Podcasts about foreign policy research institute fpri

Saheb and Suyash begin by laying out where the PLA stands today in terms of its strengths, weaknesses, and the factors driving its evolution. While the PLA has made major strides in modernizing across land, air, sea, space, and cyber, it still struggles with issues like deep-rooted corruption, a lack of well-trained personnel, and delays in meeting its own ambitious goals.The discussion dives into how the PLA is preparing for a potential Taiwan contingency through new mobilization efforts, localized recruitment (especially in border regions like Tibet), and more frequent joint military exercises. Suyash argues that despite these efforts, the PLA still isn't ready for a full-scale operation anytime soon. They also examine China's changing nuclear posture, including its gradual shift toward a “launch on warning” approach. Even though both India and China adhere to no-first-use policies, new developments in missile systems and strategic signaling are quietly reshaping the region's security dynamics.Finally, the episode looks at what all this means for India. With growing military capabilities on both sides, we may be entering a period of “armed coexistence”—a tense, yet controlled standoff that defines the new normal along the India–China border.Episode ContributorsSuyash Desai is a nonresident fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and a political scientist specializing in China's defense, foreign policies, and nuclear strategy. His research focuses on Chinese military affairs, security and foreign policy issues, nuclear strategy, India-China relations, and strategic and security developments in East Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Saheb Singh Chadha is a senior research analyst in the Security Studies Program at Carnegie India. His research focuses on China's foreign and security policies, India-China relations, and India's military modernization. He is broadly interested in the geopolitics of South Asia and the Indo-Pacific.Additional ReadingsViews From Taipei: Essays by Young Indian Scholars on China by Vijay Gokhale, Suyash Desai, Amit Kumar, and Aadil Brar Every two weeks, Interpreting India brings you diverse voices from India and around the world to explore the critical questions shaping the nation's future. We delve into how technology, the economy, and foreign policy intertwine to influence India's relationship with the global stage.As a Carnegie India production, hosted by Carnegie scholars, Interpreting India, a Carnegie India production, provides insightful perspectives and cutting-edge by tackling the defining questions that chart India's course through the next decade.Stay tuned for thought-provoking discussions, expert insights, and a deeper understanding of India's place in the world.Don't forget to subscribe, share, and leave a review to join the conversation and be part of Interpreting India's journey.

In this episode of Report in Short Aaron Schwartzbaum speaks with András Tóth-Czifra about his recent report, “The Kremlin's Balancing Act: The War's Impact On Regional Power Dynamics.” In the report, Tóth-Czifra explains the shift of government control, highlights instances of pushback, and identifies limitations on the Kremlin's strategy going forward.The Kremlin's centralization drive has manifested in several ways, including tightening control over regional and municipal political institutions, expanding financial control over regional budgets and policy priorities, nationalizing and indirectly mobilizing business assets, and introducing new priorities in personnel policy.These changes have created winners and losers, resulting in friction and resistance from regional elites who perceive their interests and autonomy as threatened. The sustainability of the Kremlin's strategy is uncertain, and risks intensifying tensions and worsening government instability.András Tóth-Czifra is a Fellow in the Eurasia Program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and contributing author for FPRI's Bear Market Brief. You can also read more of his analysis in No Yardstick. Get full access to FPRI Insights at fpriinsights.substack.com/subscribe

Ukrainians have resisted Russia's aggression for years. Since the full-scale invasion of their country in 2022, Ukrainian women in particular have taken on important roles on the frontlines, in civil society, and at home. Gražina Bielousova's research examines how Ukrainian leftist feminists advocate for their causes at home and abroad, facing distinct challenges as they attempt to defend their country. The Ukrainian case is also distinct from Latvia and Lithuania, whose organizing takes on different shapes for the same cause. Bielousova joins Ben Gardner-Gill to explain these interactions and discuss the ongoing process of decolonization in Baltic Studies.Transcript Ben Gardner-Gill: Hello, and welcome to Baltic Ways. I'm your co-host, Ben Gardner-Gill. Today we're talking with Gražina Belousova. Gražina is a feminist scholar of race, religion, and gender in post-Soviet Europe. She earned her PhD from Duke University in 2022. Currently, she is a postdoctoral scholar at Vilnius University's Institute of International Relations and Political Science and a researcher at Vytautas Magnus University.Her current research project focuses on leftist feminisms in East Europe in light of Russia's war against Ukraine, which will culminate in her first book, What's Left of Feminism in East Europe.Gražina, welcome to Baltic Ways.Gražina Belousova: Thank you so much for having me, Ben.BGG: So let's kick off by just hearing a little bit more about your background. I know you finished your PhD pretty recently. Could you tell us a little bit more about how you got into academia, sort of your research interests, and what you're working on at the moment?GB: Right. Yes, I just defended my PhD in 2022. It's hard to believe that it's been nearly three years now. In my PhD, I focused on historical matters. My PhD was in religion and cultural anthropology. And one of the things that I found missing when I was trying to theorize the part of the world that I call home and that most of the world calls Eastern Europe—I realized that I was lacking a solid theory that would bridge economics, anthropology, and religious studies.I wanted to understand how religious difference, especially perceived religious difference, played a role in creating the space that we call Eastern Europe today. And that took me to 18th and 19th century travel writings by Western travelers, oftentimes who were on an official mission, to the edges or to the depths of the Russian Empire.So I've read a lot of ambassadors' letters. I've read a lot of dispatches from St. Petersburg and Moscow, trying to understand how Westerners thought about that religious difference and how that thinking structured their understanding of what this place was and why it was different. What I tried to argue is actually that perceived religious difference was at the root of thinking of Eastern Europe as something different.Now, when I chose to embark on that topic, I had to put another topic aside, which was the question of very contemporary matters, the question of leftist political thought and feminism. At that point, it felt to me more pertinent to write the kind of theory that I felt was missing. When I was given the opportunity to pursue a postdoctoral position at Vilnius University Institute of International Relations and Political Science, I pitched this idea to them.And we very quickly pulled together the application. And the next thing I knew, I was embarking on a project on leftist feminisms in Eastern Europe in light of the war in Ukraine. So, the path was windy, but here I am today, knees and elbows deep, in the project on leftist feminism.BGG: Wonderful. I mean, a windy path is going to be familiar to so many people listening.So, no surprise and no surprise as well that the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine has really impacted your work and your life as it has for many of us. So tell us a little bit more about that.Over the last three years, we've been watching and seeing the horrors in Ukraine. From your perspective, from your academic work, what are some of the main things that you're looking at?GB: One of the things that I'm particularly interested in is the way that groups that are on the edges of society, on the margins of society, such as leftists, such as feminists, and especially leftist feminists—when the two come together and try to articulate their social and political vision and explain to themselves and to their fellow compatriots and oftentimes foreign donors, in my case, also Western leftist feminists, their relevance, how they're trying to articulate their position.War has a penchant for heightening nationalist tendencies. And this is not some kind of particular Eastern European pathology. War anywhere is going to produce these results. That is normal. People defend themselves and articulate themselves on the basis on which they're being attacked, on the basis on which they're being bombed.So this is what we are seeing in Ukraine. Leftism in Eastern Europe, because of the Soviet past, is often associated with Soviet nostalgia. Feminism, on the other hand, is oftentimes seen as something antithetical to national identity, something that is imported from the West, and something that either has no relevance or can be dangerous, especially when questions of national unity, questions of national defense come about.That is one of the reasons why I embarked on this journey, and this is one of the reasons why Ukraine had to be part of this picture. Because while the other countries that I'm looking at—Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Moldova—experience the threat of invasion, Ukraine is under attack.And one of the things that I'm finding is that Ukrainian leftist feminists are incredibly resourceful and incredibly gifted at articulating their relevance.One of the things that I'm going to say that stems from that understanding of leftist feminism that's erroneous, but that's pervasive, is that Ukrainian leftist feminists do not debate the legitimacy of the Ukrainian state. What is in question is the way things are happening under the conditions of war.The questions of most vulnerable people—so questions of what happens with people with disabilities, questions of what happens to single mothers, questions of what happens to the elderly people who are maybe unable to evacuate, questions of what happens to the working class people—all of these things are at the forefront of their minds. They're trying to be the advocates of their pleas to the larger society, while at the same time trying to articulate Ukraine's right to self-defense to Western leftist feminists.BGG: So they have both this tension, maybe tension is the wrong word, tell me if it isn't, but they have this tension internally where they're trying to advocate for what they see as justice or what is right with a domestic audience who, understandably, may be more frequently focused on what's happening at the front lines.And then there's also this international question, the foreign audience for these Ukrainian leftist feminists, who have a very different perspective on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. And I specifically use that verbiage instead of Russia's invasion of Ukraine because they're going to think about it very differently.So let's split those out a little bit, and I want to start with the domestic. You talked about the advocacy of these leftist feminists for the most marginalized groups in society, for those who are most vulnerable.In your view, where have they been most successful, perhaps? Where have they seen actual progress happen from their advocacy?GB: One of the things that immediately comes to mind, and many of my interlocutors were directly involved with, is the nurses' movement–the unionization and self-organization of the nurses.There is a movement called Be Like Nina, referring to one of the nurses seen as a pioneer of resisting exploitation. And, of course, under the conditions of war, the labor of nurses is incredibly valuable and needed, but not always appropriately compensated. This is what we can call essential labor, especially when we talk about the front lines, where people are wounded.Many of them are wounded very badly on a daily basis. However, there are other things that are happening in the background as well. While a lot of the resources are pulled to the front, there are people who are experiencing regular daily struggles with their health. And the nurses are being stretched very thin.And this was something that was really amazing to me. This was really one of the very few instances where I saw academics who are leftist feminists actually touching the ground with their ideas: where they got involved with helping the nurses organize, but not taking the center stage, where they acted as support, as a resource, but not overtaking the movement, rather creating the conditions under which nurses themselves could articulate what it was that they needed, what their goals were.And that was incredibly impressive to me because healthcare is severely underfunded across the whole region, and to achieve such tangible goals as wage increases and regulations that empower nurses to do their job was truly impressive. With every conversation with a woman—because I specifically talk only to women—I just felt sheer amazement, because this is so contrary to so many imaginations of what civil society, self-organization, or networks are like in Eastern Europe.This is so contrary to what some have called ‘uncivil' society. What is happening is really self-organization and civil society at its best, organized by women who are oftentimes stretched very thin, not just at work, but also at home, women whose husbands are potentially on the front lines.So to me, I really cannot think of anything else that, in terms of real life impact and in terms of transforming people's lives, has been grander (I'm going to go for that word) than this.BGG: That's remarkable, and thank you for bringing that. I had very little idea of this progress and this happening.So you use the term civil society, which I think is quite apt, and Western conceptions of civil society in the region that we call Eastern Europe can be highly misguided. Let's just put it like that. I think back to a webinar that the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS) hosted on Ukrainian civil society, democratization, responses to the war, and we have this comparative Ukrainian and Baltic perspective, where we looked at how Ukrainian civil society was responding.We looked at how Baltic civil society was responding, and you're doing something similar in your research here. You're looking at Latvia and Lithuania as two of the other case studies, in addition to Poland, Moldova, and, of course, Ukraine. One thing that I think we can all observe just from watching the news, let alone being in the countries as well, is that civil society across the region has had this really robust response in the last few years.So could you speak a little bit more to that in the comparative cases outside of Ukraine that you're looking at in your research, especially Latvia and Lithuania?GB: For sure. I think that in order to theorize civil society and the region in general, we need better theory than has been used often to talk about civil society at large.Here, for example, I'm thinking about Emily Channel Justice and her work and the way that she articulates the notion of self-organization. The way that she thinks about Ukraine, especially in the context of Maidan. The way that it left a self-organization, but that can be applied also to any form of civil society, regardless of ideology, is really a network of decentralized, self-organized people's groups.If you were to look for some kind of central organizing pattern, or some kind of centralized way of doing things, most likely you're not going to find it because it's based on personal network, connections, and localized issues. And I think that's definitely something that I'm seeing in Ukraine.One of the things that I'm seeing in Lithuania and Latvia is that it's going to differ slightly because there are going to be more central organizing figures. If we talk about organizing support for Ukraine, one of the things that we're going to see is that people are going to point to nationwide initiatives.Right now in Lithuania, there is an initiative called Radarum, which is a play on words, on radar and on darom, which is a Lithuanian word for let's do it. And it's a nationwide initiative to collect funds to purchase drones and anti-drone equipment for Ukraine. And there are particular faces that we associate with this initiative.National television is running ads for it. So there's a little bit more of a centralized sense to it. But once again, I would say that this is the mainstream way of organizing civil society, which, of course, with Westernization, has taken on some of the patterns that are similar to the West.If we look towards the left, we're going to see very much that it is self-organized, small groups of people who take different initiatives, such as raising funds for medical care, such as raising funds for queer people in Ukraine. So the more mainstream we go, the more patterns that are akin to those that we see in the West we're going to see.That is also going to be true in Latvia. The further left we go, the more organic, grassroots, self-organized cells of people we're going to find who participate in smaller, less visible initiatives. So that's probably the best way that I can explain the difference.BGG: Got it. We see this distinction of centralization and decentralization.One could consider these different types of movements organic in their own ways, but different in different ways. When one thinks of leftist organizing, which has a long and rich history, organic is sort of one of the key words.It's perpetual, and these society-wide initiatives, like what's currently going on in Lithuania, that we've seen across other countries over the last few years, are maybe a little bit less frequent and less common. So there's an important distinction there.So I want to pivot to the international dimension of how the Ukrainian leftist feminists are talking, especially with Western counterparts. And by Western, we mean Western Europe. We mean American and Canadian. We mean Western, as in not Eastern Europe. So could you talk a little bit about the challenges they're facing there?I think I alluded to it earlier. You alluded to it earlier, but could you dive a little bit more into that discourse, that dialogue between the Ukrainians and their counterparts?GB: This is the main point of contention. What does it mean to be leftist? How much does local experience shape being leftist?What is the relationship of the left to the national question? And I think this is where we are seeing the real tension. Underlying this tension, of course, is the question of Russia. Let me try to unpack this. And I'm going to start from the other end than I listed, which is with the question of Russia.Eastern European in general, and Ukrainian in particular, leftist feminists have a very different understanding as to what Russia is in terms of geopolitics than the Western counterparts are going to have. This stems from very different histories. Western leftism—especially the new wave of leftism that arose in the sixties and the seventies—in many ways has redefined itself not just through the questions of class, which I would argue were lost to some extent. They lost their centrality.And they redefined themselves through the anti-colonial, anti-racist struggle. And that struggle was particularly important because after the fall of the formal colonial system, the colonial patterns of economic exploitation, of social exploitation, of brain drain still very much persisted. And naming that and defining themselves against Western neoimperialism or neocolonialism in the Global South was one of the most defining features of the Left, both in the Global South and in the West. Now, Russia at that time had positioned itself as the ally of the colonized countries. And some of it was pure show, and some of it was actual money, resources, and help that were sent, for example, to Angola. And that made a real difference. Whether that was genuine concern for the colonized people or whether that was an ideological tool is a matter of debate.Whatever it was, it had a profound impact on the way that Western leftists relate to Russia. They continue to see Russia out of that tradition, in many ways, as an ally against Western capitalism and imperialism. Their empire, against which they define themselves, continues to be in the West, and oftentimes is seen as centered on the United States.The empire against which we define ourselves in Eastern Europe is Russia, because Russia was the colonizing power in a very real sense in the region. It was our empire that subjugated us. It was the colonial power that engaged in just about every single practice in which any colonial power engages in the region.For us, if we think outside of ourselves, Russia continues to be the colonial power in the way that it relates to Central Asia, in the way that it relates to the indigenous people of Siberia, in the way that it continues to conduct business. So both the left in the West and the left in the East continue to define themselves against the empire, but disagree on who the empire is.The fundamental difference is the question of Russia. Because of the way that Western leftists, and particularly Western leftist feminists, have been taught to see the world, the way that they have been habituated to see the world, they're unable to see Russia as an aggressor. They're unable to change their narrative about how NATO might act.And of course, the criticisms of continued Western abuses of power, especially when they center on the United States—such as Afghanistan or such as Iraq, but also here in the European context, intra-European context, Serbia is another context in which that comes up—are highly debatable questions, but they're seen a certain way. They're understood in a certain way by Western leftists. And because of Russia's criticism of the West, Western leftists see it as a natural ally, or at least as an equally guilty party.BGG: That's a really great explanation. I think the way that you've laid that out makes a lot of sense.It also harkens back to where I want to bring this, which is the debate that has been going on in Baltic studies and other academic fields, especially those focusing on the region, about thinking about Baltic history in particular as a colonial history and thinking about what it means to decolonize Baltic studies as a field, to decolonize our academic thinking. There have been a lot of discussions.I know that we were in the same room at the AABS panel at Yale last year on that fantastic panel about decolonization. Where do you think this leads with regard to your research specifically? There's already this trend in this field. I get the sense that you are an advocate and moving forward in land seeking for the field as a whole to move in that direction.What do you think the next steps are? What paths do you think could be taken? What do people need to be thinking about that they may not already be thinking about?GB: Well, I think for me, the key question when we are talking about Baltic studies and decolonization is what is it that we talk about when we talk about decolonizing Baltic studies or Baltic countries?Because I think sometimes we're talking about four different things. We are talking about the question of colonialism and coloniality. That's one. We are talking about imperialism, Russian imperialism, and Russian imperiality. We are talking about Russification and what it means to de-Russify. And we are also talking about Sovietization and what it means to de-Sovietize.And I would argue that while these four concepts are very much interrelated, they have very different agendas. So, I think it's a question of definitions. How do we define what our agenda is? Which of the four do we have in mind when we talk about decolonizing Baltic countries, Baltic studies, or anything else?And I would say that each of the four has its place and is significant. But the flip side of that, especially if we stay with the question of decolonization, is the question of Western theory, practice, and scholarship as it relates to Baltic studies. Because if we go back to the early questions in the conversation of what is civil society and whether there is a civil society, Baltic countries and the region as a whole are pathologized.Because the concept of what civil society is, or is not, was based on Western understandings and Western practices. And it rendered civil society in the region invisible. In what ways does the production of scholarship and knowledge about the region continue to be based in very unequal power relationships, in such a way that it continues to pathologize the region?And these are very uncomfortable questions, because much like, you know, in the late eighteenth century when the Lithuanian Polish Commonwealth was divided between the three powers, we're facing the same question: Who is our ally? Because we have learned that Russia is definitely not, but the West is also a problematic ally.This is where I think the question of what it means to center the study of the region in the theory, in the practice, in the questions that actually originate from the ground up, are so important. And I'm not ditching all Western scholarship out the window. That would be throwing the baby out with the bathwater.But I'm saying, what does it mean to balance? What does it mean to center? What does it mean to change the parameters of the conversation?BGG: Those are some weighty questions. I think they're good questions that the field is, I would say not even starting to engage with, but is engaging with, which is really excellent, but it's a long path.As anyone who is a scholar of decolonization will tell you, it doesn't happen overnight. It doesn't happen over a decade. It's sort of a continuous process. So, I think that is where we're going to have to leave it, knowing that there is so much more we could have talked about. But, Gražina, thank you so much.This has been a fascinating conversation. Thank you for joining Baltic Ways.GB: Thank you so much for having me, Ben. It's been a privilege.BGG: Thank you for listening to this episode of Baltic Ways, a co-production of the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies and the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). A note that the views expressed in this and every Baltic Ways episode do not necessarily reflect those of AABS or FPRI.To ensure you catch the next episode of Baltic Ways, make sure you're subscribed to your podcast feed or wherever you get your shows. Thanks so much, and we'll see you next time. Get full access to FPRI Insights at fpriinsights.substack.com/subscribe

Ben Gardner-Gill sits down with Lithuanian political scientist Andžej Pukšto to talk about the results of the 2024 European elections, with a focus on two Baltic members of the European Commission: Kaja Kallas of Estonia and Andrius Kubilius of Lithuania. Both former prime ministers, Kallas and Kubilius have unique challenges ahead of them as Russia's war in Ukraine continues. Kallas will lead EU foreign policy, and Kubilius will be the first-ever EU Commissioner for Defense and Space. Pukšto shines a light on what they'll prioritize, what advantages they have entering their new jobs, and how they might overcome the roadblocks ahead.Baltic Ways is brought to you by the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS), produced in partnership with the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). The views and opinions expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the official position of AABS or FPRI.

Ben Gardner-Gill sits down with Lithuanian political scientist Andžej Pukšto to talk about the results of the 2024 European elections, with a focus on two Baltic members of the European Commission: Kaja Kallas of Estonia and Andrius Kubilius of Lithuania. Both former prime ministers, Kallas and Kubilius have unique challenges ahead of them as Russia's war in Ukraine continues. Kallas will lead EU foreign policy, and Kubilius will be the first-ever EU Commissioner for Defense and Space. Pukšto shines a light on what they'll prioritize, what advantages they have entering their new jobs, and how they might overcome the roadblocks ahead. Baltic Ways is brought to you by the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS), produced in partnership with the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). The views and opinions expressed in this podcast are those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the official position of AABS or FPRI. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit fpribalticinitiative.substack.com

Aro Velmet is an associate professor of history at the University of Southern California, where he is a historian of modern Europe, colonialism, science, technology, and medicine with an overarching interest in gender studies. For Baltic Ways, he shares insights into the progression of LGBTQ+ rights in Estonia and the broader region and the path that has led to legislative change over the past decade.   Mentioned in this episode:Velmet, A. (2019). Sovereignty after Gender Trouble: Language, Reproduction, and Supranationalism in Estonia, 1980–2017. Journal of the History of Ideas 80(3), 455-478. Põldsam, Rebeka, et al. Kalevi Alt Välja: LGBT+ Inimeste Lugusid 19. Ja 20. Sajandi Eestist. Eesti LGBT Ühing : Rahva Raamat, 2023.Elisarion: Elisàr von Kupffer and Jaanus Samma at the Kumu Art Museum in Tallinn Irina Roldugina, UCIS Postdoctoral Fellow, History, Slavic Languages and LiteratureBaltic Ways is a podcast brought to you by the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS), produced in partnership with the Baltic Initiative at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). The views and opinions expressed in this podcast are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of AABS or FPRI. 

Die Ukraine braucht im Kampf gegen Russland derzeit nichts dringender als Munition - und Geld, um ihren kriegsgeplagten Staatshaushalt zu stabilisieren. Ein britischer Politologe schlägt vor, russisches Vermögen in ukrainische Kriegsanleihen zu investieren. Ganz legal. Deutsche Bedenken wischt er weg.Mit? Maximilian Hess, Fellow am Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) und Gründer der politischen Risikofirma Enmetena Advisory in LondonSie haben Fragen? Schreiben Sie eine E-Mail an podcasts@ntv.de oder an Christian HerrmannSie wollen keine Folge mehr verpassen? Dann abonnieren Sie "Wieder was gelernt" als Push-Nachricht in der ntv App oder bei RTL+ Musik, Amazon Music, Apple Podcasts, Spotify oder über den RSS-FeedSie möchten uns unterstützen? Dann bewerten Sie den Podcast gerne bei Apple Podcasts oder Spotify.Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.htmlUnsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Mire megépül a Budapest-Belgrád vasút, már mindenki másfelé szállít G7     2024-01-24 04:33:01     Életmód Szerbia Beruházás Belgrád Már 800 milliárd forint felett jár a beruházás költsége, ami annyira megnehezíti a déli irányú vasúti fuvarozást, hogy félő, az elkészülte után sem áll helyre még a korábbi forgalom sem. Az eBay kirúgja ezer dolgozóját, mert már nem pörög úgy az online kereskedelem Telex     2024-01-24 06:07:14     Gazdaság Koronavírus Járvány eBay A koronavírus-járvány alatt a techcégek felduzzasztották létszámaikat, de miután lanyhult a vásárlási kedv, a sok dolgozó csak a veszteségeket növelte. Lassan összeáll a kép: tényleg betiltották a lakásárcsökkentést Magyarországon? Pénzcentrum     2024-01-24 05:25:00     Ingatlan Kína Sokan állítanak párhuzamot a mostani lakáspiaci helyzet és a 2008-as devizhitelválság okozta ingatlankrízis között, de a Pénzcentrumnak nyilatkozó szakértők szerint nem teljesen ugyanarról a jelenségről van szó. Cikkünkben annak is utánajártunk, vonható-e párhuzam a magyar és a kínai lakáspiaci helyzet között: Balásy Zsolt elemző ugyanis korábban a A NATO-főtitkár felszólította Magyarországot, hogy kövesse Törökország példáját, és hagyja jóvá Svédország NATO-csatlakozását 444.hu     2024-01-24 06:32:19     Külföld Törökország NATO Svédország Jens Stoltenberg reméli, hogy a magyar országgyűlés "a lehető leghamarabb" lezárja az ügyet. Egyelőre nem tágítanak az orosz zsoldosok Moszkva gazdasági hátországából – De ez egyre nagyobb kihívás Portfolio     2024-01-24 06:29:00     Külföld Ukrajna Moszkva Afrika Prigozsin Oroszország hagyományosan erős szereplőnek számít az afrikai kontinensen, pozícióit az ukrajnai inváziót követően is igyekezett tovább erősíteni. Jevgenyij Prigozsin orosz zsoldosvezér halálát követően úgy tűnt, hogy az orosz érdekeltségek vezető hiányában eljelentéktelendnek, vagy kiszorítják őket. A Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) elemzé Romániából jön a Ford új családi autója Vezess     2024-01-24 05:54:01     Autó-motor Románia Spanyolország Barcelona Ford A tavalyi év utolsó hónapjaiban végre elindult a legújabb Ford kishaszonjárművének gyártása. A teljesen új alapokra épített Couriert családi autóként és furgonként próbáltuk ki Barcelona mellett. Antony Blinken 45 millió dollár biztonsági célú támogatást jelentett be Nyugat-Afrikának Magyar Hírlap     2024-01-23 23:22:00     Külföld Afrika A 45 millió dolláros új finanszírozás az Egyesült Államok által az elmúlt két évben Nyugat-Afrikába befektetett 300 millió dolláros pénzügyi támogatást egészíti ki. BTC előrejelzés: Népszerű az ETF, a bitcoin értéke mégis esni fog BitcoinBázis     2024-01-24 06:17:40     Modern Gazdaság Kriptovaluta Virtuális pénz Bitcoin Ahogy arra számítani lehetett, a spot Bitcoin ETF engedélyezése után a bitcoin értéke negatív irányba fordult. Írásunk idején így az Elkezdesz egy új karriert, de máris egy másik érdekel? Akkor van egy jó hírünk! Noizz     2024-01-24 06:00:00     Életmód egyetem Az egyetemi szakválasztás és a munkaerőpiac is a specialistáknak kedvez, de mi a helyzet azokkal, akiknek nincs egy hivatása? A folyton új dolgokba fogó, mindenhez is értő ezermesterek azonban nem kókler Mekk Elekek, hanem értékes készségekkel bíró modern polihisztorok: multipotenciálisok. Keresztespókból él a legtöbb a magyar kertekben Sokszínű vidék     2024-01-24 06:15:04     Otthon Lezárult a pókfajokat és a biológiai sokféleséget vizsgáló citizen science kutatás első éve. Tényleg az uniós átlag felét költi Magyarország az egészségügyre? Euronews     2024-01-24 06:00:48     Belföld Megnéztük a számokat, és kiderült, hogy valójában még ennél is kevesebbet. Az igazi probléma azonban nem az, hogy a fejlett országok által erősen felhúzott átlaghoz képest rosszul teljesítünk, hanem az, hogy akármelyik finanszírozási mutatót nézzük, Magyarország az utolsók között van az EU-ban. Férfi kézilabda Eb 2024: Elverték a címvédőt! 24.hu     2024-01-24 03:47:40     Kézilabda Svédország Kézilabda Nem ezen múlt a továbbjutás, de nem lesznek rá büszkék a svédek. Megvan az első elődöntős a spanyol Király-kupában Sportal     2024-01-23 23:35:29     Foci Spanyolország Király Kupa A Real Sociedad 21-re legyőzte idegenben a Celta Vigót a spanyol Király-kupa negyeddöntőjében, így első csapatként bejutott a legjobb négy közé. A Dunántúlra beköszönt a tavasz, északkeleten viszont még kitart a tél Kiderül     2024-01-24 05:06:43     Időjárás Tavasz Csapadék Írország Szerdán az írek által Jocelyn névre keresztelt ciklon meleg- és hidegfrontja is megérkezik hazánkba, csapadékot és erős szelet hozva magával. A további adásainkat keresd a podcast.hirstart.hu oldalunkon.

Mire megépül a Budapest-Belgrád vasút, már mindenki másfelé szállít G7     2024-01-24 04:33:01     Életmód Szerbia Beruházás Belgrád Már 800 milliárd forint felett jár a beruházás költsége, ami annyira megnehezíti a déli irányú vasúti fuvarozást, hogy félő, az elkészülte után sem áll helyre még a korábbi forgalom sem. Az eBay kirúgja ezer dolgozóját, mert már nem pörög úgy az online kereskedelem Telex     2024-01-24 06:07:14     Gazdaság Koronavírus Járvány eBay A koronavírus-járvány alatt a techcégek felduzzasztották létszámaikat, de miután lanyhult a vásárlási kedv, a sok dolgozó csak a veszteségeket növelte. Lassan összeáll a kép: tényleg betiltották a lakásárcsökkentést Magyarországon? Pénzcentrum     2024-01-24 05:25:00     Ingatlan Kína Sokan állítanak párhuzamot a mostani lakáspiaci helyzet és a 2008-as devizhitelválság okozta ingatlankrízis között, de a Pénzcentrumnak nyilatkozó szakértők szerint nem teljesen ugyanarról a jelenségről van szó. Cikkünkben annak is utánajártunk, vonható-e párhuzam a magyar és a kínai lakáspiaci helyzet között: Balásy Zsolt elemző ugyanis korábban a A NATO-főtitkár felszólította Magyarországot, hogy kövesse Törökország példáját, és hagyja jóvá Svédország NATO-csatlakozását 444.hu     2024-01-24 06:32:19     Külföld Törökország NATO Svédország Jens Stoltenberg reméli, hogy a magyar országgyűlés "a lehető leghamarabb" lezárja az ügyet. Egyelőre nem tágítanak az orosz zsoldosok Moszkva gazdasági hátországából – De ez egyre nagyobb kihívás Portfolio     2024-01-24 06:29:00     Külföld Ukrajna Moszkva Afrika Prigozsin Oroszország hagyományosan erős szereplőnek számít az afrikai kontinensen, pozícióit az ukrajnai inváziót követően is igyekezett tovább erősíteni. Jevgenyij Prigozsin orosz zsoldosvezér halálát követően úgy tűnt, hogy az orosz érdekeltségek vezető hiányában eljelentéktelendnek, vagy kiszorítják őket. A Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) elemzé Romániából jön a Ford új családi autója Vezess     2024-01-24 05:54:01     Autó-motor Románia Spanyolország Barcelona Ford A tavalyi év utolsó hónapjaiban végre elindult a legújabb Ford kishaszonjárművének gyártása. A teljesen új alapokra épített Couriert családi autóként és furgonként próbáltuk ki Barcelona mellett. Antony Blinken 45 millió dollár biztonsági célú támogatást jelentett be Nyugat-Afrikának Magyar Hírlap     2024-01-23 23:22:00     Külföld Afrika A 45 millió dolláros új finanszírozás az Egyesült Államok által az elmúlt két évben Nyugat-Afrikába befektetett 300 millió dolláros pénzügyi támogatást egészíti ki. BTC előrejelzés: Népszerű az ETF, a bitcoin értéke mégis esni fog BitcoinBázis     2024-01-24 06:17:40     Modern Gazdaság Kriptovaluta Virtuális pénz Bitcoin Ahogy arra számítani lehetett, a spot Bitcoin ETF engedélyezése után a bitcoin értéke negatív irányba fordult. Írásunk idején így az Elkezdesz egy új karriert, de máris egy másik érdekel? Akkor van egy jó hírünk! Noizz     2024-01-24 06:00:00     Életmód egyetem Az egyetemi szakválasztás és a munkaerőpiac is a specialistáknak kedvez, de mi a helyzet azokkal, akiknek nincs egy hivatása? A folyton új dolgokba fogó, mindenhez is értő ezermesterek azonban nem kókler Mekk Elekek, hanem értékes készségekkel bíró modern polihisztorok: multipotenciálisok. Keresztespókból él a legtöbb a magyar kertekben Sokszínű vidék     2024-01-24 06:15:04     Otthon Lezárult a pókfajokat és a biológiai sokféleséget vizsgáló citizen science kutatás első éve. Tényleg az uniós átlag felét költi Magyarország az egészségügyre? Euronews     2024-01-24 06:00:48     Belföld Megnéztük a számokat, és kiderült, hogy valójában még ennél is kevesebbet. Az igazi probléma azonban nem az, hogy a fejlett országok által erősen felhúzott átlaghoz képest rosszul teljesítünk, hanem az, hogy akármelyik finanszírozási mutatót nézzük, Magyarország az utolsók között van az EU-ban. Férfi kézilabda Eb 2024: Elverték a címvédőt! 24.hu     2024-01-24 03:47:40     Kézilabda Svédország Kézilabda Nem ezen múlt a továbbjutás, de nem lesznek rá büszkék a svédek. Megvan az első elődöntős a spanyol Király-kupában Sportal     2024-01-23 23:35:29     Foci Spanyolország Király Kupa A Real Sociedad 21-re legyőzte idegenben a Celta Vigót a spanyol Király-kupa negyeddöntőjében, így első csapatként bejutott a legjobb négy közé. A Dunántúlra beköszönt a tavasz, északkeleten viszont még kitart a tél Kiderül     2024-01-24 05:06:43     Időjárás Tavasz Csapadék Írország Szerdán az írek által Jocelyn névre keresztelt ciklon meleg- és hidegfrontja is megérkezik hazánkba, csapadékot és erős szelet hozva magával. A további adásainkat keresd a podcast.hirstart.hu oldalunkon.

Welcome to my new Series "can you talk real quick?" This is a short, efficiently produced conversation with someone who knows stuff about things that are happening and who will let me record a quick chat to help us all better understand an issue in the news or our lives as well as connect with each other around something that might be unfolding in real time.  Stand Up is a daily podcast. I book,host,edit, post and promote new episodes with brilliant guests every day.  Please subscribe now for as little as 5$ and gain access to a community of over 700 awesome, curious, kind, funny, brilliant, generous souls I just spoke to Dr Colin Clarke at The Soufan Center about their brand new report on The Wagner Group Wagner Group: The Evolution Of A Private Army Colin P. Clarke is a Senior Research Fellow at The Soufan Center. He is the Director of Research at The Soufan Group, where his research focuses on domestic and transnational terrorism, international security, and geopolitics. Prior to joining The Soufan Group, Clarke was a professor at Carnegie Mellon University, and a senior political scientist at the RAND Corporation, where he spent a decade researching terrorism, insurgency, and criminal networks. At RAND, Clarke led studies on ISIS financing, the future of terrorism and transnational crime, and lessons learned from all insurgencies since the end of the World War II. Clarke is also an Associate Fellow at the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) – The Hague, a non-resident Senior Fellow in the Program on National Security at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), an Associate Fellow at the Global Network on Extremism and Technology (GNET), and a member of the “Network of Experts” at the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. Clarke serves as part of the research advisory council at the RESOLVE Network and is a member of the advisory board at the International Counter-Terrorism Review (ICTR). He serves on the editorial board of three of the leading scholarly journals in the field of terrorism studies, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Terrorism and Political Violence, and Perspectives on Terrorism. Clarke has testified before Congress on numerous occasions as an expert witness on a range of terrorism-related issues, appears frequently in the media to discuss national security-related matters, and has published several books on terrorism, including his most recent, After the Caliphate: The Islamic State and the Future Terrorist Diaspora. Clarke has briefed his research at a range of national and international security forums, including the U.S. Army War College, US Air Force Special Operations School, Society for Terrorism Research International Conference, the Global Counterterrorism Forum (GCTF) and the Counter ISIS Financing Group (CIFG), which is part of the Global Coalition to Defeat ISIS. In 2011, he spent several months as an analyst with Combined Joint Interagency Task Force-Shafafiyat at ISAF headquarters in Kabul, Afghanistan, working for General H.R. McMaster, the former U.S. National Security Advisor, where he was responsible for analyzing criminal patronage networks in Afghanistan and how these networks fueled the insurgency. Clarke has a Ph.D. in international security policy from the University of Pittsburgh's Graduate School of Public and International Affairs (GSPIA). Pete on Tik Tok Pete on YouTube  Pete on Twitter Pete On Instagram Pete Personal FB page Stand Up with Pete FB page All things Jon Carroll  Follow and Support Pete Coe

In this episode of Lowy Institute Conversations, Project Director and Research Fellow Dr Jennifer Hsu talks with Dr Max Grömping and Professor Jessica Teets to explore how lobbying by civil society organisations works in an authoritarian context. Using case studies from China, Russia, Belarus, Cambodia, Malaysia, Montenegro, Turkey and Zimbabwe, Lobbying the Autocrat explores how citizen advocacy organisations carve out niches in the authoritarian policy process, even influencing policy outcomes. Dr Max Grömping is senior lecturer at the School of Government and International Relations at Griffith University (Australia). His research interests include lobbying and advocacy in different political regime contexts, disinformation, and electoral integrity. He previously worked as lecturer at Heidelberg University (Germany), research associate at the University of Sydney (Australia), and instructor in international relations at Thammasat University (Thailand). Max is an affiliate of the International Panel on the Information Environment (IPIE), and associate editor for the journal Democratization. His work has been published in academic journals such as Political Communication, Governance, Party Politics, and Policy Sciences, among others. Professor Jessica C. Teets is Professor of Political Science at Middlebury College and Templeton Fellow for the Asia Program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). Her research focuses on governance in authoritarian regimes, especially the role of civic participation. She is the author of Civil Society Under Authoritarianism: The China Model (Cambridge University Press, 2014), editor (with William Hurst) of Local Governance Innovation in China: Experimentation, Diffusion, and Defiance (Routledge Contemporary China Series, 2014), and editor (with Max Grömping) of Lobbying the Autocrat: The Dynamics of Policy Advocacy in Nondemocracies (University of Michigan Press, 2023).See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

TIR speaks to Selim Koru about the Turkish election! Selim Koru is an analyst at the Ankara-based Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV) and a fellow at the Philadelphia-based Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). He writes about Turkish politics in outlets such as The New York Times and War on the Rocks. He also writes Kültürkampf, a Substack newsletter on Turkey's political culture. https://kulturkampftr.substack.com/   About TIR Thank you for supporting the show! Remember to like and subscribe on YouTube. Also, consider supporting us on Patreon at https://www.patreon.com/join/BitterLakePresents   Check out our official merch store at https://www.thisisrevolutionpodcast.com/   Also, follow us on... https://podcasts.apple.com/.../this-is.../id1524576360 www.youtube.com/thisisrevolutionpodcast www.twitch.tv/thisisrevolutionpodcast www.twitch.tv/leftflankvets https://www.facebook.com/Thisisrevolutionpodcast/ Instagram: @thisisrevolutionoakland   Follow the TIR Crüe on Twitter: @TIRShowOakland @djenebajalan @DrKuba2 @probert06 @StefanBertramL @MarcusHereMeow   Read Jason's column in Sublation Magazine: https://www.sublationmag.com/writers/jason-myles 

In early February 2022, as Russia massed more than 100,000 troops on the border with Ukraine, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán traveled to Moscow on what he described as a “peace mission.” Standing alongside Vladimir Putin at a press conference, Orbán urged other Western countries to adopt a “Hungarian model” of relations with Russia — one supposedly based on “mutual respect.” Just a few weeks later, the Kremlin launched a full-scale invasion of Hungary's neighbor, Ukraine.  For Orbán and his government, the invasion came as a shock. And for a brief moment, it seemed as though Budapest would finally reverse its longstanding pro-Kremlin stance. But instead, Hungarian officials have opted to walk the line, supporting round after round of EU sanctions against Russia and welcoming more than 2.1 million Ukrainian refugees, while also blocking the passage of weapons through Hungarian territory to Ukraine, brandishing their EU veto power, and refusing to forsake Russian energy imports.  To find out more about Russian influence in Hungary and its impact on the Orbán government's response to the war in Ukraine, The Naked Pravda sat down with three expert guests.  Timestamps for this episode: (1:36) Journalist Szabolcs Panyi from the Budapest-based investigative outlet Direkt36 on the money trail coming from Moscow and uncovering Russian espionage in Hungary.  (10:44) Andras Tóth-Czifra, a non-resident fellow at the Center for European Policy Analysis (CEPA) and the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), on Hungary's response to Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.  (14:14) Zsuzsanna Vegh, a visiting fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the United States and a lecturer and researcher at European University Viadrina, on how the Orbán government's business-as-usual Russia policy puts Hungary at odds with its European partners. 

Save Meduza!https://support.meduza.io/enIt's been more than 266 days since Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. In more recent few months, the war's momentum has swung dramatically in Kyiv's favor amid a Ukrainian counteroffensive that has Russian troops retreating from areas that Moscow has formally annexed. To get a grasp on where things stand currently in the war, Meduza spoke to military analyst Rob Lee, a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), who's been meticulously gathering operational data about the conflict since before Russian troops started pouring over the Ukrainian border. Timestamps for this episode: (2:38) What's so special about HIMARS, or High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems? (10:22) What other advanced weapons could give Ukraine new advantages in the war? (14:57) What's the military impact of Russia's airstrikes against Ukraine's critical infrastructure? (18:57) How far might Ukraine's counteroffensive reach into occupied territory? Will Russian defenses hold at some point? (25:19) Is the Russian military regrouping or on the verge of collapse? (27:41) What happened with the missile(s) that recently killed two civilians in Poland? (30:26) Is Russia going to run out of rockets or ammunition?

A note from Talking Taiwan host Felicia Lin:   In this episode of Talking Taiwan, my guests are Richard Pearson, the Executive Director of the Western Pacific Fellowship Project and Professor Shelley Rigger. We will be talking about the Taiwan Fellowship Act, a bill which has been decades in the making, and was inspired by the Mansfield Fellowship. This bill which has gotten bipartisan support in both the U.S. and Taiwan. It has been added to the COMPETES Act, and has also passed through both the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate in slightly different versions. Now the House and Senate are in conference committee to resolve differences in order to come up with a final version of the bill.   Learn more about what the Taiwan Fellowship Act is, how it serves to strengthen U.S.-Taiwan ties, why you should care about it, and how you can support passage of this bill in to law.   About Richard Pearson:   Richard Pearson is Executive Director of the Western Pacific Fellowship Project and Managing Director, Taiwan Fellowship. He has roughly two decades of experience in U.S.-Asia economic relations and the political-economy of the Asia-Pacific largely in the public service sector.   Mr. Pearson's professional experience includes time as a business reporter based in Taipei and in public service focusing on the Indo-Pacific. From 2010-2014 Mr. Pearson was an Associate Director at the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation during which time he originally conceived and explored the Taiwan Fellowship concept. Along with Ryan Shaffer and former AIT Director and Chairman Ambassador Raymond Burghardt, Mr. Pearson founded the Western Pacific Fellowship Project in late-2019 to operationalize the Taiwan Fellowship.   Mr. Pearson received his undergraduate degree from St. Olaf College and his graduate degree from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Immediately after college, he held a Fulbright scholarship to Taiwan. His essays on U.S.-Asia relations have been published in various outlets in the U.S. and East Asia including the Taipei Times and The Diplomat.   About Shelley Rigger: Shelley Rigger is the Brown Professor of East Asian Politics at Davidson College. She has a PhD in Government from Harvard University and a BA in Public and International Affairs from Princeton University. She has been a Fulbright scholar at National Taiwan University (2019), a visiting researcher at National Chengchi University in Taiwan (2005) and a visiting professor at Fudan University (2006) and Shanghai Jiaotong University (2013 & 2015). She is a non-resident fellow of the China Policy Institute at Nottingham University and a senior fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). She is also a director of The Taiwan Fund, a closed-end investment fund specializing in Taiwan-listed companies. Rigger is the author of two books on Taiwan's domestic politics, Politics in Taiwan: Voting for Democracy (Routledge 1999) and From Opposition to Power: Taiwan's Democratic Progressive Party (Lynne Rienner Publishers 2001). She has published two books for general readers, Why Taiwan Matters: Small Island, Global Powerhouse (2011) and The Tiger Leading the Dragon: How Taiwan Propelled China's Economic Rise (2021). She has published articles on Taiwan's domestic politics, the national identity issue in Taiwan-China relations and related topics. In 2019-20 she was a Fulbright Senior Scholar based in Taipei, where she worked on a study of Taiwan's contributions to the PRC's economic take-off and a study of Taiwanese youth.   Here's a little preview of what we talked about in this podcast episode:   The COMPETES Act and the Taiwan Fellowship Act, what they are and the background The Western Pacific Fellowship Project How the China Bill in the COMPETES Act aims to strengthen the U.S. response and monitoring of China's economic activity, and political and security moves globally How the COMPETES Act aims to strengthen the U.S. semiconductor industry How the COMPETES Act contains a bill to change the name TECRO (Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office) change to Taiwan Representative Office is a part of the Competes How the Taiwan Fellowship Act fits into the larger question of the U.S.'s response to China What the Taiwan Fellowship Act is The Mike Mansfield Fellowship Why Americans should care about getting the Taiwan Fellowship Act passed Why Taiwan matters on its own, apart from China What is the procedure for an Act to get passed and what stage the Taiwan Fellowship Act is currently at The many Taiwanese American civic groups that support the Taiwan Fellowship Act For those who'd like to support the Taiwan Fellowship Act and see it get passed in to law, now is a crucial period; they should contact their members of congress to express their support for getting it passed You can write an email to your member of congress through an automated form on FAPA's (Formosan Association of Public Affairs) website How the Mansfield Fellowship came from congress vs. the Taiwan Fellowship which has been a more grassroots effort U.S. sentiment toward Japan in the mid-1990s How Richard worked at the Mansfield Foundation and learned the value of the Mansfield Fellowship in strengthening the U.S.-Japan relationship How Richard spent time in Taiwan in 2000 and realized that there could be value in creating a fellowship program similar to the Mansfield Fellowship with Taiwan How Richard has been working on the Taiwan Fellowship Act since 2010 How now seems to be the one chance to get the Taiwan Fellowship Act passed If passed the Taiwan Fellowship could endure for decades like the Mansfield Fellowship What will happen if the Taiwan Fellowship Act doesn't get passed Reaction and support for the Taiwan Fellowship Act in Taiwan How the Taiwan Fellowship Act had gotten bipartisan support in both Taiwan (pan-Green and pan-Blue) and in the U.S. (Democrats and Republicans) How the Western Pacific Fellowship Project is a volunteer-led organization and its funding needs How there are a lot of the leading figures in US-Taiwan relations among the Western Pacific Fellowship Project's directors and advisors Shelley's support of the Taiwan Fellowship Act Why there has been such broad support for the Taiwan Fellowship Act   Related Links: https://talkingtaiwan.com/why-you-should-care-about-the-taiwan-fellowship-act-a-discussion-with-richard-pearson-and-shelley-rigger-ep-189/

The Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) is pleased to introduce a special Chain Reaction podcast series: The Continent.The Continent explores how the war in Ukraine is changing Europe's politics and security. Host Aaron Schwartzbaum will "visit" a country on each episode, learning about key dynamics and trends from local experts. In the first episode Aaron speaks with Marcel Dirsus and Jana Puglierin about Germany's response to the war in Ukraine. Just how important is this political moment for Germany? What does it mean for Germany to boost its military potential — and how might it use it?This conversation was recorded live on Twitter Spaces on May 11, 2022.

Today the Hellenic American Leadership Council and a coalition of partners launched their campaign to prevent the sale of American F-16s to Turkey, and the hashtag #NoJetsForTurkey went viral, hovering in the top ten trends in the United States throughout the entire day. As our focus is on Turkey's request for F-16s, we are re-upping an episode from this past October with Aaron Stein, the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation, when we examined this initial request from Ankara.

Should US semiconductor chip manufacturers move their fabrication plants onto American soil? Should we be offering migration incentives for high-tech chip engineers from Taiwan in order to onshore design and engineering? What role, if at all, should the government play in subsidizing the construction of these plants for US companies? These and other questions remain unsettled when it comes to the geopolitical challenges around semiconductor design, production, and trade. On this episode of “Explain to Shane,” https://www.aei.org/profile/shane-tews/ (Shane) and AEI Senior Fellow https://www.aei.org/profile/claude-barfield/ (Claude Barfield) reunite for a joint conversation with https://www.aei.org/profile/chris-miller/ (Chris Miller) — a new Jeane Kirkpatrick Fellow in AEI's Foreign and Defense Policy department. Chris is also an assistant professor at Tufts University's Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, and directs the Eurasia program at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). Chris recently published an FPRI report titled “https://www.fpri.org/article/2021/03/labs-over-fabs-how-the-u-s-should-invest-in-the-future-of-semiconductors/ (Labs over fabs: How the US should invest in the future of semiconductors),” and will be releasing a book on the geopolitical history of semiconductors this year. His work frequently appears in national news outlets and opinion columns — including Foreign Affairs and The New York Times. Chris joins the podcast to discuss his expansive portfolio on the semiconductor industry, Congress' attempts to guide US chip production, and how chip manufacturing is indefinitely tied to national security. 

Over the weekend Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu announced that Ankara would implement the Montreux Convention, an agreement that allows Turkey to regulate the transit of warships through the Dardanelles and Bosporus straits during times of war. The decision comes after Turkey called Russia's invasion a "war", and means Turkey could block at least some Russian warships from accessing the Black Sea. Despite taking this decision, Turkey's President Erdogan was clear that Turkey could not abandon its ties with Russia or Ukraine. Expert Aaron Stein joins our host Thanos Davelis to discuss this latest decision by Turkey, break down whether it will have a military impact, and look into how this decision helps Ankara address its diplomatic balancing act with Russia and the West. Aaron Stein is the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation. He is also the co-host of Arms Control Wonk, a podcast on nuclear weapons, arms control, disarmament and nonproliferation.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:Turkey announced it would regulate warship access to the Black Sea. Does that change Russia's strategy?Turkey Warns Against Sending Warships to Black SeaCould Turkey close the Bosporus to the Russian navy?Greece backs sanctions against Russia, ready to take in Ukraine refugeesUkraine's Zelenskyy ups pressure on EU with plea for immediate membershipWhy Ukraine's road to European Union membership will likely be long and winding.

Turkish President Erdogan visited Ukraine on Thursday where he reiterated Turkey's support of Ukraine and signed a number of deals on trade and defense. These include joint production in Ukraine of Turkish drones, expanding a partnership that has seen Ukraine buy at least 20 unmanned aerial vehicles from Turkey. During the visit Erdogan offered to mediate between Ukraine and Russia, stressing he would do whatever he could to end the crisis. Expert Aaron Stein joins our host Thanos Davelis to talk about Erdogan's visit to Ukraine, Ankara's efforts to mediate between Russia and Ukraine, and the broader implications of the drone deal between Turkey and Ukraine for Turkey's relations with Russia, Ukraine, and NATO.Aaron Stein is the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation. He is also the co-host of Arms Control Wonk, a podcast on nuclear weapons, arms control, disarmament and nonproliferation.Read Aaron Stein's latest piece in War on the Rocks: From Ankara With Implications: Turkish Drones And Alliance EntrapmentYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:Turkey, Ukraine Sign Free-Trade, Drone Deals as Erdogan Visits KyivErdogan seals pact with Ukraine over trade and dronesGreece to scrap negative COVID test demand for travellersGreece: Police raid soccer fan clubs after deadly attack

In what is arguably the most serious crisis in Eastern Europe since the end of the Cold War, Russia has positioned more than 100,000 troops along Ukraine's border and has sparked fears of an invasion. With tensions at a high, the US and its allies have warned the Kremlin that any invasion will be met with “massive consequences” and “severe economic costs.” A new round of talks is set to begin in Paris this week, but Russia and the West have yet to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis. Chris Miller joined Marc and Dany to discuss the Russian military mobilization at the Ukrainian border, a potential Russian invasion, Putin's intentions in Ukraine, and how the US and its allies should respond. Chris Miller is a Jeane Kirkpatrick Visiting Fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he focuses on Russian foreign policy, politics, and economics; Russia and Ukraine; Russian-European relations; and Eurasia. He also focuses on semiconductors and the geopolitics of technology. Concurrently, Dr. Miller is assistant professor of international history at the Fletcher School at Tufts University and codirector of the school's Russia and Eurasia Program. He is also the director of the Eurasia Program and a fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). https://www.aei.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/FINAL-Transcript-WTH-135-Miller-1.25.22.pdf (Download the transcript here. )

Reuters reported this week that Turkey made a request to the US to buy 40 Lockheed Martin-made F-16 fighter jets and nearly 80 modernization kits for its existing warplanes, as Turkey looks to modernize its Air Force after it was kicked out of the F-35 program. The deal, which would be worth billions, would need the approval of both the US State Department as well as Congress, which can block deals. The request comes as Turkey's President Erdogan recently stated that Turkey is looking to buy a second batch of S-400s from Russia. Expert Aaron Stein joins The Greek Current to discuss this latest request by Turkey, explain why it could be the endpoint of Turkey's S-400 to F-35 to CAATSA saga, and place it within the broader context of US-Turkish relations. Aaron Stein is the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation. He is also the co-host of Arms Control Wonk, a podcast on nuclear weapons, arms control, disarmament and nonproliferation.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here: Turkey asks U.S. to buy 40 F-16 jets to upgrade Air Force -sourcesWhite House plans to nominate George Tsunis as new US ambassador to GreeceGov't promises investigation into migrant pushback accusationsCroatia confirms police pushed back migrants on Bosnian borderCyprus won't sign pact if EU doesn't budge

Over the last year Turkey's drones have seen action in conflicts ranging from Nagorno Karabakh, to Syria, to Libya, with the flagship of Turkey's drone fleet, the Bayraktar TB2, at the center of international attention. In a recent piece in War on the Rocks, expert Aaron Stein highlights Turkey's drone program, with an eye on how Ankara has pioneered drone use for the social media age. As a result of an aggressive social media strategy, Ankara has been able to rapidly spread content of its drones in action online. This “war propaganda” has led to a narrative about the effectiveness of Turkish drones, even driving international interest in arms sales from countries like Poland and Ukraine.Aaron Stein, the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation, joins us on The Greek Current to break down his latest piece, look at Turkey's drone program, and explore whether Turkey's propaganda is more impactful than the drone itself.Read Aaron Stein's latest piece in War on the Rocks: Say Hello To Turkey's Little Friend: How Drones Help Level The Playing FieldYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here: Greece: Public workers strike over new labor lawLabor reform bills passes with 158 votes in 300-seat HouseMacron pitches Biden on plan to get foreign fighters out of LibyaThe Latest: Biden and Putin depart Geneva after summit

This week Turkey signaled that it could give ground on the S-400 missiles it purchased from Russia, with Defense Minister Hulusi Akar suggesting Turkey could adopt the so-called “Crete Model'' - which was used to solve a dispute between Greece, Cyprus, and Turkey in the 1990s over S-300s Nicosia had purchased - to deal with this issue. Expert Aaron Stein, joins our podcast to discuss why this latest proposal by Turkey has little technical value for the US, and that a true resolution to the S-400 issue will take far more than what Turkey has put on the table. Aaron Stein is the Director of Research at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), and an expert on Turkey, arms control and nonproliferation. Read Aaron Stein's latest article here: The Crete Mirage: Why Rapprochement with Turkey May be a Long Way OffYou can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here: Turkey says 2-state solution only option for divided CyprusTurkey's Erdogan says two-state solution only option for CyprusUS State Department statement on Erdogan's Cyprus commentsFM to host counterparts at Athens friendship forumForeign Ministers' Thursday forum to discuss pandemic, economy, energy, tourism

Following Turkey's incursion into northeastern Syria, the de facto autonomous region controlled by the Kurdish-led SDF seems to have come to an end. Turkey, wanting to establish a safe zone to secure Turkey's border with Syria and resettle a substantial share of the 3,6 million Syrian refugees it is hosting, is currently patrolling the border areas along with Russian military police. The incursion, formally called ‘Operation Peace Spring', seem to have strengthened the position of president Erdoğan domestically in Turkey, while internationally it has been condemned. What are Turkey's long-term goals in the region? Will Turkey be able to continue its balancing act between the US and Russia? What lies ahead for the Kurds and other communities in northeastern Syria? How does the Turkish incursion affect the prospects for a peaceful solution to its own ‘Kurdish problem'? Speakers: Selim Koru, analyst at the Economic Policy Research Foundation of Turkey (TEPAV) and a writing fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). His work focuses on political ideas, the Turkish right and Turkish foreign policy. Cengiz Çandar, Author and Associate Fellow at Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies and the Swedish Institute of International Affairs. The seminar was moderated by Paul T. Levin, Director of the Stockholm Institute for Turkish Studies. This seminar was a cooperation between the Swedish Institute of International Affairs and the Stockholm University Institute for Turkish Studies.

This episode of the Korea Now podcast features an interview that Jed Lea-Henry conducted with Benjamin Katzeff Silberstein. They speak about the changing economic landscape within North Korea, the social changes that are visible on the ground, the challenges this poses for the traditional structures of surveillance and control, and the long-term risk that is being confronted by the Kim regime. Benjamin Katzeff Silberstein is the co-editor of North Korean Economy Watch (www.nkeconwatch.com), an associate scholar with the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI), and a PhD candidate in the Department of History at the University of Pennsylvania. His research primarily focuses on surveillance and political control inside North Korea, and the structure of government behind these institutions/apparatuses.   Donate at Patreon – https://www.patreon.com/jedleahenry Website – http://www.jedleahenry.org Libsyn – http://korea-now-podcast.libsyn.com Youtube – https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC_qg6g1KyHaRXi193XqF6GA Twitter – https://twitter.com/jedleahenry Academia.edu – http://university.academia.edu/JedLeaHenry Research Gate – https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Jed_Lea-Henry 

About the lecture: What does America owe its veterans? At a time when so few serve in the military, many Americans either place veterans on a pedestal or see them as victims. The fact is that most are neither heroes nor victims, but men and women who did their duty as they were given to see it. For that, they deserve neither adulation nor pity but understanding. One way to achieve this understanding is to appreciate the veteran's odyssey, the soldier's sojourn within, and subsequent return from, the "temple of Mars." About the speaker: Dr. Mackubin Thomas Owens is Dean of Academic Affairs and Professor at The Institute of World Politics. He is a Senior Fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) in Philadelphia, and editor of Orbis, FPRI's quarterly journal. He recently retired as Professor of National Security Affairs at the US Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. At the War College he specialized in the planning of US strategy and forces, especially naval and power projection forces; the political economy of national security; national security organization; strategic geography; and American civil-military relations. From 1990 to 1997, Dr. Owens was Editor-in-Chief of the quarterly defense journal Strategic Review and Adjunct Professor of International Relations at Boston University. Before joining the faculty of the War College, Dr. Owens served as National Security Adviser to Senator Bob Kasten, Republican of Wisconsin, and Director of Legislative Affairs for the Nuclear Weapons Programs of the Department of Energy during the Reagan Administration. Dr. Owens is also a Marine Corps veteran of Vietnam, where as an infantry platoon and company commander in 1968-1969, he was wounded twice and awarded the Silver Star medal. He retired as a Colonel in 1994. Dr. Owens earned his Ph.D. in Politics from the University of Dallas, a Master of Arts in Economics from Oklahoma University, and his BA from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has taught at the University of Rhode Island, the University of Dallas, Catholic University, Ashland University of Ohio, and the Marine Corps' School of Advanced Warfighting (SAW).

The historical significance of sea power has been long since established. In 1890, naval expert Alfred Thayer Mahan authored a well-regarded and timeless book, "The Influence of Sea Power upon History" which outlined the influential history and perpetual importance of naval warfare. The concepts in Mahan's book have largely become a foundation for how experts currently regard naval strategy. Building off of these concepts, today's lecture will explain the impact of naval thought on the current geo-political system and the modern implications of naval supremacy. owensDr. Mackubin Thomas Owens is Dean of Academic Affairs and Professor at The Institute of World Politics. He is a Senior Fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) in Philadelphia, and editor of Orbis, FPRI's quarterly journal. He recently retired as Professor of National Security Affairs at the US Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. At the War College he specialized in the planning of US strategy and forces, especially naval and power projection forces; the political economy of national security; national security organization; strategic geography; and American civil-military relations. From 1990 to 1997, Dr. Owens was Editor-in-Chief of the quarterly defense journal Strategic Review and Adjunct Professor of International Relations at Boston University. Before joining the faculty of the War College, Dr. Owens served as National Security Adviser to Senator Bob Kasten, Republican of Wisconsin, and Director of Legislative Affairs for the Nuclear Weapons Programs of the Department of Energy during the Reagan Administration. Dr. Owens is also a Marine Corps veteran of Vietnam, where as an infantry platoon and company commander in 1968-1969, he was wounded twice and awarded the Silver Star medal. He retired as a Colonel in 1994. Dr. Owens earned his Ph.D. in Politics from the University of Dallas, a Master of Arts in Economics from Oklahoma University, and his BA from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has taught at the University of Rhode Island, the University of Dallas, Catholic University, Ashland University of Ohio, and the Marine Corps' School of Advanced Warfighting (SAW).

Aristotle called prudence the virtue most characteristic of the statesman. Prudence most certainly was Lincoln's architectonic virtue as he took the steps necessary to restore the Union while also ending slavery. What should be most remarkable to us who live in this time of executive overreach is that he did so within the limits of the Constitution. This lecture was given by Dr. Mackubin Thomas Owens on February 11, 2016 at The Institute of World Politics. ----------- Dr. Mackubin Thomas Owens is Dean of Academic Affairs and Professor at The Institute of World Politics. He is a Senior Fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI) in Philadelphia, and editor of Orbis, FPRI's quarterly journal. He recently retired as Professor of National Security Affairs at the US Naval War College in Newport, Rhode Island. At the War College he specialized in the planning of US strategy and forces, especially naval and power projection forces; the political economy of national security; national security organization; strategic geography; and American civil-military relations. From 1990 to 1997, Dr. Owens was Editor-in-Chief of the quarterly defense journal Strategic Review and Adjunct Professor of International Relations at Boston University. Before joining the faculty of the War College, Dr. Owens served as National Security Adviser to Senator Bob Kasten, Republican of Wisconsin, and Director of Legislative Affairs for the Nuclear Weapons Programs of the Department of Energy during the Reagan Administration. Dr. Owens is also a Marine Corps veteran of Vietnam, where as an infantry platoon and company commander in 1968-1969, he was wounded twice and awarded the Silver Star medal. He retired as a Colonel in 1994. Dr. Owens earned his Ph.D. in Politics from the University of Dallas, a Master of Arts in Economics from Oklahoma University, and his BA from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has taught at the University of Rhode Island, the University of Dallas, Catholic University, Ashland University of Ohio, and the Marine Corps' School of Advanced Warfighting (SAW).