfSU)

Yes. Haitians were in the nation-building business! This episode covers a little-known chapter in Haitian history. Dr. Regine Jackson offers a fascinating, multi-sited, and interdisciplinary study of the United Nations Organization in the Congo (ONUC), a civilian operation established after the Democratic Republic of Congo achieved independence from Belgium. Through narrative interviews in New York City, Port-au-Prince, Montreal and Paris and analysis of archives in Haiti, Kinshasa, and at UN headquarters in New York and Paris, Dr. Jackson helps us understand better the lived experiences of the Haitian educators, engineers, and doctors in the ONUC during the Congo crisis. her previous research suggests that many of these Haitian professionals saw postcolonial Africa as a space of possibility (see Jackson 2014). This episode seeks to answer crucial questions about our best and brightest: about their pre-migration experiences in Haiti under Duvalier, the role of international organizations such as the UN and WHO, relations between Haitians and the Congolese, as well the circumstances of their departure from the Congo under Mobutu Sese Seko. Visit her guest page https://neg.fm/dr-regine-ostine-jackson/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/negmawonpodcast/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/negmawonpodcast/support

After experiencing a brutal colonization in the late 19th century, and years of political corruption afterward, the Congolese people desperately needed a virtuous leader. In 1965, they got Mobutu Sese Seko. For the next thirty years Mobutu used his position to enhance his riches — and by doing so, tanked the economy of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Il y a 25 ans, le président Mobutu Sese Seko était chassé du pouvoir par Laurent-Désiré Kabila et ses troupes de l'AFDL. Un départ pathétique après 32 ans d'un règne sans partage sur le Zaïre. Quel regard portez-vous sur les années Mobutu ? Que reste-t-il des espoirs de libération, de développement, de démocratie, nés le 17 mai 1997 ? * Par téléphone : de France : 09 693 693 70 de l'étranger : 33 9 693 693 70 * Par WhatsApp : +33 6 89 28 53 64 N'OUBLIEZ PAS DE NOUS COMMUNIQUER VOTRE NUMÉRO DE TÉLÉPHONE (avec l'indicatif pays). Pour nous suivre : * Facebook : Rfi appels sur l'actualité * Twitter : @AppelsActu

As broadcast March 2, 2022 with plenty of extra heat for your podcast dish.  Tonight we travel to a country often confused with it's neighbor right across the mighty Central African river they're both named after.  The Democratic People's Republic of the Congo is often confused with the nation that called Brazzaville its capital, but we head to Kinshasa tonight to hear the sounds of one of Africa's truly gifted countries when it comes to musical expression.  From the older artists like Grand Kalle and TPOK Jazz to the newer sounds and artists like Gaz Mawete and Fall Ipupa, the nation formerly known as Zaire is one of diversity, and the sounds it creates are truly remarkable.  #feelthegravityTracklisting:Part I (00:00)Method Man & Mary J. Blige – I'll Be There For You/You're All I Need To Get ByIsis Kingue & Gaz Mawete – NdoloKoffi Olomide – SelfieFally Ipupa – Canne a sucreVerckys & l'Orchestre Veve – Bassala Hot Part II (34:43)Grand Kalle et l'African Jazz – KelyaGrand Kalle et l'African Jazz – Jamais KolongaFranco et le TP OK Jazz – LiberteSouzy Kasseya – Le telephone sonne (original version 1983)Wendo Kolosoy – Kinshasa Part III (63:17)Madilu System - Blessure d'amourWendo Kolosoy - Botyiaki NtembeTshala Muana - TshibolaRay Lema - KotejaLokua Kanza - MutotoTabu Ley Rochereau - Pitie Part IV (96:39)Fally Ipupa - Eloko OyoGaz Mawete - Olingi NiniDadju - Bob MarleyYa Levis - KatchuaFlash Flood Darlings - FewchieAseul - Always with You 

Rwanda has been heralded as an African success story by the international community: its people, ravaged by genocide, have become unified and prosperous under Paul Kagame's regime. The conventional narrative of Rwanda's post-conflict development is challenged by today's guest, journalist and author, Michela Wrong. Her book, Do Not Disturb: The Story of a Political Murder and an African Regime Gone Bad, tells the wild story of Patrick Karegeya, as she reveals the dark and compelling reality of a regime that is extensively commended by the Western World. Shortened Bio: Half-Italian, half-British, Michela Wrong grew up in London. She took a degree in Philosophy and Social Sciences at Jesus College, Cambridge and a diploma in journalism at Cardiff. She joined Reuters news agency in the early 1980s and was posted as a foreign correspondent to Italy, France and Ivory Coast. She became a freelance journalist in 1994, when she moved to then-Zaire and found herself covering both the genocide in Rwanda and the final days of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko for the BBC and Reuters. She later moved to Kenya, where she spent four years covering east, west and central Africa for the Financial Times newspaper. Whether fiction or non-fiction, Michela Wrong's books on contemporary Africa aim to be accessible to both members of the general public and experts in the field. Backed up by nearly three decades of experience writing about the continent, they have become a must-read for diplomats, aid workers, journalists a{and strategists and regularly feature on the “required reading” lists of International Relations and African Studies courses at university. She was awarded the 2010 James Cameron prize for journalism “that combined moral vision and professional integrity.” She is regularly interviewed by the BBC, Al Jazeera and Reuters and has published opinion pieces, features and book reviews in the Observer, Guardian, Financial Times, New York Times, New Statesman, Spectator, Standpoint, Foreign Policy magazine, and Conde Nast's Traveler magazine. She is a consultant for the Miles Morland Foundation, which funds a range of literary festivals, workshops and scholarships for African writers, and an advisor to the Centre for Global Development. Website - https://michelawrong.com/ Book - https://michelawrong.com/books/ Artwork by Phillip Thor - https://linktr.ee/Philipthor_art To watch the visuals with the trailer go to https://www.podcasttheway.com/trailers/ The Way Podcast - www.PodcastTheWay.com - Follow at Twitter / Instagram - @podcasttheway (Subscribe and Follow on streaming platforms and social media!) As always thank you Don Grant for the Intro and Outro. Check out his podcast - https://threeinterestingthings.captivate.fm Intro guitar copied from Aiden Ayers at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7UiB9FMOP5s *The views demonstrated in this show are strictly those of The Way Podcast/Radio Show*

by Dan Robinson The former Zaire, later the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), was a focus of radio activity for decades, including many shortwave stations comprising both the national radio in Kinshasa and regional stations that became targets for radio listeners around the world. Zaire which had that name from 1971 to 1997 was controlled for a very long time by Mobutu Sese Seko who seized power in a coup in 1965. Geographically the largest country in sub-Saharan Africa (after Sudan and Algeria, and 11th-largest in the world, DRC has a population of more than 23 million. As Wikipedia notes, Mobutu set out to “[rid] the country of the influences from the colonial era of the Belgian Congo . . . [but] weakened by the termination of American support after the end of the Cold War, Mobutu was forced to declare a new republic in 1990 to cope with demands for change. By the time of its downfall, Zaire was characterised by widespread cronyism, corruption and economic mismanagement.”“Zaire collapsed in the 1990s, amid the destabilization of the eastern parts of the country in the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide and growing ethnic violence. In 1996, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, the head of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) militia, led a popular rebellion against Mobutu. With rebel forces successfully making gains beyond the east, Mobutu fled the country, leaving Kabila's forces in charge as the country restored its name to the Democratic Republic of the Congo the following year. Mobutu died within four months after he fled into exile in Morocco.”Zaire was one of the most radio active of all countries in Africa. Only Angola had more regional stations using shortwave frequencies, and some of these were exceedingly rare to be heard by foreign listeners. The main national station Voix du Zaire was frequently heard on its 15,245 khz frequency (see Jack Widner's superb recordings here on the archive) and during the 1970's until transmitters started encountering problems, Zaire was easy and enjoyable listening on that frequency. As noted by Jerry Berg in his excellent Broadcasting on the Shortwaves, the status of smaller lower power stations including Radio Mbandaka, Radio Kananga, and Radio Mbuji-Mayi, was often unknown. Radio Bukavu in the east, and Radio Kisangani were more frequently heard, along with Radio Lubumbashi.The SWL QSL Card Museum shows QSL cards/letters from four stations in Zaire, three from DRC — so this does not include verifications from some of those extremely rare other stations. Radio Candip, which was widely heard abroad on its 5,066 khz frequency, was still on the air into the 2000s, while Radio Kahuzi, the U.S. missionary-run station in Bukavu, was on and being heard via SDR receiver sites in Europe as of 2020, but after that has remained off as of early 2022.

Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga

Hablamos de historia, de la historia de una infamia. La historia del Congo, desde la trágica aparición del rey Leopoldo II de Bélgica a finales del siglo XIX, pasando por el asesinato del primer ministro elegido democráticamente en toda la historia del Congo, Patrice Lumumba, hasta la dictadura de Mobutu Sese Seko. Primero, en la nueva sección de historia, “Los Olvidados”, nuestro director Pablo Yupton nos adentrará en la cruel historia del Congo de finales del siglo XIX y principios del XX, en cómo se fue fraguando una tragedia para un pueblo por el auge del caucho, antes el marfil, y que se convirtió en víctima del despiadado colonialismo europeo, cuando este puso sus miras en África a finales del siglo XIX. Es la historia de un genocidio encubierto por parte del rey belga en el territorio del Congo y también es la historia de los héroes que denunciaron ante la opinión pública las atrocidades que se estaban cometiendo. Tras el traspaso al gobierno belga para que gobernara el Congo, en 1960 se le concedió la independencia al Congo y fue elegido primer ministro, Patrice Lumumba, cuyo gobierno no llego a tres meses debido a la injerencia neocolonial que acabo ejecutándolo en una operación encubierta en la que participaron la C.I.A., el gobierno belga, las Naciones Unidas y el servicio secreto inglés, el MI6. Como nuestro director estrena sección, vamos a estrenar sintonía, una canción del propio Pablo Yupton, que se ha grabado especialmente para el programa en nuestro estudio Nadie al Volante Records. En “La Linterna Mágica” hablamos, junto con César Usán y Aníbal Martínez, del documental “Cuando Éramos Reyes”, lo que nos permitirá seguir hablando de la historia del Congo, ya que, el documental trata sobre el combate de boxeo que Muhammad Ali y George Foreman disputaron el año 1974 en Kinshasa, Zaire, el antiguo Congo, que entonces se encontraba bajo el yugo del dictador Mobutu Sese Seko. A la vez que se montó el combate, se montó en Zaire uno de los festivales de soul más importantes de toda la historia, que llamaron Zaire’74, y que contó con artistas como James Brown, B.B. King, Bill Withers o Miriam Makeba entre otros muchos grandes; lo que nos ha permitido ponernos a grabar en nuestro estudio uno de las canciones que interpretó B.B. King, “Why I sing the blues”, con la cantante Alba Cayuela y el batería Iñaki Rodriguez, para meternos más en la historia que estamos contando y como homenaje a todos esos artistas que nos apasionan. Y ya, volviéndonos totalmente locos, al más puro estilo de Radio Nadie al Volante, vamos a estrenar otra sección más que hemos llamado: “El Legado, una Historia de Geopolítica”, donde nuestro economista de cabecera, Roberto Pérez Martínez, nos situará en el panorama geopolítico del momento de la historia que estemos tratando. Hoy nos va a hablar sobre la triste historia de Patrice Lumumba y de porque se convirtió en uno de los principales enemigos para los intereses europeos y norteamericanos, lo que derivó en su asesinato. Un honor contar con un hombre que lleva toda una vida dedicado al estudio de la historia y de la geopolítica, y cuya edad le permite hablar desde un lugar privilegiado y repleto de sabiduría. Hoy en Radio Nadie al Volante hablamos sobre la historia de un pueblo, que como dice el escritor Adam Hochschild, se convirtió en otro más de esos silencios de la Historia. Hoy hablamos sobre el Congo.

A powerful investigation into a grisly political murder and the authoritarian regime behind it: Do Not Disturb upends the narrative that Rwanda sold the world after one of the deadliest genocides of the twentieth century. We think we know the story of Africa's Great Lakes region. Following the Rwandan genocide, an idealistic group of young rebels overthrew the brutal regime in Kigali, ushering in an era of peace and stability that made Rwanda the donor darling of the West, winning comparisons with Switzerland and Singapore. But the truth was considerably more sinister. Vividly sourcing her story with direct testimony from key participants, Wrong uses the story of the murder of Patrick Karegeya, once Rwanda's head of external intelligence and a quicksilver operator of supple charm, to paint the portrait of a modern African dictatorship created in the chilling likeness of Paul Kagame, the president who sanctioned his former friend's assassination. Book: https://www.amazon.com/Do-Not-Disturb-Political-African/dp/1610398424 Half British, half Italian, Michela Wrong has spent nearly two decades writing about Africa. As a Reuters correspondent based in first Cote d'Ivoire and former Zaire, she covered the turbulent events of the mid 1990s, including the fall of Mobutu Sese Seko and Rwanda's post-genocide period. She then moved to Kenya, where she became Africa correspondent for the Financial Times. In 2000 she published her first non-fiction book, "In the Footsteps of Mr Kurtz", the story of Mobutu. Her second non-fiction work, "I Didn't Do it for You", focused on the Red Sea nation of Eritrea. Her third, "It's Our Turn to Eat", tracked the story of Kenyan whistleblower John Githongo. "Borderlines", set in a fictional country in the Horn of Africa with a fiercely-disputed border, marked a move into fiction. "Do Not Disturb", which came out in 2021, is a scathing assessment of Rwanda under President Paul Kagame. She lives in London. Learn more: http://michelawrong.com/books/ Marian L. Tupy is the editor of Human​Progress​.org, a senior fellow at the Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity, and coauthor of The Simon Project. He specializes in globalization and global well‐​being and politics and economics of Europe and Southern Africa. Learn more: https://www.cato.org/people/marian-l-tupy Learn more: https://www.humanprogress.org/

Le Ghana est le berceau du Highlife mais Blakk Rasta est connu grâce au reggae. Nous verrons à quel point cette musique est importante dans le pays. En fin d'émission retour notamment sur la mort de Mobutu Sese Seko il y a 24 ans et l'anniversaire de N'Yoka Longo, co-fondateur du groupe congolais Zaïko Langa Langa. Mais tout d'abord voici l'expression du jour : "L'air pur pour des ciels bleus"...

Joined by Laetyn Jordan of the Chaos Therapy podcast to rundown the atrocities of the African World War that took place in the 90s. This episode talks about the Rwandan Genocide spilling into the Congo (Zaire at the time) and how Mobutu Sese Seko's disastrous and tyrannical reign turned the Rwandan war into Africa's war. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/historyaf/support

En RD Congo, le Sénat a approuvé lundi la levée des immunités parlementaires d'Augustin Matata Ponyo. L'ancien Premier ministre, aujourd'hui sénateur, est soupçonné de détournement de fonds alloués à l'indemnisation des victimes d'expropriations sous le règne de Mobutu Sese Seko. Il devra donc désormais répondre devant la justice mais ses partisans dénoncent un "acharnement politique". 

Saate teemaks on Kongo verine ja vägivaldne ajalugu. See on lugu Belgia Kongost ja koloniaalõudustest, iseseisvusele järgnenud kriisist 1960. aastal, maailma esimese demokraatlikult valitud mustanahalise peaministri Patrice Lumumba mõrvamisest ning diktaator-president Mobutu Sese Seko võimuperioodist.

Season 03 Episode 11 - MUD BETWEEN YOUR TOES, CONVERSATIONS WITH MICHELA WRONG. Michela has been writing about Africa for the last 2 decades, reporting for Reuters, the BBC and the FT. She’s the author of 5 books about Africa, including : In the Footsteps of Mr Kurtz, a fascinating and extremely readable account about the Zairean dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko. In this episode, I chat to her about the state of Africa and of course, her latest book, Do Not Disturb: which explores the controversial career of Paul Kagame and the legacy of the Rwandan genocide.  Listen to Mud Between Your Toes podcasts on iPHONE/Apple Podcasts.https://apple.co/32QTumi Listen to Mud Between Your Toes podcasts on Android/Samsung/Nokia.https://podcasts.google.com?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkLnBvZGJlYW4uY29tL211ZGJldHdlZW55b3VydG9lcy9mZWVkLnhtbA%3D%3D Listen via the APP: https://mudbetweenyourtoes.podbean.com/ #MudBetweenYourToes#PeterWood#Petewoodhk #MichelaWrong #InTheFootstepsOfMrKurtz #DoNotDisturb #Journalism #Politics @FT #FinancialTimes #Reuters @BBCNews #BBCNews #Africa #Rwanda #DRC #Congo #Kagame #MobutuSeseSeko

On January 1, 2014, Rwanda’s former head of external intelligence Patrick Karegeya was found murdered in the bed of his upscale Johannesburg, South Africa hotel room. His nephew David Batenga became concerned after it had been several days since anyone had heard from him, and demanded the hotel open the door, despite the “do not disturb” sign on the handle. This murder is the entry point for a startling and powerful investigation from veteran journalist Michela Wrong, captured in her book Do Not Disturb: The Story of a Political Murder and An African Regime Gone Bad. In this week’s episode, Wrong joins us in conversation with In The Moment correspondent Chamidae Ford and explores how the murder was actually part of a grisly political plot. Following the Rwandan genocide, Wrong says, an idealistic group of young rebels overthrew the brutal regime, allegedly ushering in an era of peace and stability that garnered extremely positive attention from Western countries. But the truth is considerably more sinister, she argues. With direct testimony from key participants, she uses the story of Karegeya’s murder to paint the portrait of a modern African dictatorship created in the chilling likeness of Paul Kagame, the president who sanctioned the assassination of his former friend. This disquieting tale will have you on the edge of your seat, so listen in with Wrong and Ford—and stay in the know about what’s happening in this moment at Town Hall. Michela Wrong is a writer and journalist with more than 20 years’ experience of covering Africa. She joined Reuters news agency in the early 1980s and was posted as a foreign correspondent to Italy, France, and Ivory Coast. In 1994, she became a freelance journalist, covering the genocide in Rwanda and the final days of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko for the BBC and REuters. She is the author of three books of non-fiction and a novel, and her opinion pieces and book reviews have been featured in the Observer, Guardian, Financial Times, New York Times, and more. Chamidae Ford is currently a senior journalism major at the University of Washington. Born and raised in Western Washington, she has a passion for providing a voice to the communities around her. She is a contributing writer at the South Seattle Emerald and is an editor at The Daily. Buy the Book: https://www.thirdplacebooks.com/book/9781610398428  Presented by Town Hall Seattle. To become a member or make a donation click here. 

On January 1, 2014, Rwanda’s former head of external intelligence Patrick Karegeya was found murdered in the bed of his upscale Johannesburg, South Africa hotel room. His nephew David Batenga became concerned after it had been several days since anyone had heard from him, and demanded the hotel open the door, despite the “do not disturb” sign on the handle. This murder is the entry point for a startling and powerful investigation from veteran journalist Michela Wrong, captured in her book Do Not Disturb: The Story of a Political Murder and An African Regime Gone Bad. In this week’s episode, Wrong joins us in conversation with In The Moment correspondent Chamidae Ford and explores how the murder was actually part of a grisly political plot. Following the Rwandan genocide, Wrong says, an idealistic group of young rebels overthrew the brutal regime, allegedly ushering in an era of peace and stability that garnered extremely positive attention from Western countries. But the truth is considerably more sinister, she argues. With direct testimony from key participants, she uses the story of Karegeya’s murder to paint the portrait of a modern African dictatorship created in the chilling likeness of Paul Kagame, the president who sanctioned the assassination of his former friend. This disquieting tale will have you on the edge of your seat, so listen in with Wrong and Ford—and stay in the know about what’s happening in this moment at Town Hall. Michela Wrong is a writer and journalist with more than 20 years’ experience of covering Africa. She joined Reuters news agency in the early 1980s and was posted as a foreign correspondent to Italy, France, and Ivory Coast. In 1994, she became a freelance journalist, covering the genocide in Rwanda and the final days of dictator Mobutu Sese Seko for the BBC and REuters. She is the author of three books of non-fiction and a novel, and her opinion pieces and book reviews have been featured in the Observer, Guardian, Financial Times, New York Times, and more. Chamidae Ford is currently a senior journalism major at the University of Washington. Born and raised in Western Washington, she has a passion for providing a voice to the communities around her. She is a contributing writer at the South Seattle Emerald and is an editor at The Daily. Buy the Book: https://www.thirdplacebooks.com/book/9781610398428  Presented by Town Hall Seattle. To become a member or make a donation click here. 

Jacques Sagot. En 1974 se llevó a cabo el Mundial de Fútbol en Alemania, evento en el cual participó la Selección de Zaire, cuyo papel futbolístico no estuvo a la altura de otras selecciones. Al perder la posibilidad de continuar en el Campeonato, regresó a su país, donde el dictador Mobutu Sese Seko, les prohibió volver a jugar fútbol y los denigró públicamente. Episodio que marca otra de las nefastas historias del deporte. #larevistacr www.larevista.cr

This is an early repost of a recent interview for which no apologies are made. As the 45th incumbent burns out the last days of his Presidency in a downward spiral of self-destruction and bad behavior, this conversation for @KGNU by @claudiacragg with @RuthBenGhiat holds even more resonance. The central challenge of Ruth Ben-Ghiat’s “” is revealed early, in the book’s introduction, when the author lays out her expansive cast of characters. “I focus on Benito Mussolini, Adolf Hitler, Francisco Franco Bahamonde, Muammar Gaddafi, Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, Mobutu Sese Seko, Silvio Berlusconi, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Vladimir Putin, and Donald Trump, with Idi Amin, Mohamed Siad Barre, Jair Bolsonaro, Rodrigo Duterte, Nahrendra Modi, Viktor Orban, and others making cameo appearances,” Ben-Ghiat writes. This is an overwhelming dramatis personae — one that spans not just the globe but a number of ideologies, types of government and two centuries. Ben-Ghiat makes a convincing argument for including Trump in these less-than-august ranks, most of all when laying out the specifics of his corruption. For the reader inured by the drip-drip-drip of stories of brazen corruption over the course of years, it is bracing to see a half-decade’s worth of reporting so carefully distilled and to recall that it is in fact aberrant to see a son-in-law enriching himself at taxpayer expense, or to watch the Trump Organization’s coffers fill, golf outing by golf outing, with the aid of the Secret Service. As Ben-Ghiat shows, such self-enrichment is more in line with a Gaddafi or a Mussolini than a transparent or accountable democratic leader. Trump’s violence, too, is laid out chillingly: “In the tradition of the fascists, Trump uses his rallies to train his followers to see violence in a positive light,” she writes of his frequent exhortations to violence and demonization of immigrants at these spectacles.

Strongmen: Mussolini to the Present by Ruth Ben-Ghiat What modern authoritarian leaders have in common (and how they can be stopped). Ruth Ben-Ghiat is the expert on the "strongman" playbook employed by authoritarian demagogues from Mussolini to Putin―enabling her to predict with uncanny accuracy the recent experience in America. In Strongmen, she lays bare the blueprint these leaders have followed over the past 100 years, and empowers us to recognize, resist, and prevent their disastrous rule in the future. For ours is the age of authoritarian rulers: self-proclaimed saviors of the nation who evade accountability while robbing their people of truth, treasure, and the protections of democracy. They promise law and order, then legitimize lawbreaking by financial, sexual, and other predators. They use masculinity as a symbol of strength and a political weapon. Taking what you want, and getting away with it, becomes proof of male authority. They use propaganda, corruption, and violence to stay in power. Vladimir Putin and Mobutu Sese Seko’s kleptocracies, Augusto Pinochet’s torture sites, Benito Mussolini and Muammar Gaddafi’s systems of sexual exploitation, and Silvio Berlusconi and Donald Trump’s relentless misinformation: all show how authoritarian rule, far from ensuring stability, is marked by destructive chaos. No other type of leader is so transparent about prioritizing self-interest over the public good. As one country after another has discovered, the strongman is at his worst when true guidance is most needed by his country. Recounting the acts of solidarity and dignity that have undone strongmen over the past 100 years, Ben-Ghiat makes vividly clear that only by seeing the strongman for what he is―and by valuing one another as he is unable to do―can we stop him, now and in the future. Ruth Ben-Ghiat is a historian and political commentator on fascism, authoritarian leaders, propaganda, and threats to democracy in America and around the world. Growing up in Pacific Palisades, California, where Thomas Mann and other well-known exiles from Nazism relocated, sparked her interest in these subjects. The recipient of Guggenheim, Fulbright, and other fellowships, she is author or editor of seven books and over 100 op-eds and essays in CNN, The Atlantic, the Washington Post, and other outlets. She's Professor of History and Italian Studies at New York University, and Advisor to Protect Democracy. Follow her on Twitter @ruthbenghiat

Claudia Cragg @claudiacragg speaks here for @KGNU with Ruth Ben-Ghiat, @ruthbenghiat, the expert on the "strongman" playbook employed by authoritarian demagogues from Mussolini to Putin―enabling her to predict with uncanny accuracy the recent experience in America. In , she lays bare the blueprint these leaders have followed over the past 100 years, and empowers us to recognize, resist, and prevent their disastrous rule in the future. For ours, she says, is the age of authoritarian rulers: self-proclaimed saviors of the nation who evade accountability while robbing their people of truth, treasure, and the protections of democracy. They promise law and order, then legitimize lawbreaking by financial, sexual, and other predators. They use masculinity as a symbol of strength and a political weapon. Taking what you want, and getting away with it, becomes proof of male authority. They use propaganda, corruption, and violence to stay in power. Vladimir Putin and Mobutu Sese Seko’s kleptocracies, Augusto Pinochet’s torture sites, Benito Mussolini and Muammar Gaddafi’s systems of sexual exploitation, and Silvio Berlusconi and Donald Trump’s relentless misinformation: all show how authoritarian rule, far from ensuring stability, is marked by destructive chaos. No other type of leader is so transparent about prioritizing self-interest over the public good. As one country after another has discovered, the strongman is at his worst when true guidance is most needed by his country. Recounting the acts of solidarity and dignity that have undone strongmen over the past 100 years, Ben-Ghiat makes vividly clear that only by seeing the strongman for what he is―and by valuing one another as he is unable to do―can we stop him, now and in the future.

Join us for a discussion on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with African historian, Dr Glen Ncube. We take a broad view of the history of the Congo from the time of Belgian king Leopold II to Mobutu Sese Seko. We zoom in on how the Congo became an independent country under Patrice Lumumba and find out more about his unfortunate assassination. How did Joseph Mobutu come to power? We also place the struggles in the Congo in the wider context of the Cold War. How authentic was Mobutu's policy of Africanization (or Mobutuism)? What is the link between the Rwandan Genocide and the end of Mobutu's rule? Find us on twitter @WilliamHPalk or @C_duPlessis.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=Q8KGSAT37YCPA&source=url)

Kim był i co zrobił Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga?

O futebol possui grande importância para os objetivos de Mobutu Sese Seko com o Zaire. Seus clubes como o Vita e o Mazembe são expoentes no continente e o país foi o primeiro da África subsaariana a classificar-se para uma Copa do Mundo, em 1974. Neste 24º episódio, Lucas Faria, Mateus Morais e Virga fazem uma "anatomia" do futebol de clubes e da seleção masculina principal do Zaire, que recebeu a alcunha de "Leopardos". Fez inclusive contra o Brasil o último jogo no Mundial da Alemanha Ocidental. Imperdível, confira! Estamos nas redes: Instagram @esportepedia; twitter @esporte_pedia; facebook fb.com/esportepdia

Outrora Congo Belga, a atual República Democrática do Congo chamou-se Zaire entre 1971 e 1997, quando teve como líder Mobutu Sese Seko. Mobutu usou o esporte para promover uma política de Africanização, liderança regional e liderança africana para o mundo, o que nas Relações Internacionais é conhecido como "Soft Power". Para isso, organizou em Outubro de 1974 um duelo que tornou-se inesquecível: Muhammad Ali vs George Foreman Neste 23º episódio, Lucas Faria, Mateus Morais, Ale Ferrer e Virga fazem uma "anatomia" da luta, que recebeu a alcunha de "The Rumble in the Jungle" (O Estrondo na Selva). Imperdível, confira! Estamos nas redes: Instagram @esportepedia; twitter @esporte_pedia; facebook fb.com/esportepdia

From 2002 comes this interview with Michela Wrong, author of "In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz: Living on the Brink of Disaster of Mobutu's Congo." The book is a chronicle of the rise and fall of Mobutu Sese Seko, who was the highly corrupt president of Zaire for 32 years.

Bonjour ! Bienvenue dans ce deuxième épisode du podcast Masolo Ya Kati. Au micro, Trésor Kibangula. Après quelques numéros hors-séries consacrés au coronavirus en RDC, votre podcast Masolo Ya Kati revient dans sa version plus classique. Mais nous continuons à l’enregistrer à distance, en attendant la reprise des vols internationaux. Aujourd’hui, nous allons échanger avec le professeur Florentin Mokonda Bonza.  Président de la Convention des démocrates chrétiens (CDC), il est un fin connaisseur des arcanes du pouvoir en RDC. Fraîchement ancien sénateur, Mokonda Bonza a été entre autres directeur de cabinet de Mobutu Sese Seko, alors président du Zaïre. Il s'était déclaré candidat à la présidentielle de 2018, avant finalement de se retirer de la course, dénonçant la connivence de la Commission électorale nationale indépendante (Ceni) avec le camp du président sortant, Joseph Kabila. Près d’une année et demi après l’installation d’un nouveau président, le pays demeure embourbé dans des polémiques politiciennes, mais surtout dans des affaires de corruption et de détournements des fonds publics. Repoussant ainsi, jour après jour, les réformes de fond promises. Entre-temps, la scène politique congolaise est en pleine mutation : des adversaires d’hier sont devenus des coalisés d’aujourd’hui et gèrent ensemble l’État, non sans de nombreux couacs.  Avec le professeur Florentin Mokonda Bonza, nous allons essayer d’aborder la question du fonctionnement de l’État aujourd’hui et celle des réformes prioritaires à mettre en place.

“A country that demands moral perfection in its foreign policy will achieve neither perfection nor security.” Henry Kissinger It is not surprising that with all the commitment of resources to this work, the United States regularly fails miserably at identifying and supporting effective leaders around the world. Nowhere is this failure starker than in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Belgian government continued to subjugate the Belgian Congo until 1960. The United States inserted itself into the independence movement in the Congo in 1960 to back a junior Congolese Army Officer who would become President. To facilitate this, the United States was at least complicit in killing the popular nationalist leader Patrice Lumumba. President Mobutu Sese Seko would rule in his stead until 1997 while amassing a personal fortune estimated at over five billion dollars. Mobutu was a clown whose distinguishing style was his Leopard-print Fez hat. He and his family and friends all drove expensive new model Mercedes and built multiple Versailles-like residences around Congo while the common people died from starvation, disease and war. President Reagan referred to Mobutu as “a faithful friend to the United States for some 20 years,” describing their relationship as “based on shared interests and perceptions.” We could have avoided empowering a brutal dictator like Mobutu in Congo. A Just engagement would have approached these based on a value for the other at least equal to Americans. The resulting support would have been conceived out of long-term relationship; invited by, not forced upon, the recipients; driven by empowered local leaders of character; designed in the interests of the local people as determined by the local people. parentspriestsgenerals.com --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/dano-jukanovich/support

“A country that demands moral perfection in its foreign policy will achieve neither perfection nor security.” Henry Kissinger It is not surprising that with all the commitment of resources to this work, the United States regularly fails miserably at identifying and supporting effective leaders around the world. Nowhere is this failure starker than in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Belgian government continued to subjugate the Belgian Congo until 1960. The United States inserted itself into the independence movement in the Congo in 1960 to back a junior Congolese Army Officer who would become President. To facilitate this, the United States was at least complicit in killing the popular nationalist leader Patrice Lumumba. President Mobutu Sese Seko would rule in his stead until 1997 while amassing a personal fortune estimated at over five billion dollars. Mobutu was a clown whose distinguishing style was his Leopard-print Fez hat. He and his family and friends all drove expensive new model Mercedes and built multiple Versailles-like residences around Congo while the common people died from starvation, disease and war. President Reagan referred to Mobutu as “a faithful friend to the United States for some 20 years,” describing their relationship as “based on shared interests and perceptions.” We could have avoided empowering a brutal dictator like Mobutu in Congo. A Just engagement would have approached these based on a value for the other at least equal to Americans. The resulting support would have been conceived out of long-term relationship; invited by, not forced upon, the recipients; driven by empowered local leaders of character; designed in the interests of the local people as determined by the local people. parentspriestsgenerals.com --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/dano-jukanovich/support

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 2nd 2019, Episode number 17 Shaft Stache Shownotes Robert Townsend (actor) - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 13:13 American actor Robert Townsend (born February 6, 1957) is an American actor, director, comedian, and writer.[1][2] Townsend is best known for directing the films Hollywood Shuffle (1987), Eddie Murphy Raw (1987), The Meteor Man (1993), The Five Heartbeats (1991) and various other films and stand-up specials. He is especially known for his eponymous self-titled character, Robert Peterson as the starring role as on The WB sitcom The Parent 'Hood (1995''1999), a series which he created and of which directed select episodes. Townsend is also known for his role as Donald "Duck" Matthews in his 1991 film The Five Heartbeats.[3] He later wrote, directed and produced Making The Five Heartbeats (2018), a documentary film about the production process and behind the scenes insight into creating the film. Townsend is also known for his production company Townsend Entertainment [4] which has produced films Playin' for Love,[5] In the Hive and more. During the 1980s and early''1990s, Townsend gained national exposure through his stand-up comedy routines and appearances on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Townsend has worked with talent including Halle Berry, Morgan Freeman, Chris Tucker, Beyonc(C), Denzel Washington and many more.[6][7][8] Early life and career [ edit ] Townsend was born in Chicago, Illinois, the second of four children[9] to Shirley (n(C)e Jenkins) and Ed Townsend. His mother ended up raising him and his three siblings as a single parent. Growing up on the city's west side, Townsend attended Austin High School; graduating in 1975.[10] He became interested in acting as a teenager. During a reading of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in high school, Townsend captured the attention of Chicago's X Bag Theatre, The Experimental Black Actors Guild. Townsend later auditioned for parts at Chicago's Experimental Black Actors' Guild and performed in local plays studying at the famed Second City comedy workshop for improvisation in 1974. Townsend had a brief uncredited role in the 1975 movie Cooley High. After high school, Townsend enrolled at Illinois State University, studied a year and later moved to New York to study at the Negro Ensemble Company. Townsend's mother believed that he should complete his college education, but he felt that college took time away from his passion for acting, and he soon dropped out of school to pursue his acting career full-time. Career [ edit ] Townsend auditioned to be part of Saturday Night Live's 1980''1981 cast, but was rejected in favor of Eddie Murphy. In 1982, Townsend appeared as one of the main characters in the PBS series Another Page, a program produced by Kentucky Educational Television that taught literacy to adults through serialized stories. Townsend later appeared in small parts in films like A Soldier's Story (1984), directed by Norman Jewison, and after its success garnered much more substantial parts in films like The Mighty Quinn (1989) with Denzel Washington.[11][12][13] In 1987, Townsend wrote, directed and produced Hollywood Shuffle, a satire based on the hardships and obstacles that black actors undergo in the film industry. The success of his first project helped him establish himself in the industry.[6][14] Another of his films was The Five Heartbeats based on 1960s R&B male groups and the tribulations of the music industry. Townsend created and produced two television variety shows'--the CableACE award''winning Robert Townsend and His Partners in Crime for HBO, and the Fox Television variety show Townsend Television (1993). He also created and starred in the WB Network's sitcom The Parent 'Hood which originally ran from January 1995 to July 1999. In 2018, Townsend also directed 2 episodes for the B.E.T. Series American Soul which began airing in 2019. The show is about Don Cornelius and Soul Train. Townsend was programming director at the Black Family Channel, but the network folded in 2007. Townsend created The Robert Townsend Foundation, a nonprofit organization whose mission is to introduce and help new unsigned filmmakers. Awards and other credits [ edit ] Townsend directed the 2001 TV movie, Livin' for Love: The Natalie Cole Story for which Cole won the NAACP Image Award as Outstanding Actress in a Television Movie, Mini-Series or Dramatic Special. Townsend also directed two television movies in 2001 and 2002 respectively, Carmen: A Hip Hopera and 10,000 Black Men Named George. In 2013 Townsend was nominated for an Ovation Award in the category of "Lead Actor in a Musical" for his role as Dan in the La Mirada Theatre for the Performing Arts production of Next to Normal.[15] Personal life [ edit ] Townsend was married to Cheri Jones[16] from September 15, 1990, to August 9, 2001.[17] Together they have two daughters, Sierra and Skylar (Skye Townsend), both entertainers, and a son, Isiah.[6] Filmography [ edit ] Further reading [ edit ] Alexander, George. Why We Make Movies: Black Filmmakers Talk About the Magic of Cinema. Harlem Moon. 2003.Collier, Aldore. "Robert Townsend: a new kind of Hollywood dreamer. Actor-producer-director plans to make films that uplift and transform Black audiences". Ebony Magazine. 1 June 1991.Rogers, Brent. Robert Townsend Article in Perspectives. Sustaining Digital History, 12 November 2007.References [ edit ] ^ "Robert Townsend". The New York Times. ^ "As Robert Townsend Sees It : He's Fighting Stereotypes With 'Meteor Man' and New TV Show". Los Angeles Times . Retrieved 2010-10-10 . ^ The Five Heartbeats , retrieved 2019-09-16 ^ "Townsend Entertainment - IMDbPro". pro.imdb.com . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ "Playin' For Love". Black Cinema Connection. 2014-11-05 . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ a b c "About". Robert Townsend. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. ^ "Carmen: A Hip Hopera", Wikipedia, 2019-08-09 , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ B*A*P*S , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "Townsend, Robert (1957-)". BlackPast.Org. 2008 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "1975 Austin High School Yearbook (Chicago, Illinois)". Classmates.com. 1975 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Vincent Canby, "Review/Film; Tropical Murder", The New York Times, February 17, 1989. ^ The Mighty Quinn , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ A Soldier's Story , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ Hollywood Shuffle , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "2013 Ovation Awards Nominees '-- South by Southeast". thisstage.la. LA STAGE Alliance. September 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2017-04-21 . ^ "The Week's Best Photo". Google Books. JET Magazine. March 25, 1991 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Gimenes, Erika (2001). "Robert Townsend to divorce". Hollywood.com . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "Jackie's Back! (1999)" at IMDb. External links [ edit ] Robert Townsend on IMDbRobert Townsend (Official Website) (9) Charles Woods (The Professor) - Hollywood's Tricknology: Mandingo To Malcolm X - YouTube Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:59 Tyler Perry Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:57 Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Tyler Perry's Story Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Read His Story Outreach Since 2006, The Perry Foundation's aim has been to transform tragedy into triumph by empowering the economically disadvantaged to achieve a better quality of life. We focus on health and clean water, education and technology, arts and culture, and globally-sustainable economic development. Get Involved Visit Website You are viewing Tyler Perry Entertainment. If you'd like to view the Tyler Perry Studios, click here. Black writers courageously staring down the white gaze '' this is why we all must read them | Stan Grant | Opinion | The Guardian Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:46 The white gaze '' it is a phrase that resonates in black American literature. Writers from WEB Du Bois to Ralph Ellison to James Baldwin and Toni Morrison have struggled with it and railed against it. As Morrison '' a Nobel Laureate '' once said: Our lives have no meaning, no depth without the white gaze. And I have spent my entire writing life trying to make sure that the white gaze was not the dominant one in any of my books. The white gaze: it traps black people in white imaginations. It is the eyes of a white schoolteacher who sees a black student and lowers expectations. It is the eyes of a white cop who sees a black person and looks twice '' or worse, feels for a gun. Du Bois explored this more than a century ago in his book The Souls of Black Folk, reflecting on his conversations with white people and the ensuing delicate dance around the ''Negro problem''. Between me and the other world there is an ever unasked question'.... All, nevertheless, flutter around it ... Instead of saying directly, how does it feel to be a problem? They say, I know an excellent coloured man in my town ... To the real question '... I answer seldom a word. Baldwin was as ever more direct and piercing, writing in his book Nobody Knows My Name. I have spent most of my life ... watching white people and outwitting them so that I might survive. The flame has passed to a new generation. In 2015 three more black writers have stared down the white gaze. In their own ways Ta-Nehisi Coates, Claudia Rankine and George Yancy have held up a mirror to white America. These are uncompromising and fearless voices. Coates' searing essay Between The World And Me critiques America against a backdrop of black deaths at the hands of police. He says the country's history is rooted in slavery and the assault against the black body. In the form of a letter to his son, Coates writes: Here is what I would like for you to know: In America it is traditional to destroy the black body '' it is heritage. In Citizen '' An American Lyric, poet Rankine reflects on the black experience from the victims of Hurricane Katrina, or Trayvon Martin, a 17 year-old black youth shot dead by a neighbourhood watch volunteer who was acquitted, or black tennis star Serena Williams. In each case Rankine sees lives framed by whiteness. She writes: Because white men can't police their imagination, black men are dying. Philosophy Professor George Yancy just last week penned a letter in the New York Times addressed to ''Dear White America''. He asks his countrymen to listen with love, and to look at those things that might cause pain and terror. All white people, he says, benefit from racism and this means each, in their own way, are racist. '...don't run to seek shelter from your own racism'...practice being vulnerable. Being neither a ''good'' white person, nor a liberal white person will get you off the proverbial hook. Their unflinching work is not tempered by the fact a black man is in the White House '' that only makes their voices more urgent. Coates, Rankine, Yancy '' each has been variously praised and awarded, yet each has been pilloried as well. This is inevitable when some people don't like what the mirror reflects. It takes courage for a black person to speak to a white world, a world that can render invisible people of colour, unless they begin to more closely resemble white people themselves '' an education, a house in the suburbs, a good job, lighter skin. In Australia, too, black voices are defying the white gaze. We may not have the popular cut through of a Morrison or a Baldwin or a Coates, but we have a proud tradition '' Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Kevin Gilbert, Ruby Langford or more recently Kim Scott, Alexis Wright, Anita Heiss. I have spent some time recently reading some of the most powerful works of Indigenous writers. Their styles and genres are many and varied but there is a common and powerful theme of defiance and survival. This is a world so instantly recognisable to us '' Indigenous people '' but still so foreign to white Australia. Natalie Harkin's book of poetry, Dirty Words, is a subversive dictionary that turns English words back on their users: A is apology, B is for Boat People '... G is for Genocide ... S for Survival. ''How do you dream,'' she writes, ''When your lucky country does not sleep''. Bruce Pascoe's Dark Emu challenges the white stereotype of the ''primitive hunter gatherer''. He says the economy and culture of Indigenous people has been grossly undervalued. He cites journals and diaries of explorers and colonists to reveal the industry and ingenuity of pre-colonial Aboriginal society. He says it is a window into a world of people building dams and wells and houses, irrigating and harvesting seed and creating elaborate cemeteries. Pascoe's work demands to be taught in our schools. Tony Birch is an acclaimed novelist and his latest Ghost River is remarkable. It is the story of two friends navigating the journey into adulthood guided by the men of the river '' men others may see as homeless and hopeless. It is a work infused with a sense of place and belonging. Ellen Van Neerven's Heat and Light is a genre-busting mystical journey into identity: sexual, racial and national. It is provocative and challenging and mind bending, and altogether stunning. You won't find many of these titles in the annual best book lists. Occasionally they pop up, but not as often as they deserve. You probably won't hear much of Samuel Wagan Watson's Love Poems and Death Threats, or Ken Canning's Yimbama, or Lionel Fogarty's Eelahroo (Long Ago) Nyah (Looking) Mobo-Mobo (Future). That these works are not more widely read is a national shame. In our busy lives, try to find time for some of these books in 2016 '' read with the courage of these writers. George Yancy asks white Americans to become ''un-sutured'', to open themselves up and let go of their white innocence. Why is this important? Well, for white people it may simply be a matter of choice '' the fate of black people may not affect them. For us it is survival '' the white gaze means we die young, are locked up and locked out of work and education. We hear a lot about recognition '' acknowledging Indigenous people in the Australian constitution. But there is another recognition '' recognising the pervasive and too often destructive role of race in our lives, and the need to lift our gaze above it. Queen | Definition of Queen by Merriam-Webster Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:40 To save this word, you'll need to log in. ËkwÄ'n 1 a : the wife or widow of a king b : the wife or widow of a tribal chief 2 a : a female monarch b : a female chieftain 3 a : a woman eminent in rank, power, or attractions a movie queen b : a goddess or a thing personified as female and having supremacy in a specified realm c : an attractive girl or woman especially : a beauty contest winner 4 : the most privileged piece of each color in a set of chessmen having the power to move in any direction across any number of unoccupied squares 5 : a playing card marked with a stylized figure of a queen 6 : the fertile fully developed female of social bees, ants, and termites whose function is to lay eggs 7 : a mature female cat kept especially for breeding 8 slang , often disparaging : a male homosexual especially : an effeminate one queened ; queening ; queens intransitive verb 1 : to act like a queen especially : to put on airs '-- usually used with it queens it over her friends 2 : to become a queen in chess the pawn queens Pan-Africanism - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:37 Worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all people of African descent Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of African descent. Based on a common goal dating back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada and Europe.[1][2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all African people and countries[clarification needed ] are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that ''African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4] Pan-Africanist intellectual, cultural, and political movements tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single "race" and sharing cultural unity. Pan-Africanism posits a sense of a shared historical fate for Africans in the Americas, West Indies, and, on the continent itself, has centered on the Atlantic trade in slaves, African slavery, and European imperialism.[5] The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[6] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand. Overview [ edit ] Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[7] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed S(C)kou Tour(C), Kwame Nkrumah, King Sobhuza II, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[8][9][10] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally. The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[11] Advocates of Pan-Africanism'--i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"'--often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[11] History [ edit ] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[8] Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 19th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[12] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[13][14][15] With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[16] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[17] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[17] Nkrumah's pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [18] In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. This Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[18] This Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[19] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[20] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to establish an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[20] In 1959, Nkrumah, President S(C)kou Tour(C) of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[21][22] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States. In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[23] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[24] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah's call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[25] In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN's armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa's role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[26] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[27] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria's President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[26] In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[28] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a ''beacon of African and Third-World militancy,''[28] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[28] The Festival further strengthened Algeria's President, Boumediene's standing in Africa and the Third World.[28] After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, like Nkrumah before him '' for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[29] In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[30] Concept [ edit ] As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians[who? ] credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[31] During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include L(C)opold S(C)dar Senghor's N(C)gritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticit(C). An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism. In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[32] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[33]Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[34] Pan-African colors [ edit ] The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[35] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[36] The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[37] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[38][39] Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts. Maafa studies [ edit ] Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[40][41] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[42] Political parties and organizations [ edit ] In Africa [ edit ] Organisation of African Unity, succeeded by the African UnionAfrican Unification FrontRassemblement D(C)mocratique AfricainAll-African People's Revolutionary PartyConvention People's Party (Ghana)Pan-African Renaissance[43]Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa)Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa)In the Caribbean [ edit ] The Pan-African Affairs Commission for Pan-African Affairs, a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados.[44]African Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa (Guyana)Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement (Antigua and Barbuda)Clement Payne Movement (Barbados)Marcus Garvey People's Political Party (Jamaica)Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Jamaica)In the United Kingdom [ edit ] Pan-African FederationIn the United States [ edit ] The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[45] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[45] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903''70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[46]The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[47]Pan-African concepts and philosophies [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[48] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism. Kawaida [ edit ] Hip hop [ edit ] Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[49] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[50] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve. Pan-African art [ edit ] Further information on pan-African film festivals see: FESPACO and PAFFSee also [ edit ] Literature [ edit ] Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.References [ edit ] ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516''539 . Retrieved March 30, 2019 . ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age. ^ New Dictionary of the History of Ideas. The Gale Group, Inc. 2005. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament '' 2014 and beyond. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71''72. ISBN 1135005192 . Retrieved September 26, 2015 . ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250''278. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org . Retrieved February 16, 2017 . ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme). ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana's first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97''98. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of N(C)gritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF) . The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link) ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu . Retrieved October 15, 2015 . ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations . Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538 . Retrieved October 7, 2014 . ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF) . Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171''192. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007). ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga. ^ Ogunleye, Tolagbe (1997). "African American Folklore: Its Role in Reconstructing African American History". Journal of Black Studies. 27 (4): 435''455. ISSN 0021-9347. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance". ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99''102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296''97. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346''58. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Pan-Africanism'--Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outAfrican UnionAfrican Code Unity Through DiversityA-APRP WebsiteThe Major Pan-African news and articles siteProfessor David Murphy (November 15, 2015). "The Performance of Pan-Africanism: performing black identity at major pan-African festivals, 1966''2010" (Podcast). The University of Edinburgh . Retrieved January 28, 2016 '' via Soundcloud. Ebro Darden - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:36 Ebro Darden BornIbrahim Jamil Darden ( 1975-03-17 ) March 17, 1975 (age 44) NationalityAmericanOccupationMedia executiveradio personalityYears active1990''presentKnown forHot 97 radio personalityBeats1 DJChildren1Websitewww.EbroDarden.comIbrahim "Ebro" Darden (born March 17, 1975) is an American media executive and radio personality. Until 2014, he was Vice President of Programming for Emmis Communications' New York contemporary urban station WQHT (Hot 97). He is currently a co-host on the Hot 97 morning show, Ebro in the Morning, alongside Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As of 2015, Darden also hosts a hip hop music-based radio show on Beats 1. Early life [ edit ] Darden was born to a black father and a Jewish mother. He attended a Pentecostal church and Hebrew school while growing up in Oakland and Sacramento.[1] Career [ edit ] Start in radio [ edit ] Darden began his career in radio in 1990 at KSFM in Sacramento, California, while he was still a teenager. At KSFM he worked in research and as a sales runner until moving into programming as an intern, and later co-hosting for KSFM's night and morning shows. In 1997, he worked at KBMB in Sacramento as Programming and Music Director, as well as an afternoon host. Eventually, Darden became Operations Manager at KBMB, while also co-hosting mornings at KXJM in Portland, Oregon, in 1999. Hot 97 [ edit ] In 2003, Darden became Music Director for WQHT, ultimately becoming the Program Director for the station in 2007.[2][3][4] Darden worked alongside several past WQHT Hot 97 morning show co-hosts including Star and Bucwild, Miss Jones, DJ Envy, Sway, and Joe Budden from 2004 to 2007, and introduced Cipha Sounds and Peter Rosenberg to the AM drive in 2009. He rejoined the Hot 97 Morning Show in 2012, alongside Cipha Sounds, Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As Programming Director and on-air host, Darden was the main voice of several events at Hot 97 including Nicki Minaj's relationship with the station, and her alleged sexual relationship with the host; Hurricane Sandy; and Mister Cee's personal life.[5] In 2014, VH1 announced a new unscripted comedy series, This Is Hot 97, which featured Darden and fellow hosts including Angie Martinez, Funkmaster Flex, Peter Rosenberg, Cipha Sounds, Miss Info, and Laura Stylez.[6] Beats 1 [ edit ] In addition to his current on-air role at Hot 97, Darden is now one of three anchor DJs on Beats 1, an Internet radio service from Apple Music. Feuds and controversy [ edit ] A comedic rivalry between Darden and fellow accomplished radio personality Charlamagne Tha God of Power 105.1 has been ongoing for years. In May 2017, Darden clarified their relationship, stating, "The stuff we do on the radio is stupid. It's for fun. I make fun of you for fun. That's it. It's not that deep... me and that dude don't have a personal problem... a personal relationship".[7] Darden was mentioned in Remy Ma's "shETHER" diss track, on which Ma insinuated that he slept with Nicki Minaj by stating "Coke head, you cheated on your man with Ebro". After jokingly going back and forth with both Ma and her husband Papoose on social media, Darden denied the rumors, stating that he and Minaj had only a professional relationship.[8] Ebro has been in an ongoing feud with Brooklyn artist 6ix9ine. Ebro made fun of 6ix9ine as looking like a clown and criticized him for bragging about streaming numbers,[9] and 6ix9ine responded on the song "Stoopid" with the line "That nigga Ebro, he a bitch/Just another old nigga on a young nigga dick." [10] Personal life [ edit ] Darden has a daughter, Isa, who was born in 2014.[11] Recognition [ edit ] In 2013, he was recognized by Radio Ink as a future African American leader.[12] Filmography [ edit ] References [ edit ] Queen & Slim (2019) - IMDb Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:13 3 nominations. See more awards >> Learn more More Like This Comedy | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A detective investigates the death of a patriarch of an eccentric, combative family. Director:Rian Johnson Stars:Daniel Craig,Chris Evans,Ana de Armas Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.6 / 10 X An embattled NYPD detective is thrust into a citywide manhunt for a pair of cop killers after uncovering a massive and unexpected conspiracy. Director:Brian Kirk Stars:Chadwick Boseman,Sienna Miller,J.K. Simmons Action | Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X The extraordinary tale of Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery and transformation into one of America's greatest heroes, whose courage, ingenuity, and tenacity freed hundreds of slaves and changed the course of history. Director:Kasi Lemmons Stars:Cynthia Erivo,Leslie Odom Jr.,Joe Alwyn Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.9 / 10 X Based on the true story of a real-life friendship between Fred Rogers and journalist Tom Junod. Director:Marielle Heller Stars:Tom Hanks,Matthew Rhys,Chris Cooper Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.2 / 10 X A young actor's stormy childhood and early adult years as he struggles to reconcile with his father and deal with his mental health. Director:Alma Har'el Stars:Shia LaBeouf,Lucas Hedges,Noah Jupe Drama | Romance | Sport 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.7 / 10 X Traces the journey of a suburban family - led by a well-intentioned but domineering father - as they navigate love, forgiveness, and coming together in the aftermath of a loss. Director:Trey Edward Shults Stars:Taylor Russell,Kelvin Harrison Jr.,Alexa Demie Comedy | Drama | War 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A young boy in Hitler's army finds out his mother is hiding a Jewish girl in their home. Director:Taika Waititi Stars:Roman Griffin Davis,Thomasin McKenzie,Scarlett Johansson Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5.7 / 10 X A rookie New Orleans police officer is forced to balance her identity as a black woman after she witnesses two corrupt cops committing murder. Director:Deon Taylor Stars:Naomie Harris,Frank Grillo,Mike Colter Biography | Drama | History 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.3 / 10 X A corporate defense attorney takes on an environmental lawsuit against a chemical company that exposes a lengthy history of pollution. Director:Todd Haynes Stars:Anne Hathaway,Mark Ruffalo,William Jackson Harper Drama | Fantasy | Horror 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.3 / 10 X Two lighthouse keepers try to maintain their sanity while living on a remote and mysterious New England island in the 1890s. Director:Robert Eggers Stars:Willem Dafoe,Robert Pattinson,Valeriia Karaman Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X Consummate con man Roy Courtnay has set his sights on his latest mark: the recently widowed Betty McLeish, worth millions. But this time, what should have been a simple swindle escalates into a cat-and-mouse game with the ultimate stakes. Director:Bill Condon Stars:Helen Mirren,Ian McKellen,Russell Tovey Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.1 / 10 X In 1950s New York, a lonely private detective afflicted with Tourette's Syndrome ventures to solve the murder of his mentor and only friend. Director:Edward Norton Stars:Edward Norton,Gugu Mbatha-Raw,Alec Baldwin Edit Storyline Slim and Queen's first date takes an unexpected turn when a policeman pulls them over for a minor traffic violation. When the situation escalates, Slim takes the officer's gun and shoots him in self-defence. Now labelled cop killers in the media, Slim and Queen feel that they have no choice but to go on the run and evade the law. When a video of the incident goes viral, the unwitting outlaws soon become a symbol of trauma, terror, grief and pain for people all across the country Written bystmc-25959 Plot Summary | Add Synopsis Motion Picture Rating (MPAA) Rated R for violence, some strong sexuality, nudity, pervasive language, and brief drug use. | See all certifications >> Edit Details Release Date: 27 November 2019 (USA) See more >> Edit Box Office Opening Weekend USA: $11,700,000, 1 December 2019 Gross USA: $15,810,000 Cumulative Worldwide Gross: $15,810,000 See more on IMDbPro >> Company Credits Technical Specs Runtime: 131 min Aspect Ratio: 2.39 : 1 See full technical specs >> Edit Did You Know? Trivia First feature film to be directed by Melina Matsoukas, who has previously only directed music videos and TV episodes. See more >> Quotes Slim :Are you tryin' to die? Queen :No. I just always wanted to do that. Slim :Well, don't do it while I'm drivin' Queen :You should try it. Slim :Nah, I'm good. Queen :Pull over. Slim :Na-ah. Queen :Come on! Pull over. Pull over! Slim :If I do, would you please, let me drive the rest of the way it is? Queen :Swear to God. [...] See more >> Explore popular and recently added TV series available to stream now with Prime Video. Start your free trial Music in this episode Intro: Puff Daddy - It's all about the benjamins Outro: Blue Magic - Sideshow Donate to the show at moefundme.com Search for us in your podcast directory or use this link to subscribe to the feed Podcast Feed For more information: MoeFactz.com

Show Notes Moe Factz with Adam Curry for December 2nd 2019, Episode number 17 Shaft Stache Shownotes Robert Townsend (actor) - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 13:13 American actor Robert Townsend (born February 6, 1957) is an American actor, director, comedian, and writer.[1][2] Townsend is best known for directing the films Hollywood Shuffle (1987), Eddie Murphy Raw (1987), The Meteor Man (1993), The Five Heartbeats (1991) and various other films and stand-up specials. He is especially known for his eponymous self-titled character, Robert Peterson as the starring role as on The WB sitcom The Parent 'Hood (1995''1999), a series which he created and of which directed select episodes. Townsend is also known for his role as Donald "Duck" Matthews in his 1991 film The Five Heartbeats.[3] He later wrote, directed and produced Making The Five Heartbeats (2018), a documentary film about the production process and behind the scenes insight into creating the film. Townsend is also known for his production company Townsend Entertainment [4] which has produced films Playin' for Love,[5] In the Hive and more. During the 1980s and early''1990s, Townsend gained national exposure through his stand-up comedy routines and appearances on The Tonight Show Starring Johnny Carson. Townsend has worked with talent including Halle Berry, Morgan Freeman, Chris Tucker, Beyonc(C), Denzel Washington and many more.[6][7][8] Early life and career [ edit ] Townsend was born in Chicago, Illinois, the second of four children[9] to Shirley (n(C)e Jenkins) and Ed Townsend. His mother ended up raising him and his three siblings as a single parent. Growing up on the city's west side, Townsend attended Austin High School; graduating in 1975.[10] He became interested in acting as a teenager. During a reading of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in high school, Townsend captured the attention of Chicago's X Bag Theatre, The Experimental Black Actors Guild. Townsend later auditioned for parts at Chicago's Experimental Black Actors' Guild and performed in local plays studying at the famed Second City comedy workshop for improvisation in 1974. Townsend had a brief uncredited role in the 1975 movie Cooley High. After high school, Townsend enrolled at Illinois State University, studied a year and later moved to New York to study at the Negro Ensemble Company. Townsend's mother believed that he should complete his college education, but he felt that college took time away from his passion for acting, and he soon dropped out of school to pursue his acting career full-time. Career [ edit ] Townsend auditioned to be part of Saturday Night Live's 1980''1981 cast, but was rejected in favor of Eddie Murphy. In 1982, Townsend appeared as one of the main characters in the PBS series Another Page, a program produced by Kentucky Educational Television that taught literacy to adults through serialized stories. Townsend later appeared in small parts in films like A Soldier's Story (1984), directed by Norman Jewison, and after its success garnered much more substantial parts in films like The Mighty Quinn (1989) with Denzel Washington.[11][12][13] In 1987, Townsend wrote, directed and produced Hollywood Shuffle, a satire based on the hardships and obstacles that black actors undergo in the film industry. The success of his first project helped him establish himself in the industry.[6][14] Another of his films was The Five Heartbeats based on 1960s R&B male groups and the tribulations of the music industry. Townsend created and produced two television variety shows'--the CableACE award''winning Robert Townsend and His Partners in Crime for HBO, and the Fox Television variety show Townsend Television (1993). He also created and starred in the WB Network's sitcom The Parent 'Hood which originally ran from January 1995 to July 1999. In 2018, Townsend also directed 2 episodes for the B.E.T. Series American Soul which began airing in 2019. The show is about Don Cornelius and Soul Train. Townsend was programming director at the Black Family Channel, but the network folded in 2007. Townsend created The Robert Townsend Foundation, a nonprofit organization whose mission is to introduce and help new unsigned filmmakers. Awards and other credits [ edit ] Townsend directed the 2001 TV movie, Livin' for Love: The Natalie Cole Story for which Cole won the NAACP Image Award as Outstanding Actress in a Television Movie, Mini-Series or Dramatic Special. Townsend also directed two television movies in 2001 and 2002 respectively, Carmen: A Hip Hopera and 10,000 Black Men Named George. In 2013 Townsend was nominated for an Ovation Award in the category of "Lead Actor in a Musical" for his role as Dan in the La Mirada Theatre for the Performing Arts production of Next to Normal.[15] Personal life [ edit ] Townsend was married to Cheri Jones[16] from September 15, 1990, to August 9, 2001.[17] Together they have two daughters, Sierra and Skylar (Skye Townsend), both entertainers, and a son, Isiah.[6] Filmography [ edit ] Further reading [ edit ] Alexander, George. Why We Make Movies: Black Filmmakers Talk About the Magic of Cinema. Harlem Moon. 2003.Collier, Aldore. "Robert Townsend: a new kind of Hollywood dreamer. Actor-producer-director plans to make films that uplift and transform Black audiences". Ebony Magazine. 1 June 1991.Rogers, Brent. Robert Townsend Article in Perspectives. Sustaining Digital History, 12 November 2007.References [ edit ] ^ "Robert Townsend". The New York Times. ^ "As Robert Townsend Sees It : He's Fighting Stereotypes With 'Meteor Man' and New TV Show". Los Angeles Times . Retrieved 2010-10-10 . ^ The Five Heartbeats , retrieved 2019-09-16 ^ "Townsend Entertainment - IMDbPro". pro.imdb.com . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ "Playin' For Love". Black Cinema Connection. 2014-11-05 . Retrieved 2018-03-06 . ^ a b c "About". Robert Townsend. Archived from the original on 2011-07-14. ^ "Carmen: A Hip Hopera", Wikipedia, 2019-08-09 , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ B*A*P*S , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "Townsend, Robert (1957-)". BlackPast.Org. 2008 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "1975 Austin High School Yearbook (Chicago, Illinois)". Classmates.com. 1975 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Vincent Canby, "Review/Film; Tropical Murder", The New York Times, February 17, 1989. ^ The Mighty Quinn , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ A Soldier's Story , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ Hollywood Shuffle , retrieved 2019-09-17 ^ "2013 Ovation Awards Nominees '-- South by Southeast". thisstage.la. LA STAGE Alliance. September 16, 2013 . Retrieved 2017-04-21 . ^ "The Week's Best Photo". Google Books. JET Magazine. March 25, 1991 . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ Gimenes, Erika (2001). "Robert Townsend to divorce". Hollywood.com . Retrieved September 18, 2017 . ^ "Jackie's Back! (1999)" at IMDb. External links [ edit ] Robert Townsend on IMDbRobert Townsend (Official Website) (9) Charles Woods (The Professor) - Hollywood's Tricknology: Mandingo To Malcolm X - YouTube Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:59 Tyler Perry Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:57 Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Tyler Perry's Story Tyler Perry is a world-renowned producer, director, actor, screenwriter, playwright, author, songwriter, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. Read His Story Outreach Since 2006, The Perry Foundation's aim has been to transform tragedy into triumph by empowering the economically disadvantaged to achieve a better quality of life. We focus on health and clean water, education and technology, arts and culture, and globally-sustainable economic development. Get Involved Visit Website You are viewing Tyler Perry Entertainment. If you'd like to view the Tyler Perry Studios, click here. Black writers courageously staring down the white gaze '' this is why we all must read them | Stan Grant | Opinion | The Guardian Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:46 The white gaze '' it is a phrase that resonates in black American literature. Writers from WEB Du Bois to Ralph Ellison to James Baldwin and Toni Morrison have struggled with it and railed against it. As Morrison '' a Nobel Laureate '' once said: Our lives have no meaning, no depth without the white gaze. And I have spent my entire writing life trying to make sure that the white gaze was not the dominant one in any of my books. The white gaze: it traps black people in white imaginations. It is the eyes of a white schoolteacher who sees a black student and lowers expectations. It is the eyes of a white cop who sees a black person and looks twice '' or worse, feels for a gun. Du Bois explored this more than a century ago in his book The Souls of Black Folk, reflecting on his conversations with white people and the ensuing delicate dance around the ''Negro problem''. Between me and the other world there is an ever unasked question'.... All, nevertheless, flutter around it ... Instead of saying directly, how does it feel to be a problem? They say, I know an excellent coloured man in my town ... To the real question '... I answer seldom a word. Baldwin was as ever more direct and piercing, writing in his book Nobody Knows My Name. I have spent most of my life ... watching white people and outwitting them so that I might survive. The flame has passed to a new generation. In 2015 three more black writers have stared down the white gaze. In their own ways Ta-Nehisi Coates, Claudia Rankine and George Yancy have held up a mirror to white America. These are uncompromising and fearless voices. Coates' searing essay Between The World And Me critiques America against a backdrop of black deaths at the hands of police. He says the country's history is rooted in slavery and the assault against the black body. In the form of a letter to his son, Coates writes: Here is what I would like for you to know: In America it is traditional to destroy the black body '' it is heritage. In Citizen '' An American Lyric, poet Rankine reflects on the black experience from the victims of Hurricane Katrina, or Trayvon Martin, a 17 year-old black youth shot dead by a neighbourhood watch volunteer who was acquitted, or black tennis star Serena Williams. In each case Rankine sees lives framed by whiteness. She writes: Because white men can't police their imagination, black men are dying. Philosophy Professor George Yancy just last week penned a letter in the New York Times addressed to ''Dear White America''. He asks his countrymen to listen with love, and to look at those things that might cause pain and terror. All white people, he says, benefit from racism and this means each, in their own way, are racist. '...don't run to seek shelter from your own racism'...practice being vulnerable. Being neither a ''good'' white person, nor a liberal white person will get you off the proverbial hook. Their unflinching work is not tempered by the fact a black man is in the White House '' that only makes their voices more urgent. Coates, Rankine, Yancy '' each has been variously praised and awarded, yet each has been pilloried as well. This is inevitable when some people don't like what the mirror reflects. It takes courage for a black person to speak to a white world, a world that can render invisible people of colour, unless they begin to more closely resemble white people themselves '' an education, a house in the suburbs, a good job, lighter skin. In Australia, too, black voices are defying the white gaze. We may not have the popular cut through of a Morrison or a Baldwin or a Coates, but we have a proud tradition '' Oodgeroo Noonuccal, Kevin Gilbert, Ruby Langford or more recently Kim Scott, Alexis Wright, Anita Heiss. I have spent some time recently reading some of the most powerful works of Indigenous writers. Their styles and genres are many and varied but there is a common and powerful theme of defiance and survival. This is a world so instantly recognisable to us '' Indigenous people '' but still so foreign to white Australia. Natalie Harkin's book of poetry, Dirty Words, is a subversive dictionary that turns English words back on their users: A is apology, B is for Boat People '... G is for Genocide ... S for Survival. ''How do you dream,'' she writes, ''When your lucky country does not sleep''. Bruce Pascoe's Dark Emu challenges the white stereotype of the ''primitive hunter gatherer''. He says the economy and culture of Indigenous people has been grossly undervalued. He cites journals and diaries of explorers and colonists to reveal the industry and ingenuity of pre-colonial Aboriginal society. He says it is a window into a world of people building dams and wells and houses, irrigating and harvesting seed and creating elaborate cemeteries. Pascoe's work demands to be taught in our schools. Tony Birch is an acclaimed novelist and his latest Ghost River is remarkable. It is the story of two friends navigating the journey into adulthood guided by the men of the river '' men others may see as homeless and hopeless. It is a work infused with a sense of place and belonging. Ellen Van Neerven's Heat and Light is a genre-busting mystical journey into identity: sexual, racial and national. It is provocative and challenging and mind bending, and altogether stunning. You won't find many of these titles in the annual best book lists. Occasionally they pop up, but not as often as they deserve. You probably won't hear much of Samuel Wagan Watson's Love Poems and Death Threats, or Ken Canning's Yimbama, or Lionel Fogarty's Eelahroo (Long Ago) Nyah (Looking) Mobo-Mobo (Future). That these works are not more widely read is a national shame. In our busy lives, try to find time for some of these books in 2016 '' read with the courage of these writers. George Yancy asks white Americans to become ''un-sutured'', to open themselves up and let go of their white innocence. Why is this important? Well, for white people it may simply be a matter of choice '' the fate of black people may not affect them. For us it is survival '' the white gaze means we die young, are locked up and locked out of work and education. We hear a lot about recognition '' acknowledging Indigenous people in the Australian constitution. But there is another recognition '' recognising the pervasive and too often destructive role of race in our lives, and the need to lift our gaze above it. Queen | Definition of Queen by Merriam-Webster Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:40 To save this word, you'll need to log in. ËkwÄ'n 1 a : the wife or widow of a king b : the wife or widow of a tribal chief 2 a : a female monarch b : a female chieftain 3 a : a woman eminent in rank, power, or attractions a movie queen b : a goddess or a thing personified as female and having supremacy in a specified realm c : an attractive girl or woman especially : a beauty contest winner 4 : the most privileged piece of each color in a set of chessmen having the power to move in any direction across any number of unoccupied squares 5 : a playing card marked with a stylized figure of a queen 6 : the fertile fully developed female of social bees, ants, and termites whose function is to lay eggs 7 : a mature female cat kept especially for breeding 8 slang , often disparaging : a male homosexual especially : an effeminate one queened ; queening ; queens intransitive verb 1 : to act like a queen especially : to put on airs '-- usually used with it queens it over her friends 2 : to become a queen in chess the pawn queens Pan-Africanism - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:37 Worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all people of African descent Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of African descent. Based on a common goal dating back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada and Europe.[1][2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all African people and countries[clarification needed ] are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that ''African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora, share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4] Pan-Africanist intellectual, cultural, and political movements tend to view all Africans and descendants of Africans as belonging to a single "race" and sharing cultural unity. Pan-Africanism posits a sense of a shared historical fate for Africans in the Americas, West Indies, and, on the continent itself, has centered on the Atlantic trade in slaves, African slavery, and European imperialism.[5] The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[6] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand. Overview [ edit ] Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[7] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed S(C)kou Tour(C), Kwame Nkrumah, King Sobhuza II, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[8][9][10] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally. The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[11] Advocates of Pan-Africanism'--i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"'--often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[11] History [ edit ] As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[8] Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 19th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[12] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV. Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[13][14][15] With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[16] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[17] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[17] Nkrumah's pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [18] In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. This Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[18] This Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[19] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[20] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to establish an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[20] In 1959, Nkrumah, President S(C)kou Tour(C) of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[21][22] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States. In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[23] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[24] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah's call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[25] In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN's armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa's role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[26] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[27] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria's President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[26] In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[28] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a ''beacon of African and Third-World militancy,''[28] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[28] The Festival further strengthened Algeria's President, Boumediene's standing in Africa and the Third World.[28] After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, like Nkrumah before him '' for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[29] In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[30] Concept [ edit ] As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians[who? ] credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[31] During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement. Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include L(C)opold S(C)dar Senghor's N(C)gritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticit(C). An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism. In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[32] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends. Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[33]Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[34] Pan-African colors [ edit ] The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[35] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[36] The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[37] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[38][39] Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts. Maafa studies [ edit ] Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[40][41] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.[42] Political parties and organizations [ edit ] In Africa [ edit ] Organisation of African Unity, succeeded by the African UnionAfrican Unification FrontRassemblement D(C)mocratique AfricainAll-African People's Revolutionary PartyConvention People's Party (Ghana)Pan-African Renaissance[43]Economic Freedom Fighters (South Africa)Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (South Africa)In the Caribbean [ edit ] The Pan-African Affairs Commission for Pan-African Affairs, a unit within the Office of the Prime Minister of Barbados.[44]African Society for Cultural Relations with Independent Africa (Guyana)Antigua Caribbean Liberation Movement (Antigua and Barbuda)Clement Payne Movement (Barbados)Marcus Garvey People's Political Party (Jamaica)Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (Jamaica)In the United Kingdom [ edit ] Pan-African FederationIn the United States [ edit ] The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[45] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[45] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903''70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[46]The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[47]Pan-African concepts and philosophies [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism [ edit ] Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[48] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism. Kawaida [ edit ] Hip hop [ edit ] Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[49] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[50] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve. Pan-African art [ edit ] Further information on pan-African film festivals see: FESPACO and PAFFSee also [ edit ] Literature [ edit ] Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.References [ edit ] ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516''539 . Retrieved March 30, 2019 . ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age. ^ New Dictionary of the History of Ideas. The Gale Group, Inc. 2005. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament '' 2014 and beyond. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71''72. ISBN 1135005192 . Retrieved September 26, 2015 . ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250''278. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org . Retrieved February 16, 2017 . ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme). ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana's first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97''98. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of N(C)gritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF) . The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015. CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link) ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu . Retrieved October 15, 2015 . ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations . Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538 . Retrieved October 7, 2014 . ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF) . Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171''192. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007). ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga. ^ Ogunleye, Tolagbe (1997). "African American Folklore: Its Role in Reconstructing African American History". Journal of Black Studies. 27 (4): 435''455. ISSN 0021-9347. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance". ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99''102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296''97. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346''58. External links [ edit ] SNCC Digital Gateway: Pan-Africanism'--Digital documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-outAfrican UnionAfrican Code Unity Through DiversityA-APRP WebsiteThe Major Pan-African news and articles siteProfessor David Murphy (November 15, 2015). "The Performance of Pan-Africanism: performing black identity at major pan-African festivals, 1966''2010" (Podcast). The University of Edinburgh . Retrieved January 28, 2016 '' via Soundcloud. Ebro Darden - Wikipedia Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:36 Ebro Darden BornIbrahim Jamil Darden ( 1975-03-17 ) March 17, 1975 (age 44) NationalityAmericanOccupationMedia executiveradio personalityYears active1990''presentKnown forHot 97 radio personalityBeats1 DJChildren1Websitewww.EbroDarden.comIbrahim "Ebro" Darden (born March 17, 1975) is an American media executive and radio personality. Until 2014, he was Vice President of Programming for Emmis Communications' New York contemporary urban station WQHT (Hot 97). He is currently a co-host on the Hot 97 morning show, Ebro in the Morning, alongside Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As of 2015, Darden also hosts a hip hop music-based radio show on Beats 1. Early life [ edit ] Darden was born to a black father and a Jewish mother. He attended a Pentecostal church and Hebrew school while growing up in Oakland and Sacramento.[1] Career [ edit ] Start in radio [ edit ] Darden began his career in radio in 1990 at KSFM in Sacramento, California, while he was still a teenager. At KSFM he worked in research and as a sales runner until moving into programming as an intern, and later co-hosting for KSFM's night and morning shows. In 1997, he worked at KBMB in Sacramento as Programming and Music Director, as well as an afternoon host. Eventually, Darden became Operations Manager at KBMB, while also co-hosting mornings at KXJM in Portland, Oregon, in 1999. Hot 97 [ edit ] In 2003, Darden became Music Director for WQHT, ultimately becoming the Program Director for the station in 2007.[2][3][4] Darden worked alongside several past WQHT Hot 97 morning show co-hosts including Star and Bucwild, Miss Jones, DJ Envy, Sway, and Joe Budden from 2004 to 2007, and introduced Cipha Sounds and Peter Rosenberg to the AM drive in 2009. He rejoined the Hot 97 Morning Show in 2012, alongside Cipha Sounds, Peter Rosenberg, and Laura Stylez. As Programming Director and on-air host, Darden was the main voice of several events at Hot 97 including Nicki Minaj's relationship with the station, and her alleged sexual relationship with the host; Hurricane Sandy; and Mister Cee's personal life.[5] In 2014, VH1 announced a new unscripted comedy series, This Is Hot 97, which featured Darden and fellow hosts including Angie Martinez, Funkmaster Flex, Peter Rosenberg, Cipha Sounds, Miss Info, and Laura Stylez.[6] Beats 1 [ edit ] In addition to his current on-air role at Hot 97, Darden is now one of three anchor DJs on Beats 1, an Internet radio service from Apple Music. Feuds and controversy [ edit ] A comedic rivalry between Darden and fellow accomplished radio personality Charlamagne Tha God of Power 105.1 has been ongoing for years. In May 2017, Darden clarified their relationship, stating, "The stuff we do on the radio is stupid. It's for fun. I make fun of you for fun. That's it. It's not that deep... me and that dude don't have a personal problem... a personal relationship".[7] Darden was mentioned in Remy Ma's "shETHER" diss track, on which Ma insinuated that he slept with Nicki Minaj by stating "Coke head, you cheated on your man with Ebro". After jokingly going back and forth with both Ma and her husband Papoose on social media, Darden denied the rumors, stating that he and Minaj had only a professional relationship.[8] Ebro has been in an ongoing feud with Brooklyn artist 6ix9ine. Ebro made fun of 6ix9ine as looking like a clown and criticized him for bragging about streaming numbers,[9] and 6ix9ine responded on the song "Stoopid" with the line "That nigga Ebro, he a bitch/Just another old nigga on a young nigga dick." [10] Personal life [ edit ] Darden has a daughter, Isa, who was born in 2014.[11] Recognition [ edit ] In 2013, he was recognized by Radio Ink as a future African American leader.[12] Filmography [ edit ] References [ edit ] Queen & Slim (2019) - IMDb Mon, 02 Dec 2019 12:13 3 nominations. See more awards >> Learn more More Like This Comedy | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A detective investigates the death of a patriarch of an eccentric, combative family. Director:Rian Johnson Stars:Daniel Craig,Chris Evans,Ana de Armas Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.6 / 10 X An embattled NYPD detective is thrust into a citywide manhunt for a pair of cop killers after uncovering a massive and unexpected conspiracy. Director:Brian Kirk Stars:Chadwick Boseman,Sienna Miller,J.K. Simmons Action | Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X The extraordinary tale of Harriet Tubman's escape from slavery and transformation into one of America's greatest heroes, whose courage, ingenuity, and tenacity freed hundreds of slaves and changed the course of history. Director:Kasi Lemmons Stars:Cynthia Erivo,Leslie Odom Jr.,Joe Alwyn Biography | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.9 / 10 X Based on the true story of a real-life friendship between Fred Rogers and journalist Tom Junod. Director:Marielle Heller Stars:Tom Hanks,Matthew Rhys,Chris Cooper Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.2 / 10 X A young actor's stormy childhood and early adult years as he struggles to reconcile with his father and deal with his mental health. Director:Alma Har'el Stars:Shia LaBeouf,Lucas Hedges,Noah Jupe Drama | Romance | Sport 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.7 / 10 X Traces the journey of a suburban family - led by a well-intentioned but domineering father - as they navigate love, forgiveness, and coming together in the aftermath of a loss. Director:Trey Edward Shults Stars:Taylor Russell,Kelvin Harrison Jr.,Alexa Demie Comedy | Drama | War 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.1 / 10 X A young boy in Hitler's army finds out his mother is hiding a Jewish girl in their home. Director:Taika Waititi Stars:Roman Griffin Davis,Thomasin McKenzie,Scarlett Johansson Action | Crime | Drama 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 5.7 / 10 X A rookie New Orleans police officer is forced to balance her identity as a black woman after she witnesses two corrupt cops committing murder. Director:Deon Taylor Stars:Naomie Harris,Frank Grillo,Mike Colter Biography | Drama | History 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.3 / 10 X A corporate defense attorney takes on an environmental lawsuit against a chemical company that exposes a lengthy history of pollution. Director:Todd Haynes Stars:Anne Hathaway,Mark Ruffalo,William Jackson Harper Drama | Fantasy | Horror 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 8.3 / 10 X Two lighthouse keepers try to maintain their sanity while living on a remote and mysterious New England island in the 1890s. Director:Robert Eggers Stars:Willem Dafoe,Robert Pattinson,Valeriia Karaman Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 6.5 / 10 X Consummate con man Roy Courtnay has set his sights on his latest mark: the recently widowed Betty McLeish, worth millions. But this time, what should have been a simple swindle escalates into a cat-and-mouse game with the ultimate stakes. Director:Bill Condon Stars:Helen Mirren,Ian McKellen,Russell Tovey Crime | Drama | Mystery 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 7.1 / 10 X In 1950s New York, a lonely private detective afflicted with Tourette's Syndrome ventures to solve the murder of his mentor and only friend. Director:Edward Norton Stars:Edward Norton,Gugu Mbatha-Raw,Alec Baldwin Edit Storyline Slim and Queen's first date takes an unexpected turn when a policeman pulls them over for a minor traffic violation. When the situation escalates, Slim takes the officer's gun and shoots him in self-defence. Now labelled cop killers in the media, Slim and Queen feel that they have no choice but to go on the run and evade the law. When a video of the incident goes viral, the unwitting outlaws soon become a symbol of trauma, terror, grief and pain for people all across the country Written bystmc-25959 Plot Summary | Add Synopsis Motion Picture Rating (MPAA) Rated R for violence, some strong sexuality, nudity, pervasive language, and brief drug use. | See all certifications >> Edit Details Release Date: 27 November 2019 (USA) See more >> Edit Box Office Opening Weekend USA: $11,700,000, 1 December 2019 Gross USA: $15,810,000 Cumulative Worldwide Gross: $15,810,000 See more on IMDbPro >> Company Credits Technical Specs Runtime: 131 min Aspect Ratio: 2.39 : 1 See full technical specs >> Edit Did You Know? Trivia First feature film to be directed by Melina Matsoukas, who has previously only directed music videos and TV episodes. See more >> Quotes Slim :Are you tryin' to die? Queen :No. I just always wanted to do that. Slim :Well, don't do it while I'm drivin' Queen :You should try it. Slim :Nah, I'm good. Queen :Pull over. Slim :Na-ah. Queen :Come on! Pull over. Pull over! Slim :If I do, would you please, let me drive the rest of the way it is? Queen :Swear to God. [...] See more >> Explore popular and recently added TV series available to stream now with Prime Video. Start your free trial Music in this episode Intro: Puff Daddy - It's all about the benjamins Outro: Blue Magic - Sideshow Donate to the show at moefundme.com Search for us in your podcast directory or use this link to subscribe to the feed Podcast Feed For more information: MoeFactz.com

EP86 - This episode of the Random history of Belgium continues the history of Belgium and its former colony in middle Africa. We start with the independence of Congo and start to dive into the relationship between Brussels and the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko. In this first part, we cover the start and coming to power of Mobutu.

A wannan makon muna dauke da kashi na farko na tarihin tsohon shugaban Jamhuriyar Congo Mubutu Sese Seko tare da Abdoulkarim Ibrahim Shikal. A yi saurare lafiya.

Katika makala hii tumeangazia maisha ya aliyekuwa muasisi wa demokrasia nchini jamhuri ya kidemokrasia ya Congo, Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba, ambaye tangu alipozaliwa tarehe 14 mwezi Disemba mwaka 1932, aliendelea kuwa mpinzani wa serikali zoote zilivyofwatana kuanzia enzi za marehemu Mobutu Sese Seko, hadi kifo chake February 01 2017 huko Brussels Ubelgiji katika hospitali, Tshisekedi alikuwa kiongozi wa upinzani mwenye umri mkubwa.

Kongoa ja sittemmin Zairea yli 30 vuotta hallinnut diktaattori Mobutu Sese Seko oli tyylipuhtaasti kaikkea sitä, mitä afrikkalaiset tarkoittavat puhuessaan vahvoista miehistä, Big Man. Mobutu vuokrasi Ranskasta Concorden viedäkseen perheensä kuukausittaisille ostosmatkoille Eurooppaan. Lennätti itselleen vaaleanpunaista samppanjaa Pariisista, simpukoita Belgiasta ja prostituoituja Skandinaviasta. Rakentaakseen itselleen mallitilan Zairen viidakkoon, hän lähetti hallituksen koneen 32 kertaa Venezuelaan hakemaan 5000 pitkäkarvaista lammasta. Vuonna 1965 Mobutu käynnisti aitouskampanjan tehdäkseen pesäeron maansa kolonialistiseen menneisyyteen. Kaikki, joilla oli eurooppalainen nimi, täytyi nimetä uudelleen afrikkalaisesti: talot, ihmiset jne. Länteen viittaavat puhemuodot kuten herra ja rouva kiellettiin. Kaikkia piti puhutella kansalaisina. Mobutu kielsi länsimaiset vaatteet ja julisti Mao-tyylisen abacost-asun uudeksi kansallispuvuksi. Sanotaan, että Mobutu itse oli kuitenkin parhaiten pukeutunut diktaattori sitten Mussolinin. Ihmisenä Mobutua voisi kuvailla vaikka äiti Teresan vastakohdaksi. Hänen valtakautensa Kongon eli Zairen johdossa oli täynnä mahdollisuuksia, jotka hän myös käytti - omaksi hyväkseen. Mobutu kansallisti yksityisen omaisuuden, muun muassa tuottoisat timantti- ja kuparikaivokset, jotka hän sitten piti itse tai lahjoitti sukulaisilleen ja liittolaisilleen. Näin Mobutusta tuli yksi maailman rikkaimmista ihmisistä. Hänen omaisuutensa arvo vuonna 1980 oli arviolta reilut neljä miljardia euroa. Sanotaankin, että Mobutu antoi aina kaikkensa, saadakseen lisää. Raha oli Mobutu Sese Sekolle rakkainta, mutta ei hän henkilökulttiakaan vierastanut. Mobutulla oli käytettävissään valtavan paljon enemmän rahaa kuin useimmilla yksinvaltiailla ja niinpä hän huomasi että oli mukavampaa ja yleensä ainakin yhtä tehokasta ostaa, kuin nuijia ihmiset kuuliaisiksi. Mobutu oli myös aika mukavuudenhaluinen, eikä hän ilmeisesti sinänsä nauttinut tappamisesta tai tarpeettomasta piinaamisesta, mikä on aika monen diktaattorin innoittaja urallaan. Kyllä valta turmelee, mutta kyllä se väsyttääkin, kertoo toimittaja, tietokirjailija Hannu Pesonen. Toimittajana Raimo Tyykiluoto. Kuva: EPA, Kuvaaja Stf

Í þriðja þætti um sögu Kongó í Mið-Afríku er fjallað um valdatíð einræðisherrans Mobutu Sese Seko, sem nefndi landið Saír og gerði það gjaldþrota með eyðslusemi sinni, og vargöldina sem tók við af honum, þegar grannríki Kongó réðust inn í landið og komu af stað einni mannskæðustu styrjöld síðari ára.

While he was dictator he did the standard dictator stuff. He killed those who spoke out against him and with all the money at the top many of his people starved. Mobutu was spending billions of dollars on himself and his family. He would overpay his generals or other people that might want to overthrow him and underpay his soldiers, many of whom were forced to steal from civilians just so they could have money to eat.Mobutu also was one of the men who was instrumental in bringing the Rumble in the Jungle boxing match between Muhammad Ali and George Foreman to Zaire on the 30th of October 1974. According to the documentary When We Were Kings, promoter Don King promised each fighter US$5 million for the fight. Mobutu was the only one who was willing to fund such amounts. Mobutu, wanting to expand his country's image, put up the nation's money to do so. According to a quote in the film, Ali supposedly said: "Some countries go to war to get their names out there, and wars cost a lot more than $10 million."(MORE ON THE PODCAST)

On October 30, 1974, perhaps the most famous heavyweight championship boxing match of all time took place in Kinshasa, Zaire: the "Rumble in the Jungle" between champion George Foreman and challenger Muhammad Ali. In historical footage and new interviews, this documentary explores the relationship between African-Americans and the African continent during the Black Power era in terms of both popular culture and international politics, including the brutality of then-dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.

Podcast mensuel programmé et présenté par DJérôme Bosch. Durée: 60 Minutes. Podcast spécial dans le cadre de la Semaine Belge 2016 de Radio Rectangle Les Orgues de Gbadolite (une interview de Patrick Collon) Patrick Collon est facteur d'orgue à Bruxelles. En 1980, il construit un orgue à Gbadolite, dans la chapelle du palais de Mobutu au beau milieu de la jungle congolaise. 1. Lambarena : "Inongo" (d'après J-S Bach BWV 789) - 2. Orchestre Impala : "Mobutu Sese Seko" - 3. Lambarena : "Bombé" (d'après J-S Bach BWV 245) - 4. Tangerine Dream : "Sequent C" - (discours Mobutu juillet 1977) - 5. Joseph Kelemen : "Battaglia" (Johann Kaspar Kerll) - 6. Jimmy McGriff : "The Bird" - 7. Lambarena : "Jesus Bleibet Meine Freude" (J-S Bach) - 8. Popol Vuh : "Lacrime Di Re" - 9. Tangerine Dream : "Sequent C" - (texte RL Stevenson 1888) - 10. John Scofield : "Cryin' Time" - (texte RL Stevenson 1888) -

On this episode of Congolive, we were blessed to have with us in the studio a very special guest, Nzanga Mobutu, the son of the late Congolese president Mobutu Sese Seko. Being in the public life since birth, Nzanga took us on a journey to get a glimpse of his life as a political leader, an art collector and a father. Bio Nzanga Mobutu is the oldest surviving son of the former Congolese president Mobutu Sese Seko. Born on March 24, 1970 in Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo, Nzanga was educated in Belgium during his elementary and high school years. He graduated from Collège Saint-Vincent de Soignies with concentration in Economy. He received a degree in Arts and Sciences with concentration in Communications from Université de Montréal. He also received a degree in International Relations from American University in Paris. His political career started in 1996 as the communications adviser of the Executive Office of the President in the last days of the Mobutu Regime. He founded the political party UDEMO in 2006. That same year, he ran as a candidate in the Presidential Elections and placed fourth, with about 4.8% of the vote. He served in the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo under President Joseph Kabila from 2007 to 2011 as the Deputy Prime minister, Minister of Agriculture, Minister of Labor and Social Welfare. In November 2010, he walked away from his ministerial position given the long crisis between himself and President Kabila around transparency in government's affairs. Nzanga Mobutu is married to his childhood friend and sister of Jean Pierre Bemba, Catherine Bemba.They are parents to three beautiful children. A passionate of art, movies and politics, Nzanga loves to play soccer and tennis. Lately, he has become a fan of American basketball.

This is the first of a two part series in which Pod Academy's Paul Brister looks at the fundamentally new approach the UN appears to be taking to the crisis in the Kivu provinces in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In it he speaks to Dr Phil Clark, Reader in Comparative and International Politics, with reference to Africa, from The School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), to consider the causes behind the conflict; why the UN is changing tack and deploying an aggressive intervention Brigade; and what this brigade’s chances of success are. But first Paul explains the context.... The paradoxically named Congo Free State was famously the setting for Joseph Conrad’s The Heart of Darkness. The country has changed its name four times since then, but the title of Conrad’s novella seems as apt a description of the DRC today as it was then. Sat astride the equator and covered in jungle, the country receives high rainfalls – and has the highest frequency of thunderstorms in the world. Beset on all sides by countries that have themselves been ravaged by conflict – including Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, and South Sudan – armed rebel groups have repeatedly strayed across its porous borders, spilling conflict into the DRC and igniting war there. Following the Rwandan genocide in 1994 – which was perpetrated by the Hutu Interahamwe and republican guard – the Hutu regime in Rwanda was overthrown by the Tutsi rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Around two million Hutu refugees fled into neighbouring countries, including Zaire, as the DRC was then known. These refugees included many Hutu troops and militia members who had participated in the genocide, and who promptly proceeded to militarise refugee camps, which they used as bases to make incursions into Rwanda to bring down the new RPF-dominated government. This led to the First Congo War. By 1996, the RPF’s patience had run out. Allied with Uganda, Rwanda launched an invasion of Zaire in support of their favoured proxy force, the AFDL [Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo] led by Laurent-Désiré Kabila. The border refugee camps were rapidly flushed out and the fleeing Hutu militants pursued westwards. The regime of longstanding dictator Mobutu Sese Seko crumbled and Kinshasa was taken. In May 1997 Kabila pronounced himself president of the retitled Democratic Republic of Congo. Before long however, fearing that they were planning a coup, Kabila turned on his erstwhile military backers, ordering all foreign forces out of the country and forming an alliance with the very Hutu rebels he had previously fought. Withdrawing to the East, Rwanda and Uganda each established a new rebel group – [the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Democratie (RCD) and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC)]. The following year these two rebel groups and their backers attacked the DRC army igniting the Second Congo War. The ensuing conflict sucked in a further six African nations and as many as twenty non-state armed groups were involved, leading some to describe it as the African World War. Over five million people were killed, mostly from preventable diseases, and there was widespread use of rape and torture. By the time the war had officially ended in 2003, the country was on its knees. Despite its huge wealth in untapped mineral resources – which at some estimates are in excess of US$24 trillion – the DRC has the second lowest nominal GDP per capita in the world. The DRC also takes joint last place with Niger on the Human Development Index scale, scoring just 0.304. Measured in terms of life expectancy, literacy, education, standards of living, and quality of life, the lot of the Congolese is the most miserable in the world. So in this most troubled region, the DRC stands out among its peers as the most troubled. And in this shattered country, the provinces of North and South Kivu in the far east of the country stand out as the most woebegone.