Podcasts about colonisation

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En 1925 André Gide part au Congo en quête d'exotisme et revient révolté.Embarquez pour un voyage singulier aux côtés de l'écrivain André Gide, qui nous entraîne en 1925 dans le cœur de l'Afrique équatoriale française. Sous couvert d'une mission officielle, André Gide et son compagnon Marc Allégret vont découvrir une réalité bien éloignée des paysages de rêve qu'ils espéraient. Avec un esprit d'observation aiguisé et une grande sensibilité, Gide va se faire le témoin des atrocités commises par l'administration coloniale et les compagnies privées exploitant les ressources de cette Afrique. Des témoignages glaçants sur les mauvais traitements, les violences et les massacres de populations locales vont bouleverser le célèbre écrivain, qui décide alors de mener une enquête approfondie pour dénoncer ces abus.De Libreville à Fort-Archambault, en passant par Brazzaville et le fleuve Congo, Gide et Allégret vont arpenter ces contrées reculées, recueillir les confidences des victimes et remonter jusqu'aux responsables de ces exactions. Un combat courageux et sans compromis qui les mènera jusqu'à la Société des Nations et aboutira à des réformes significatives, malgré la résistance acharnée du lobby colonial.Plongez dans les pages de ce voyage initiatique qui a marqué l'engagement intellectuel de Gide et interrogé en profondeur les fondements du système colonial français. Un épisode marquant de l'histoire de la littérature et de la pensée politique du XXe siècle.

On this episode, my guest is Lewis Winks, a researcher, writer and campaigner who specialises in nature connection, cultural and behavioural change, and has a background working in the environmental and outdoor education sector. He joins us on behalf of the Right to Roam campaign as well as the Stars Are For Everyone campaign, the latter which he helped spearhed to defend wild camping rights on Dartmoor.Since 2021, Right to Roam has been organising peaceful trespasses into some of the vast areas of countryside from which the public are currently excluded. They follow the tried and tested access code which governs Scotland's right of responsible access, respecting privacy, crops and nature – all while seeking to leave a positive trace and practising deep care for the natural world: a concept they call Wild Service. Their vision is of a future countryside in which people not only enjoy the physical, mental and spiritual benefits of nature but serve as its guardians too.Show Notes* Right to Roam's origins (Guy Shrubsole & Nick Hayes)* The Stars Are For Everyone (Dartmoor National Park)* The right to wild camp in England* The commons and the enclosures* Taking back trespass* The shadow places of fortress conservation* Wild service* Levellers and landlordism* Deifying dispossession* The community right to buy* International solidarityHomework* Right to Roam UK - Website - Instagram - Twitter - BlueSky* Wild Service (Book)* The Book of Trespass* Who Owns England?* Val Plumwood* Survival International* S3 #2 | Decolonizing Conservation in Africa & Beyond | Fiore Longo (Survival International)* S5 #5 | Fortress Conservation in the Congo w/ Martin Lena & Linda Poppe (Survival International)* International Land CoalitionTranscriptChris: [00:00:00] Welcome, Lewis, to the End of Tourism Podcast.Lewis: Good to be here. Hello, Chris.Chris: Yeah. I'd like to thank you for your willingness to join me today on behalf of your comrades and colleagues at Right to Roam, as well as those of The Stars Are For Everyone. And I'd like to begin by asking you where you're tuning in from today and what the world looks like there for you.Lewis: Well, I'm currently in South Devon, where I live in the southwest of England. And I live in a town called Totnes, which is just on the edge of Dartmoor National Park. But the town that I live in has grown up around a river - the River Dart. And so that's a short walk from where I live.And, yeah, obviously, the river's shaped this place, from its headwaters up on Dartmoor, all the way down to the kind of rugged coast. So, I feel very lucky that, not far from where I live, there's a whole range of [00:01:00] landscapes, but not without their challenges.Chris: Yeah, certainly. I remember, not just a few years ago, I was there in Totnes, visiting for the first time, and I had the great honour of getting to explore Dartmoor as well, in a place not too far from where some of my old ones are from, in Devon, in Exeter.Lewis: It's a great place. I mean, Dartmoor is, on global standards, a very tiny national park, really, but I think for people like myself that live near it, to have this kind of expansive space to be able to walk for days sometimes in this sort of landscape, seemingly without boundaries, without walls, without fences, is amazing, in what feels like quite a contained landscape, a kind of patchwork of fields and enclosures. And so, a lot of people are drawn to Dartmoor because of its openness. But that also is an issue, I think. A lot of us here that live in this area are very much working on ecological [00:02:00] issues and challenges, and lots of those are found up in the national park.Chris: Well, would we all be so lucky to have such spaces to walk and roam. On that point, I'd like to ask you if you'd be willing to offer our listeners a little bit about what your organisation, The Right to Roam (in the UK), does there and your role in the organisation.Lewis: Sure, yeah. Well, the Right to Roam campaign, I mean, we've been established only for a few years in our current format, really. We were born out of the pandemic. We were formed principally by two of the co-founders of the campaign, Guy Shrubsole and Nick Hayes, who had both written books at the time and sat together around a kitchen table in 2020.Nick had written a book called The Book of Trespass, which kind of brought into public conversation this kind [00:03:00] of idea that there are places we are not supposed to be and not allowed to go, and challenging the kind of “why,” asking that question of, “Why is this? What's the historical context for our exclusion from landscapes? And through a series of adventures and walks into landscapes, he challenged that in his book. And it's an amazing primer, really, I think, for something that a lot of us take as a given, which is that we live in the corridors, really, between these vast estates here in England and in Wales, and we're excluded from much of the land. And so, it was quite a game-changing book, really, to sort of start to question that kind of assumption, that if you step off those narrow corridors, you are trespassing.And then in the meantime, Guy had written a book called Who Owns England?, asking questions of, “ Who does the land belong to? Who owns the title deeds? And really, most of us don't know. I mean, the government doesn't even really know who owns lots of land. And so, Guy embarks on this project, which he's been working on now [00:04:00] for the last decade or so, to try to find out and try to get more transparency, and really to bring about more democracy in how land is managed and how decisions are made, and really who has a stake in the land in England.And so these were kind of natural collaborators, really. And they sat around this table, and they formed this campaign called Right to Roam, which was really just to ask a simple question, which is, “Why do we not have a right of access to land in England?” And to call for new legislation for greater rights of access so that people can feel they have a greater stake in the landscapes around us.So we're a small team. We're a very much a grassroots campaign. We're not backed by big funders. We don't have any office space. We're just distributed across England, Wales and Scotland. And then, there are just six of us in the kind of core team. But we also have a network of almost [00:05:00] 20 local groups of people who are doing just amazing active work on the ground within communities to push for access reform.And we're funded by about 650 of those supporters who just give a small amount every month. So we're really just beholden to the people that are pushing for these kinds of changes. And we think we're getting somewhere. The conversation is shifting, socially and politically. We've still got somewhere to go, but we're hoping to bring about that change in law before too long.Chris: Hmm. Thank you, Lewis. And what drew you personally to the organisation?Lewis: Well, I live, as I said, down in Devon, and one of the things that happened back in 2022, was that one of the larger landowners in Dartmore National Park decided that he was gonna challenge this historic right that we have here, which is very unusual in England - the right to sleep out under the [00:06:00] stars, the right to wild camp, out in this kind of amazing landscape of Dartmoor.So, this landowner, Alexander Darwall, took the national park to court, and I was one of a few people who got together in the early days of that court case and said, “Right, we need to campaign on this. We need to stand up for these historic customary rights that have existed here and that have given so many people, these beautiful life-shaping experiences over generations.” And he was trying to snub them out. And so we thought, “let's campaign on this.”We set up a campaign called “The Stars Are for Everyone,” to protect those rights, but also to kind of say, “ Well, isn't it just mad that these rights only exist in this tiny corner of England? Shouldn't they exist also elsewhere?”Our intention right from the beginning of that campaign was to transform a court case that was about defending a set of rights into something which was really about taking a giant leap forward and putting in place something much [00:07:00] better for people in the future. And over the course of three years, that campaign was really dynamic, creative, and brought together loads of people.We actually lost the right to wild camp in early 2023. The landowner was successful in overturning that right in the High Court. And just one week after that court decision, we got together with three and a half thousand people up on quite a remote part of Dartmoor, probably one of the biggest land rights protests that we've seen since the 1930s in England. And, the voices of those people were really just... I mean, the ripples went out far and wide. I mean, we were sort of met with international support and interest. And, politically, overnight, it changed the conversation on access in England.And, really to fast forward to the present day after two more court cases, including it being escalated to the Supreme [00:08:00] Court, unanimously in the Supreme Court, the judges agreed that the case should never have been brought. And actually, then, we were able to reassert those rights as they had already existed.And so, not only have we got those rights back, we are now in a much better position, we think, to call for those rights elsewhere. And so my campaigning with the Right to Roam campaign really was kind of came out of this campaign for wild camping, to sleep under the stars.Chris: Mm-hmm. Wow. Wow, I remember, I think that was probably the thing that really drew me, for the first time, to the organisation and the work that you and your team are doing there in England, was through the social media awareness that the storyteller Martin Shaw was bringing to that campaign. Really amazing. And so, I wish nothing but blessings upon your feet and your work. It's incredibly important, and perhaps, a kind of [00:09:00] pioneering way of bringing this kind of organising and this kind of awareness to other places in the world where such access is also needed.But before we dig deeply into that work, I'd like to perhaps offer a little bit of context for our listeners in terms of the history of access in the UK to what is often referred to as “the commons.” And so, I'm wondering if you would be willing to offer a bit of historical background about what we mean when we talk about “the commons” in the English language and the history of the enclosures of the commons, that, for English people, is a kind of history that is all too well known, but for the rest of the world might be obscure.Lewis: Hmm. Well, sure. I mean, the commons, I think it's fair to say that a lot of people in England, really, this is not part of our lexicon, and our understanding [00:10:00] of the land.And, I think that demonstrates really just how effective the loss of commons has been here, is that there's not a broad understanding of what they were or what they are. But the commons really are... I mean, we're talking about a form of governance, a form of collective stewardship and governance for a place that transcends ownership. Commons are about how we relate to a place, and the rights that go with that place. And so, if we look at kind of property rights today, often those property rights exclude anybody who doesn't have their name on the title deed of the property.But yet, that's not always been the case. And certainly, we can still see today in England, and elsewhere globally, systems that acknowledge rights of others, and not just humans, but also kind of more-than-human rights. So in England, if you've gone back to the 1500s, [00:11:00] half of England or thereabouts, (it's difficult to be precise with this) would've had some form of common property understanding, or a kind of tapestry of rights that went with it. And that might have been rights to take firewood and fuel from land to dig peat, to graze animals, to put your pigs out to pannage for acorns. And these rites would've been particular to the landscapes that they were in. So, commoning rights were not the same everywhere. They were responsive to the wider kind of contexts, and today that figure is more like 3% of England. So, a diminishment of the commons in England has been part of our history here, and also part of the history which has affected almost the entire globe as well through colonial activities. But in England, really, this kind of experiment in sort of uprooting and unearthing cultures [00:12:00] that are deeply tied to the land was almost entirely effective at removing people's stake in land and in shoring up the rights of property owners.So, our commons, as they did exist, were fundamental to communities, were fundamental to how people sought to make a living, but also there were other things within that because commoning was about being on land that you didn't own. So with that came other things, which perhaps were taken for granted, which today we might call “recreation,” “being idle under a tree, watching the sunset”, and having those kinds of experiences. Now, we've kind of partitioned them off and put them into national parks and kind of put them in our holiday time, and things we might do when we're on vacation as tourists. But actually, for commoners, presumably, people were spending their time with the pigs out to pannage, thinking about other things, in conversation, meeting their neighbours under trees, doing things which were convivial.And so, [00:13:00] the erasure of the commons in England, and the enclosure acts, which sort of set about to diminish the commons and put them more firmly into private ownership, was also about a loss of community and people's stake in landscapes and also their ability to kind of relate to one another.But I should say as well that this obviously was very intentional. This was about looking at landscape through a kind of lens, a particular form of extraction, to take money from the land. It was also about control. It was about taking people, who, through that particular lens of industrialisation, seemed to be kind of labourers, their worth was kind of in the factories, it was not out on the land. And through mechanisation, as well, obviously, this was accelerated.In the early days of the enclosures, there were anti-enclosure acts in England that sought to try to prevent some of the steamrolling over of what felt like a kind of a deep-rooted culture. But by the [00:14:00] 1600s, those anti-enclosure acts were pretty much repealed, and with them, any kind of opportunity to get back those commons was lost.Loads and loads of rebellions took place to try to prevent that. And it's really interesting to look back in English history at the richness of rebellion and how it was kind of linked to how people relate to land. Looking at this today, it's sort of fairly plain to see that there's a disconnection between people and place. And I think that that kind of keenness to reconnect is a really vital ingredient for how we can kind of push back against some of the more damaging systems that we see around us.But people were rioting against the loss of rights to be able to put pigs out amongst woods that were being enclosed for the private laws, hunting rights. And there were many, many rebellions which took place by poachers, by people that were kind of deemed to be [00:15:00] poachers, who were kind of subject to some of the most harsh laws against them. And actually, a lot of the way in which criminality is portrayed now in England comes directly from the fact that they were trying to clamp down on how property was being challenged by people that have been dispossessed from something that was seen as a common good.Chris: Wow. There's so much there in the way that traditional peoples in England previously would've stewarded the lands that they lived on, even though they didn't own them, per se, and how the enclosure of those lands also led to this degree of, I would say anyways, historically, tourism wherein, the longing to gather as a community or as a group of people, in a place in order to, as you said, even just sit idle under a tree, to learn about the place that one lives in, or other places. That tourism largely took up that mantle [00:16:00] as an industry, as a way of commodifying that human longing toward being together in a place, largely outside of strict work hours. But even during them as well. And of course, the history of tourism is such that, through the enclosures, there was a schism, as you said, that brought people into the towns and cities to work as workers, essentially, rather than stewards of land.And then their “leisure time” was also separated in order to find ways in which that longing could be fulfilled, but through the industrial means of bringing people in mass to the beach or to forests, to other lands.And we'll get to that in a moment, that notion of the kind of colonial and neo-colonial enclosures that today show up as national parks or reserves. But you did mention this rich [00:17:00] history of trespass in England. And on The Right to Roam website, it says that, “it's fair to say that none of the limited access rights established in recent generations has been won without the willingness of ordinary people to cross the lines of property.”And so, it seems to me that the work that Right to Roam is doing is picking up those anti-enclosure movements of previous centuries and bringing them into the contemporary milieu. And so, I'm curious how you imagine or how you think notions of trespass might be understood and utilised as forms of resistance to the enclosures or privatisation of common lands.Lewis: Well, trespass in England is part of civil law, so if you trespass, it's not criminal. It's not a criminal act. So the police can't be called, as long as you're not causing damage. So, in fact, it's just between you and the landowner.And I think one of the first things that we try [00:18:00] to do as a campaign when we're speaking to whether it's new groups, or people that are kind of joining us, is to say, well, actually in custom and in history, we have this right. We have this right to be on land, and that it's only really through a kind of spell that we've been put under this kind of narrative that we've been told that we don't have a right to land. That we don't go there. And so, one of the main forms of action that we take as a campaign is to trespass, is to cross those lines which feel like they're kind of physical lines when you look at a map or where you see a barbed wire fence. But actually, as soon as you cross them, they become quite arbitrary, but also political.And we try to politicise it as much as we can, because if we take it for a given that we're excluded, then we will just remain excluded. So, it's both empowering and also quite an undertaking really to trespass and to do that together is one of the most empowering things you can do as a group or as a community, to go to the places that we're told we don't [00:19:00] have a right to be, but yet when you go there, it suddenly doesn't really make sense that you are excluded.And actually, quite often, as a campaign, we're able to go to places and to learn more about them and to learn more about our landscapes just outside of the towns and cities that we live in, to feel more connected to them. And, in a lot of cases actually do work for the betterment of places as well.I mean, often we're kind of reporting illegal rubbish dumps or seeing where damaging, invasive ecological species have taken hold and or reporting pollution in rivers. And I think it is part of the work of our campaign to help people feel that they can be a part of these places.And as you've mentioned, this idea that tourism is this kind of leisure time activity that we do that feels quite extractive, actually. There's something that we can do, which is about giving back as well, and giving back to our communities. And, [00:20:00] so yeah, it's about crossing lines, and it's about kind of challenging the politics that play there, but it's also just simply about reclaiming something that has historically been a cement that's held communities together.And what we find, I think, is that across the political spectrum, in various sectors and quarters, people just see that as common sense. I mean, it's interesting being part of a campaign that is at once radical as well as being, actually, just people get it, and they want to support it. And that has really helped us, I think, make headway and make progress, because we think we make quite a good argument for why we need better access to land and why we need laws to support that. And we are receiving a good amount of support from many quarters.Chris: Thank you for illustrating that. I remember as a child in Toronto going into the valleys there and the [00:21:00] creeks, and there's, thankfully, a large system of public lands, but of course, there was some areas where you would see signs, and it says “no trespassing,” and you would see this quite a bit, more so as you left the city. And there was this kind of subtle, imposed, instilled sense in me as a child that, like, “okay, obviously I can't go here. But secondly, if I do, then I am not just a guest or a visitor, I'm a trespasser, I'm a criminal. Right?And so to return to this question of the way that governments in the last centuries have taken common lands from people and kind of converted them into what we imagined to be better, pristine environments by virtue of there being no humans.I'd like to broach this question with you because in our correspondence, you referred to, “the hidden damage done to landscapes, the displacement of damage [00:22:00] elsewhere in the name of conservation, creating pristine landscapes and how this plays out as a way to restrict land access as a rationale for exclusion, while we turn a blind eye to damage and exploitation.”You write, “we can see this on a smaller scale with regard to estate and large farms or intensive agriculture in the UK, as well as on a global scale through supply chains and trace both back to a colonial mindset.”And so, previously on the podcast, I've spoken with authors and activists in regard to conservation as a kind of neocolonization of land, both in Africa and in Asia, and we also see it in Scotland.And so, I'm curious how this shows up in the UK and in the Right to Roam's work. This notion that no humans means that somehow the ecologies of place are better off and that there seems to be hiding in these considerations, in these concepts, a kind of misanthropy, a kind of hatred [00:23:00] toward humans.Lewis: Yeah, I mean, conservation I think has been doing amazing work, has also been doing some quite troubling work, I think, over the years. There's no simple kind of response to this. Conservation by its very nature is about working in relationship with place, with people, and with the more-than-human world.And I think like any relationships, those can be difficult and also fulfilling and beneficial and sometimes both. I think conservation as a movement, if you take a historical lens on this and obviously know, looking at it through a cultural perspective, taking in place, people, and history, and thinking about it as well, not just as a kind of a single place-based concern, but also kind of more broadly on a global scale, how conservation has evolved.And it's both evolved out of a kind of a controlling mindset, but also out of a kind of almost a palliative desire to sort of ease [00:24:00] the suffering of the natural world. And I think that that, when we look at it like that, there's a kind of a deep trauma which conservation has been born from, which is that we've done such huge amounts of damage to other places, to other peoples, to our own homes, and our own landscapes here in England that our kind of desire to kind of remedy that is kind of caught up in a kind of traumatic relationship with place. And I think we've learned a lot and obviously come a long way from a kind of fortress conservation mindset, but I think that the kind of misanthropy, which has been present in conservation, still comes through sometimes.I mean, we work as a campaign with so many amazing people working on the forefront of conservation, who are working very hard to try to transform and challenge the sector that they are working within. [00:25:00] But it's kind of understandable that this history of exploitation and damage is kind of wrapped up with a desire to press the emergency button and say, “actually, we need to kind of take drastic measures here.” And for some people, that's led them down the path of wanting a very exclusionary take on how we manage these places and these landscapes.And I think that the other thing is that, what I was talking about in the correspondence that I sent to you, really, particularly inspired by the work of Val Plumwood, the amazing philosopher who took this kind of incredible view of conservation, linked it to what she called “shadow places.” The idea that actually, for every time that we create one of these kinds of islands of pristine habitat, whether it's through exclusion or whether it's through management, planning and whatever else, actually, there's a whole world of things that we displace, and we neglect to see.And we see that with our national [00:26:00] parks here in England. I think it's interesting that Dartmoor, my nearest national park, is actually, historically, it is a very managed and very industrial landscape, yet it's kind of like held up and revered as a place of ecological tranquillity.I mean, it's actually in quite a damaged state. But we see it more broadly, as well. We can see it through our supply chains in England and through food security, or what we might call food security, by basically exploiting other places, the minerals we use, the resources that we use.So many of them come from landscapes that don't have the same protections that we're sort of overlaying onto landscapes here in England. So I think that it is a complex question. I think the fact that we are dealing with the kind of fallout of empire and the colonialization of other places and our exploitation of them leads us back to this sort of issue of actually “ how do we repair our relationship with land, with people? [00:27:00] How do we come to this through a lens of collaboration between people and place that's not about, ‘this is for nature, this is for people'?”And I think, one of the most concerning things I've seen happening in recent years, is this sort of resurgence of a neocapitalist economy in the countryside that's sort of operating under the guise of wanting to protect, but actually is about excluding communities and excluding people. And some of the most amazing work that's happening in England and Wales on Rewilding is about including people and ensuring that there is a joined-up approach between people, place, and ecology.Chris: Thank you, Louis. Your professional background prior to working with Right to Roam was in outdoor and environmental education. And so I imagine that such work kind of flows fairly easily into raising awareness for public access to the commons. But it also seems to me that the [00:28:00] contemporary and commonplace relationships between people in the commons run through the government in the form of laws and regulations. And you write, “there are things you can do on public lands, and there are things you will get fined or arrested for.”And so, a system based on allowances and punishment, a system of rights. But rights do not necessarily breed responsibility. And it can be argued that rights can undermine responsibility both on personal and collective levels. A central question that arises in the debate as to whether to repeal these prohibitions on access is that a people growing up in a culture of enclosure and hypermobility, such as most urban people do these days, tend to have no personal or peripheral example of what worthy stewardship looks like.And so I'm curious, how does the Right to Roam team and perhaps other authors and activists you've come across contend with this notion? There's a mention [00:29:00] on your website of the ability of people to offer “wild service,” and I'm curious what this means in the context of rights and responsibilities.Lewis: Well, I don't think that rights necessarily undermine responsibilities. I think badly designed rights can, but I think that, in a meaningful way, rights can give people a stake. They can really say to people, actually, “ this is something which belongs to you, and that's worth defending.”If people are only experiencing the countryside through prohibition, then clearly that's gonna lead to a form of feelings of unwelcome. And I think that that kind of relationship with the countryside is damaging, and particularly, I think it damages the ideas of trust and our sense that we can actually learn to care for these places. And that's deep set [00:30:00] within the culture, I think, that we're part of. And one of the things, as you've highlighted, this challenge, which is also an opportunity, is for education. And not only do we have these very exclusionary laws, which prohibit us from accessing so much land. I mean, we're talking about we only have access to 8% of England, and about 3% of our rivers. These places also only exist in particular parts of England and Wales. So there are vast parts of the country where the countryside might as well just be wallpaper.And so, for so many people, access is a kind of an academic exercise. It's this idea that you might be able to access it, or if you have a car, you can drive to a place. So I think there's a lot of work to be done to give people the experiences that really build up that kind of culture of care, which I think... or “stewardship” is the word that you used.Getting those laws in place, getting the right to roam legislation that we're after, is the first step on the ladder. [00:31:00] And then the next step is maybe something like, “how do we put in place those systems of infrastructure and support, which we need to actually see more people in the countryside?” And some of those things might be about, “how do we get more school kids out?” I mean, even here near Dartmoor, the only place in England where you can sleep out under the stars, most of the kids in this area won't have had that experience and probably will never have that experience. So how do we remedy things like that? How do we support schools to do more of that? How do we get more of our education systems, both formal and informal education systems, to embrace a culture of access?In England, we can look north of the border to Scotland to see where such a system's been in place since 2003, where the Scottish Land Reform Act was put in place, which gave people a default right of access to land and water in the country, which [with] sensible exceptions for things like privacy, wildlife, land with crops growing on it [00:32:00] and public safety, backed up by a code of responsibility. But that in itself is only just over 20 years old, as an act. So, culturally it's still quite young, but it's been a real success.And then, we can look elsewhere. We can maybe look elsewhere in Europe, to Norway and to Sweden, for examples where, culturally, this is sort of something which is more deeply accepted. And there are many other examples, obviously from across Europe and globally, where there are different sets of rights that give people different sets of access and mobility within landscapes.So I think all we're trying to do really here in England is point to a way of being, which is about the structures of how we do that, but it's also about our kind of mindset and how we relate to places.And we can see that it's entirely possible and preferable to the system that we have here today. So I think [00:33:00] that yes, rights in themselves are not the answer, but they are the kind of the bedrock on which we could build a whole world of possibility.Chris: Hmm. Hmm. Yeah. Thank you, Lewis. I guess the question that I was trying to drive towards is this notion that's come up quite a bit in the podcast, which is that tourism doesn't necessarily begin once you get off a plane or a boat or a train. That tourism is a kind of lifestyle that seems to exist in the bedrock of the modern condition. And so how do we bring people into the possibility of something like “wild service” or stewardship when the vast kind of understanding of how we proceed towards quote “nature” or other communities is touristic in nature.And so I'm curious, in the organising that you've done, when people have the opportunity to dig deeper into the histories of their lands, and the access to lands, and the [00:34:00] enclosure that access and the enclosure of the common lands in the UK, and when they start to see perhaps what's possible by virtue of other people showing up, interested in the same research, in the possibility, the real possibility of things being otherwise, once people gathered together toward these possibilities, I'm curious what shows up for you among people who perhaps come from this more touristic sensibility.Lewis: Yeah. Well, a couple of years ago, the campaign wrote a book, a collection of essays called “Wild Service,” which is sort of acts as a bit of a compass towards this kind of new narrative of beyond extractive tourism, beyond recreation even, towards something which we sort of playfully called “re-creation” sometimes, this sort of sense that, actually, there's another way of doing this stuff. There's another way of [00:35:00] being in new places and of experiencing nature places near to and beyond our home. And Wild Service really is about... the kind of the subtitle of the book is “Why Nature Needs You.” So it's really kind of flipping this thing we were talking about earlier, which is that kind of a lot of conservation tends to focus in on, “ we desperately need nature, so we need to protect nature, and the way we do that is by excluding people.” And that's not all of conservation, but that is a kind of prevailing mindset which has existed and is entrenched now.So, wild service is trying to chart a different way, which is that we need to find this kind of peace, really. We are feeling that we can be active agents of benefit for the world around us. And there are some great examples. I mean, Paul Powlesland's an amazing barrister activist, who lives in northeast London and is [00:36:00] guardian of the River Roding up there who kind of lives on the river in his boat, and is out on the river every day, normally waist-deep in the river, acting in service to clean that river up.And it is in a mess. This river's been a historic dumping ground for industry, and neglected by government and local authority over the years, and just trashed. And Paul is with a team of volunteers, working so hard to shine a light on that, but also just basically to clean it up, and to demonstrate how illegal rubbish dumps and illegal sewers are overflowing into it. And it's become this flashpoint really for a wider conversation of concern.And there are many other examples where, you know, on the River Wye, for example, on the border between Wales and England, which is one of the first rivers really to have its kind of legal rights asserted in England through the action of communities.And we're talking about wild swimmers and anglers and [00:37:00] kayakers and people who are kind of out on the river. And I think it's no coincidence that the River Wye is also one of the only rivers in England where there is a legal right of access to swim and to connect with the river. And that people have seen it as a gift really, to then act on behalf of the river. And of course, then that's playing out now.The rights of nature are playing out globally. I mean Ecuador, being one of the kind of trailblazing, the constitution, embedding this. And I think acting as an inspiration for so many more communities to really take on board the rights of nature. And to see a kind of community activists stepping forward in wild service to do some of this work. And in cases like Paul, they often trespass whilst they're doing it.Chris: Yeah, I think there's definitely this question of animism that comes into play, perhaps peripherally as well in these conversations, which is that, so many of our ancestors, at least at some point, [00:38:00] understood the more-than-human beings and worlds within their places as just as alive and deserving of a good life and dignity as humans are.And that over the course of the last 500 years, at least, a degree of deanimation has occurred as a result of the enclosures. Certainly, you could get into the Cartesian philosophical questions, regarding who has a soul and who doesn't. But I think there's something deeply embedded there as well about the questions of, when we find ways to ensure that rivers, for example, or other aspects of the more-than-human world have rights, that we are trying to find a way back towards respecting the dignity that exists, and is [00:39:00] more or less, demanded, if not, seen or experienced a priori, within an animistic perspective.Lewis: Yeah, I mean, absolutely the same logic that tore people from the Commons was also at play, of course, in the kind of instrumentalising and essentializing nature, and creating this sort of division between people and the rest of nature. And it is certainly there in the history of the British Isles.You just don't have to look even back that far to see that people had a much kind of closer relationship. And I think this isn't about going back to anything. This is about finding a new path where, actually, this kind of experiment in driving a wedge between humans and the rest of nature has been wildly unsuccessful, and has caused great harm, and has precipitated, also, the harms done to people elsewhere.And, part of our kind of job now, I think, is to look to other [00:40:00] ways of doing things. And I see really in the kind of richness of the work being done by communities and individuals, and increasingly, with work being done within governance, that actually rights of nature is not a panacea, but it does give us this sort of direction towards something, which is perhaps more unifying, and can be part of that future.Chris: Hmm. Yeah. I'm reminded of a fairly famous quote, at least within the psychedelic culture, of a man named Terrence McKenna, who said that this work is not a return to the archaic. It's a return of the archaic.Lewis: Hmm.Chris: And so perhaps there's something in there that can give us pause to consider and reconsider how we are with more-than-human worlds.Well, I'd like to take a, just a slight detour if we can, because there's this question of [00:41:00] what the enclosures of the commons did, to people both in England and then abroad, later. And a lot of it has to do with the human relationship to nature, to more-than-human worlds. But I'm also curious about this relationship to home, and to housing even, and to what the enclosures kind of precipitated in the behaviour of human beings, what displacement and expulsion and enclosure do to human beings.And so, I have a little quote here from a great book, called The War Against the Commons. And in that book, the author writes,“The largest number of migrants left England entirely, mostly for North America or the Caribbean. [This is as a result of the enclosures.] Net emigration in the century before 1640 was close to [00:42:00] 600,000, and another 400,000 left by the end of that century, extraordinarily large numbers from a country whose mid-1600s population was barely 5 million people.What's more, those are net figures. More people left, but their numbers were partially offset by immigrants arriving in England from Scotland, Wales, Ireland, and continental Europe. Most of the emigrants were young men, and about half paid for the dangerous ocean crossing by agreeing to be indentured servants for four or more years there, in the ‘New World.' That was a high price, but hundreds of thousands of landless peasants were willing to pay it.For some, it was not a choice. English courts frequently sentenced vagrants and other criminals to indentured servitude in the New World.”And so, I don't think it's such a huge [00:43:00] stretch of the imagination to say that the chain reaction that began with the enclosures in England and later spread to most parts of the world had direct consequences for how the Americas, among other places, were colonised. I think it's quite curious and telling that the sometimes brutal dispossession and dislocation that was unleashed on commoners in the UK was then later unleashed by those same commoners turned migrants or their descendants on the other side of the Atlantic. And so, given that one of the major issues of our time revolves around migration and borders, I'm curious if this history or this unauthorised history has come up at all in the conversations around migration in your part of the world.Lewis: Yeah. Well, I think the harm that has been done to the landscapes here, clearly, the mindset and the exploitative mindset have been at play [00:44:00] elsewhere as we've discussed. You talked about how vagrants were treated. People are told they have no place on land that they don't own. And then when they find themselves, suddenly without work and dispossessed and subject to new laws that were criminalising that kind of vagrancy, I think that's such a strong kind of signal within a society that there's this kind of way of being successful or a way of undertaking a life, and of doing business, whatever you wanna call it. And so as soon as people are given an opportunity to go off and set off for new shores... we were effectively training a whole population on how to other, and how to exploit. I mean, this was the kind of place in which that mindset was cultivated.Chris: Mm-hmm.Lewis: And people, I think what I always come [00:45:00] back to in, whenever I'm reading about the enclosures and the commons, is that people were resisting, as well. And I think, the Levellers, the amazing campaigning done by the Levellers who took up arms and really knew resisted the kind of modern enclosures and the idea of landlordism, that only land landowners should have a broad set of rights, including the right to vote. The people were resisting this at every step of the way.And I think that we see that obviously internationally, as well. Colonisation by Britain and by other colonising powers has always been resisted, and there are movements globally that are working to protect the rights of people and land against these kinds of damaging and exploitative practises.But I think it comes back really, as somebody who lives here in England, that it might feel small to be a part of a campaign, which is about “I want [00:46:00] rights to be able to walk outta my door and walk into the nearby countryside, whilst there are these sort of incredibly awful, colonial practises going on in the name of progress, globally, in my name.”This is also about how we cultivate that kind of awareness and resistance. Because what I see and what I've learned through being part of this campaign is that, something which is kind of meaningful for us here today, by learning our histories and how this has kind of evolved, really, and grown out of the land where I live, part of that journey is also about educating ourselves and taking action on things which are an injustice for us in our lives, and joining those injustices to others, which are taking place in the name of the same systems that exploited the world, the more direct world around us.So, these are joined up. And, I think the other thing I wanna say is that like so many times in our campaigning we've come across the role of power and privilege and money in the countryside, [00:47:00] and how the larger states and the names that go with them that persist in the countryside today...I mean, about a third of England is still in aristocratic hands. We're unsure of the exact figure because so much of the land in England is not registered, but around about a third of England is still in the hands of... many of those people can trace their lineage right back to the Norman Conquest, to 1066, when William the Conqueror came over and handed out the land of his newly acquired domain to all of his mates. We're still living with that legacy today.And so, we see those power structures in the countryside. We see the money that's behind them. And all of the new money, the corporate money as well, that's being poured into the countryside around us. And there's a direct link there to democracy, as well, to what we're told about who belongs and who gets a say and who actually should feel welcome here. And when we look at the rise of the far-right here [00:48:00] in England, and I think, elsewhere, globally, the perpetuation of the narratives that go behind the rise of the far-right comes from that kind of land-owning, embedded power structure, the same power which has actually disconnected and dispossessed the majority of the population, the 99% of us, who don't own half of England.And that's really shocking. And I think, when we see figures like Nigel Farage here in England, pointing to migrants as the problem, it doesn't take much delving back into our history to see that this is a defence strategy, a way of deflecting blame from those who have acquired through exploitation, through murder and destruction, massive amounts of wealth and privilege and power.And so, this is the latest iteration of blaming people. We blamed the vagabonds and the [00:49:00] poor for causing problems in the countryside by criminalising activities, and exporting them off. And today we're blaming migrants, and I think, to be able to know our history and to look at how the enclosure acts and the loss of a sense of common belonging is connected to how we are having our dispossession thrown back at us through a sense of blame for others who have absolutely no stake in the uprooting of our connection.Chris: Hmm. Brilliant. Yeah. Thank you so much, Louis, for bringing this up. I mean, I've had my friend and mentor Steven Jenkinson on the pod a few times. And one of the things that he's written that describes the dynamics in a lot of the modern condition. But I think in this question, particularly around migration and colonial history,[00:50:00] he writes that, “ they deify what dispossessed their ancestors.” They turn into a God, the trauma that dispossessed their ancestors. And then, of course, in this particular context, they project it onto the people who are now being dispossessed.Lewis: Hmm.I mean, we see this logic also play out in other, smaller ways, I think, in the countryside in England. Like, for example, massive running battles and riots to protect Fenland, the fenlands of the east of England, from being drained and improved. Massive protests to prevent woodlands from being enclosed. But today, we'll see the everyday public who don't have any ownership of those lands, protecting this kind of sense of industrial improvement. And I think that there's a lot of unpicking to be done, to look back [00:51:00] and to say, actually, this is something that was done to us. And with that, we lost our rights, and also now, one of the biggest kinds of parlour tricks really of that whole system has been for us to blame each other.Chris: Yeah. I mean, I see it on a smaller scale as well in terms of landlordism and rent. I mean, we, I had an interview a few months ago, and we brought up the question of rent, which surely existed before the enclosure of the commons, but has become a staple, a normalised aspect of modern life. And it's become that rent has become so normalised that no one questions the kind of wage and rent slavery that we're born into in this late capitalist context. And therefore there's no need to imagine our relationships with home or [00:52:00] house or housing or land being any different.And as you mentioned, how the enclosures created this kind of notion perhaps among people in England in the previous hundred years, and then of course exported elsewhere, that the roots of enclosures and the different forms that they take or can take in the world, are the recipe for a ‘better life', right?And so I see that as well as a kind of historical extension of the enclosures, this notion that, like, “well, it's just the way it is and you just have to pay your rent, and there's no questioning the dynamics of private property. And if you don't like it, just submit or become a landlord yourself.Lewis: Hmm. Well, one of the interesting things I think that happened again in Scotland was that in 2003, the Land Reform Act, which came in and which [00:53:00] I've mentioned as being the acts which brought about the Scottish right to roam as we know it today, actually, that was almost a kind of footnote to the wider act. And one of the main things that it brought about was for people to have a right to buy, for communities to have a right to buy. And one of the big transformations in Scotland in recent years has been communities being able to buy up parts of whole estates and even sometimes whole islands.And so, the Isle of Eigg was one of the first examples, but now there are many, many more across Scotland where communities are starting to take literal ownership of places, and with that obviously comes things like rent controls and responsibility and accountability, between each other, within communities.And so, looking at it through that lens, where people have a greater stake in landscapes that they literally own or have a stake in, there are many, many outcomes in terms of nature conservation and public [00:54:00] access, and a wider sense of responsibility, which can kind of spill over. And it is not without problems. I mean, of course, there are still issues in Scotland with estates, and large, faceless landlords extracting massive amounts of extortionate rent from people. That's, of course, still happening.One of the things that we see in England, and I think is maybe a bit of a kind of telling contrast to that, is that in the last year we've seen two large estates, and there's probably been many more, but two that have come up on our radar, really, that have held-in properties.So one of them down in Dorset, a kind of neighbouring county to where I live, had 32 houses, ostensibly, affordable dwellings for people to live in the countryside, which is hard to come by, actually. In some parts of rural England, it's really hard to live affordably in the countryside. So, people who have been there for generations saw an estate that had been held by the same family for seven generations, suddenly bought by a [00:55:00] faceless corporation on behalf of an anonymous absentee landowner.And suddenly, overnight, the community was hit with kind of massive amounts of uncertainty. People worried about evictions or rents going up. And the same things happened just down the road from us, with an estate owned by the royal family suddenly put up for sale, and suddenly, tenant farmers, people who had had this kind of certainty that actually this has been owned by the royal family since the 1300s, are now being put up for sale.And from that point of view, the person selling it just looks at it like a set of assets that could be sold off. And I think what I would love is for, in England, for us to have a community right to buy. So when things like that happen, then actually communities get this kind of first refusal.So, landlordism and ownership patterns that are linked to the extortions going on are deeply connected to rights of access, because the golden thread that links all of those is a right to belong. And without that kind of certainty that you can call a place home [00:56:00] without being evicted, or without being told that you can get to your kind of favourite river swimming spot, for me, those two things are deeply related, and they point to the need for something much more robust for people who so desperately need it, who don't have the means to buy land themselves.Chris: Mm-hmm. Yeah. Thank you, Lewis. I'm grateful for this work that you do with the right to roam, and hopefully, as the movement grows, there'll be an opportunity for, perhaps, seemingly disparate movements or campaigns to join in this way and to recognise their mutual goals.And so I'm curious, I'd love to ask you about how this shows up on a broader spectrum, in a global spectrum, in terms of the Right To Roam, in terms of access to land and the campaigns and movements that are happening, not just in England, but elsewhere, beyond the Isles and perhaps beyond [00:57:00] Europe.And so I'm curious what kind of similar movements or campaigns might be happening in other countries or continents, for which there might be solidarity between the fight for the commons in the UK and the fight for the commons elsewhere?Lewis: Hmm. Well, land. It literally underpins everything, really.I mean, we see so many campaigns and injustices, which obviously are linked to land and the right to belong and the right to be. And land justice, globally, there's so much international solidarity. Our work today is very much about drawing those threads and remaining kind of focused on what we need to do, but we can see sort of the parallels elsewhere.And, people that we campaign with are also involved in international campaigning with Survival International, for example, doing amazing work to support the rights of indigenous peoples and rights to land globally. And the International Land Coalition, the work that they're [00:58:00] doing, a lot of which is in South America.We talked already about the rights of nature movement, and seeing lots of that kind of showing up and the rights of nature in the constitution of Ecuador, has, as I've already said, been a massive inspiration for that movement now in the UK.And, obviously, in the majority of Latin American countries, this is a real present challenge, and it's highly contested. I was speaking with a group from Dalhousie University in Canada as well recently about the kind of the rights to the coastline up there, and how, even in North American countries, there are like these challenges because of the development of coastlines, and not just coastlines, but also, the private property rights which excludes people to perhaps a more extreme extent than we have here in England.I was always struck by how, in the United States, the [00:59:00] right to roam campaign is sort of... I think people are just bewildered by it. Like, “What is this kind of campaign?” Because the rights of property are so sacrosanct, and the rights of property and the right to exclude, with the exception of the national park.So, we see these interesting challenges coming up, and international solidarity with people, in all sorts of different contexts.I was really interested in the conversation that you were having with Devon Taylor on this podcast about the rights to the coast, for example, in Jamaica, as well, and how that is absolutely linked to the exploitation of Jamaica and of people, and that land is still subject to the same kind of sets of exclusions there. And I was really interested to hear about the campaigning that's being done to just give people a simple right to get to the beach, which just seems so [01:00:00] basic and simple, but actually is fundamental. And so, I'm really gladdened and also shocked by what's happening there. And particularly if you contrast it with a place like Barbados, where there's a right to the coast, to see just what's possible with campaigning. And with political will, actually, you can see that these things are winnable and that they're winnable because of people like Devon doing that kind of work.So yeah, our work's very much focused on England, and what we can achieve within this parliament. We basically want to finish what we're doing, and then carry on with the wider work that we're all also interested in doing, and getting this law changed is our kind of like tiny puzzle piece in the wider tapestry of land justice, globally.Chris: Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm. May it be that the people who listen to this and who find their way towards the Right to Roam's work, join up and remember the [01:01:00] histories that have led us to this point and to people like yourself who are working to reconcile, as you said, what's been done historically in your name, or in your names.And, it's been a blessing to have you on the pod Lewis, to be able to both historically and contemporaneously, bring together a lot of the threads that a lot of other podcast guests in the past have spoken to, threads that bring us to a degree of source or historical origin in terms of how these enclosures came to be and of course, how people like yourself in the place that they began are working for their proper subversion.And so, on behalf of our listeners, Lewis, I'd like to thank you for joining me today for being willing to speak to these issues, these very complex issues. And I'm of course grateful that you're digging into the complexities in the way that you do.It's a great honour. And finally, [01:02:00] I'd like to ask you, how might our listeners find out more about the Right to Roam and its campaigns? How might they get involved and support, or begin this good work, in the places that they live?Lewis: Thanks, Chris. It is great to be on here and speaking with you, as well.And yeah, I mean, we're a small campaign. We do what we can with the small amount of resources that we have available. But I think, if people want to support our work, you can head over to our website. We've got our website at righttorome.org.uk. So check that out. We've got a mailing list, as well, and we try to send out fairly infrequent, but we hope, worthwhile emails, which give you a bit of insight.They tend to be focused on the work we are doing here for England and Wales. But I think for international listeners, this is potentially of interest as well, because, obviously, this speaks to the wider context. We've got social media as well, so you can see us on Instagram and on Blue Sky. And we're just in the process of setting [01:03:00] up a blog, as well. So, stay tuned for that. But get in touch and listen out for any updates.Chris: Thank you, Lewis. I'll make sure that those links are on the End of Tourism website in the homework section. And, for those who are outside of England who are wondering about this, perhaps the Right to Roam and their work is something not only of an inspiration, but a foundation for the ways in which you and your people might come to gather together and organise for access to land in your places.Thank you so much, Louis.Lewis: Thanks, Chris. Get full access to Chris Christou at chrischristou.substack.com/subscribe

What is racism, really?

This week on Friendless, I'm joined by two guests I've been genuinely honored to sit down with: Elder Larry Grant, Elder in Residence at the Justice Institute of BC and UBC's First Nations House of Learning, and an elder of both the Musqueam Indian Band and Vancouver's Chinese community — and his co-author Scott Steedman, writer, editor, and publishing professor at SFU. Together they wrote Reconciling, a book that maps Elder Larry's life not chronologically but geographically — Chinatown, Strathcona, Musqueam, the Fraser Valley — letting each place pull its own stories loose.We talk about growing up caught between two identities that were both, in different ways, denied to him. We talk about the specific, everyday mechanics of exclusion — the signs, the double standards, the small cruelties that build until they explode from somewhere inside you. We talk about his years of drinking and the two-beers-that-were-never-two-beers, and how getting sober became inseparable from learning to love and respect himself. And we talk about what reconciliation actually asks of a country that would rather it stayed on paper than stood as a monument you can't walk past.Reconciling is out now — grab a copy at Book Warehouse.Learn more about the Musqueam Indian Band• Email: friendlesspod@gmail.com• Substack: https://friendless.substack.com/• Instagram: @friendlesspod• TikTok: @friendlesspodCreate your podcast today! #madeonzencastr

Headlines: The Whitsunday Conservation Council's criticisms of the Queensland Government's State Development and Public Works Organisation (Critical Minerals) and Other Legislation Amendment Bill 2026India's Education Minister, Dharmendra Pradhan has resigned after a week of nationwide student protests over an exam leak scandalSegments:- Listened back to the Pine Gap Convergence, the traditional owners of the land of Kuyunba, the Hayes family gave a letter to Pine Gap. We heard Arrernte elder Felicity Hayes reading the letter from outside the gates of Pine Gap, last Monday. - The Hayes Family telling us what happened when they entered the gates of Pine Gap and presented their letter.  - Close Pine Gap Convergence from outside the gates last monday, a few speeches from:  Greens Senate David Shoebridge, Palestinian activist Remah Naji, two nurses from the MUA Union - giving a message from Paul Keating, the maritime union Sydney branch and First nations activist Desmond Blurton - The Art of Resistance tour drove in a convoy across the desert to protest militarism and extractivism. On the 6th of july they went to wellfield A on sacred Arabunna Country in south australia to shed light on the impacts this borefield has on one of the largest uranium mines in the southern hemisphere. Izzy Brown and first nations activist shed light on this issue.  - Activists outside the gates of BHP's Olympic Dam mine in Roxby Downs On the 7th of July  - 2 segments of one of the panels from the Close Pine Gap Convergence, this panel was about colonisation and imperialism - struggles here and abroad. We heard from first nations professor Katheryn Gilbey and Remah Nahi  Music: War Pigs by Black SabbathBow Down by Barkaa 

On la connaît sagement assise derrière le Mahatma Gandhi, revêtue d'un sari, le visage affable, la parole rare. Elle a pourtant été de toutes les luttes. Qui était Kasturba, l'épouse de Gandhi ?À l'aube de la Première Guerre mondiale, le couple Gandhi revient d'Afrique du Sud pour mener un combat politique et spirituel en Inde. Franck Ferrand retrace la vie de Kasturba, l'épouse de Mohandas Gandhi, et son engagement sans faille aux côtés de son mari dans la lutte pour l'indépendance. Originaire du Gujarat, Kasturba est promise en mariage dès l'âge de 7 ans à un jeune garçon du même âge, Mohandas Gandhi. Leur union sera finalement célébrée à 13 ans, malgré l'intimidation des jeunes mariés. Kasturba, bien que née dans l'aisance, va peu à peu s'émanciper et développer une forme de résistance passive face à l'autoritarisme de son époux. Lorsque Gandhi décide de s'engager dans la défense des droits des Indiens en Afrique du Sud, Kasturba l'accompagne et partage ses épreuves. Ensemble, ils vont forger une conscience politique qui les mènera jusqu'en Inde, où Gandhi deviendra le leader de la lutte pour l'indépendance.

The prospect of Colonisation in the Colonia region seems to have become significantly more likely after a Pilots' Federation plea for Commanders to take part in this week's initiative, referring to System Architects.Thanks to CMDR Profane Pagan for bringing this to our attention.

After eleven episodes exploring the history and themes of settler colonisation, Jon and Jacob step back to reflect on the legacies that live on today, not just for First Nations people, but for the whole nation. And what does all of this mean for a Christian response to the legacies of the past in the present moment? Theme music: © Don Stewart, Recorded/Mixed by Unmuzzled Music Productions.

Alors qu'il se rend au Congo en tant que marin, Joseph Conrad va se révéler écrivain au travers des notes qu'il prend au cours de son périple.Dans cet épisode captivant, Franck Ferrand nous emmène sur les traces de l'écrivain Joseph Conrad, l'un des plus grands romanciers britanniques de tous les temps. Nous suivons son voyage au Congo en 1889, une expérience marquante qui a profondément influencé son œuvre, notamment son chef-d'œuvre "Au cœur des ténèbres".Originaire de Pologne, Conrad a mené une vie aventureuse avant de se consacrer à l'écriture. Marin dans la marine marchande, il a navigué dans le monde entier, de l'Inde à l'Australie, accumulant une riche expérience qui transparaîtra dans ses récits. Mais c'est son séjour au Congo, alors colonie belge dirigée d'une main de fer par le roi Léopold II, qui va marquer un tournant décisif dans sa carrière d'écrivain.À son arrivée dans cette région encore mystérieuse et sauvage, Conrad est confronté à l'omniprésente violence du système colonial. Il rencontre notamment Roger Casement, un Irlandais révolté par les exactions commises sur les populations locales. Ces événements tragiques vont nourrir l'écriture d'"Au cœur des ténèbres", un roman sombre et puissant qui dénonce avec lucidité les dérives de l'impérialisme européen en Afrique.Franck Ferrand retrace avec brio ce périple congolais qui a façonné l'un des plus grands chefs-d'œuvre de la littérature mondiale. Au fil de son récit, il met en lumière l'influence déterminante de cette expérience sur l'œuvre de Conrad, qui a su sublimer la réalité dans une langue d'une richesse et d'une beauté saisissantes.

L'histoire de l'Amazonie n'a pas commencé avec l'invasion européenne il y a 500 ans. Depuis l'arrivée des premiers humains il y a 13 000 ans, de nombreuses innovations y ont vu le jour : la première céramique d'Amérique, la domestication de dizaines de plantes, des systèmes d'agriculture élaborés, des cités perdues aujourd'hui retrouvées. Stephen ROSTAIN rend compte de la diversité et de la richesse des civilisations autochtones d'Amazonie.Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Antoine LiltiHistoire des Lumières, XVIIIe-XXIe siècleCollège de FranceAnnée 2025-2026Colloque - L'antiesclavagisme : un idéal cosmopolite ? - Andy Cabot : Colonisation nouvelle et antiesclavagisme : la « Révolution de couleur » de Saint-Domingue et l'idéal de l'émancipation selon Edmond-Charles Genet en 1793-1794

Dans cette émission consacrée à l’Algérie, on abordera l’histoire de la colonisation par la France et celle de la révolution algérienne. En introduction, on voulait parler de l’actualité pour le moins tendue entre ces deux pays. Et dire un mot... Continue Reading →

Ces femmes ont porté et mis au monde des enfants qui dérangeaient l'ordre colonial d'avant 1960. Certaines ont dû les cacher, fuir avec eux ou vivre dans la peur qu'on vienne les leur prendre. D'autres les ont vus partir sans savoir où ils grandiraient ni même si elles les reverraient un jour. Ils sont des milliers, enfants métis, à avoir été séparés de leur mère au Congo, au Rwanda et au Burundi. Pour cette politique de ségrégation et de séparation, la Belgique a été condamnée en 2024 pour crime contre l'humanité. Depuis plusieurs années, cette histoire émerge grâce au combat des personnes métisses qui réclament vérité et reconnaissance. Mais qu'en est-il des mamans ? Avec African futures lab, RFI a enquêté pour retrouver celles qui sont encore en vie.   « Les mères oubliées de la colonisation belge ». Une série de 2 Grands reportages de Florence Morice, réalisée avec l'African Futures Lab. Réalisation : Pauline Leduc. À écouter aussiLes mères oubliées de la colonisation belge : «Je l'appelais Papa» (1/2)

Au Congo Belge, avant l'indépendance de 1960, ces femmes ont porté, élevé, parfois perdu des enfants dont l'existence dérangeait l'ordre colonial. Ces femmes congolaises sont devenues mères à 13, 14 ou 15 ans d'un enfant métis avec un colon belge. Alors que la parole des enfants métis commence peu à peu à émerger, celle de leurs mères est encore largement dans l'ombre. Les témoignages de ces mères aujourd'hui âgées de 80, parfois 90 ans, racontent une époque où le pouvoir colonial s'exerçait aussi dans l'intimité, sur les corps des femmes.   « Les mères oubliées de la colonisation belge ». Une série de 2 Grands reportages de Florence Morice, réalisée avec l'African Futures Lab. Réalisation : Pauline Leduc.

We're interrupting our special series on Kanaky this week to speak about ongoing colonial violence in another island nation in the pacific.This past Friday June the 12th, The Philippines celebrated its 128th Anniversary of Independence. The Philippines had been under Spanish colonial rule from the 1560s to their declaration of independence in 1898. However, with the ongoing political and military influence of the US empire today many Filipinos feel that The Philippines is still under a kind of colonial rule.On the 19th of April this year the Philippines Armed Forces massacred 19 people on the Island of Negros. This was part of an ongoing suppression of workers organisations by the government who many see as a puppet to the US and global market interests.To better understand the massacre and how it relates to the legacy of colonialism in The Philippines, Mell spoke to two members of Anak Bayan Naarm, a socialist Filipino youth organisation which is part of the national democratic liberation movement. We'll hear more about Anak Bayan as an organisation in part two of this interview.But to fully understand the context of the massacre and worker exploitation in The Philippines, we need to first talk about the history of colonisation on the islands.…You can learn more about Anak Bayan on their socials, Bayan Aus or Anak Bayan Melbourne. If you aren't on this continent, look up your local chapter.Anak Bayan's current call to action is for Filipino youth to go home and serve the people.This episode was made on stolen Kulin land. Sovereignty was never ceded and colonial violence continues both here and in The Philippines, as does indigenous resistance.In this episode you heard the trackss “Pag-ibig Ay Rebolusyon” and “Reklamo ng Reklamo” by JD RemitarThe Sunday Paper podcast is independent, not for profit and listener supported.Matt Chun is our executive producer.Interview support, research and fact checking by Preeshita ShahThe Sunday Paper podcast is recorded, edited and produced by Mell Chun. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit thesundaypaperpodcast.substack.com/subscribe

Jonathan chats with Aunt Esme Bamblett about her long life of activism struggling for First Peoples' justice, and her involvement at the centre of contemporary processes of truth-telling and treaty-making in Victoria today. Esme Bamblett is a Bangerang, Taungurung and Wiradjuri woman; CEO of the Aborigines Advancement League; and Member of the First Peoples' Assembly in Victoria. Theme music: © Don Stewart, Recorded/Mixed by Unmuzzled Music Productions.

Jacob sits down with Safina Stewart to discuss the how and why of building relationships between the First and Second Peoples of this continent. Along the way, Safina shares some of her own experiences and some of the challenges she has observed to doing this well. Safina Stewart is a proud Wuthithi and Mabuiag Island woman, an award-winning artist, and Common Grace's Storyteller and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Justice Lead. You can find out more about Safina and her work at commongrace.org.au and artbysafina.com.au. Theme music: © Don Stewart, Recorded/Mixed by Unmuzzled Music Productions.

Alors que la Chine poursuit son ascension économique et politique, l'Indo-Pacifique est désormais au coeur du débat stratégique occidental. Pourtant, une zone est bien souvent absente des discussions : l'Océanie, et les îles du Pacifique en particulier. Loin de n'être que des morceaux de terre perdus au milieu de l'océan, celles-ci sont en réalité des acteurs politiques à part entière, avec une agentivité et des intérêts propres, capables, malgré leur taille, d'influer sur les équilibres géostratégiques de la région.Pour mieux saisir les singularités de cette zone, Simon Desplanque reçoit Elise Barandon, doctorante à l'Université Panthéon-Assas, officier de réserve dans la Marine nationale et co-éditrice au Rubicon. Au micro de 20 Minutes pour Comprendre, elle revient sur les caractéristiques géographiques et historiques de l'Océanie et analyse les dynamiques géopolitiques qui traversent le Pacifique insulaire, en croisant le regard des grandes puissances extérieures avec celui des (micro-)États qui composent la région.Invitée : Elise BarandonAvec Simon DesplanqueLien vers l'un des articles d'Elise Barandon : https://lerubicon.org/mercy-masta-le-changement-climatique-les-inegalites-la-criminalite-et-le-manque-dinfrastructures-constituent-des-menaces-bien-plus-importantes-pour-la-papouasie-nouvelle-guinee-que/Suivez le podcast ! Il est désormais sur X/Twitter : @20MPC_podcast & LinkedIn !   Générique : Léopold Corbion (15 Years of Reflection)Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

There's a lot to unpack if we're to understand the role of Christianity in the process of Australia's colonisation. From the historical context and the history itself, to the theology and the experiences of the actual people on the ground, as well as the contemporary legacies of these things, Jonathan and Jacob settle in for a long and chewy discussion. If you're a Christian and you're Australian, this one's for you. (Episode notes available here.) Theme music: © Don Stewart, Recorded/Mixed by Unmuzzled Music Productions

Retour sur la condamnation de l'État belge pour crime contre l'humanité pour sa politique systématique d'enlèvement d'enfants métis pendant la colonisation. Une condamnation historique prononcée fin 2024 et définitive depuis vendredi 22 mai 2026 puisque la cour de cassation de Bruxelles a rejeté le pourvoi de l'État belge. Une victoire pour les cinq femmes qui avaient assigné la Belgique en justice. Toutes, nées au Congo d'une mère noire et d'un père blanc, ont été arrachées à leurs familles pendant la colonisation belge, alors qu'elles n'avaient que deux à cinq ans, au nom d'une politique de ségrégation raciale. Le documentaire Métisses, cinq femmes contre un crime d'État retrace leur combat, et revient sur leur parcours mêlant animation et prises de vues réelles. RFI reçoit Quentin Noirfalisse, co-réalisateur du film avec Jean-Charles Mbotti Malolo. RFI : Les cinq femmes que vous filmez ont attendu des décennies avant d'assigner l'État belge en justice pour des faits qui sont aujourd'hui qualifiés de crime contre l'humanité. Comment expliquez-vous un tel silence pendant si longtemps ? Quentin Noirfalisse : Je pense qu'il y a eu une chape de plomb dès l'indépendance du Congo en 1960, côté belge, sur ce qui s'était passé pendant la colonisation, l'ensemble des crimes en général. La « question métisse », comme on l'appelait à l'époque coloniale, était d'abord un rapport raciste aux enfants métis et en même temps une manière de gérer l'inévitable puisque les colons, dès le début, ont fait des enfants, très souvent de façon non consentie, avec de très jeunes femmes, puisque les mères de ces cinq dames ont quinze, seize ans parfois. C'est évidemment un épisode pas très glorieux dont les Belges n'ont pas beaucoup parlé. Mais comme le reste de l'histoire, puisque, aujourd'hui encore, on peine à enseigner l'histoire de la colonisation dans les écoles primaires et secondaires en Belgique. Connaissiez-vous déjà cette page de l'histoire coloniale belge avant ce film ? Non, pas du tout. C'est un film qu'on m'a proposé de reprendre. C'est un épisode que je ne connaissais pas, alors que je pensais quand même connaître un peu les basiques de l'histoire. J'ai appris énormément de choses. Beaucoup de choses qui m'ont révolté aussi. Je pense que la chose qui m'a le plus surpris, c'est à quel point l'État belge est allé loin dans la démarche de vouloir séparer et retirer les métis à leur milieu, à leur village, à leur mère. Cela a été un voyage assez fascinant, à la fois dans leur témoignage personnel, mais aussi dans la grande Histoire qu'elles incarnent. Elles ont en commun d'avoir été placées dans des institutions religieuses, notamment à Katende, dans l'actuelle province du Kasaï central où, après l'indépendance, ont eu lieu d'énormes troubles. C'est là qu'elles sont abandonnées ? Voilà. On dit souvent que l'indépendance au Congo s'est passée de façon relativement apaisée, peut-être par rapport à d'autres pays. Des pillages, beaucoup de Belges sont partis, etc. Mais la réalité, c'est qu'il y a eu cinq ans de guerre civile jusqu'à l'avènement de la dictature. Tout cela est une histoire que l'on ne raconte pas dans le film. Mais elles se retrouvent au milieu de cela, avec l'abandon par l'État belge qui est un tuteur. D'ailleurs elles le disent encore aujourd'hui : « On nous a dit que l'État belge était notre tuteur. » Elles se rappellent avoir eu des dons du couple royal, des lits offerts par la reine Fabiola, etc. Et après, le « tuteur », quand il s'agit de faire son rôle de tuteur et de protéger, n'est plus là. Il s'en va parce que finalement, ce n'était pas vraiment l'objectif, protéger ces enfants. C'était avant tout pour protéger une forme d'ordre établi – l'ordre établi catholique –, le fait de ne pas vouloir parler du fait que dans toute colonisation il y a cette « création » entre guillemets d'enfants métisses. Chaque État colonisateur peut offrir une réponse par rapport à cela, une réponse parfois très dure. On a des cas en Indochine, en Côte d'Ivoire aussi de placement d'enfants dans des orphelinats. Aux Pays-Bas, on fait la même chose. Mais au Congo belge, l'État est allé particulièrement loin dans l'aspect systématique de cette discrimination. On voit que cette question de l'eugénisme, du racisme et en même temps de la peur, entre guillemets, des rébellions… – puisqu'il y a des exemples de rébellions de métisses, qui terrorisent certaines personnes –, ce mélange de racisme et de crainte des métis de la société est très présent et l'État belge lui donne une réponse terrible. Dans quelles conditions vivaient ces femmes dans ces instituts religieux ? Quel impact cela a-t-il eu sur leur vie ? Les recherches des historiens et historiennes qui travaillent sur cette question montrent que, selon les orphelinats et les pensionnats, les lieux de placement, les conditions étaient parfois différentes. Pour les cinq femmes du film, elles sont à  Katende dans un endroit relativement perdu au milieu du pays, même s'il y a beaucoup de plantations de coton, il y a du commerce, il y a quand même du monde. Mais à Katende, la situation n'est pas bonne. D'ailleurs, les sœurs elles-mêmes s'en plaignent dans des courriers qu'on a pu lire, où elles disent qu'elles ne reçoivent pas assez d'argent de la part de l'État belge. Elles racontent également les sévices qu'elles ont subi. Elles racontent deux types de sévices. Il y a d'abord des sévices par la faim, l'absence de nourriture correcte. Et il y a aussi des sévices plutôt, je dirais, moraux, mentaux. Il y a un abandon. Il y en a une qui a cette phrase très forte qui dit : « Les sœurs ont voulu remplacer nos mères, mais une mère, une maman, cela ne se remplace pas. Une maman, c'est une maman. » Il y en a une effectivement qui dit avoir subi un ou deux sévices physiques. Il y en a qui étaient mises de côté. C'était compliqué pour elle, comme on les appelait « les enfants du péché ». Un enfant du péché, quand on grandit dans un milieu catholique, c'est très dur parce qu'on leur parle de péché toute la journée. Moi, j'ai retenu l'abandon, la malnutrition qui ont fait du mal à certaines. Mais avant tout, c'est cette espèce de déracinement d'un milieu familial dont elles se rappellent par bribes. Mais elles en ont des souvenirs assez heureux. C'est cela qu'on leur a enlevé. Sur le plan juridique, pourquoi parle-t-on de crime contre l'humanité s'agissant de ce qu'elles ont vécu ? Sur le plan juridique, l'idée des avocats, c'était de dire que, à la même époque, la Belgique, une des parties prenantes du procès de Nuremberg, a poussé pour la condamnation de l'État allemand dans le cadre de crimes similaires qui étaient des enlèvements d'enfants germano-polonais à l'époque du Reich, pour les placer dans des maisons d'« éducation » entre guillemets, et donc dans une institution allemande. Des personnes membres de cette institution ont été condamnées pour crime contre l'humanité dans les procès de Nuremberg en 1948. Évidemment, la Belgique a reconnu ce jugement. Et donc les avocats s'appuient là-dessus pour dire : « Oui, mais au même moment, la Belgique faisait la même chose au Congo. » Puisque ces actes d'enlèvements ont continué quasiment jusqu'à l'indépendance. Parmi les femmes qui sont dans le film, certaines sont nées en 1950-1951. Il y avait une concomitance de temps. Les avocats disaient que l'État belge ne peut pas dire qu'il n'était pas au courant que ce qu'il faisait à ce moment-là n'était pas problématique. C'est pour cela qu'il y a cette recherche de la condamnation au titre de crime contre l'humanité. Après ce film, qu'aimeriez-vous que le public retienne en priorité ? Je pense que le premier but est de mettre au courant. C'est un premier prisme, sans doute parce qu'il est vu du point de vue des enfants. Pour les jeunes, pouvoir se rendre compte que tout cela a existé. Ce n'est pas si loin, 1950-1960. Et de rendre hommage à ces femmes. J'espère que, grâce à cela, leur témoignage se retrouvera dans les livres d'histoire. À lire aussiLes mères dépossédées de leurs enfants métis dans le Congo colonial

Aujourd'hui dans "Esprits Libres", David Abiker reçoit le philosophe Luc Ferry. Ensemble, ils reviennent sur la délicate mission du ministre de l'Intérieur Gérald Darmanin en Algérie. Alors que ce dernier tente de renouer le dialogue avec les autorités algériennes, notamment sur le cas du journaliste Christophe Gleizes détenu depuis plusieurs mois, Luc Ferry met en garde contre une approche trop conciliante. L'ancien ministre de l'Éducation nationale rappelle en effet les heures sombres de la colonisation française en Algérie, évoquant les "enfumades" ordonnées par le général Bugeaud, véritables crimes de guerre selon lui. Il souligne que la puissance de la France a longtemps primé sur le respect des droits de l'Homme, une position défendue par des figures comme Jules Ferry. Le philosophe estime qu'il faut aujourd'hui trouver un juste équilibre entre amitié et fermeté dans les relations avec l'Algérie, sans pour autant se "coucher" devant le président Tebboune.Luc Ferry revient également sur la tradition philosophique arabo-musulmane, citant notamment les écrits d'Averroès qui a permis à l'Église de découvrir Aristote. Il considère qu'il faut respecter ceux qui résistent, et non seulement ceux qui se soumettent.Par ailleurs, Luc Ferry s'alarme du déclin de la maîtrise de la langue française, notamment chez les jeunes générations, qu'il attribue notamment à l'omniprésence des nouvelles technologies. Citant des études sur la baisse du QI, il estime que ce phénomène est "inquiétant" pour l'avenir.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Massey University academic, Richard Shaw's final book in a trilogy on family stories and colonisation.

En 1755 un Acadien nommé Beausoleil se dresse contre le « Grand dérangement » que les Anglais organisent pour chasser tous les Acadiens hors du Canada après la défaite française.Plongez dans l'histoire mouvementée de l'Acadie, cette région francophone du Canada confrontée à la domination britannique au XVIIIe siècle. Franck Ferrand vous entraîne dans un récit captivant où se mêlent batailles, déportations et quête de liberté.À l'aube du 1er juin 1755, 2000 soldats britanniques encerclent le fort Beauséjour, dernière forteresse française en Acadie. À l'intérieur, 150 soldats français résistent tant bien que mal. Mais dans les bois alentour, une troupe de civils menée par le légendaire Joseph Broussard, dit Beausoleil, n'a pas dit son dernier mot.

En 1755 un Acadien nommé Beausoleil se dresse contre le « Grand dérangement » que les Anglais organisent pour chasser tous les Acadiens hors du Canada après la défaite française.Plongez dans l'histoire mouvementée de l'Acadie, cette région francophone du Canada confrontée à la domination britannique au XVIIIe siècle. Franck Ferrand vous entraîne dans un récit captivant où se mêlent batailles, déportations et quête de liberté.À l'aube du 1er juin 1755, 2000 soldats britanniques encerclent le fort Beauséjour, dernière forteresse française en Acadie. À l'intérieur, 150 soldats français résistent tant bien que mal. Mais dans les bois alentour, une troupe de civils menée par le légendaire Joseph Broussard, dit Beausoleil, n'a pas dit son dernier mot.

durée : 00:13:25 - Les Midis de Culture - par : Marie Labory - Éric Rochant s'allie à sa fille Capucine pour produire une nouvelle série, bien loin des espions du "Bureau des légendes", et plus près des milieux défavorisés martiniquais. - réalisation : Laurence Malonda - invités : Raphaëlle Pireyre Critique de cinéma, elle publie régulièrement des articles sur le site AOC; Joseph Ghosn Directeur adjoint de la rédaction de Madame Figaro

Rejoignez Franck Ferrand dans cette captivante exploration de la colonisation du Tonkin par la France à la fin du XIXe siècle.

En Corée du Sud, le début du printemps est marqué par la floraison des cerisiers. Un spectacle magnifique où de nombreux touristes et locaux viennent contempler ces fleurs rose pâle. Un décor qui n'est pas au goût de tous : des militants espèrent déraciner les cerisiers de Corée du Sud d'ici 2050. La raison ? Ces arbres sont d'origine japonaise. De notre correspondant à Séoul, « Yoshino », voilà le nom de la discorde. Ces cerisiers originaires du Japon représentent la très grande majorité des cerisiers présents en Corée du Sud. Des arbres que Hyun Jin-oh et son association « Cherry 2050 » cherchent à remplacer par un équivalent coréen, le cerisier royal, qu'ils cultivent dans leur pépinière. « Le Yoshino est une espèce japonaise, tandis que le cerisier royal est une espèce endémique de Corée. Ce n'est pas que les arbres japonais soient “mauvais” en soi, mais le cerisier est un symbole culturel fort du Japon. Il est lié à l'histoire et à l'idéologie japonaise. Pendant la colonisation japonaise de la Corée, ces arbres ont été plantés massivement sur notre territoire pour imposer une culture », explique Hyun Jin-oh. Interrogé sur la manière dont son association compte remplacer ces centaines de milliers d'arbres, il précise : « Les cerisiers japonais ont une durée de vie d'environ 60-80 ans. Lorsqu'ils arrivent en fin de vie, c'est-à-dire bientôt, nous pensons qu'il faudrait les remplacer par des cerisiers indigènes. En revanche, dans certains lieux symboliques comme les sites liés à la résistance anti-japonaise ou l'Assemblée nationale, nous pensons qu'un remplacement plus rapide est nécessaire. » De retour à Séoul, les rues et les berges du fleuve Han sont remplies de passants venus observer et immortaliser, appareil photo à la main, les cerisiers en fleurs. Lee Jung-gu, la cinquantaine, est l'un d'entre eux. S'il sait que les arbres qu'il contemple ont été plantés par l'occupant japonais, il ne souhaite pas trop y penser. « Le fait que les cerisiers se soient largement répandus en Corée à cause du Japon, c'est une histoire douloureuse, ça nous rappelle notre passé. Mais on ne peut pas rester bloqué sur le passé, sinon on n'avance jamais, la Corée n'avancera jamais. Bien sûr, il ne faut pas oublier les leçons de l'histoire. Mais en même temps, il n'y a pas besoin de rejeter ce qu'on a aujourd'hui. On peut simplement profiter du printemps tel qu'il est. » Pour profiter du printemps et de ses cerisiers, qu'ils soient coréens ou japonais, il faut vite s'y prendre. La floraison ne dure que quelques jours par an, un instant éphémère qui émerveille tout le monde, aussi bien à Séoul qu'à Tokyo. À lire aussiLa Corée du Sud craint la pénurie de plastique à cause du blocage du détroit d'Ormuz

Sent us a text, you dicks!!Yes, we know we spelled it the British way... on purpose of course, because that is what this episode is about!! The Shakespeare Birthplace Trust began last year (as a result of academic pressure) to "de-colonise" its collection. What does this mean? Well, Shakespeare's Birthplace Trust has warned visitors that some items in its collections may contain ‘language or depictions that are racist, sexist, homophobic or otherwise harmful'.  (obviously, it was from a very different time.) The Birthplace Trust's real concern is to stop British people taking pride in Shakespeare and seeing his work as a symbol of ‘British cultural superiority'. Barf.Exactly how do we feel about it??Listen and find out!!To send us an email - please do, we truly want to hear from you!!! - write us at: thebardcastyoudick@gmail.com To support us (by giving us money - we're a 501C3 Non-Profit - helllloooooo, tax deductible donation!!!) - per episode if you like! On Patreon, go here:  https://www.patreon.com/user?u=35662364&fan_landing=trueOr on Paypal:https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=8KTK7CATJSRYJWe also take cash!   ;DTo visit our website, go here:https://www.thebardcastyoudick.comTo donate to an awesome charity, go here:https://actorsfund.org/help-our-entertainment-communiity-covid-19-emergency-reliefLike us? Don't have any extra moolah? We get it! Still love us and want to support us??   Then leave us a five-star rating AND a review wherever you get your podcasts!!Support the show

This week we concentrate on the key subject of immigration - from a Christian perspective.   We use seven basic propositions about immigration; what kind of immigration do we need; the dangers of Islamic immigration; the role of the Church;  Ayaan Hirsi Ali; Jim Ratcliffe and Colonisation;  Birmingham the benefits capital of Britain; Immigration in Sweden; Glasgow the Asylum capital of Europe; The Coalitions new immigration policy in Australia;  Spains new policy on immigration;  Japan's new policy on immigration; the rise of anti-semitism in Scotland;  The changing face of London;  Muslim call to prayer in Liverpool; Ahmed Mohammed attacks Christian at Speakers Corner; Labour MP Nazir Ahmed; Mosques as polling centres; Christopher Hitchens on the dangers of Islam; Steve Chalke and Islam; the Final Word- Hebrews 13. With music from Tom Petty, Woody Guthrie;  Boney M; the Proclaimers; Ralph McTell and the Gettys 

Harry Ricketts reviews The Art of Colonisation by Paul Moon 

The Colonisation of Language: A Phraseology in Five Parts explores, in a broad sense, aspects of oral storytelling and how the influence of colonisation can corrupt language and the sense of an origin story through multiple iterations over time. In much of my sound work, I'm drawn to the spoken word, and was immediately drawn to the characteristics within the vocal utterances contained in the 1962 original field recording by Raymond Clausen of a Navel-Miel performance accompanied by shaken rattles and seed pods from Malekula, Vanuatu. Selecting snippets of these utterances with some of the percussive elements, I created a speculative language to run alongside the opening paragraph of the Brothers Grimm tale, Rapunzel (1812). I assigned an utterance to each word in the story and developed a version of this story "spoken" in this speculative language. Distinct phrases contained within the original narration are repeated and ‘corrupted' through unlikely juxtapositions of these set phrases over the length of the work. I chose Rapunzel as my source tale due to its allusion to industry and exploitation, especially within its opening paragraphs, as both key activities of colonial intervention. Although the tale of Rapunzel can be read through many lenses, this selection, I felt was critical to situate the conceptual approach of the composition more solidly within this framework and make clearer my intent. Further to this, I included the familiar and Western story-telling trope, “Once upon a time”, which doesn't appear in Rapunzel's original form, to open each of the five parts. The voice which narrates the opening of Rapunzel in English, is an AI-generated voice.All instrumentation, apart from the AI-generated narration, is sourced directly from the original 1962 field recording and modified through extensive processing and effects. No DAW stock beats or sounds were used in the composition. On reflection, incorporating AI into this work, also adds another layer of critique and meaning to The Colonisation of Language: A Phraseology in Five Parts. Using the opening paragraphs and set phrases of Rapunzel as my language model, also interrogates AI's compilation process and corruption of meaning when AI is forced to draw on a singular set language model for its output. How many iterations from a set model, does it take to output only diabolical errors in sense and meaning, thereby compromising the integrity of heritage? Navel-Miel performance with rattle and seed pods reimagined by Kenneth Lyons.———Part of the project A Century of Sounds, reimagining 100 sounds covering 100 years from the collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum at the University of Oxford. Explore the full project at citiesandmemory.com/century-sounds

durée : 00:03:28 - Le Fil histoire - Ce n'est pas la colonisation qui a construit des routes, des écoles et des hôpitaux dans les territoires colonisés. Ce sont les impôts et le travail des populations colonisées, elles-mêmes, qui ont financé ces infrastructures. - réalisation : Margot Page - invités : Camille Lefebvre historienne, directrice de recherche au CNRS, directrice d'études à l'EHESS, PI de l'ERC Langarchiv et membre de l'Institut des mondes africains.

durée : 00:03:28 - Le Cours de l'histoire - Ce n'est pas la colonisation qui a construit des routes, des écoles et des hôpitaux dans les territoires colonisés. Ce sont les impôts et le travail des populations colonisées, elles-mêmes, qui ont financé ces infrastructures. - réalisation : Camille Renard, Virginie Le Duault, Élodie Piel, Margot Page - invités : Camille Lefebvre historienne, directrice de recherche au CNRS, directrice d'études à l'EHESS, PI de l'ERC Langarchiv et membre de l'Institut des mondes africains. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

The Jeremy Kyle Breakfast Show Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

durée : 00:03:44 - Le Fil histoire - On dit souvent que les frontières africaines seraient artificielles parce qu'elles auraient été tracées par les colonisateurs. Mais, toutes les frontières du monde sont artificielles. Les frontières sont des artefacts, des constructions humaines. - réalisation : Margot Page - invités : Camille Lefebvre historienne, directrice de recherche au CNRS, directrice d'études à l'EHESS, PI de l'ERC Langarchiv et membre de l'Institut des mondes africains.

durée : 00:03:44 - Le Cours de l'histoire - On dit souvent que les frontières africaines seraient artificielles parce qu'elles auraient été tracées par les colonisateurs. Mais, toutes les frontières du monde sont artificielles. Les frontières sont des artefacts, des constructions humaines. - réalisation : Camille Renard, Virginie Le Duault, Élodie Piel, Margot Page - invités : Camille Lefebvre historienne, directrice de recherche au CNRS, directrice d'études à l'EHESS, PI de l'ERC Langarchiv et membre de l'Institut des mondes africains. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

durée : 00:20:06 - Cultures Monde - par : Mélanie Chalandon, Julie Gacon - Depuis l'offensive sur Gaza, la Cisjordanie connaît une accélération de la colonisation, soutenue par le gouvernement israélien. Dans la région de Masafer Yatta, les avant-postes fleurissent et les attaques de colons se multiplient pour chasser les Palestiniens. - réalisation : Vivian Lecuivre - invités : Nicolas Cortes photojournaliste indépendant

durée : 00:11:26 - Le Fil de l'histoire - par : Stéphanie Duncan - Les derniers témoignages reçus des colons vikings sont 3 lettres écrites au début du XVᵉ siècle. Elles parlent d'un mariage et d'un bûcher de sorcières. Et depuis plus rien. Que sont devenus les Vikings du Groenland ? - invités : Mikaa Blugeon-Mered - Mikaa Blugeon-Mered : chercheur senior en géopolitique de la transition énergétique à l'université du Québec à Trois Rivières - réalisé par : Claire DESTACAMP Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

With the Thargoids gone, the Powers re-established their territories. Colonisation fever took over, and we finally got Squadron Carriers, as well as four new flyable ships with revolutionary capabilities. And, following in the footsteps of Terri Tora, we discovered a unique plant that's apparently worth fighting over. This is the Galnet News Digest Review of the Year, 3311.

durée : 02:29:59 - Les Matins - par : Astrid de Villaines, Yoann Duval - - réalisation : Phane Montet

durée : 00:03:24 - Le monde à l'endroit - La création de dix-neuf nouvelles implantations israéliennes en Cisjordanie provoque des réactions purement verbales. L'opinion publique israélienne regarde ailleurs, la communauté internationale aussi. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

À 10h, ce mercredi 24 décembre 2025, les GG : Bruno Poncet, cheminot, Antoine Diers, consultant, et Zohra Bitan, cadre de la fonction publique, débattent de : Colonisation, l'Algérie veut des excuses officielles

Au menu de la deuxième heure des GG du mercredi 24 décembre 2025 : "Budget : Lecornu y croit encore, obstiné ?" ; "Novasco : un maire porte plainte contre l'État" et "Colonisation : l'Algérie veut des excuses officielles", avec Bruno Poncet, cheminot, Antoine Diers, consultant, et Zohra Bitan, cadre de la fonction publique.

Aujourd'hui, Bruno Poncet, cheminot, Antoine Diers, consultant, et Zohra Bitan, cadre de la fonction publique, débattent de l'actualité autour d'Alain Marschall et Olivier Truchot.

Rachel Perkins talks to Cheryl about the continuing impact of colonisation on First Nations communities, the extraordinary legacy of her father, Charles Perkins, and his lasting influence on Australia. Rachel also speaks about the importance of the Aboriginal Australian flag as a symbol of identity and unity, and shares insights from The Australian Wars, the book she co-edited with Stephen Gapps, Mina Murray and Henry Reynolds. The Australian Wars is out now. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Le 29 novembre est célébrée comme chaque année la Journée Internationale de Solidarité avec le Peuple Palestinien, instaurée par l'ONU. Les Nations unies qui approuvaient, il y a 78 ans, le plan de partage de la Palestine. La résolution 181. 78 ans… et quel partage ? Après plus de deux ans de guerre à Gaza, et une intensification sans précédent par Israël de la colonisation de la Cisjordanie occupée, ce plan n'a plus aucune réalité sur le terrain. Menace d'annexion, légalisation dans le droit israélien de colonies tout à fait illégales, selon le droit international, attaques lancées par les colons, hausse sans précédent de construction, d'avant-postes, destruction de villages palestiniens : Israël avance sur tous les fronts. Ce projet politique, qui achève tout espoir d'une solution à deux Etats, s'exprime avec toute sa violence, dans la plus grande métropole de Cisjordanie : Hébron. Nous y avons passé deux jours entre colons israéliens et habitants palestiniens. «À Hébron, la colonisation rue par rue», un Grand reportage de Nicolas Rocca.

There's been a new update which includes the Dodec and Colonisation changes we're disappointed by, but some of the other stuff is getting us going! Development NewsUpdate Notes – https://www.elitedangerous.com/update-notesCommunity CornerThe Winged Hussars – https://www.thewingedhussars.com/en“An Elite Adventure” by VRFlorian – https://youtube.com/playlist?list=PLwSSMXOUo_5WDm_XKg4nBrtD9ysTsuZ_S“The Big 12 in the Big 25 | Elite Dangerous Powerplay” by Xpeigh – https://youtu.be/YBY1ulYmt4INew Buckyball Race – https://forums.frontier.co.uk/threads/the-buckyball-racing-club-presents-mountains-of-madness-13th-24th-november-3311.642860/

Alec's been playing with his ring so much we might need to stage an intervention, but in the meantime we'll talk about your suggestions for the final ship of the year.Development NewsColonisation Stats – https://x.com/EliteDangerous/status/1974523433598779657Galaxy Percentage Explored – https://x.com/EliteDangerous/status/1973793885731119491Community CornerColonisation stats from Ian Doncaster – https://forums.frontier.co.uk/threads/colonisation-statistics.641952/“Mission Farsight, day 3,200” by Commander Picard – https://x.com/MissionFarsight/status/1975377074446573582“A Beginner's Guide to COLONISATION!” by Dituri's Elite – https://youtu.be/erwCDjxsh50“How to MASTER your Combat Skills in Elite: Dangerous” by Xpeigh – https://youtu.be/2QnJ1_kWMcE“A Galaxy of Stars – William Shatner, John de Lancie – HCS Voicepacks” by Obsidian Ant – https://youtu.be/mJ4HOtanPw8“Ship Anatomy” by Cmdr Teall (rehosted here by Winter Ihernglass via the wayback machine)https://siriuscorp.cc/edsa/Original blog post: https://web.archive.org/web/20230329182234/http://www.teall.info/2020/05/elite-dangerous-ship-anatomy.html“Ring-a-Ring o' Limpets” by Alec Turner – https://youtu.be/GEygwG7OsM8Port forwarding guide by Nicey – https://niceygy.net/games/elite-dangerous/ed-port-tester/Anthony Hunt's Imperial Interdictor 3D print – https://x.com/achunt/status/1975087034508443697