Podcasts about Maidan

(0:00) Intro(0:02) Khutba – Ikhtitam Surah Anfal – Ibtida Surah Tauba(0:35) Ghazwa-e-Badar(1:31) Tehqeeq-e-Nabuwwat ka Masla(2:23) Ramazan aur Qabool-e-Islam(3:04) Mic Disturbance(4:40) Rasulullah ﷺ ki Motivation(5:16) Kafir Ghar mein Paida Hone Wale aur Tehqeeq-e-Islam(6:05) Hijrat-e-Madina ki Planning(8:16) Pehli Islami Riyasat(9:03) Ansar Sahaba RA ki Fazilat(9:23) Darul Harb ke Qawaneen(10:43) Economic Taqat aur Kamyabi(12:21) Aaj ke Sust Musalman(12:44) 313 Sahaba vs 1000 Kuffar(13:41) Badar ka Maidan(14:27) Kuffar ki Ayyashi(14:59) Allah ki Madad(15:23) Jang ka Aaghaz(16:10) Quraishi vs Ansari(16:47) Hashmi Quraishi Fakhar(17:00) Nasab ki Ahmiyat(18:39) Bani Israel vs Arabs(19:14) Banu Hashim ki Fazilat(21:04) Bahadur vs Munafiq(23:00) Ghair Khandani ki Pehchan(23:47) Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed RA(25:19) Aurat ki Fitrat(26:03) Hazrat Hinda ki Shairi(26:55) Ghazwa-e-Badar ki Tareekh Sazi(28:55) Hazrat Abdullah bin Masood RA(30:00) Abu Jahl vs Firauon(30:38) Kunwain mein Kuffar se Khitab(31:45) Sama-ul-Mauta(33:06) Badar ki Fatah ka Faida(33:28) Jang ka Asool(34:23) Yaum-ul-Furqan(34:50) Sabit Qadmi aur Zikr(35:12) Army Chief se Ikhtilaf(35:54) Zalim Hakim ki Ita'at(36:41) Ijtemaiyat(37:00) Army Support ki Wajah(37:37) Ameer ki Ita'at(38:31) Nemat ki Na-Qadri(39:33) Dushman ke Muqable ki Taqat(40:35) Pakistan ki Military Power(42:14) Azerbaijan News(42:51) Masla-e-Kashmir(43:16) Pakistan Atomic Power(44:09) Munkir-e-Hadith se Behas(45:23) Jihad ki Taqa(46:56) Chhupay Dushman se Jihad(48:42) Country Defence ka Sadqa(48:52) Dushman se Sulah(49:12) Islam ka Ehsaan(51:44) Ajmi Musalmanon ki Qurbaniyan(52:16) Imam Abu Hanifa RA ki Fazilat(52:31) Mukhtalif Qaumon mein Nikah(53:00) Jang mein Taqat ka Tawazan(53:36) Masajid ki Taamir ki Fazilat(55:06) Masjid Al Falahia Charity Appeal(55:59) Jhootay Peer(56:58) Aalim ke 2 Kaam(57:20) Topi Dramay(57:32) Real Ulama(57:41) Bayan ki Ujrat(58:27) Hadiyat aur Bheek(59:37) Mufti Sahab ka Waqia(1:00:08) Lalach aur Bayan ka Asar Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Zum 4. Jahrestag des Ukrainekriegs erreicht die Propaganda um die Vorgeschichte des Kriegs neue Höhepunkte. Zuverlässig ist auch der CDU-Politiker Roderich Kiesewetter vertreten, wenn es darum geht, historische Fakten „zurechtzurücken“. In einem aktuellen Beitrag behauptet er (wie viele andere), der Angriff des „Terrorstaats“ Russland auf die Ukraine habe schon 2014 begonnen. Doch 2014 war esWeiterlesen

This week marks four years since Russian troops were ordered by President Vladimir Putin to march into Ukraine and carry out his "special operation": the invasion of the country's close neighbour. It is poignant timing then, for the premiere of not one, but five plays under the powerful title Ukraine Unbroken: A Nation's Fight for Freedom. Conceived by Nicolas Kent (co-director of The Great Game: Afghanistan), it charts 12 turbulent years of modern Ukrainian history, from the 2014 Maidan protests to Russia's full-scale 2022 invasion. The plays, which are performed with live music by Mariia Petrovska on the bandura (a Ukrainian string instrument), feature:Always by Jonathan Myerson, documenting a married couple's experience of the violent Maidan protests;Five Day War by David Edgar, portraying Russia's 2022 invasion;Three Mates by Natalka Vorozhbit and translated by Sasha Dugdale, looking at the different choices a group of friends makes during the war;Wretched Things by David Greig, which is set on the front line and follows the moral dilemma Ukrainian soldiers face after capturing a wounded North Korean fighter;Taken by Cat Goscovitch, about a mother's search for her stolen daughter, inspired by the real abduction of thousands of Ukrainian children.To learn more, we spoke to Goskovitch, who is the daughter of acclaimed Jewish playwright CP Taylor. She talks about discovering Ukraine, Russian disinformation and her ramshackle upbringing.

In Chapter 46 of The Book of Trump, Ghost unpacks the events surrounding the 2014 Maidan uprising in Ukraine and its long-term geopolitical consequences. He traces the political tensions leading up to the protests, the role of Western NGOs and U.S. officials, and the removal of President Viktor Yanukovych. The episode examines leaked phone calls, diplomatic maneuvering, and the emergence of nationalist factions that would later shape Ukraine's political landscape. Ghost connects the Maidan events to NATO expansion, sanctions against Russia, and the subsequent conflict in eastern Ukraine, arguing that the coup narrative reframes the mainstream understanding of the crisis. He also analyzes how media coverage, intelligence operations, and foreign policy objectives intersected during this pivotal moment. Framing the Maidan uprising as a turning point in modern geopolitics, Ghost positions the chapter as essential context for understanding current tensions between Russia, Ukraine, and the West — and how those dynamics factor into the broader Trump-era foreign policy debate.

In Episode 173 of Baseless Conspiracies, Jon Herold and Zak Paine dig into the fallout from the Supreme Court's tariff ruling and President Trump's response, dissecting how executive authority, trade strategy, and judicial constraints are being framed across the political spectrum. The hosts analyze the Court's reasoning, the dissents, and what alternative statutory paths could mean moving forward. The conversation then expands into foreign policy, revisiting the Maidan coup narrative and its long-term geopolitical implications. Jon and Zak examine how media institutions shape public perception of international conflicts, questioning what gets highlighted, what gets buried, and why timing matters. Throughout the episode, they blend legal analysis with cultural commentary, challenging mainstream narratives while emphasizing pattern recognition and strategic patience. Ep. 173 connects court decisions, trade battles, and global flashpoints into a broader discussion about power, influence, and the evolving political landscape.

Hoy se cumplen exactamente 4 años desde aquel 24 de febrero del 2022, cuando tropas rusas entraron en territorio ucraniano en lo que Vladimir Putin denominó, y sigue denominando, una operación militar especial con la que quería, entre otras cosas, derrocar al gobierno de Volodimir Zelenski y recuperar la influencia perdida en el país tras el Maidan y la atropellada salida del prorruso Viktor Yanukovich.Vamos a hablarles de la decisión de Israel de prohibir a diversas ONG seguir trabajando en la Franja de Gaza y de cómo han respondido. También de los habitantes de Sinjil, un pueblo en la Cisjordania ocupada que se han visto obligados a organizar guardias nocturnas de vigilancia para proteger sus hogares de los ataques de los colonos. También estaremos en Brasil, donde hay más de una veintena de fallecidos a causa de las fuertes lluvias y haremos un balance sobre el mayor movimiento migratorio anual del planeta: las vacaciones del año nuevo chino. Además va a estar con nosotros Flor Muñoz, doctora en el Hospital Infantil de Texas, para hablar sobre el movimiento antivacunas y cómo Estados Unidos vuelve a tener que luchar contra el sarampión. Escuchar audio

What counts as “real” participation in a revolution? To what extent does gender in a revolution nowadays? What are the outcomes of mass mobilization? How do Ukrainian women participate in a revolution? In our podcast, we attemptto find an answer to these questions with Olena Nikolayenko around her latest book, Invisible Revolutionaries: Women'sParticipation in Ukraine's Euromaidan.  Published in April 2025 by Cambridge University Press, her research focuses on the women's participation in the Ukrainian Euromaidan. In the podcast, Olena Nikolayenko places women's protest within a broader framework, which includes the Arab Spring and Belarus.Her claim is that age, class, region and political experience shape women's forms of engagement. Based on these observation, Invisible Revolutionaries distinguishesbetween three models of participation: patriarchal, emancipatory, and hybrid.The methodology received a particular focus in our conversation. The Ukrainian Euromaidan was accuratelydocumented through multiple projects, such as the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance's Maidan: Oral History  and Maidan.Testimonies. As art is equally a key component duringrevolutions, Olena Nikolayenko presents the main artistic projects of the Revolution of Dignity. Olena Nikolayenko claims that Euromaidan is not a singular moment in history. Instead, it belongs within the Ukrainian's longer history of women's activism, which starts from the 1917-1921 Ukrainian revolution to Orange Revolution. However, this legacy remained largely invisible in the English-language historiography. In this context, the conversation ends by emphasizing possible avenues. Researchers dealing with this topic should investigate the relationship between gender andnonviolence, and how nonviolent resistance participation influences subsequent engagement in armed conflict. The question of how women's activism evolves fromcultural and civic resistance to armed defense of national identity remains particularly relevant given Ukraine's ongoing struggle.

Stephen Miller, Donald Trump, Kristi Noem, J.D. Vance, and the entire MAGA Klan murdered Alex Pretti. They sent Bovino into early retirement, but he must be arrested, along with his agents who shot 10 bullets into Pretti, an ICU nurse for the VA who spent his life helping others. Demand the impeachment of President Stephen Miller: force Trump to throw him under the bus, too. It's a start to the demands for justice.  To honor Pretti and our work ahead, find time to grieve. We cannot power through this collective rage and anxiety without releasing it. Even the strong need to cry in the shower. If we don't sit with our grief, it will force you to. Grieving is an act of resistance. It changes you, and it plants the seeds of justice that we will use to build a better world together. To the people of Minnesota, you have created an American Maidan, standing strong against tyranny. Even Ukrainians, freezing in the cold from Russia bombing their electrical grids, see you, and are calling your movement a Maidan. To grow a real resistance, we share a message recorded by Annie, a Gaslit Nation listener in Minneapolis.  Our victory is guaranteed because our enemies are cowards who hide behind masks. America has defeated the Klan before. We must fight with urgency in a generational struggle. Join the General Strike this Friday January 31st. Divest from the corporations funding the MAGA regime–look to Cut Off the Spigot to learn how. And most importantly, stand by each other. As the people of Minnesota showed us, singing "Stand by Me" in the face of fascism: we win through our culture of care. Tonight's episode will run as usual. It's an examination on how the Church Committee Report, which exposed the mass-murdering FBI and CIA, shows us how to overcome our mass-murdering state today.  Join our community of listeners and get bonus shows, ad free listening, group chats with other listeners, ways to shape the show, invites to exclusive events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Discounted annual memberships are available. Become a Democracy Defender at Patreon.com/Gaslit Show Notes National General Strike (Jan 31–this Friday!): https://nationalshutdown.us/ Support Susanna Ledesma-Woody for Travis County Commissioner: https://www.votesusanna.net/ Minnesota Community Resources: https://minnesotanonprofits.org/community-resources-ice-operations Cut Off The Spigot (Divestment Resource): https://cutoffthespigot.com/ Shop The Hood (Small Business Alternatives): https://shopthehood.store/ Who Advertises On X (Boycott Resource): https://whoadvertiseson.org/ Yes, It's Fascism (Jonathan Rauch/Brookings): https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/opinion/yes-it-s-fascism/ar-AA1UWfO5?ocid=BingNewsSerp Misogyny Killed Alex Pretti: https://sharidunn.substack.com/p/misogyny-killed-alex-pretti?triedRedirect=true Letter to My Daughter: https://www.thenation.com/article/activism/letter-to-my-daughter/# Tad Stoermer Video Read by Gaslit Nation Listener Annie: https://www.threads.com/@tad.stoermer/post/DTKc0iDjjdn/media Intro Clip: https://bsky.app/profile/thetnholler.bsky.social/post/3md7q7guacc22 Outro Clip: https://bsky.app/profile/taylordahlin.com/post/3mdeijmip522z  

PUTIN'S REVISIONIST HISTORY AND THE 2014 INVASION Colleague Professor Eugene Finkel. During the COVID-19 isolation of 2021, Vladimir Putin wrote an essay based on historical myths, asserting Ukrainians and Russians are one people and denying Ukraine's right to independent statehood. Finkel argues this revisionism signaled Putin's intent to restore Russia as a great empire. The conversation reviews the 2014 Maidan revolution, which Putinperceived as a loss of control, prompting the invasion of Crimea and the Donbas. Finkel clarifies that while some locals in the east preferred Russia, the violent uprising was engineered by Russian security services and mercenaries, not a genuine organic movement. NUMBER 51912 KYIV

In this Nash Holos exclusive from December 4, 2013, Pawlina speaks with Mirko Petriw—Vancouver-based author of two spy thrillers set in Ukraine and then-president of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress, Vancouver branch.This interview was recorded at a point when events had not yet escalated, though the shift in the air was clear. It captures the mood, concerns, and emerging currents that would soon shape Ukraine's future.Originally aired live on the Nanaimo edition of Nash Holos on CHLY 101.7 FM. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Friday Bayan by Mufti Tariq Masood | 09 January 2026Is Islami bayan mein Islam ki bunyadi ta‘aleemat, roz-marrah zindagi ke masail aur apni islah ke liye qeemti naseehat bayan ki gayi hai. Aakhir tak zaroor dekhein.(0:00) Intro(0:02) Khutba, Qur'ani Aayaat, Dua(1:09) Ehl-e-Iman se Allah ka khitaab(2:00) Allah ki rehmat ki khush-khabri kin gunahgaaron ke liye hai?(4:10) Asoolon ki qeemat(6:06) “Fiqh-e-Hanafi mein kekra khana jaiz nahi” (7:40) Aik ghar ke do afraad ki raaye mein ikhtilaf ho jaye to?(8:02) Special clip for Ismail bhai(8:38) Mufti sahab ki aik ahliya jheenga khati hain(9:07) Sirf aik fiqh follow karne ki ahmiyat(12:12) Andhi taqleed kya hai?(13:26) Banu Quraiza ke mauqe par Asar ki namaz ke ikhtilaf ka waqia(15:03) Ismail bhai ko jawab(15:52) Asar ki namaz ki ahmiyat(16:47) Islam ki tarbiyat(17:03) Apni raaye zabardasti doosron par thopna(17:46) Hanafi / Ehl-e-Hadith vs Mujtahideen(18:36) Do museebaton ke takrao mein halki museebat ikhtiyar karna (Hadith ki tashreeh)(20:16) Fiqhi masail mein aik hi fiqh follow karne ki wajah(20:36) Kekra khana jaiz kyun nahi?(21:42) In do dalail ka jawab(22:22) Qur'an se daleel(23:38) Hadith se daleel(23:51) Tiddi aur machhli ke ilawa tamam samandari makhlooq haram(26:35) Mendak ke baare mein Nabi ﷺ ka farman(27:12) Magarmachh, kachhway aur shark ka gosht khana?(29:34) Imam Abu Hanifaؒ ka mazboot qoul(29:51) Jheenga ke baare mein Mufti Taqi Usmani sahab ka fatwa(30:41) Ahnaaf ka zarf — ibtila ke waqt gunjaish(32:17) Imam Abu Hanifaؒ ke do azeem talaba ka maqam(32:39) Imam Ahmad bin Hanbalؒ ka qoul(33:16) Jheenga ka business halal hone ki wajah(33:43) Bangladeshi market aur jheenga(34:29) Sirf aik fiqh follow karne mein aafiyat (Ismail bhai clip khatam)(35:00) Qawaneen ki qeemat(35:40) “Smuggling haram hai lekin earning halal”(37:00) Masla: maali jurmana lena haram hai?(38:11) Kafiron ke qawaneen ki asal bunyaad(39:23) Bahar mulkon ki free facilities ki haqeeqat(41:02) Purane gharon ki reality(42:02) Masla: ijtemai qurbani ka profit(43:20) Tax ka masla(43:37) Smuggling business(44:21) Nabi ﷺ ka farman(44:48) Supply & demand principle(45:01) Government taxes aur traffic ke naye qawaneen(46:12) Sindh government aur gutter ke dhakkan(47:11) Mujtahid aur mufti ki raaye ki ahmiyat(48:28) Allah ke ehkam ki ahmiyat(49:09) Namaz qaim karne ki ahmiyat(50:47) Kya namaz chhorne wala kafir hai? (Chaar a'imma ki raaye)(52:19) Saudi Arabia mein namaz chhorna(53:02) Namaz: Musalman hone ki alamat(54:40) Maidan-e-jang mein namaz(54:53) Safar mein namaz(55:11) Safar mein sunnat-e-muakkadah aur farz rak‘aat ka masla(57:35) Be-namazi ka janaza(58:17) Namaz qaza karne ka gunah(58:34) Is aayat ka shan-e-nuzool(59:55) Allah ka usool-e-bakhshish(1:01:06) Yahudiyon ki khush-fehmi ka jawab(1:01:37) Mufti sahab se mulaqat ke liye aane walay log(1:02:27) Chori sangeen jurm kyun hai?(1:03:05) Jhoot aur chori ki burai(1:04:22) Abu Sufiyanؓ ne kufr ke daur mein Nabi ﷺ ke baare mein sach kyun bola?(1:05:07) Chor ka haath katne par taras khana?(1:05:39) Khudkushi karne walay par taras khana?(1:06:06) Zaujain ka aik-doosray ko blackmail karne ka hal(1:07:49) Qabil-e-rehm shakhs vs dheeth shakhs(1:08:45) Khulasa bayan + dua Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ivan Katchanovski discusses how the media hid the realities of Ukraine's 2014 Maidan uprising, the actual triggers of the war, and the prospects for peace.

The Maidan Massacre of February 2014 supposedly involved Ukrainian government troops tied to President Viktor Yanukovych, a Russian ally, leading to his overthrow. But what if it was a false flag operation done to make people blame the government?Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/revisiting-maidan-massacre

The Maidan Massacre of February 2014 supposedly involved Ukrainian government troops tied to President Viktor Yanukovych, a Russian ally, leading to his overthrow. But what if it was a false flag operation done to make people blame the government?Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/revisiting-maidan-massacre

Volodymyr Ishchenko, currently at the Institute for East European Studies, Freie Universität Berlin, discusses his latest book, Towards the Abyss: Ukraine from Maidan to War (Verso, 2024) and forthcoming paper “Post-Soviet vicious circle: revolution as a reproduction of a crisis of hegemony” (co-authored with Oleg Zhuravlev). Historicising how post-Soviet revolutions in Ukraine have functioned, Ishchenko considers how the 2014 Euromaidan revolution produced a weaker state whose fate, instead of being decided by Moscow, has been directed by Washington or Brussels. Delineating how the 2022 war is, in part, the culmination of Ukraine's history in relationship to Russia, where cross-national capital allied itself with the local professional middle classes and where anti-nationalist arguments clashed with the tendency to understand the war within the context of Ukraine's perceived colonial struggle, Ishchenko observes how these primordial, ethno-nationalist readings lend themselves to a larger teleology. Detailing how the war in 2022 becomes the culmination of this story, a sort of parable of the struggling, emerging nation, Ishchenko explores how the narrative construction of Ukrainian nationhood mirrors the creation of the nation-state, like many countries from the 19th century onward. He also interrogates the various theories that proffer origins of the war as being rooted in the Russia-NATO conflict, as maintained by Jeffrey Sachs and John Mearsheimer. Instead, Ishchenko considers an alternative reading of this history, positing that the war in Ukraine has little to do with the inclusion of Ukraine within NATO, nor is it about NATO's inclusion of neighbouring countries. Instead, Ishchenko contends that the 2022 war is a culmination of Russia's exclusion from the process and dialogues by and around NATO. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

3 December 2025by Teresa CherfasWelcome to the 37th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.Maria Alekhina, is a founding member of the Pussy Riot art collective. Pussy Riot's performance, in February 2012, when they sang their Punk Prayer in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, led to the arrest of three of them, including Alekhina herself. They were sentenced to two years in a penal colony.Olga Borisova, is also a member of Pussy Riot, but joined much later. Political Girl:Life and Fate in Russia is Maria Alekhina's account of the years since her release in 2014 up until she left Russia shortly after the invasion of Ukraine. Olga Borisova helped in the writing of it. Their book was recently published in English translation in the United Kingdom. This podcast was recorded on 30 November 2025. Photo credit: Pussy Riot.Teresa's Questions:How did you become a “Political Girl”? Were you born a “political girl,” or did life make you one?Olga, what about you? Tell us about your path to Pussy Riot. (How did you become friends with Masha?)Masha, is it true that you and your two other Pussy Riot offenders were the first political prisoners in Putin's Russia? Was it a shock for you to be arrested and sentenced?Why is feminism such an important element of Pussy Riot's philosophy? And why is it so threatening to an authoritarian regime? (Feminism is a ‘mortal sin,' according to the judge at your trial.)Masha, you wrote that when you were released from prison a couple of months early, thanks to Putin's amnesty before the Olympic Games in Sochi, you found yourself in a different country. Please explain.Tell us about your performance in Sochi with other members of Pussy Riot, very soon after your release. Masha, you travelled to Kyiv to show solidarity with the Maidan protesters in 2014. How do you explain the difference between Ukrainians and Russians — why is it that Russians seem more passive and don't protest en masse?Your book describes the constant surveillance, humiliation, persecution, and repression that accompanied you everywhere and always. Where did you find the strength to continue resisting the authorities?Do revolutionaries have special qualities? Would you describe yourself as a ‘revolutionary', Masha? What about you, Olya?What is it that motivates you and makes you willing to sacrifice so much for? I hadn't realised that Pussy Riot created Mediazona, an independent media outlet. How does it differ from other independent media outlets? What is its mission?You have often said that Putin's third term as president was a point of no return for Russia. How did this happen, in your view?Your book is in English and seems to be written for a Western readership. What are the main things you wanted to convey or communicate to the West? The book has an entire chapter about the seemingly endless cycle of arrests and detentions you experienced. (You found both “good” and “bad” people among those who guarded you.) You have said that the whole of Russia can be found in these detention centres. What did you mean by that?When did you realize that there would be a full-scale war with Ukraine? Tell us about your thoughts in February 2022. How did you decide whether to stay or leave?It has been more than three years since you arrived in the West. How do you perceive the actions of Western countries towards Russia?And how do you see their actions to defend their own democracy?Do you believe in change in Russia? What kind of change?Exactly ten years after your performance of the “Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, Putin announced the ‘special military operation' in Ukraine. It seems that the Pussy Riot affair became a marker of what could be expected from Putin's Russia: first there was the illegal annexation of Crimea, then increasingly harsh punitive measure against any dissent from the regime, and finally the full-scale war against Ukraine. What does it feel like to be a historical figure?

Vào đầu tháng 10/2025, phóng viên nhiếp ảnh Antoni Lallican đã thiệt mạng tại vùng Donbass, miền đông Ukraina, do bị một drone của Nga tấn công. Đây là nhà báo Pháp đầu tiên bị chết ở Ukraina trong một cuộc tấn công rõ ràng là có chủ đích từ phía quân Nga. Bất chấp nguy hiểm đến tính mạng, từ nhiều năm qua, nữ phóng viên ảnh độc lập người Pháp Gaelle Girbes vẫn sát cánh với người dân Ukraina. Tại triển lãm ảnh báo chí quốc tế Visa pour l'image 2025 ở thành phố Perpignan miền nam nước Pháp tháng 9/2025, Gaelle Girbes đã giới thiệu loạt ảnh chia sẻ cuộc sống thường nhật của những người không còn nơi nào để đi do nhà cửa đã bị bom đạn của quân Nga phá hủy. Qua tập ảnh "Ukraina, Sống Sót Giữa Đống Đổ Nát", Gaelle Girbes đưa độc giả đến những thành phố như Vouhledar ở vùng Donetsk, miền đông Ukraina, đã rơi vào tay quân Nga đầu tháng 10/2024, sau ba năm giao tranh ác liệt và bị phá hủy hoàn toàn. Trong những năm tháng trước đó, giữa cảnh hoang tàn, người dân Vouhledar vẫn cố gắn trồng rau, nuôi gà để ăn.  Cũng ở vùng Donetsk, ngôi làng Borododychne đã không biết bao nhiêu lần bị quân Nga đánh chiếm rồi lại được quân Ukraina giành lại. Từ 556 dân trước khi bị Nga chiếm, nay chỉ còn 35 người dân sống tại ngôi làng giờ chỉ toàn là những đống gạch vụn. Nhân dịp tham gia triển lãm tại Perpignan, Gaelle Girbes đã dành cho RFI Việt ngữ bài phỏng vấn sau đây: Xin chào Gaelle Girbes, cô đã đến Ukraina từ năm 2017. Vì sao cô đã quyết định ở lại Ukraina, ngay cả sau khi Nga phát động cuộc chiến tranh xâm lược tháng 02/2022, bất chấp những nguy hiểm? Khi đến Ukraina lần đầu tiên, tôi đã rất xúc động trước tình hình tại đây. Ở tiền tuyến, cảnh tượng đầu tiên tôi chứng kiến ​​là năm quả đạn cối rơi trúng một ngôi nhà của những người hưu trí và những người lớn tuổi này phải một mình chiến đấu với ngọn lửa, đối mặt với thảm họa. Ở tuổi 72, dập tắt ngọn lửa đang phá hủy ngôi nhà dĩ nhiên không hề dễ dàng.  Cảnh tượng đó đã thật sự ảnh hưởng đến tôi và tôi nhận ra rằng không có ai ở đó để tường thuật. Ở châu Âu, người ta cho rằng đây chỉ là một cuộc chiến đang “đóng băng”, nhưng thực tế không phải vậy. Cuộc chiến này đúng là có cường độ thấp so với ngày nay, nhưng đó là tiền đề cho một điều gì đó thậm chí còn tồi tệ và trầm trọng hơn, sẽ ảnh hưởng đến tất cả chúng ta. Và tôi cũng vô cùng cảm kích trước tinh thần của người dân Ukraina, mà tôi thấy là rất dũng cảm. Họ là những người bảo vệ những giá trị mà chúng ta rất trân trọng, như tự do.  Công việc của tôi là ghi nhận ​​những tội ác và bất công của chiến tranh. Vì vậy, ngay từ khi quân đội Nga quyết định chính thức xâm lược Ukraina tháng 2/2022, tôi nghĩ đây là lúc mình phải ở lại và tiếp tục công việc của mình, chứ không được bỏ cuộc. Như vậy là trong suốt những năm qua, cô đã chứng kiến sự phá hủy các thị trấn và làng mạc ở Ukraina. Người dân đã đối phó như thế nào trong suốt thời gian đó?  Trên thực tế, người dân Ukraina, trước khi có cuộc cách mạng Maidan năm 2014, đã từng làm cuộc Cách mạng Cam và thậm chí trước đó nữa, họ chưa bao giờ ngừng kháng cự và chiến đấu cho độc lập và tự do của mình. Khi đến đó, tôi đã ghi lại những diễn biến trên tiền tuyến ở vùng Donbass từ năm 2017 đến năm 2022. Vào năm 2022, khi cuộc xâm lược quy mô lớn của Nga bắt đầu, tôi đã tiếp tục ở bên cạnh những người dân mà tôi yêu thương, mà tôi đặc biệt trân trọng. Họ trải qua cuộc chiến đó với sức chịu đựng tuyệt vời và cũng bởi vì họ hoàn toàn nhận thức được rằng đó là một cuộc chiến sẽ không bao giờ kết thúc. Tôi hy vọng nó sẽ kết thúc, ngay bây giờ, nhưng sẽ cực kỳ khó.  Họ đều tuyệt vọng, hay họ vẫn còn hy vọng rằng một ngày nào đó chiến tranh sẽ kết thúc?  Về mặt tinh thần, người dân Ukraina có tuyệt vọng không? Không. Có mệt mỏi không ? Có, cực kỳ mệt mỏi, bởi vì với những cuộc ném bom dữ dội, không ai có thể ngủ được và ai cũng sợ, mối nguy hiểm luôn hiện hữu. Ai cũng có thể mất đi những người thân yêu, bạn bè của mình. Đó là một gánh nặng  tâm lý rất, rất nặng nề. Tuy vậy họ vẫn tin là dù chuyện gì xảy ra, mọi thứ sẽ ổn thôi.  Nhưng ở những thị trấn hay làng mạc liên tục bị quân Nga oanh kích, hầu hết đã rời đi, còn những người ở lại phải chăng là do họ không tìm được cách nào để đi nơi khác, hay là vì họ đã quyết định ở lại? Tại những ngôi làng và thị trấn ở tiền tuyến bị ném bom, tàn phá, cướp bóc, thành thật mà nói, rất khó mà sống sót được. Đối mặt với nguy hiểm, một bộ phận dân cư phải sơ tán, hoặc tìm nơi trú ẩn ở gia đình thân thiết, sống ở nơi khác, hoặc đến các trung tâm tiếp nhận mà số chỗ thực sự rất, rất hạn chế, không còn chỗ trống, và họ không được phép ở lại lâu. Đó là một cuộc sống lang thang, như những người vô gia cư. Nếu có nhiều tiền hơn, có thu nhập cao hơn và nói được một ngôn ngữ nước ngoài, họ có thể đến Châu Âu và những nơi khác để xin quy chế tị nạn, nhưng chỉ có một số người thôi.  Sống tại những khu vực như thế, trên mặt trận, chủ yếu là những người có thu nhập thấp, những người về hưu, họ ở lại đó do thiếu phương tiện và cũng vì họ nói rằng: “ Đây là đất của tôi, tôi sinh ra ở đây, lớn lên ở đây, xây dựng mọi thứ ở đây, đó là cái giá của cả cuộc đời tôi đang phải trả, vì vậy tôi sẽ ở lại. Đây là đất của tôi và tôi sẽ không giao nó cho lính Nga."  Chủ đề loạt ảnh của cô là “Sống sót giữa đống đổ nát”. Làm thế nào họ đã có thể sống sót trong suốt những năm qua?  Như ông có thể thấy trong các bức ảnh, trên thực tế, đó là một cách sống hoàn toàn mới: đang có máy giặt, internet, ngân hàng, bưu điện, siêu thị, thế mà hôm sau thức dậy bỗng dưng không còn nước, không còn khí đốt, không còn điện, không còn ngân hàng, không còn siêu thị, không còn máy giặt, không còn gì cả. Nên họ phải học lại cách sưởi ấm nhà bằng củi, hay lọc nước ở bất cứ nơi nào bạn tìm thấy. Nếu có thể thì tìm ra cách sử dụng các tấm pin Mặt trời mini, ít nhất là có điện để thắp sáng. Không còn điện thoại, không còn internet nữa, họ đột nhiên giống như trở về thời Trung Cổ. Họ phải tự tổ chức lại cuộc sống bản thân, bắt đầu trồng rau, tạo dựng một lối sống mới để tồn tại.  Vậy là cô đã quyết định ở lại suốt những năm qua để chứng kiến ​​sự tàn khốc của chiến tranh. Nhưng công việc của cô có thực sự nguy hiểm không? Có nguy cơ cô bị bắt giam giữ hoặc thậm chí bị giết không?  Điều đó phụ thuộc vào chủ đề tôi đề cập đến. Tôi quyết định ở lại Ukraina để tường thuật  ​​những gì đang xảy ra ở đó, cả những tội ác do binh lính Nga và chính phủ Nga gây ra trên lãnh thổ Ukraina. Và cũng để chứng kiến ​​tác động lên từng cá nhân. Nói cách khác, ở đây có những chủ thể sống sót giữa đống đổ nát. Đột nhiên mất tất cả, làm thế nào họ có thể sống sót giữa cảnh đó? Làm thế nào họ có thể xây dựng lại bản thân khi biết rằng điều đó gần như là không thể. Tôi còn những chủ đề khác mà tôi đang làm việc trong dài hạn, có thể là về những người bị cắt cụt chân tay, hoặc những chủ đề khác mà tôi không thể nói đến ở đây nhưng sẽ sớm được đề cập đến.  Nhưng nhìn chung, tùy thuộc vào chủ đề, có những chủ đề cực kỳ nguy hiểm, vì đó là những nơi bị bắn phá dữ dội, như trong loạt ảnh này đó là hai ngôi làng nơi mà không khéo là có thể giẫm phải mìn, nhưng nếu cẩn thận thì không sao. Ở hai ngôi làng khác, tôi đã phải làm việc dưới hỏa lực dữ dội.  Cũng có những drone của Nga săn lùng bất cứ ai dù là nhà báo, thường dân hay binh lính. Khi biết có một nhà báo, họ càng cố truy sát. Tuy nhiên, lần thứ hai tôi đến đó, máy bay phản lực của Nga đang hoạt động, và tôi phải quay trở lại dưới những quả bom nặng từ 250 đến 500 kg. Vô cùng khó khăn, đặc biệt phức tạp. Mỗi lần tôi phải quay trở lại vào ban đêm để hạn chế nguy hiểm.  Việc những bức ảnh của cô được triển lãm ở Perpignan, cô có hy vọng những ảnh đó sẽ có tác động nhất định đến dư luận ở Pháp hay châu Âu, tác động đến diễn biến của cuộc chiến?  Hy vọng của tôi ở đây, trên hết, cũng là hy vọng của những người có mặt trong những bức ảnh này, những người biết đến triển lãm này. Họ đã thấy những bức ảnh, họ gửi tin nhắn cho tôi mỗi ngày. Đó là điều họ muốn: những gì đang xảy ra với họ, những gì người Nga đã làm với họ phải được biết đến, chứ không phải bị bịt miệng, vì đó là một phần lịch sử của họ. Đó cũng là về những vết thương, nỗi đau khổ của họ. Và điều quan trọng vẫn là phải cho thấy Ukraina thực sự là một quốc gia rộng lớn, lớn hơn cả nước Pháp, và 30% lãnh thổ hiện đang bị tàn phá, tương đương với diện tích của vương quốc Bỉ, ảnh hưởng đến hơn 5 triệu người. Năm nay, Nga đã chiếm hơn 460 km vuông lãnh thổ, mà họ đã tàn phá mọi thứ. Bao nhiêu ngàn sinh mạng con người đã bị mất? Họ sẽ tái thiết như thế nào? Chúng ta có thể tiếp tục để điều này xảy ra không? Tất cả đều là những câu hỏi chưa có lời giải đáp. 

Vào đầu tháng 10/2025, phóng viên nhiếp ảnh Antoni Lallican đã thiệt mạng tại vùng Donbass, miền đông Ukraina, do bị một drone của Nga tấn công. Đây là nhà báo Pháp đầu tiên bị chết ở Ukraina trong một cuộc tấn công rõ ràng là có chủ đích từ phía quân Nga. Bất chấp nguy hiểm đến tính mạng, từ nhiều năm qua, nữ phóng viên ảnh độc lập người Pháp Gaelle Girbes vẫn sát cánh với người dân Ukraina. Tại triển lãm ảnh báo chí quốc tế Visa pour l'image 2025 ở thành phố Perpignan miền nam nước Pháp tháng 9/2025, Gaelle Girbes đã giới thiệu loạt ảnh chia sẻ cuộc sống thường nhật của những người không còn nơi nào để đi do nhà cửa đã bị bom đạn của quân Nga phá hủy. Qua tập ảnh "Ukraina, Sống Sót Giữa Đống Đổ Nát", Gaelle Girbes đưa độc giả đến những thành phố như Vouhledar ở vùng Donetsk, miền đông Ukraina, đã rơi vào tay quân Nga đầu tháng 10/2024, sau ba năm giao tranh ác liệt và bị phá hủy hoàn toàn. Trong những năm tháng trước đó, giữa cảnh hoang tàn, người dân Vouhledar vẫn cố gắn trồng rau, nuôi gà để ăn.  Cũng ở vùng Donetsk, ngôi làng Borododychne đã không biết bao nhiêu lần bị quân Nga đánh chiếm rồi lại được quân Ukraina giành lại. Từ 556 dân trước khi bị Nga chiếm, nay chỉ còn 35 người dân sống tại ngôi làng giờ chỉ toàn là những đống gạch vụn. Nhân dịp tham gia triển lãm tại Perpignan, Gaelle Girbes đã dành cho RFI Việt ngữ bài phỏng vấn sau đây: Xin chào Gaelle Girbes, cô đã đến Ukraina từ năm 2017. Vì sao cô đã quyết định ở lại Ukraina, ngay cả sau khi Nga phát động cuộc chiến tranh xâm lược tháng 02/2022, bất chấp những nguy hiểm? Khi đến Ukraina lần đầu tiên, tôi đã rất xúc động trước tình hình tại đây. Ở tiền tuyến, cảnh tượng đầu tiên tôi chứng kiến ​​là năm quả đạn cối rơi trúng một ngôi nhà của những người hưu trí và những người lớn tuổi này phải một mình chiến đấu với ngọn lửa, đối mặt với thảm họa. Ở tuổi 72, dập tắt ngọn lửa đang phá hủy ngôi nhà dĩ nhiên không hề dễ dàng.  Cảnh tượng đó đã thật sự ảnh hưởng đến tôi và tôi nhận ra rằng không có ai ở đó để tường thuật. Ở châu Âu, người ta cho rằng đây chỉ là một cuộc chiến đang “đóng băng”, nhưng thực tế không phải vậy. Cuộc chiến này đúng là có cường độ thấp so với ngày nay, nhưng đó là tiền đề cho một điều gì đó thậm chí còn tồi tệ và trầm trọng hơn, sẽ ảnh hưởng đến tất cả chúng ta. Và tôi cũng vô cùng cảm kích trước tinh thần của người dân Ukraina, mà tôi thấy là rất dũng cảm. Họ là những người bảo vệ những giá trị mà chúng ta rất trân trọng, như tự do.  Công việc của tôi là ghi nhận ​​những tội ác và bất công của chiến tranh. Vì vậy, ngay từ khi quân đội Nga quyết định chính thức xâm lược Ukraina tháng 2/2022, tôi nghĩ đây là lúc mình phải ở lại và tiếp tục công việc của mình, chứ không được bỏ cuộc. Như vậy là trong suốt những năm qua, cô đã chứng kiến sự phá hủy các thị trấn và làng mạc ở Ukraina. Người dân đã đối phó như thế nào trong suốt thời gian đó?  Trên thực tế, người dân Ukraina, trước khi có cuộc cách mạng Maidan năm 2014, đã từng làm cuộc Cách mạng Cam và thậm chí trước đó nữa, họ chưa bao giờ ngừng kháng cự và chiến đấu cho độc lập và tự do của mình. Khi đến đó, tôi đã ghi lại những diễn biến trên tiền tuyến ở vùng Donbass từ năm 2017 đến năm 2022. Vào năm 2022, khi cuộc xâm lược quy mô lớn của Nga bắt đầu, tôi đã tiếp tục ở bên cạnh những người dân mà tôi yêu thương, mà tôi đặc biệt trân trọng. Họ trải qua cuộc chiến đó với sức chịu đựng tuyệt vời và cũng bởi vì họ hoàn toàn nhận thức được rằng đó là một cuộc chiến sẽ không bao giờ kết thúc. Tôi hy vọng nó sẽ kết thúc, ngay bây giờ, nhưng sẽ cực kỳ khó.  Họ đều tuyệt vọng, hay họ vẫn còn hy vọng rằng một ngày nào đó chiến tranh sẽ kết thúc?  Về mặt tinh thần, người dân Ukraina có tuyệt vọng không? Không. Có mệt mỏi không ? Có, cực kỳ mệt mỏi, bởi vì với những cuộc ném bom dữ dội, không ai có thể ngủ được và ai cũng sợ, mối nguy hiểm luôn hiện hữu. Ai cũng có thể mất đi những người thân yêu, bạn bè của mình. Đó là một gánh nặng  tâm lý rất, rất nặng nề. Tuy vậy họ vẫn tin là dù chuyện gì xảy ra, mọi thứ sẽ ổn thôi.  Nhưng ở những thị trấn hay làng mạc liên tục bị quân Nga oanh kích, hầu hết đã rời đi, còn những người ở lại phải chăng là do họ không tìm được cách nào để đi nơi khác, hay là vì họ đã quyết định ở lại? Tại những ngôi làng và thị trấn ở tiền tuyến bị ném bom, tàn phá, cướp bóc, thành thật mà nói, rất khó mà sống sót được. Đối mặt với nguy hiểm, một bộ phận dân cư phải sơ tán, hoặc tìm nơi trú ẩn ở gia đình thân thiết, sống ở nơi khác, hoặc đến các trung tâm tiếp nhận mà số chỗ thực sự rất, rất hạn chế, không còn chỗ trống, và họ không được phép ở lại lâu. Đó là một cuộc sống lang thang, như những người vô gia cư. Nếu có nhiều tiền hơn, có thu nhập cao hơn và nói được một ngôn ngữ nước ngoài, họ có thể đến Châu Âu và những nơi khác để xin quy chế tị nạn, nhưng chỉ có một số người thôi.  Sống tại những khu vực như thế, trên mặt trận, chủ yếu là những người có thu nhập thấp, những người về hưu, họ ở lại đó do thiếu phương tiện và cũng vì họ nói rằng: “ Đây là đất của tôi, tôi sinh ra ở đây, lớn lên ở đây, xây dựng mọi thứ ở đây, đó là cái giá của cả cuộc đời tôi đang phải trả, vì vậy tôi sẽ ở lại. Đây là đất của tôi và tôi sẽ không giao nó cho lính Nga."  Chủ đề loạt ảnh của cô là “Sống sót giữa đống đổ nát”. Làm thế nào họ đã có thể sống sót trong suốt những năm qua?  Như ông có thể thấy trong các bức ảnh, trên thực tế, đó là một cách sống hoàn toàn mới: đang có máy giặt, internet, ngân hàng, bưu điện, siêu thị, thế mà hôm sau thức dậy bỗng dưng không còn nước, không còn khí đốt, không còn điện, không còn ngân hàng, không còn siêu thị, không còn máy giặt, không còn gì cả. Nên họ phải học lại cách sưởi ấm nhà bằng củi, hay lọc nước ở bất cứ nơi nào bạn tìm thấy. Nếu có thể thì tìm ra cách sử dụng các tấm pin Mặt trời mini, ít nhất là có điện để thắp sáng. Không còn điện thoại, không còn internet nữa, họ đột nhiên giống như trở về thời Trung Cổ. Họ phải tự tổ chức lại cuộc sống bản thân, bắt đầu trồng rau, tạo dựng một lối sống mới để tồn tại.  Vậy là cô đã quyết định ở lại suốt những năm qua để chứng kiến ​​sự tàn khốc của chiến tranh. Nhưng công việc của cô có thực sự nguy hiểm không? Có nguy cơ cô bị bắt giam giữ hoặc thậm chí bị giết không?  Điều đó phụ thuộc vào chủ đề tôi đề cập đến. Tôi quyết định ở lại Ukraina để tường thuật  ​​những gì đang xảy ra ở đó, cả những tội ác do binh lính Nga và chính phủ Nga gây ra trên lãnh thổ Ukraina. Và cũng để chứng kiến ​​tác động lên từng cá nhân. Nói cách khác, ở đây có những chủ thể sống sót giữa đống đổ nát. Đột nhiên mất tất cả, làm thế nào họ có thể sống sót giữa cảnh đó? Làm thế nào họ có thể xây dựng lại bản thân khi biết rằng điều đó gần như là không thể. Tôi còn những chủ đề khác mà tôi đang làm việc trong dài hạn, có thể là về những người bị cắt cụt chân tay, hoặc những chủ đề khác mà tôi không thể nói đến ở đây nhưng sẽ sớm được đề cập đến.  Nhưng nhìn chung, tùy thuộc vào chủ đề, có những chủ đề cực kỳ nguy hiểm, vì đó là những nơi bị bắn phá dữ dội, như trong loạt ảnh này đó là hai ngôi làng nơi mà không khéo là có thể giẫm phải mìn, nhưng nếu cẩn thận thì không sao. Ở hai ngôi làng khác, tôi đã phải làm việc dưới hỏa lực dữ dội.  Cũng có những drone của Nga săn lùng bất cứ ai dù là nhà báo, thường dân hay binh lính. Khi biết có một nhà báo, họ càng cố truy sát. Tuy nhiên, lần thứ hai tôi đến đó, máy bay phản lực của Nga đang hoạt động, và tôi phải quay trở lại dưới những quả bom nặng từ 250 đến 500 kg. Vô cùng khó khăn, đặc biệt phức tạp. Mỗi lần tôi phải quay trở lại vào ban đêm để hạn chế nguy hiểm.  Việc những bức ảnh của cô được triển lãm ở Perpignan, cô có hy vọng những ảnh đó sẽ có tác động nhất định đến dư luận ở Pháp hay châu Âu, tác động đến diễn biến của cuộc chiến?  Hy vọng của tôi ở đây, trên hết, cũng là hy vọng của những người có mặt trong những bức ảnh này, những người biết đến triển lãm này. Họ đã thấy những bức ảnh, họ gửi tin nhắn cho tôi mỗi ngày. Đó là điều họ muốn: những gì đang xảy ra với họ, những gì người Nga đã làm với họ phải được biết đến, chứ không phải bị bịt miệng, vì đó là một phần lịch sử của họ. Đó cũng là về những vết thương, nỗi đau khổ của họ. Và điều quan trọng vẫn là phải cho thấy Ukraina thực sự là một quốc gia rộng lớn, lớn hơn cả nước Pháp, và 30% lãnh thổ hiện đang bị tàn phá, tương đương với diện tích của vương quốc Bỉ, ảnh hưởng đến hơn 5 triệu người. Năm nay, Nga đã chiếm hơn 460 km vuông lãnh thổ, mà họ đã tàn phá mọi thứ. Bao nhiêu ngàn sinh mạng con người đã bị mất? Họ sẽ tái thiết như thế nào? Chúng ta có thể tiếp tục để điều này xảy ra không? Tất cả đều là những câu hỏi chưa có lời giải đáp. 

Fluent Fiction - Hindi: Under Diwali Lights: A Night of Heroes at Maidan Hospital Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/hi/episode/2025-11-27-08-38-20-hi Story Transcript:Hi: दीवाली की रात थी।En: It was the night of Diwali.Hi: आसमान में रंग-बिरंगी आतिशबाजी छाई हुई थी।En: The sky was filled with colorful fireworks.Hi: लेकिन मैदान अस्पताल में एक अलग ही हलचल थी।En: But in Maidan Hospital, there was a different kind of hustle and bustle.Hi: वहां की चमक-दमक का कोई पता नहीं था, जैसे समय थम गया हो।En: There was no sign of the brightness and glamour outside, as if time had stopped.Hi: अस्पताल में इमरजेंसी की स्थिति थी।En: The hospital was in a state of emergency.Hi: त्योहार के चलते भीड़ में हादसा हो गया था और अब डॉक्टर अर्चुन और नर्स मीरा के पास एक के बाद एक मरीज आ रहे थे।En: Due to the festival, an accident had occurred in the crowd, and now Doctor Archun and Nurse Meera were receiving one patient after another.Hi: दोनों ने कभी इतनी भीड़ नहीं देखी थी।En: Both had never seen such a crowd before.Hi: अर्चुन एक समर्पित डॉक्टर थे।En: Archun was a dedicated doctor.Hi: उनकी इच्छा थी कि वे हर मरीज की जान बचा सकें।En: He wished to save every patient's life.Hi: लेकिन आज हालात कुछ अलग थे।En: But today, the situation was different.Hi: अस्पताल में संसाधनों की कमी थी।En: The hospital was lacking resources.Hi: कुछ दवाइयां भी खत्म हो गई थीं और स्टाफ भी कम था।En: Some medicines had run out, and there was a shortage of staff.Hi: अर्चुन ने तुरंत स्थिति का जायजा लिया।En: Archun immediately assessed the situation.Hi: उन्होंने मरीजों को उनकी स्थिति के अनुसार प्राथमिकता देना शुरू किया।En: He began prioritizing patients according to their condition.Hi: गंभीर मरीजों को पहले इलाज मिलना जरूरी था।En: It was essential that serious patients receive treatment first.Hi: उन्होंने अस्पताल के अन्य विभागों से ऐपल बोलकर मदद मांगी।En: He called for help from other departments of the hospital.Hi: इसी बीच, मीरा ने निर्णय लिया कि वह अतिरिक्त शिफ्ट लेंगी और अपने साथी नर्सों को भी प्रेरित करेंगी।En: Meanwhile, Meera decided that she would take extra shifts and inspire her fellow nurses as well.Hi: उन्होंने मरीजों के परिवारों को सांत्वना देना शुरू किया।En: She began comforting the patients' families.Hi: ये काम सबसे मुश्किल था, लेकिन मीरा ने दिखाया कि उनके दिल में कितनी करुणा है।En: This was the most difficult task, but Meera showed how much compassion she had in her heart.Hi: जब स्थिति चरम पर थी, तब एक बेहद गंभीर मरीज आया।En: When the situation was at its peak, a very critical patient arrived.Hi: उसकी हालत नाजुक थी, लेकिन हार मानने के लिए ना मीरा तैयार थी और ना ही अर्चुन।En: His condition was critical, but neither Meera nor Archun was ready to give up.Hi: उन्होंने अपनी सूझबूझ से और टीम वर्क से उस मरीज को स्थिर कर दिया।En: With their presence of mind and teamwork, they managed to stabilize the patient.Hi: यह एक चमत्कार जैसा था।En: It was like a miracle.Hi: धीरे-धीरे स्थिति सुधरने लगी।En: Gradually, the situation began to improve.Hi: आखिरी मरीज को रिकवरी वार्ड में भेजा गया।En: The last patient was sent to the recovery ward.Hi: थकावट के बावजूद, पूरे स्टाफ के चेहरे पर संतोष की मुस्कान थी।En: Despite the exhaustion, a smile of satisfaction was on the faces of the entire staff.Hi: अर्चुन ने एक बार पलटकर देखा: उनकी टीम का साहस और लचीलापन आज उनके लिए प्रेरणादायक था।En: Archun looked back once: the courage and resilience of his team were inspiring to him today.Hi: वहीं, मीरा ने महसूस किया कि वह कठिन समय में भी नेतृत्व कर सकती थी।En: Meanwhile, Meera realized that she could lead even in tough times.Hi: दीवाली की रौशनी के नीचे, भले ही बाहर आतिशबाजी जारी थी, लेकिन असली जश्न मैदान अस्पताल के अंदर मनाया गया।En: Under the Diwali lights, even though fireworks continued outside, the real celebration was inside Maidan Hospital.Hi: वहां मानवता की जीत हुई थी।En: There, humanity had triumphed. Vocabulary Words:hustle: हलचलglamour: चमक-दमकemergency: इमरजेंसीdedicated: समर्पितresources: संसाधनोंshortage: कमीprioritizing: प्राथमिकता देनाcondition: स्थितिdepartments: विभागोंcomforting: सांत्वना देनाcompassion: करुणाpeak: चरमcritical: गंभीरstabilize: स्थिरmiracle: चमत्कारrecovery: रिकवरीexhaustion: थकावटsatisfaction: संतोषresilience: लचीलापनinspiring: प्रेरणादायकcourage: साहसtriumph: जीतhumanity: मानवताfireworks: आतिशबाजीsituation: हालातassess: जायजा लियाfamilies: परिवारोंessential: जरूरीinhale: श्वास लेनाinspire: प्रेरित

In this Nash Holos exclusive interview from 2014, Pawlina speaks with Mirko Petriw, Vancouver-based author of two spy thrillers set in Ukraine and president of the Ukrainian-Canadian Congress Vancouver branch.Recorded during the Maidan Uprising, in the tense weeks leading up to Russia's annexation of Crimea, this conversation delves into the intersection of energy politics, propaganda, and democratic struggle in Ukraine.Listeners will hear about:• Ukraine's shale gas ambitions and what they could have meant for energy independence • How Russia and Gazprom sought to block Ukraine's EU association and undermine shale gas development • The propaganda battles around fracking and environmental fears, echoing debates in the West • The political crackdown on protesters, including restrictive laws and state-directed violence against demonstrators • The broader struggle for sovereignty, democracy, and Ukraine's future direction Petriw's insights reveal how hopes for energy independence collided with Russian influence, Gazprom's pressure, and authoritarian tactics during one of Ukraine's most pivotal moments.This interview originally aired on the Vancouver edition of Nash Holos on AM1320 CHMB on January 18, 2014. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.wethefifth.com Michael McFaul, former US ambassador to Russia, has a new book…- The disaster of Russia- Trump's evolving views on Putin (and Nigel's…and Georgia's…)- When McFaul met Putin…in 1991- Was the Maidan uprising an American-sponsored coup?- It's not about NATO- From boring technocrat to a nationalist, imperialist ideologue- What does Putin believe?- Vlad the flat taxer - He's not a Bolshevik- A crook, sure. But an ideological crook- Does no one care about 200,000 dead Russians?- Liberation or surveillance - Elite fatigue in Putin's Russia- The documentary Moynihan mentioned - Mike McFaul, Soviet bootlegger

Firas expands on the modern history of Ukraine, from the events surrounding the Maidan Revolution to Russia's 2022 invasion.V

In this company update, I welcome back Blaine Monaghan, President & CEO of Pacific Ridge Exploration (TSX.V:PEX - OTCQB:PEXZF). The company is advancing its 100%-owned copper-gold projects in British Columbia's Toodoggone District, with a focus on the Kliyul and RDP Projects. Key discussion points: Kliyul Copper-Gold Project: Maiden resource (Aug 2025): 334M tonnes grading 0.33% CuEq, or 2.42B lbs CuEq (includes 1.1B lbs copper, 2.7M oz gold, 10M oz silver). Resource remains open in multiple directions. RDP Project: 2022 Antofagasta drill hole returned 107m of 1.39% CuEq, one of BC's best intervals that year. Pacific Ridge has now completed 5 additional holes (~2,100m), with results expected in the coming weeks. Valuation vs. peers: Pacific Ridge trades at ~$14M market cap. Baline makes the comparison to peers such as Vizsla Copper, Kodiak Copper, and NorthWest Copper who all are at higher valuations. Next catalysts: Initial RDP drill results expected mid-October, followed by Kliyul results in November. Exploration strategy includes continued infill, step-outs, and testing new targets across both projects. Treasury (~C$2.5M cash + 4M in-the-money warrants).   Click here to visit the Pacific Ridge Exploration website.    --------------------- For more market commentary & interview summaries, subscribe to our Substacks: The KE Report: https://kereport.substack.com/ Shad's resource market commentary: https://excelsiorprosperity.substack.com/ Investment disclaimer: This content is for informational and educational purposes only and does not constitute investment advice, an offer, or a solicitation to buy or sell any security. Investing in equities and commodities involves risk, including the possible loss of principal. Do your own research and consult a licensed financial advisor before making any investment decisions. Guests and hosts may own shares in companies mentioned.

Lionel offers a critical perspective on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Lionel argues against the Western narrative of an "unprovoked invasion," asserting that the conflict is rooted in years of Western arrogance, broken promises regarding NATO expansion, and US interference dating back to the 2014 Maidan coup. Lionel discusses figures like Victoria Nuland and critiques the American media's portrayal of the war, suggesting that Russia's actions are driven by perceived existential security threats rather than a desire to restore the Soviet Union. Furthermore, the he questions the motivations and competence of US political figures and military contractors, advocating for an "America First" stance of non-involvement and urging people to seek deeper historical context. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In dit verdiepende gesprek met historicus Wybren Verstegen en Jelle van Baardewijk wordt de historische grens tussen West- en Oost-Europa besproken, met nadruk op Rusland, Oekraïne en conflicten zoals de Maidan-revolutie en de huidige oorlog. Van middeleeuwse grenzen tot Poetin, inclusief parallellen met Joegoslavië en scenario's voor de toekomst.--Steun DNW en word patroon op http://www.petjeaf.com/denieuwewereld.Liever direct overmaken? Maak dan uw gift over naar NL61 RABO 0357 5828 61 t.n.v. Stichting De Nieuwe Wereld. Crypto's doneren kan via https://commerce.coinbase.com/checkout/31d3b502-6996-41f6-97aa-ef2958025fb8-- Bronnen en links bij deze uitzending: --0:00 - Inleiding en introductie 1:05 - Grenzen tussen West- en Oost-Europa3:35 - Historische verschuivingen en autocratische regimes5:17 - Westerse superioriteit en duwen naar het Oosten6:32 - Rusland's militaire reactie en historisch patroon8:15 - Invloed van Peter de Grote en Duitse elementen10:10 - Oekraïne als grensconflict en Huntington's theorie11:14 - Auteurs over de Maidan-revolutie en westerse inmenging13:30 - Tussenstaten en succesverhalen zoals Polen15:55 - Vergelijking met Joegoslavië18:48 - Culturele verschillen in Oekraïne: West vs. Oost20:20 - Nation building en effect van de oorlog22:14 - Russisch bestuurssysteem onder Poetin26:16 - Clichébeelden: Lord of the Rings-analogie27:57 - Historisch voorbeeld: Alexander Nevski en anti-westers sentiment29:30 - Poetin en de rol van orthodox christendom30:44 - Wat wil Poetin in Oekraïne?32:35 - Drie lagen van de oorlog in Oekraïne34:49 - Scenario's voor de oorlog en diplomatie36:26 - Voorstel voor onderhandelingen met Rusland38:10 - Realistische uitkomsten en kernwapens41:06 - Culturele verschillen als politiek middel43:04 - Nationalisme in Europa en Oekraïne45:28 - Voorbeelden van nationalisme in Estland en Oekraïne46:04 - Afsluiting en conclusie--De Nieuwe Wereld TV is een platform dat mensen uit verschillende disciplines bij elkaar brengt om na te denken over grote veranderingen die op komst zijn door een combinatie van snelle technologische ontwikkelingen en globalisering. Het is een initiatief van filosoof Ad Verbrugge in samenwerking met anchors Jelle van Baardewijk en Marlies Dekkers. De Nieuwe Wereld TV wordt gemaakt in samenwerking met de Filosofische School Nederland. Onze website: https://denieuwewereld.tv/ DNW heeft ook een Substack. Meld je hier aan: https://denieuwewereld.substack.com/

In today's war diary, Alexander Shelest and Alexey Arestovich discussed the main news on the 1285th day of war:860,650 views Streamed live on Sep 1, 2025 #shos #parubiy #tsk#arestovych #shelest #zelensky #putin #war #parubiy #summit➤ 00:00 Alexander Shelest. On-air poll: under whom did you personally live better?➤ 02:00 Yanukovych's appearance with his memoirs.➤ 05:05 Parubiy's farewell in Lviv. Who killed Parubiy?➤ 09:55 Portnov, Farion, Parubiy - the "works" by the same author?➤ 12:33 What's happening with Ukraine's Maidan past?➤ 18:47 A strange map in the General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces at Gerasimov's meeting. A signal of a threat to the Nikolaev and Odessa regions. ➤ 23:20 SCO summit – a challenge to Trump and the West? Symbolic statements about the "civilizational superiority" of the global South.➤ 29:55 The global West has degenerated and will lose to the global South.➤ 32:21 About global governance from Xi Jinping's statements.➤ 33:26 Meeting of the Coalition of the Willing on September 4. Plans and reality of Europe.➤ 42:32 Different civilizational approaches of EU politicians.➤ 45:56 Will Trump fly to the EU for a meeting with the Coalition of the Willing?➤ 47:57 No one is talking about ending the war in Ukraine. There will be no peace.➤ 48:45 Social tension: young people 18-22 in the Ukrainian army VS those traveling abroad.➤ 51:51 Trying to protect the Drafting Commission while performing their duties creates unevenness in society and violates the Constitution of Ukraine.➤ 54:20 Vereshchuk about Mazepa. Is Zelensky following his path?➤ 56:05 The situation at the front: the results of the Russian offensive in the summer campaign.➤ 59:43 Alarming signs: the Russians are trying to isolate the battlefield.➤ 01:03:45 Kherson - Nikolaev highway. The qualitative and quantitative superiority of the Russian army is slowly increasing.Olexiy Arestovych (Kiev): Advisor to the Office of Ukraine President : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oleksiy_ArestovychOfficial channel: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjWy2g76QZf7QLEwx4cB46gAlexander Shelest - Ukranian journalist. Youtube: @a.shelest   Telegram: https://t.me/shelestlive

Edition No236 | 30-08-2025 - The Assassination of Andrii Parubii, and What It Says About Moscow's War on Democracy. A gunman in daylight, in a city far from the frontline, a courier disguise, eight shots, and democracy takes a bullet to the heart. In a nation that's been fighting for its existence and control over its future since Maidan, and indeed centuries before, has lost one of its civic leaders, and a key parliamentarian. Someone who was at the forefront of Ukraine's revolutions to assert democracy in the post-Soviet era. If it is proved that Moscow was behind it, which is a high probability, then the choice to snuff out the life of Andrii Parubii was cold and calculating. It was a direct attack on democracy and freedom. Today we unpack the cold-blooded killing of Andrii Parubii in Lviv—who he was, why this crosses a line, how Ukrainians are responding, and what this murder reveals about the Kremlin's contempt for democratic culture. (Reuters) What do we know? Just after midday on Aug. 30, 2025, Andrii Parubii — former speaker of Ukraine's parliament and a sitting MP — was shot dead in Lviv. Prosecutors say an unidentified assailant fired several rounds and fled; a citywide manhunt began under the code-name “Siren/Sirena.” (Українська правда)----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------SOURCES: Kyiv Independent — Ukraine's ex-parliament speaker shot dead in Lviv (Aug. 30, 2025). Euronews — Former Ukrainian parliament speaker Andrii Parubii shot dead in Lviv (Aug. 30, 2025). United24 — Former Parliament Speaker Andrii Parubii killed in targeted Lviv shooting (Aug. 30, 2025).Ukrainska Pravda (Eng.) — Police and prosecutors report on investigation… (Aug. 30, 2025).Reuters — Former parliamentary speaker Parubiy shot dead in Lviv (Aug. 30, 2025). Al Jazeera — Former Ukrainian parliament speaker shot dead in Lviv (Aug. 30, 2025). Financial Times — Prominent Ukrainian nationalist politician shot dead in Lviv (Aug. 30, 2025). The Guardian (live) — Zelenskyy vows all resources to find killer; tributes pour in (Aug. 30, 2025).----------

Seit dem 1. November vergangenen Jahres kommt es in Serbien zu immer massiver werdenden Protesten. Die Demonstranten fordern inzwischen Neuwahlen. Russland vermutet hinter den Unruhen eine Farbenrevolution, die einen Maidan in Serbien für Präsident Aleksandar Vučić erzeugen soll.

The provided text argues against the widely accepted narrative that Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine was unprovoked. It asserts that Western actions, particularly NATO's eastward expansion and interference in Ukrainian politics, served as long-term provocations. The author cites warnings from figures like George Kennan and William Burns, alongside Vladimir Putin's own statements, highlighting Russia's consistent opposition to these moves. Furthermore, the text suggests that the 2014 Maidan uprising was not a purely spontaneous event but rather was significantly influenced by Washington, leading to a civil war in Donbas that predated the 2022 invasion. Ultimately, the source contends that the conflict was "cultivated, warned against, and made inevitable" by decades of Western policy, emphasizing that the narrative of an "unprovoked war" ignores crucial historical context.

Benoit Paré is a former French defense ministry analyst who worked as an international monitor in eastern Ukraine from 2015 to 2022.In his first interview with a US outlet, Paré speaks to The Grayzone's Aaron Maté about the hidden reality of the Ukraine war in the Donbas region, where the US-backed Kyiv government fought Russia-backed rebels following the 2014 Maidan coup. Russia now demands that Ukraine accept its capture of the Donbas as a condition for ending the war.When it comes to which party is responsible for the failure to implement the Minsk accords, the 2015 peace pact that could have prevented the 2022 Russian invasion, Paré says. "I will very clear. For me the fault lies on Ukraine... by far." Paré also warns that Ukrainian ultra-nationalists, who violently resisted the Minsk accords, remain a major obstacle to peace.Paré worked as a monitor for the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a predominately European group. He recounts his experience as an OSCE monitor in Ukraine in his new book, "What I saw in Ukraine: 2015-2022, Diary of an International Observer."

Benoit Paré is a former French defense ministry analyst who worked as an international monitor in eastern Ukraine from 2015 to 2022. In his first interview with a US outlet, Paré speaks to The Grayzone's Aaron Maté about the hidden reality of the Ukraine war in the Donbas region, where the US-backed Kyiv government fought Russia-backed rebels following the 2014 Maidan coup. Russia now demands that Ukraine accept its capture of the Donbas as a condition for ending the war. When it comes to which party is responsible for the failure to implement the Minsk accords, the 2015 peace pact that could have prevented the 2022 Russian invasion, Paré says. "I will very clear. For me the fault lies on Ukraine... by far." Paré also warns that Ukrainian ultra-nationalists, who violently resisted the Minsk accords, remain a major obstacle to peace. Paré worked as a monitor for the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a predominately European group. He recounts his experience as an OSCE monitor in Ukraine in his new book, "What I saw in Ukraine: 2015-2022, Diary of an International Observer." Benoit Paré's book: https://www.amazon.com/What-Saw-Ukraine-2015-2022-International/dp/295986011X

Olena Halushka is a is a board member of the Ukrainian NGO “Anti-corruption Action Centre”, and co-founder of the International Centre for Ukrainian Victory. She has also worked as a chief of international advocacy at the post-Maidan coalition of 80 CSOs “Reanimation Package of Reforms”. Olena is a contributor to the Atlantic Council, Kyiv Independent. She has also written op-eds for the Washington Post, the Foreign Policy, and the EU Observer – but it's a major article she wrote for the UK's Guardian newspaper that we'll be discussing today.----------DESCRIPTION: Understanding Kyiv Protests: An In-Depth Discussion with Anti-Corruption Advocate Olena Halushka Jonathan speaks with Olena Halushka, a board member of the Ukrainian NGO Anti-Corruption Action Center and co-founder of the International Center for Ukrainian Victory. The conversation covers the ongoing protests in Kyiv, the role of Russian aggression, the significance of EU integration for Ukraine, and the internal challenges of anti-corruption and judicial reforms. Elena clarifies the nature of the protests, expressing that they are in favor of Ukraine's EU integration and not against the government. The discussion also delves into the horizontal strength of Ukrainian society, the impact of Western misconceptions, and the broader implications of these reforms on Ukraine's resilience during wartime. Lastly, Olena provides insights into how Western misunderstanding of Ukraine's decentralized but resilient structure and the importance of maintaining justice and anti-corruption measures, even during the war, are crucial for Ukraine's future.----------CHAPTERS: 00:00 Introduction and Guest Welcome01:22 Current Situation in Ukraine02:11 Understanding the Protests04:03 EU Integration and Democratic Reforms05:24 The Role of Civil Society and Media13:48 Russian Occupation and Humanitarian Crisis21:04 Global Implications and Support for Ukraine25:34 Anti-Corruption Reforms and Internal Challenges51:31 Conclusion and Final Thoughts----------LINKS:https://twitter.com/OlenaHalushka https://twitter.com/AntAC_ua https://twitter.com/ICUVua https://www.linkedin.com/in/olena-halushka-b7342259/?originalSubdomain=ua https://ukrainianvictory.org/experts/olena-halushka/ https://www.fpri.org/contributor/olena-halushka/https://cepa.org/author/olena-halushka/https://archive.kyivpost.com/author/olena-halushkahttps://foreignpolicy.com/author/olena-halushka/----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkiv and Przemyślhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------PLATFORMS:Twitter: https://twitter.com/CurtainSiliconInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/siliconcurtain/Podcast: https://open.spotify.com/show/4thRZj6NO7y93zG11JMtqmLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/in/finkjonathan/Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

Presa europeană își exprimă îngrijorarea legată de proiectul de lege semnat de Zelenski care va restricționa  autonomia agenților anticorupție. Jurnaliștii văd modificările ca pe un atac la adresa democrației și un pas înapoi de la traiectoria europeană. Este un punct fără întoarcere, scrie The Kyiv Independent.  “Președintele Volodymyr Zelensky a semnat pe 22 iulie un proiect de lege care distruge efectiv independența celor două instituții cheie anticorupție din Ucraina, potrivit parlamentarilor din opoziție și organismelor de supraveghere. Aceștia au avertizat că, dacă vor fi adoptate, amendamentele ar împiedica anchetele celor două agenții asupra autorităților sau persoanelor apropiate președintelui.”  Publicația ucraineană precizează și că decizia lui Zelenski de a aproba reforma va schimba cu siguranță imaginea țării în Europa, mai ales în privința aderării la uniune. La Repubblica este de acord că Ucraina tocmai a pus în pericol eforturile sale de până acum de a se apropia de Uniunea Europeană:  „Lupta împotriva corupției endemice care a ținut Ucraina în strânsoare timp de decenii a dus la îmbunătățiri în ultimii ani. Este una dintre condițiile cheie pentru aderarea Kievului la Uniunea Europeană. Așadar, nu este o coincidență că Marta Kos, comisar european pentru extindere, și-a exprimat îngrijorarea cu privire la această contra-reformă, care extinde puterile președintelui și reprezintă un „pas înapoi” față de progresele înregistrate de Kiev în ultimii ani.”  În consecință, Ucraina se aproprie din ce în ce mai mult de Rusia, spune The Spectator:  „Lupta pentru viitorul Ucrainei se dă nu numai pe câmpul de luptă, ci și în cadrul instituțiilor sale democratice. Una dintre aceste bătălii a fost pierdută ... Legea apropie ucrainenii de țara pe care vor să o părăsească cu disperare. Dacă nu va fi respinsă, președintele Zelensky riscă să-i împingă pe oameni înapoi în Piața Independenței pentru o altă revoltă Maidan. Acest moment ar putea fi mai aproape decât crede el.”, se plânge ziarul britanic.  Surprins de reacția provocată, președintele ucrainean a aprobat un alt proiect de lege care ar restabili independența autorităților anti-corupție. Însă răul a fost deja făcut, critică The Guardian.  „Pentru mulți, această criză reprezintă punctul culminant al îngrijorărilor legate de stilul său de guvernare și de comportamentul unora dintre cei din anturajul său. De asemenea, ea are ecouri alarmante ale predecesorilor săi. [...] De asemenea, este îngrijorător faptul că președintele a încercat să discrediteze agențiile anticorupție vorbind despre „legături cu Rusia”. Ce este de facut în continuare? se întreabă publicația britanică.  „El ar trebui să recâștige sprijinul în țară și în străinătate nu numai prin restabilirea independenței anchetatorilor anticorupție, ci și prin luarea în considerare a lecțiilor mai ample despre așteptările justificate ale poporului față de guvernul său.”   Grupaj realizat de Mădălina Șerban

Die Bilder aus Kiew in diesen Tagen wecken Erinnerungen: Tausende Demonstranten auf den Straßen, Transparente gegen Korruption und Rufe nach dem Rücktritt des Präsidenten. Über die Hintergründe der Proteste gibt es verschiedene Lesarten. Während westliche Medien mit dem Finger auf Wolodymyr Selenskyj zeigen und ihm Versagen im Kampf gegen die Korruption vorwerfen, zeigen pro-russische MedienWeiterlesen

Es sind die größten Proteste seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskrieges: Überall in der Ukraine gehen gerade Tausende Menschen auf die Straße. Sie demonstrieren nicht gegen den Aggressor Russland, sondern gegen den eigenen Präsidenten und ein umstrittenes Gesetz. Mit Korrespondentin Rebecca Barth aus dem ARD-Studio in Kiew erzählen wir in dieser Folge, was diese Proteste bedeuten und warum die Menschen auf die Straße gehen, während Soldaten zur gleichen Zeit an der Front gegen russische Truppen kämpfen. 11KM über ein Land im Krieg, in dem jetzt auch der innere Frieden bröckelt. Redaktionsschluss für diese Folge war Donnerstag, 24. Juli um 18 Uhr. Alle Updates aus der Ukraine und Berichte von Rebecca Barth findet ihr hier auf tagesschau.de: https://www.tagesschau.de/thema/ukraine Hier geht's zu unserem Podcast-Tipp „Streitkräfte und Strategien“: https://1.ard.de/Streitkraefte_und_Strategien Diese und viele weitere Folgen von 11KM findet ihr überall da, wo es Podcasts gibt, auch hier in der ARD Audiothek: https://www.ardaudiothek.de/sendung/11km-der-tagesschau-podcast/12200383/ An dieser Folge waren beteiligt: Folgenautor: Caspar von Au Mitarbeit: Marc Hoffmann Host: David Krause Produktion: Jacqueline Brzeczek, Konrad Winkler und Alexander Gerhardt Planung: Nicole Dienemann und Hardy Funk Distribution: Kerstin Ammermann Redaktionsleitung: Fumiko Lipp und Lena Gürtler 11KM: der tagesschau-Podcast wird produziert von BR24 und NDR Info. Die redaktionelle Verantwortung für diese Episode liegt beim NDR.

Es sind die größten Proteste seit Beginn des russischen Angriffskriegs und sie richten sich gegen ein neues Antikorruptionsgesetz – droht ein Rückfall in autokratische Zeiten? Und: Wo steht der Frauenfußball 2025? (17:59) Zerback, Sarah

A Personal History of Regime Change, Memory, and the Myth of America the LiberatorI'm against regime change—whether it comes by bombs, drones, NGOs, IMF leverage, or the velvet glove of democracy promotion. I oppose it when it's loud and violent. I oppose it when it's sly and nudged. Be it the softish regime change of Ukraine or the hard ones in Syria (won't work), Libya (yikes), Afghanistan (nope), and Iraq (yikes!), it all feels like one coherent doctrine masquerading as a series of noble mistakes.Remember General Wesley Clark? He said there was a plan to take down seven countries in five years: Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Iran. It wasn't a theory—it was a blueprint. Not for democracy, but for collapse. A strategy of managed entropy. A doctrine of rubbleization.Let me take a stand. Not a shrug. A belief.Saddam Hussein was the hero of the Iraq War. His sons were monsters, his regime brutal—but Iraq was sovereign. It had schools, water, food, borders, pride. And he held it together. With force? Sure. But what else binds together a British-imposed puzzle of tribes and sects?The West loved Saddam in the ‘80s. He was a darling of the CIA. Then we turned. We shattered his country. Turned it into a sandbox of sectarianism, contractor enrichment, and nation-building cosplay. And we call that a lesson. No—it was a murder.Same with Gaddafi. Libya had free education, clean water, infrastructure, a plan for a pan-African currency. So we blew it up. Laughed when he was dragged through the dirt. The result? Slave markets, chaos, warlords. We still call it liberation.Afghanistan? We armed the mujahideen. They were the good guys then. Then we invaded, stayed for twenty years, and left in the night. The Taliban returned before we even finished packing.Yemen. Syria. Venezuela. Cuba. We starve with sanctions, destabilize, demonize. Obedience, not order. Broken states are easier to manage than proud ones.And yes, we provoked the war in Ukraine. We pushed and prodded until Russia, who made clear Ukraine was a red line, reacted. I believe the 2014 Maidan movement was regime change theater. Ukraine isn't sovereign now—it's a proxy battlefield.But here's where belief becomes memory. I lived in Berlin once. I was 37. A 19-year-old Iranian girl was in my German class. She was luminous—black hair, brown eyes, a brilliant smile. She told me stories of rooftop sunbathing in Tehran, dodging morality police. Gave me her Yahoo email. She made Iran real.Until then, Iran to me was just “Death to America.” But she reminded me: Iran is human. Beautiful, joyous, mischief-filled, proud. The demonization is part of the war. First you make a place evil. Then you make it rubble.The devil you know is often better than the devil you invent. The Middle East doesn't need surgery. It needs distance. These are not fragile people. They endure. They adapt. They remember.Every time we try to liberate a country from itself, we make it worse. Our “liberation” is strategy. Business. Empire in a friendlier font.I'm not hedging. I believe we are often the villain. I believe memory—especially memory of joy, of that girl in Berlin—is the antidote to propaganda.This is the record. And I'm keeping it.

Valerii Pekar has been an entrepreneur since 1992. He serves as an adjunct professor at Kyiv-Mohyla Business School, the Business School and School of Public Management of Ukrainian Catholic University, Open University of Maidan, and the Ukrainian Academy of Leadership. He is the author of four books and was a member of the National Reforms Council from 2014 to 2016, also advising Ukraine's Ministers of Economic Development and Trade during that time. Valerii is currently the Chairman of the Board of the Decolonization NGO.----------LINKS:https://conference.lvivmediaforum.com/speakers/valerii-pekarhttps://www.liga.net/en/author/valerii-pekarhttps://forumkyiv.org/en/speakers/valerij-pekarLVIV MEDIA FORUM:The NGO Lviv Media Forum strengthens media, institutions, and public figures capable of fostering healthy public dialogue in Ukraine and beyond. Our goal is an effective and democratic society united by healthy communication. The organization was founded in 2013 to bring together media professionals from Ukraine and around the world in Lviv for the annual LMF conference. Over the years, we have grown into an ecosystem of people, organizations, and projects that support the media, develop comprehensive solutions for them, and promote the best media practices in Ukraine and globally. We are moving from supporting and developing media and journalists to a broader strategic focus: empowering communication actors, including media, civil society organizations, government bodies, and more. https://lvivmediaforum.com/enhttps://conference.lvivmediaforum.com/----------Your support is massively appreciated! SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon CurtainNEXT EVENTS - LVIV, KYIV AND ODESA THIS MAY AND JUNE.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur first live events this year in Lviv and Kyiv were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. We may add more venues to the program, depending on the success of the fundraising campaign. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkiv and Przemyślhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------PLATFORMS:Twitter: https://twitter.com/CurtainSiliconInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/siliconcurtain/Podcast: https://open.spotify.com/show/4thRZj6NO7y93zG11JMtqmLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/in/finkjonathan/Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------

Angelina Kariakina is a journalist, researcher, and co-founder of the Public Interest Journalism Lab in Ukraine. She has worked as a journalist for over 17 years – with print media, TV, and online. Angelina Kariakina is a journalist and media manager. In 2020 she co-founded the Public Interest Journalism Lab. She is currently the general producer of news at Suspilne – a Ukrainian public Broadcaster. In 2011, Kariakina joined the Euronews Kyiv bureau, and she covered Ukrainian political and social affairs, Maidan protests, and Russian aggression and conflict in eastern Ukraine. Later, Kariakina became a special correspondent and anchor at Hromadske TV, and covered trials against Ukrainian political prisoners in Russia and the refugee crisis in Hungary. She also co-authored investigations about events at Maidan, for which received a prize for investigative journalism. Then she worked as Hromadske's editor-in-chief from 2017 until 2020.----------LINKS:https://www.thereckoningproject.com/uk/team/angelina-kariakinahttps://visegradinsight.eu/author/angelina-kariakina/https://www.journalismfestival.com/speaker/angelina-kariakinahttps://x.com/li_nonLVIV MEDIA FORUM:https://lvivmediaforum.com/enhttps://conference.lvivmediaforum.com/----------Your support is massively appreciated! SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon CurtainNEXT EVENTS - LVIV, KYIV AND ODESA THIS MAY AND JUNE.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur first live events this year in Lviv and Kyiv were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. We may add more venues to the program, depending on the success of the fundraising campaign. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkiv and Przemyślhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------PLATFORMS:Twitter: https://twitter.com/CurtainSiliconInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/siliconcurtain/Podcast: https://open.spotify.com/show/4thRZj6NO7y93zG11JMtqmLinkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/in/finkjonathan/Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------Welcome to the Silicon Curtain podcast. Please like and subscribe if you like the content we produce. It will really help to increase the popularity of our content in YouTube's algorithm. Our material is now being made available on popular podcasting platforms as well, such as Spotify and Apple Podcasts.

Ukrainians have resisted Russia's aggression for years. Since the full-scale invasion of their country in 2022, Ukrainian women in particular have taken on important roles on the frontlines, in civil society, and at home. Gražina Bielousova's research examines how Ukrainian leftist feminists advocate for their causes at home and abroad, facing distinct challenges as they attempt to defend their country. The Ukrainian case is also distinct from Latvia and Lithuania, whose organizing takes on different shapes for the same cause. Bielousova joins Ben Gardner-Gill to explain these interactions and discuss the ongoing process of decolonization in Baltic Studies.Transcript Ben Gardner-Gill: Hello, and welcome to Baltic Ways. I'm your co-host, Ben Gardner-Gill. Today we're talking with Gražina Belousova. Gražina is a feminist scholar of race, religion, and gender in post-Soviet Europe. She earned her PhD from Duke University in 2022. Currently, she is a postdoctoral scholar at Vilnius University's Institute of International Relations and Political Science and a researcher at Vytautas Magnus University.Her current research project focuses on leftist feminisms in East Europe in light of Russia's war against Ukraine, which will culminate in her first book, What's Left of Feminism in East Europe.Gražina, welcome to Baltic Ways.Gražina Belousova: Thank you so much for having me, Ben.BGG: So let's kick off by just hearing a little bit more about your background. I know you finished your PhD pretty recently. Could you tell us a little bit more about how you got into academia, sort of your research interests, and what you're working on at the moment?GB: Right. Yes, I just defended my PhD in 2022. It's hard to believe that it's been nearly three years now. In my PhD, I focused on historical matters. My PhD was in religion and cultural anthropology. And one of the things that I found missing when I was trying to theorize the part of the world that I call home and that most of the world calls Eastern Europe—I realized that I was lacking a solid theory that would bridge economics, anthropology, and religious studies.I wanted to understand how religious difference, especially perceived religious difference, played a role in creating the space that we call Eastern Europe today. And that took me to 18th and 19th century travel writings by Western travelers, oftentimes who were on an official mission, to the edges or to the depths of the Russian Empire.So I've read a lot of ambassadors' letters. I've read a lot of dispatches from St. Petersburg and Moscow, trying to understand how Westerners thought about that religious difference and how that thinking structured their understanding of what this place was and why it was different. What I tried to argue is actually that perceived religious difference was at the root of thinking of Eastern Europe as something different.Now, when I chose to embark on that topic, I had to put another topic aside, which was the question of very contemporary matters, the question of leftist political thought and feminism. At that point, it felt to me more pertinent to write the kind of theory that I felt was missing. When I was given the opportunity to pursue a postdoctoral position at Vilnius University Institute of International Relations and Political Science, I pitched this idea to them.And we very quickly pulled together the application. And the next thing I knew, I was embarking on a project on leftist feminisms in Eastern Europe in light of the war in Ukraine. So, the path was windy, but here I am today, knees and elbows deep, in the project on leftist feminism.BGG: Wonderful. I mean, a windy path is going to be familiar to so many people listening.So, no surprise and no surprise as well that the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine has really impacted your work and your life as it has for many of us. So tell us a little bit more about that.Over the last three years, we've been watching and seeing the horrors in Ukraine. From your perspective, from your academic work, what are some of the main things that you're looking at?GB: One of the things that I'm particularly interested in is the way that groups that are on the edges of society, on the margins of society, such as leftists, such as feminists, and especially leftist feminists—when the two come together and try to articulate their social and political vision and explain to themselves and to their fellow compatriots and oftentimes foreign donors, in my case, also Western leftist feminists, their relevance, how they're trying to articulate their position.War has a penchant for heightening nationalist tendencies. And this is not some kind of particular Eastern European pathology. War anywhere is going to produce these results. That is normal. People defend themselves and articulate themselves on the basis on which they're being attacked, on the basis on which they're being bombed.So this is what we are seeing in Ukraine. Leftism in Eastern Europe, because of the Soviet past, is often associated with Soviet nostalgia. Feminism, on the other hand, is oftentimes seen as something antithetical to national identity, something that is imported from the West, and something that either has no relevance or can be dangerous, especially when questions of national unity, questions of national defense come about.That is one of the reasons why I embarked on this journey, and this is one of the reasons why Ukraine had to be part of this picture. Because while the other countries that I'm looking at—Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Moldova—experience the threat of invasion, Ukraine is under attack.And one of the things that I'm finding is that Ukrainian leftist feminists are incredibly resourceful and incredibly gifted at articulating their relevance.One of the things that I'm going to say that stems from that understanding of leftist feminism that's erroneous, but that's pervasive, is that Ukrainian leftist feminists do not debate the legitimacy of the Ukrainian state. What is in question is the way things are happening under the conditions of war.The questions of most vulnerable people—so questions of what happens with people with disabilities, questions of what happens to single mothers, questions of what happens to the elderly people who are maybe unable to evacuate, questions of what happens to the working class people—all of these things are at the forefront of their minds. They're trying to be the advocates of their pleas to the larger society, while at the same time trying to articulate Ukraine's right to self-defense to Western leftist feminists.BGG: So they have both this tension, maybe tension is the wrong word, tell me if it isn't, but they have this tension internally where they're trying to advocate for what they see as justice or what is right with a domestic audience who, understandably, may be more frequently focused on what's happening at the front lines.And then there's also this international question, the foreign audience for these Ukrainian leftist feminists, who have a very different perspective on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. And I specifically use that verbiage instead of Russia's invasion of Ukraine because they're going to think about it very differently.So let's split those out a little bit, and I want to start with the domestic. You talked about the advocacy of these leftist feminists for the most marginalized groups in society, for those who are most vulnerable.In your view, where have they been most successful, perhaps? Where have they seen actual progress happen from their advocacy?GB: One of the things that immediately comes to mind, and many of my interlocutors were directly involved with, is the nurses' movement–the unionization and self-organization of the nurses.There is a movement called Be Like Nina, referring to one of the nurses seen as a pioneer of resisting exploitation. And, of course, under the conditions of war, the labor of nurses is incredibly valuable and needed, but not always appropriately compensated. This is what we can call essential labor, especially when we talk about the front lines, where people are wounded.Many of them are wounded very badly on a daily basis. However, there are other things that are happening in the background as well. While a lot of the resources are pulled to the front, there are people who are experiencing regular daily struggles with their health. And the nurses are being stretched very thin.And this was something that was really amazing to me. This was really one of the very few instances where I saw academics who are leftist feminists actually touching the ground with their ideas: where they got involved with helping the nurses organize, but not taking the center stage, where they acted as support, as a resource, but not overtaking the movement, rather creating the conditions under which nurses themselves could articulate what it was that they needed, what their goals were.And that was incredibly impressive to me because healthcare is severely underfunded across the whole region, and to achieve such tangible goals as wage increases and regulations that empower nurses to do their job was truly impressive. With every conversation with a woman—because I specifically talk only to women—I just felt sheer amazement, because this is so contrary to so many imaginations of what civil society, self-organization, or networks are like in Eastern Europe.This is so contrary to what some have called ‘uncivil' society. What is happening is really self-organization and civil society at its best, organized by women who are oftentimes stretched very thin, not just at work, but also at home, women whose husbands are potentially on the front lines.So to me, I really cannot think of anything else that, in terms of real life impact and in terms of transforming people's lives, has been grander (I'm going to go for that word) than this.BGG: That's remarkable, and thank you for bringing that. I had very little idea of this progress and this happening.So you use the term civil society, which I think is quite apt, and Western conceptions of civil society in the region that we call Eastern Europe can be highly misguided. Let's just put it like that. I think back to a webinar that the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS) hosted on Ukrainian civil society, democratization, responses to the war, and we have this comparative Ukrainian and Baltic perspective, where we looked at how Ukrainian civil society was responding.We looked at how Baltic civil society was responding, and you're doing something similar in your research here. You're looking at Latvia and Lithuania as two of the other case studies, in addition to Poland, Moldova, and, of course, Ukraine. One thing that I think we can all observe just from watching the news, let alone being in the countries as well, is that civil society across the region has had this really robust response in the last few years.So could you speak a little bit more to that in the comparative cases outside of Ukraine that you're looking at in your research, especially Latvia and Lithuania?GB: For sure. I think that in order to theorize civil society and the region in general, we need better theory than has been used often to talk about civil society at large.Here, for example, I'm thinking about Emily Channel Justice and her work and the way that she articulates the notion of self-organization. The way that she thinks about Ukraine, especially in the context of Maidan. The way that it left a self-organization, but that can be applied also to any form of civil society, regardless of ideology, is really a network of decentralized, self-organized people's groups.If you were to look for some kind of central organizing pattern, or some kind of centralized way of doing things, most likely you're not going to find it because it's based on personal network, connections, and localized issues. And I think that's definitely something that I'm seeing in Ukraine.One of the things that I'm seeing in Lithuania and Latvia is that it's going to differ slightly because there are going to be more central organizing figures. If we talk about organizing support for Ukraine, one of the things that we're going to see is that people are going to point to nationwide initiatives.Right now in Lithuania, there is an initiative called Radarum, which is a play on words, on radar and on darom, which is a Lithuanian word for let's do it. And it's a nationwide initiative to collect funds to purchase drones and anti-drone equipment for Ukraine. And there are particular faces that we associate with this initiative.National television is running ads for it. So there's a little bit more of a centralized sense to it. But once again, I would say that this is the mainstream way of organizing civil society, which, of course, with Westernization, has taken on some of the patterns that are similar to the West.If we look towards the left, we're going to see very much that it is self-organized, small groups of people who take different initiatives, such as raising funds for medical care, such as raising funds for queer people in Ukraine. So the more mainstream we go, the more patterns that are akin to those that we see in the West we're going to see.That is also going to be true in Latvia. The further left we go, the more organic, grassroots, self-organized cells of people we're going to find who participate in smaller, less visible initiatives. So that's probably the best way that I can explain the difference.BGG: Got it. We see this distinction of centralization and decentralization.One could consider these different types of movements organic in their own ways, but different in different ways. When one thinks of leftist organizing, which has a long and rich history, organic is sort of one of the key words.It's perpetual, and these society-wide initiatives, like what's currently going on in Lithuania, that we've seen across other countries over the last few years, are maybe a little bit less frequent and less common. So there's an important distinction there.So I want to pivot to the international dimension of how the Ukrainian leftist feminists are talking, especially with Western counterparts. And by Western, we mean Western Europe. We mean American and Canadian. We mean Western, as in not Eastern Europe. So could you talk a little bit about the challenges they're facing there?I think I alluded to it earlier. You alluded to it earlier, but could you dive a little bit more into that discourse, that dialogue between the Ukrainians and their counterparts?GB: This is the main point of contention. What does it mean to be leftist? How much does local experience shape being leftist?What is the relationship of the left to the national question? And I think this is where we are seeing the real tension. Underlying this tension, of course, is the question of Russia. Let me try to unpack this. And I'm going to start from the other end than I listed, which is with the question of Russia.Eastern European in general, and Ukrainian in particular, leftist feminists have a very different understanding as to what Russia is in terms of geopolitics than the Western counterparts are going to have. This stems from very different histories. Western leftism—especially the new wave of leftism that arose in the sixties and the seventies—in many ways has redefined itself not just through the questions of class, which I would argue were lost to some extent. They lost their centrality.And they redefined themselves through the anti-colonial, anti-racist struggle. And that struggle was particularly important because after the fall of the formal colonial system, the colonial patterns of economic exploitation, of social exploitation, of brain drain still very much persisted. And naming that and defining themselves against Western neoimperialism or neocolonialism in the Global South was one of the most defining features of the Left, both in the Global South and in the West. Now, Russia at that time had positioned itself as the ally of the colonized countries. And some of it was pure show, and some of it was actual money, resources, and help that were sent, for example, to Angola. And that made a real difference. Whether that was genuine concern for the colonized people or whether that was an ideological tool is a matter of debate.Whatever it was, it had a profound impact on the way that Western leftists relate to Russia. They continue to see Russia out of that tradition, in many ways, as an ally against Western capitalism and imperialism. Their empire, against which they define themselves, continues to be in the West, and oftentimes is seen as centered on the United States.The empire against which we define ourselves in Eastern Europe is Russia, because Russia was the colonizing power in a very real sense in the region. It was our empire that subjugated us. It was the colonial power that engaged in just about every single practice in which any colonial power engages in the region.For us, if we think outside of ourselves, Russia continues to be the colonial power in the way that it relates to Central Asia, in the way that it relates to the indigenous people of Siberia, in the way that it continues to conduct business. So both the left in the West and the left in the East continue to define themselves against the empire, but disagree on who the empire is.The fundamental difference is the question of Russia. Because of the way that Western leftists, and particularly Western leftist feminists, have been taught to see the world, the way that they have been habituated to see the world, they're unable to see Russia as an aggressor. They're unable to change their narrative about how NATO might act.And of course, the criticisms of continued Western abuses of power, especially when they center on the United States—such as Afghanistan or such as Iraq, but also here in the European context, intra-European context, Serbia is another context in which that comes up—are highly debatable questions, but they're seen a certain way. They're understood in a certain way by Western leftists. And because of Russia's criticism of the West, Western leftists see it as a natural ally, or at least as an equally guilty party.BGG: That's a really great explanation. I think the way that you've laid that out makes a lot of sense.It also harkens back to where I want to bring this, which is the debate that has been going on in Baltic studies and other academic fields, especially those focusing on the region, about thinking about Baltic history in particular as a colonial history and thinking about what it means to decolonize Baltic studies as a field, to decolonize our academic thinking. There have been a lot of discussions.I know that we were in the same room at the AABS panel at Yale last year on that fantastic panel about decolonization. Where do you think this leads with regard to your research specifically? There's already this trend in this field. I get the sense that you are an advocate and moving forward in land seeking for the field as a whole to move in that direction.What do you think the next steps are? What paths do you think could be taken? What do people need to be thinking about that they may not already be thinking about?GB: Well, I think for me, the key question when we are talking about Baltic studies and decolonization is what is it that we talk about when we talk about decolonizing Baltic studies or Baltic countries?Because I think sometimes we're talking about four different things. We are talking about the question of colonialism and coloniality. That's one. We are talking about imperialism, Russian imperialism, and Russian imperiality. We are talking about Russification and what it means to de-Russify. And we are also talking about Sovietization and what it means to de-Sovietize.And I would argue that while these four concepts are very much interrelated, they have very different agendas. So, I think it's a question of definitions. How do we define what our agenda is? Which of the four do we have in mind when we talk about decolonizing Baltic countries, Baltic studies, or anything else?And I would say that each of the four has its place and is significant. But the flip side of that, especially if we stay with the question of decolonization, is the question of Western theory, practice, and scholarship as it relates to Baltic studies. Because if we go back to the early questions in the conversation of what is civil society and whether there is a civil society, Baltic countries and the region as a whole are pathologized.Because the concept of what civil society is, or is not, was based on Western understandings and Western practices. And it rendered civil society in the region invisible. In what ways does the production of scholarship and knowledge about the region continue to be based in very unequal power relationships, in such a way that it continues to pathologize the region?And these are very uncomfortable questions, because much like, you know, in the late eighteenth century when the Lithuanian Polish Commonwealth was divided between the three powers, we're facing the same question: Who is our ally? Because we have learned that Russia is definitely not, but the West is also a problematic ally.This is where I think the question of what it means to center the study of the region in the theory, in the practice, in the questions that actually originate from the ground up, are so important. And I'm not ditching all Western scholarship out the window. That would be throwing the baby out with the bathwater.But I'm saying, what does it mean to balance? What does it mean to center? What does it mean to change the parameters of the conversation?BGG: Those are some weighty questions. I think they're good questions that the field is, I would say not even starting to engage with, but is engaging with, which is really excellent, but it's a long path.As anyone who is a scholar of decolonization will tell you, it doesn't happen overnight. It doesn't happen over a decade. It's sort of a continuous process. So, I think that is where we're going to have to leave it, knowing that there is so much more we could have talked about. But, Gražina, thank you so much.This has been a fascinating conversation. Thank you for joining Baltic Ways.GB: Thank you so much for having me, Ben. It's been a privilege.BGG: Thank you for listening to this episode of Baltic Ways, a co-production of the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies and the Foreign Policy Research Institute (FPRI). A note that the views expressed in this and every Baltic Ways episode do not necessarily reflect those of AABS or FPRI.To ensure you catch the next episode of Baltic Ways, make sure you're subscribed to your podcast feed or wherever you get your shows. Thanks so much, and we'll see you next time. Get full access to FPRI Insights at fpriinsights.substack.com/subscribe

Ukrainians have resisted Russia's aggression for years. Since the full-scale invasion of their country in 2022, Ukrainian women in particular have taken on important roles on the frontlines, in civil society, and at home. Gražina Bielousova's research examines how Ukrainian leftist feminists advocate for their causes at home and abroad, facing distinct sets of challenges as they attempt to defend their country. The Ukrainian case is also distinct in comparison to Latvia and Lithuania, whose organizing takes on different shapes for the same cause. Bielousova joins Ben Gardner-Gill to explain these interactions and discuss the ongoing process of decolonization in Baltic Studies.TranscriptBen Gardner-Gill: Hello, and welcome to Baltic Ways. I'm your co-host, Ben Gardner-Gill. Today we're talking with Gražina Belousova. Gražina is a feminist scholar of race, religion, and gender in post-Soviet Europe. She earned her PhD from Duke University in 2022. Currently, she is a postdoctoral scholar at Vilnius University's Institute of International Relations and Political Science and a researcher at Vytautas Magnus University.Her current research project focuses on leftist feminisms in East Europe in light of Russia's war against Ukraine, which will culminate in her first book, What's Left of Feminism in East Europe.Gražina, welcome to Baltic Ways.Gražina Belousova: Thank you so much for having me, Ben.BGG: So let's kick off by just hearing a little bit more about your background. I know you finished your PhD pretty recently. Could you tell us a little bit more about how you got into academia, sort of your research interests, and what you're working on at the moment?GB: Right. Yes, I just defended my PhD in 2022. It's hard to believe that it's been nearly three years now. In my PhD, I focused on historical matters. My PhD was in religion and cultural anthropology. And one of the things that I found missing when I was trying to theorize the part of the world that I call home and that most of the world calls Eastern Europe—I realized that I was lacking a solid theory that would bridge economics, anthropology, and religious studies.I wanted to understand how religious difference, especially perceived religious difference, played a role in creating the space that we call Eastern Europe today. And that took me to 18th and 19th century travel writings by Western travelers, oftentimes who were on an official mission, to the edges or to the depths of the Russian Empire.So I've read a lot of ambassadors' letters. I've read a lot of dispatches from St. Petersburg and Moscow, trying to understand how Westerners thought about that religious difference and how that thinking structured their understanding of what this place was and why it was different. What I tried to argue is actually that perceived religious difference was at the root of thinking of Eastern Europe as something different.Now, when I chose to embark on that topic, I had to put another topic aside, which was the question of very contemporary matters, the question of leftist political thought and feminism. At that point, it felt to me more pertinent to write the kind of theory that I felt was missing. When I was given the opportunity to pursue a postdoctoral position at Vilnius University Institute of International Relations and Political Science, I pitched this idea to them.And we very quickly pulled together the application. And the next thing I knew, I was embarking on a project on leftist feminisms in Eastern Europe in light of the war in Ukraine. So, the path was windy, but here I am today, knees and elbows deep, in the project on leftist feminism.BGG: Wonderful. I mean, a windy path is going to be familiar to so many people listening.So, no surprise and no surprise as well that the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine has really impacted your work and your life as it has for many of us. So tell us a little bit more about that.Over the last three years, we've been watching and seeing the horrors in Ukraine. From your perspective, from your academic work, what are some of the main things that you're looking at?GB: One of the things that I'm particularly interested in is the way that groups that are on the edges of society, on the margins of society, such as leftists, such as feminists, and especially leftist feminists—when the two come together and try to articulate their social and political vision and explain to themselves and to their fellow compatriots and oftentimes foreign donors, in my case, also Western leftist feminists, their relevance, how they're trying to articulate their position.War has a penchant for heightening nationalist tendencies. And this is not some kind of particular Eastern European pathology. War anywhere is going to produce these results. That is normal. People defend themselves and articulate themselves on the basis on which they're being attacked, on the basis on which they're being bombed.So this is what we are seeing in Ukraine. Leftism in Eastern Europe, because of the Soviet past, is often associated with Soviet nostalgia. Feminism, on the other hand, is oftentimes seen as something antithetical to national identity, something that is imported from the West, and something that either has no relevance or can be dangerous, especially when questions of national unity, questions of national defense come about.That is one of the reasons why I embarked on this journey, and this is one of the reasons why Ukraine had to be part of this picture. Because while the other countries that I'm looking at—Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Moldova—experience the threat of invasion, Ukraine is under attack.And one of the things that I'm finding is that Ukrainian leftist feminists are incredibly resourceful and incredibly gifted at articulating their relevance.One of the things that I'm going to say that stems from that understanding of leftist feminism that's erroneous, but that's pervasive, is that Ukrainian leftist feminists do not debate the legitimacy of the Ukrainian state. What is in question is the way things are happening under the conditions of war.The questions of most vulnerable people—so questions of what happens with people with disabilities, questions of what happens to single mothers, questions of what happens to the elderly people who are maybe unable to evacuate, questions of what happens to the working class people—all of these things are at the forefront of their minds. They're trying to be the advocates of their pleas to the larger society, while at the same time trying to articulate Ukraine's right to self-defense to Western leftist feminists.BGG: So they have both this tension, maybe tension is the wrong word, tell me if it isn't, but they have this tension internally where they're trying to advocate for what they see as justice or what is right with a domestic audience who, understandably, may be more frequently focused on what's happening at the front lines.And then there's also this international question, the foreign audience for these Ukrainian leftist feminists, who have a very different perspective on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. And I specifically use that verbiage instead of Russia's invasion of Ukraine because they're going to think about it very differently.So let's split those out a little bit, and I want to start with the domestic. You talked about the advocacy of these leftist feminists for the most marginalized groups in society, for those who are most vulnerable.In your view, where have they been most successful, perhaps? Where have they seen actual progress happen from their advocacy?GB: One of the things that immediately comes to mind, and many of my interlocutors were directly involved with, is the nurses' movement–the unionization and self-organization of the nurses.There is a movement called Be Like Nina, referring to one of the nurses seen as a pioneer of resisting exploitation. And, of course, under the conditions of war, the labor of nurses is incredibly valuable and needed, but not always appropriately compensated. This is what we can call essential labor, especially when we talk about the front lines, where people are wounded.Many of them are wounded very badly on a daily basis. However, there are other things that are happening in the background as well. While a lot of the resources are pulled to the front, there are people who are experiencing regular daily struggles with their health. And the nurses are being stretched very thin.And this was something that was really amazing to me. This was really one of the very few instances where I saw academics who are leftist feminists actually touching the ground with their ideas: where they got involved with helping the nurses organize, but not taking the center stage, where they acted as support, as a resource, but not overtaking the movement, rather creating the conditions under which nurses themselves could articulate what it was that they needed, what their goals were.And that was incredibly impressive to me because healthcare is severely underfunded across the whole region, and to achieve such tangible goals as wage increases and regulations that empower nurses to do their job was truly impressive. With every conversation with a woman—because I specifically talk only to women—I just felt sheer amazement, because this is so contrary to so many imaginations of what civil society, self-organization, or networks are like in Eastern Europe.This is so contrary to what some have called ‘uncivil' society. What is happening is really self-organization and civil society at its best, organized by women who are oftentimes stretched very thin, not just at work, but also at home, women whose husbands are potentially on the front lines.So to me, I really cannot think of anything else that, in terms of real life impact and in terms of transforming people's lives, has been grander (I'm going to go for that word) than this.BGG: That's remarkable, and thank you for bringing that. I had very little idea of this progress and this happening.So you use the term civil society, which I think is quite apt, and Western conceptions of civil society in the region that we call Eastern Europe can be highly misguided. Let's just put it like that. I think back to a webinar that the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies (AABS) hosted on Ukrainian civil society, democratization, responses to the war, and we have this comparative Ukrainian and Baltic perspective, where we looked at how Ukrainian civil society was responding.We looked at how Baltic civil society was responding, and you're doing something similar in your research here. You're looking at Latvia and Lithuania as two of the other case studies, in addition to Poland, Moldova, and, of course, Ukraine. One thing that I think we can all observe just from watching the news, let alone being in the countries as well, is that civil society across the region has had this really robust response in the last few years.So could you speak a little bit more to that in the comparative cases outside of Ukraine that you're looking at in your research, especially Latvia and Lithuania?GB: For sure. I think that in order to theorize civil society and the region in general, we need better theory than has been used often to talk about civil society at large.Here, for example, I'm thinking about Emily Channel Justice and her work and the way that she articulates the notion of self-organization. The way that she thinks about Ukraine, especially in the context of Maidan. The way that it left a self-organization, but that can be applied also to any form of civil society, regardless of ideology, is really a network of decentralized, self-organized people's groups.If you were to look for some kind of central organizing pattern, or some kind of centralized way of doing things, most likely you're not going to find it because it's based on personal network, connections, and localized issues. And I think that's definitely something that I'm seeing in Ukraine.One of the things that I'm seeing in Lithuania and Latvia is that it's going to differ slightly because there are going to be more central organizing figures. If we talk about organizing support for Ukraine, one of the things that we're going to see is that people are going to point to nationwide initiatives.Right now in Lithuania, there is an initiative called Radarum, which is a play on words, on radar and on darom, which is a Lithuanian word for let's do it. And it's a nationwide initiative to collect funds to purchase drones and anti-drone equipment for Ukraine. And there are particular faces that we associate with this initiative.National television is running ads for it. So there's a little bit more of a centralized sense to it. But once again, I would say that this is the mainstream way of organizing civil society, which, of course, with Westernization, has taken on some of the patterns that are similar to the West.If we look towards the left, we're going to see very much that it is self-organized, small groups of people who take different initiatives, such as raising funds for medical care, such as raising funds for queer people in Ukraine. So the more mainstream we go, the more patterns that are akin to those that we see in the West we're going to see.That is also going to be true in Latvia. The further left we go, the more organic, grassroots, self-organized cells of people we're going to find who participate in smaller, less visible initiatives. So that's probably the best way that I can explain the difference.BGG: Got it. We see this distinction of centralization and decentralization.One could consider these different types of movements organic in their own ways, but different in different ways. When one thinks of leftist organizing, which has a long and rich history, organic is sort of one of the key words.It's perpetual, and these society-wide initiatives, like what's currently going on in Lithuania, that we've seen across other countries over the last few years, are maybe a little bit less frequent and less common. So there's an important distinction there.So I want to pivot to the international dimension of how the Ukrainian leftist feminists are talking, especially with Western counterparts. And by Western, we mean Western Europe. We mean American and Canadian. We mean Western, as in not Eastern Europe. So could you talk a little bit about the challenges they're facing there?I think I alluded to it earlier, and you alluded to it earlier, but could you dive a little bit more into that discourse, that dialogue between the Ukrainians and their counterparts?GB: This is the main point of contention. What does it mean to be leftist? How much does local experience shape being leftist?What is the relationship of the left to the national question? And I think this is where we are seeing the real tension. Underlying this tension, of course, is the question of Russia. Let me try to unpack this. And I'm going to start from the other end than I listed, which is with the question of Russia.Eastern European in general, and Ukrainian in particular, leftist feminists have a very different understanding as to what Russia is in terms of geopolitics than the Western counterparts are going to have. This stems from very different histories. Western leftism—especially the new wave of leftism that arose in the sixties and the seventies—in many ways has redefined itself not just through the questions of class, which I would argue were lost to some extent. They lost their centrality.And they redefined themselves through the anti-colonial, anti-racist struggle. And that struggle was particularly important because after the fall of the formal colonial system, the colonial patterns of economic exploitation, of social exploitation, of brain drain still very much persisted. And naming that and defining themselves against Western neoimperialism or neocolonialism in the Global South was one of the most defining features of the Left, both in the Global South and in the West. Now, Russia at that time had positioned itself as the ally of the colonized countries. And some of it was pure show, and some of it was actual money, resources, and help that were sent, for example, to Angola. And that made a real difference. Whether that was genuine concern for the colonized people or whether that was an ideological tool is a matter of debate.Whatever it was, it had a profound impact on the way that Western leftists relate to Russia. They continue to see Russia out of that tradition, in many ways, as an ally against Western capitalism and imperialism. Their empire, against which they define themselves, continues to be in the West, and oftentimes is seen as centered on the United States.The empire against which we define ourselves in Eastern Europe is Russia, because Russia was the colonizing power in a very real sense in the region. It was our empire that subjugated us. It was the colonial power that engaged in just about every single practice in which any colonial power engages in the region.For us, if we think outside of ourselves, Russia continues to be the colonial power in the way that it relates to Central Asia, in the way that it relates to the indigenous people of Siberia, in the way that it continues to conduct business. So both the left in the West and the left in the East continue to define themselves against the empire, but disagree on who the empire is.The fundamental difference is the question of Russia. Because of the way that Western leftists, and particularly Western leftist feminists, have been taught to see the world, the way that they have been habituated to see the world, they're unable to see Russia as an aggressor. They're unable to change their narrative about how NATO might act.And of course, the criticisms of continued Western abuses of power, especially when they center on the United States—such as Afghanistan or such as Iraq, but also here in the European context, intra-European context, Serbia is another context in which that comes up—are highly debatable questions, but they're seen a certain way. They're understood in a certain way by Western leftists. And because of Russia's criticism of the West, Western leftists see it as a natural ally, or at least as an equally guilty party.BGG: That's a really great explanation. I think the way that you've laid that out makes a lot of sense.It also harkens back to where I want to bring this, which is the debate that has been going on in Baltic studies and other academic fields, especially those focusing on the region, about thinking about Baltic history in particular as a colonial history and thinking about what it means to decolonize Baltic studies as a field, to decolonize our academic thinking. There have been a lot of discussions.I know that we were in the same room at the AABS panel at Yale last year on that fantastic panel about decolonization. Where do you think this leads with regard to your research specifically? There's already this trend in this field. I get the sense that you are an advocate and moving forward in land seeking for the field as a whole to move in that direction.What do you think the next steps are? What paths do you think could be taken? What do people need to be thinking about that they may not already be thinking about?GB: Well, I think for me, the key question when we are talking about Baltic studies and decolonization is what is it that we talk about when we talk about decolonizing Baltic studies or Baltic countries?Because I think sometimes we're talking about four different things. We are talking about the question of colonialism and coloniality. That's one. We are talking about imperialism, Russian imperialism, and Russian imperiality. We are talking about Russification and what it means to de-Russify. And we are also talking about Sovietization and what it means to de-Sovietize.And I would argue that while these four concepts are very much interrelated, they have very different agendas. So, I think it's a question of definitions. How do we define what our agenda is? Which of the four do we have in mind when we talk about decolonizing Baltic countries, Baltic studies, or anything else?And I would say that each of the four has its place and is significant. But the flip side of that, especially if we stay with the question of decolonization, is the question of Western theory, practice, and scholarship as it relates to Baltic studies. Because if we go back to the early questions in the conversation of what is civil society and whether there is a civil society, Baltic countries and the region as a whole are pathologized.Because the concept of what civil society is, or is not, was based on Western understandings and Western practices. And it rendered civil society in the region invisible. In what ways does the production of scholarship and knowledge about the region continue to be based in very unequal power relationships, in such a way that it continues to pathologize the region?And these are very uncomfortable questions, because much like, you know, in the late eighteenth century when the Lithuanian Polish Commonwealth was divided between the three powers, we're facing the same question: Who is our ally? Because we have learned that Russia is definitely not, but the West is also a problematic ally.This is where I think the question of what it means to center the study of the region in the theory, in the practice, in the questions that actually originate from the ground up, rather than are solely important. And I'm not ditching all Western scholarship out the window. That would be throwing the baby out with the bathwater.But I'm saying, what does it mean to balance? What does it mean to center? What does it mean to change the parameters of the conversation?BGG: Those are some weighty questions. I think they're good questions that the field is, I would say not even starting to engage with, but is engaging with, which is really excellent, but it's a long path.As anyone who is a scholar of decolonization will tell you, it doesn't happen overnight. It doesn't happen over a decade. It's sort of a continuous process. So, I think that is where we're going to have to leave it, knowing that there is so much more we could have talked about. But, Gražina, thank you so much.This has been a fascinating conversation. Thank you for joining Baltic Ways.GB: Thank you so much for having me, Ben. It's been a privilege.To ensure you catch the next episode of Baltic Ways, make sure you're subscribed to your podcast feed or wherever you get your shows. Thanks so much, and we'll see you next time.(Image: Facebook | Феміністична майстерня)Baltic Ways is a podcast from the Association for the Advancement of Baltic Studies, produced in partnership with the Baltic Initiative at the Foreign Policy Research Institute. The views and opinions expressed in this podcast are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of AABS or FPRI. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit fpribalticinitiative.substack.com

Send us a textWhy does the Western narrative on Ukraine feel so one-sided? In this episode of the Open Minds Podcast, I sit down with Dr. Ivan Katchanovski, a Ukrainian-Canadian political scientist whose peer-reviewed research sheds a sobering light on Ukraine's internal divisions, the roots of war, and the media's oversimplified story. We talk about Crimea, Donbas, NATO and the infamous Maidan sniper massacre—an event that reshaped Ukraine and global geopolitics. Dr. Katchanovski's insights challenge widely held beliefs and force us to ask: what do we really know about this war?Inside GenevaInside Geneva is a podcast about global politics, humanitarian issues, & international aidListen on: Apple Podcasts SpotifySupport the showVisit my NEW Website! https://www.christopherbalkaran.comCheck out my Instagram/Tik Tok for daily posts: Instagram @openmindspodTiktok @openmindspodcast

In 2014, in the wake of the Maidan in Kyiv and Russia's annexation of Crimea, small groups of Russian-backed militias began seizing towns in the Donbas. The militias quickly declared the creation of two independent republics, the Donbas People's Republic (DNR) and the Luhansk People's Republic (LNR). How did this happen? And so quickly? Was it all the work of Russian agents? Or was there some local support? These are just a few of the questions Serhiy Kudelia has been asking for the last decade. Now he has answers. While there was grassroots support for separatism, it was quite thin and reliant on local officials nimbly choosing between opposition and collaboration. But first and foremost, the viability and survival of the DNR and LNR relied on Russia–for material and financial support. Russian agents worked to keep running or build new state structures, repel Ukrainian efforts to retake the region by force, and keep the population under control. The Eurasian Knot talked to Kudelia about his new book Seize the City, Undo the State: The Inception of Russia's War on Ukraine to learn about the complexities behind Russia's seizure of the Donbas and how it set the stage for its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Guest:Serhiy Kudelia is an associate professor of political science at Baylor University where he teaches and researches political violence, state-building and Eastern European politics. He also frequently comments on Ukrainian politics and US-Ukrainian relations in Ukrainian and Western media. His new book is Seize the City, Undo the State: The Inception of Russia's War on Ukraine published by Oxford University Press. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Der Europäische Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte (ECHR) in Strasbourg nennt in einem aktuellen Urteil das Verhalten der ukrainischen Polizei und Feuerwehr am 2. Mai 2014 in Odessa als eine Ursache für den Tod von 48 Menschen. Sechs Menschen waren bei einer Straßenschlacht zwischen Maidan- und Anti-Maidan-Akivisten umgekommen und 42 Menschen bei einem Feuer in und vorWeiterlesen

In this explosive interview, Max Blumenthal joins Judge Napolitano to dissect the shifting dynamics of U.S. foreign policy under Trump, the provocations leading to the Ukraine-Russia conflict, and the potential collapse of Zelenskyy's government. Blumenthal also delves into Netanyahu's strategies in Gaza and the hidden forces driving American interventionism.AI - Summary:In a revealing conversation on Judging Freedom, Max Blumenthal discusses the dramatic shift in U.S. foreign policy under Donald Trump, particularly regarding Ukraine. Blumenthal argues that Trump's recent acknowledgment of the war in Ukraine as one of the most provoked conflicts in modern history marks a significant departure from previous administrations. He traces the roots of the conflict back to the 2014 Maidan coup, which he claims was heavily backed by the U.S., leading to Russia's annexation of Crimea and the ongoing war in Donbas.Blumenthal criticizes the narrative of Ukraine as a victim of Russian aggression, asserting that the U.S. and NATO's actions, including the buildup of military alliances on Russia's border, were deliberate provocations. He highlights how the American public is beginning to see through years of propaganda, recognizing the war as a result of U.S. intervention rather than unprovoked Russian aggression.The discussion also touches on the potential collapse of Zelenskyy's government if U.S. aid is cut off, with Blumenthal predicting internal strife and possible overthrow by nationalist factions. He critiques the Biden administration's sanctions on Russia, arguing they have harmed the U.S. economy more than Russia's, and calls for a reevaluation of America's foreign policy priorities.Shifting to the Middle East, Blumenthal examines Netanyahu's strategies in Gaza, suggesting that Israel's leadership is more interested in maintaining a state of conflict than achieving peace. He reveals disturbing details about the Hannibal Directive, which allegedly led to the deaths of many Israeli civilians during the October 7th attacks, and discusses the political turmoil within Israel as Netanyahu faces corruption allegations.Throughout the interview, Blumenthal emphasizes the need for a fundamental change in U.S. foreign policy, away from interventionism and towards a focus on domestic interests. He calls out the influence of lobby groups and the military-industrial complex, urging the Trump administration to prioritize America's needs over global entanglements.

Timothy Snyder came to Kyiv, Ukraine's capital, to present his book "On Freedom". We have had several conversations about the ideas of this book before (in Kyiv and Kharkiv), and you can find links to the podcast episodes featuring these discussions in the description. However, this was the first time we talked about this book after its publication. We recorded this conversation on February 9, 2025, at the Sense bookstore on Khreshchatyk Street, in the heart of the Ukrainian capital, very close to Maidan. Several hundred people attended, with many staying despite the lack of available seats. Most of them were young. This demonstrates how important reading and critical thinking are for Ukrainians today. Host: Volodymyr Yermolenko – Ukrainian philosopher, the chief editor of UkraineWorld, and the president of PEN Ukraine. The Ukrainian translation of this book was done by Choven Publishing House (translator: Halyna Herasym), with the support of the U.S. Embassy in Ukraine. UkraineWorld (ukraineworld.org) is a multilingual media about Ukraine produced by Internews Ukraine, one of the country's largest media NGOs. Listen on various platforms: li.sten.to/explaining-ukraine Support us on Patreon: patreon.com/ukraineworld – we offer exclusive content for our patrons. You can also support our volunteer trips to the front lines via PayPal: ukraine.resisting@gmail.com. Other conversations with Timothy Snyder: Kyiv, September 2022 www.youtube.com/watch?v=BHksNrj7elQ&t=10s https://soundcloud.com/user-579586558/ep-144 Kyiv, September 2023 www.youtube.com/watch?v=_LkXsW14qJQ&t=724s https://soundcloud.com/user-579586558/ep-258 Kharkiv, September 2024 www.youtube.com/watch?v=HR0bqQy5gzA&t=9s https://soundcloud.com/user-579586558/snyder-kharkiv -- Contents: 01:54 - «I feel in Ukraine better than in most other places» 02:44 - being a historian who wrote a philosophy book 07:17 - What can the Ukrainian experience tell other nations about freedom? 12:45 - positive freedom (freedom-to) vs negative freedom (freedom-from). «Freedom isn't just the absence of evil, but the presence of good» 15:44 - thinking about positive and negative freedom in America and Ukraine 20:30 - freedom and values 24:55 - freedom and sovereignty 32:47 - freedom and unpredictability 41:13 - the metaphor of the bell 45:07 - freedom during military occupation and de-occupation 50:30 - is history repeating itself? 1:00:00 - on social networks 1:11:50 - which values can unite Ukrainians during the war? 01:14:50 - rethinking Ukrainian history from the global perspective

The bureaucratic deep state is toppling. In this episode, I talk about the corruption within the U.S. government, particularly through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and how Elon Musk and President Trump are working to expose and dismantle it signaling the potential collapse of corrupt government agencies.  -- Head to http://twc.health/turley and use code TURLEY to get 15% off plus Free Shipping. *The content presented by sponsors may contain affiliate links. When you click and shop the links, Turley Talks may receive a small commission.*   Register For The Golden Age Summit By Clicking Here! https://fight.turleytalks.com/golden-age-summit   Highlights: “USAID literally spits out money 24/7. Case in point, even though President Trump has ordered a freeze on all monies coming out of USAID, officials there still approved over $6 million dollars in contracts just this past Friday, much of this under the guise of miscellaneous expenditures.” “USAID has been at the forefront of carrying out CIA operations like the Maidan revolution in Kiev back in 2014 when the US government overthrew a democratically elected but relatively pro-Russian government in Ukraine and thus began the series of events that led to this horrific war.” Timestamps: [01:02 Elon Musk putting USAID into the wood chipper [02:21] How USAID is used for money laundering and covert operations [08:54] USAID as a front for CIA operations [11:52] Elon Musk and President Trump putting an end to corrupt government agencies -- Thank you for taking the time to listen to this episode.  If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe and/or leave a review. FOLLOW me on X (Twitter): https://twitter.com/DrTurleyTalks Sign up for the 'New Conservative Age Rising' Email Alerts to get lots of articles on conservative trends: https://turleytalks.com/subscribe-to-our-newsletter **The use of any copyrighted material in this podcast is done so for educational and informational purposes only including parody, commentary, and criticism. See Hosseinzadeh v. Klein, 276 F.Supp.3d 34 (S.D.N.Y. 2017); Equals Three, LLC v. Jukin Media, Inc., 139 F. Supp. 3d 1094 (C.D. Cal. 2015). It is believed that this constitutes a "fair use" of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law.

Dimitri and Khalid are joined by Peter, author of the excellent Events in Ukraine Substack (https://eventsinukraine.substack.com), for a wide-ranging conversation about the cultural, military, economic, and deep political dimensions of the Russia-Ukraine war as it faces its three-year anniversary. Topics include: Escaping Kiev after the war started, why bomb shelters don't matter, the epidemic of “State Department Leftoids”, how the post-Maidan government drove Ukraine's military-industrial complex into the dirt, Bill 3739 and the role of the Sorosites, what “liberalism” represents in post-Soviet countries (self-hating Europhilia), Aaron Moulton's work on Soros in Eastern Europe, 133 Western NGOs exempt from military service, the susness of pro-western “anti-corruption” activists, the Soros International Renaissance Foundation, Sternenko's “LGBT Nazi” gangs vs. the unwoke Nazis, gripes from the Tales of the Fourth Reich Telegram channel run by a former ANTIFA-turned-PROFA soldier, and why the Azovites have become more open to ending the war than “jihadist” Zelensky's clique… Business shakedowns via the “Trading With The Enemy Act”, the overarching role of media psyops in Ukrainian war strategy, organizational chaos in the army, pre-war ketamine hipsters DJing on a swastika laptop, why Azov is where the cool kids go, ubiquitous meth/LSD Telegram channels, Nazi units smoking DMT in Donbass, international techno superstar DJ Nastia and her NED-trained ex-husband, the coked up Zelensky advisor/pardigmatic Sorosite Serhiy Leshchenko, Nastia's sus campaign to get Russian techno figurehead Nina Kraviz blacklisted from EU venues and festivals in 2022, and why everyone in late 2024 dreams of leaving Ukraine. Part one of two. Read “Monday Meth Comedown”: https://eventsinukraine.substack.com/p/monday-meth-comedown Subscribe to Peter's Events in Ukraine Substack here: https://eventsinukraine.substack.com For access to premium SJ episodes, upcoming installments of DEMON FORCES, and the Grotto of Truth Discord, become a subscriber at patreon.com/subliminaljihad.

In the first of our 2 sessions with Scott, we get into his powerful book "Provoked," and whether or not the United States is the main villain in the Ukraine War. Was the Maidan a coup, an organic movement, or a bit of both? What was the Nuland phone call all about? Where do the Kissingers and the Tucker Carlsons diverge? Part II is here: https://youtu.be/hdeMqJDWOm4 Provoked: How Washington Started the New Cold War with Russia and the Catastrophe in Ukraine Available on Amazon: https://a.co/d/hFaTYPm

Biden's pardon bombshell for Hunter explodes, exposing shocking Ukraine connections.Join Jeremy Ryan Slate and Dr. Mark Young for a deep dive into this unprecedented move. We critically examine the pardon's timing, its potential links to the 2014 Maidan coup, and what it means for America's future. This insightful episode offers a unique perspective on the Biden administration's actions and their far-reaching consequences.Dr. Young, a psychology expert and host of Blunt Force Truth, shares his professional analysis of Biden's decision-making and its implications for justice. We explore the potential domino effect on other investigations and what it could mean for the 2024 election.This must-watch conversation goes beyond mainstream narratives, offering a critical examination of power, corruption, and the state of American democracy.Join the conversation and gain insights that challenge your understanding of current events.Don't miss out on this eye-opening discussion. Like, comment, and subscribe to stay informed and be part of our community dedicated to uncovering the truth. Follow Jeremy Ryan Slate, CEO of Command Your Brand, for more hard-hitting interviews and expert analysis on today's most pressing issues.#joebiden #bidenpardonsson #joebidenpardon #bidenpardonnews #joebidenpardonshunter #news #joebiden #ukrainenews #latestnews #bidenpardonnewsCHAPTERS:00:00 - Intro01:03 - Mark Young's Background07:31 - Biden's Hunter Pardon Explained12:22 - Timing of the Pardon17:01 - Implications of the Pardon20:48 - Joe Biden's Health Update23:17 - Significance of the Pardon26:38 - Will Trump Investigate Biden?30:26 - Trump's Plans for 2nd Term35:10 - Trump's Cabinet Selections40:00 - Understanding the Tax System45:00 - Left vs Right Reactions50:00 - Jealousy vs Envy Explained52:40 - Sources of Innovation53:44 - Connecting with Mark Young54:30 - Like, Comment, and Subscribe___________________________________________________________________________⇩ SUPPORT OUR SPONSORS ⇩THE WELLNESS COMPANY: Health without the propaganda, emergency medical kits before you need it. Get 15% off now by using our link: https://twc.health/jrsCOMMAND YOUR BRAND: Legacy Media is dying, we fight for the free speech of our clients by placing them on top-rated podcasts as guests. We also have the go-to podcast production team. We are your premier podcast agency. Book a call with our team https://www.commandyourbrand.com/book-a-call MY PILLOW: By FAR one of my favorite products I own for the best night's sleep in the world, unless my four year old jumps on my, the My Pillow. Get up to 66% off select products, including the My Pillow Classic or the new My Pillow 2.0, go to https://www.mypillow.com/cyol or use PROMO CODE: CYOL________________________________________________________________⇩ GET MY BEST SELLING BOOK ⇩Unremarkable to Extraordinary: Ignite Your Passion to Go From Passive Observer to Creator of Your Own Lifehttps://getextraordinarybook.com/________________________________________________________________DOWNLOAD AUDIO PODCAST & GIVE A 5 STAR RATING!:APPLE: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-create-your-own-life-show/id1059619918SPOTIFY: https://open.spotify.com/show/5UFFtmJqBUJHTU6iFch3QU(also available Google Podcasts & wherever else podcasts are streamed_________________________________________________________________⇩ SOCIAL MEDIA ⇩➤ X: https://twitter.com/jeremyryanslate➤ INSTAGRAM https://www.instagram.com/jeremyryanslate➤ FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/jeremyryanslate_________________________________________________________________➤ CONTACT: JEREMY@COMMANDYOURBRAND.COM