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'Nearly half of all social housing in London has gone to households who are headed by someone who is not born in Britain. That is not fair Barry, that is a disgrace.'Matt Goodwin and Barry Gardiner clash over Reform's social housing policy. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Last time we spoke about the reaction after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. After four years of fighting Japan almost alone, China's Chiang Kai-shek learned of Pearl Harbor with profound relief. Japan's attack, meant to neutralize American naval power, instead galvanized the entire Western world against Tokyo. Within hours, Chiang declared war on the Axis powers, transforming China from an isolated nation to a recognized Allied member. The strategic mathematics were clear to Chiang: America's industrial might would ultimately crush Japan. China simply needed to survive long enough. The United States quickly formalized this partnership, pledging military support through Lend-Lease and elevating Chiang to leadership of Allied forces in the China theater. Yet Pearl Harbor brought catastrophe for Western civilians in China. Americans and Britons, previously protected as neutral foreigners, were suddenly rounded up and interned in camps. For many, decades of presence in China ended in hasty evacuation, leaving behind lives built over generations. #216 The Battle of Hong Kong Part 1: The Approaching Storm Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Japan emerged as a significant threat to British interests during the 1920s following the collapse of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. This concern intensified dramatically after Japan's invasion of China, with the ensuing Sino-Japanese War escalating tensions further. British assets in the region came under direct assault, including attacks on Western military and commercial vessels such as HMS Ladybird. Yet despite these provocations, the British Government maintained an inconsistent stance toward Japan, responding with only feeble diplomatic and military countermeasures. This contradiction characterized London's approach: while diplomatic channels remained conciliatory, military planners viewed Japan with genuine apprehension. During the 1930s, Singapore and Malaya represented Britain's most valuable and prosperous holdings in the Far East and consequently received substantial garrison reinforcements. By contrast, Hong Kong was widely acknowledged to be indefensible—a conclusion reached repeatedly by successive military studies. Despite this consensus, the British Government proceeded with the Hong Kong Defence Scheme in 1936, which aimed to transform Hong Kong Island into a fortified redoubt while establishing delaying positions in Kowloon and the New Territories. The Hong Kong Garrison's mandate was straightforward: repel external attacks and prevent enemy use of the harbour and dry dock. The underlying strategy relied on a simple principle: hold Hong Kong Island as an impregnable fortress and await relief from the Royal Navy. Consequently, protecting the harbour became the paramount objective. Japanese strategists were correctly identified as Hong Kong's primary threat, with military planners anticipating attack from the sea rather than overland. To counter such an offensive, the defence scheme incorporated five successive layers of protection: naval mines fitted with indicator nets and anti-submarine booms formed the first barrier; coastal artillery provided the second; beach installations featuring pillboxes, wire entanglements and mines constituted the third; infantry strongpoints positioned on commanding heights guarded against amphibious landings; and finally, a mobile reserve force stood ready to counterattack and eliminate any successful enemy incursion. The 1936 plan also mandated extensive fortification of Kowloon's bottleneck approaches through bunkers, trenches and blocked passages, with a principal defensive line—resembling a miniature Maginot Line—constructed across the mountains immediately north of Kowloon. The garrison structure comprised three infantry battalions plus the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC), a unit approximately regiment-strength equipped with armoured cars, engineers, artillery, anti-aircraft guns and infantry. These forces organized into three brigades: mainland, island, and garrison reserve. The air component was planned to be formidable: a reconnaissance squadron, a fighter-bomber squadron, two torpedo squadrons and a flight of auxiliary spotting aircraft operated by the HKVDC. Naval forces consisted of a modest destroyer contingent, an MTB flotilla, gunboats and patrol vessels. When Japan occupied Guangzhou, Hong Kong found itself effectively encircled. In response, limited conscription was implemented, though restricted to non-Chinese males for HKVDC service. Chinese personnel were largely confined to non-combat positions such as air-raid precautions and medical duties. The expanding Japanese threat prompted a substantial expansion of the Hong Kong Garrison to four regular infantry regiments—two British units (one specializing in medium machine-gun support) and two Indian regiments. Supporting forces included two coastal artillery regiments, a field artillery regiment-plus, and an anti-aircraft regiment. The Royal Navy expanded to include the 2nd MTB flotilla (eight 60-foot, 29-knot motor torpedo boats armed with twin torpedoes and eight Lewis guns each, plus two smaller 55-foot vessels), four shallow-draught river gunboats (HMS Cicala, Tern, Moth and Robin), four aging World War I S-class destroyers (HMS Thracian, Thanet, Scout and Tenedos—the last transferred to Singapore in 1939), HMS Cornflower sloop, and various auxiliary vessels including tugs, boom defence ships and minelayers. The Fleet Air Arm deployed three Supermarine Walruses—single-engine reconnaissance amphibians—at Kai Tak Airport. The Royal Air Force remained the weakest service, equipped with only four Vickers Wildebeest torpedo-bombers and a handful of HKVDC aircraft: one Avro Tutor, two Hornet Moths and two Cadet biplanes. When World War II erupted in Europe, Britain's focus necessarily shifted to national survival, inevitably leaving distant imperial outposts like Hong Kong neglected. Rather than receive reinforcements, Hong Kong actually lost capable personnel; many veteran troops were repatriated to Europe, leaving behind a less proficient garrison. Peacetime duties had proven a poor preparation for combat—officers and men had passed their time socializing rather than maintaining combat readiness. Governor Sir Geoffrey Northcote persistently urged London to adopt a firmer stance against relentless Japanese provocations: aircraft incursions, sinking of junks and fishing vessels, and infiltration by Taiwanese fifth columnists (Japan had colonized Taiwan in 1895). Recognizing the hopelessness of his position, Northcote recommended withdrawal in October 1940, arguing that defending the colony would inevitably result in mass civilian casualties and widespread destruction—a pragmatic assessment given Hong Kong's indefensible state. London categorically rejected this proposal, reasoning that withdrawal would demoralize China, embolden Japan and undermine American confidence in British resolve. Underlying this decision was an additional consideration: the long-standing dispute over Hong Kong's sovereignty. Since Britain acquired Hong Kong in 1841, the prospect of surrendering it, even temporarily, raised fears about reclaiming it afterward. Preserving the appearance of British determination was deemed crucial to demonstrating to Chiang Kai-shek, Nationalist China's leader, that Britain intended to retain the territory. Despite these political calculations, London consistently refused fresh troop deployments. Major-General A. E. Grasett, the China theatre commander, requested reinforcements only to face rejection—London offered only Indian or other colonial forces. Air Chief Marshal Sir Robert Brooke-Popham, appointed British commander in the Far East in 1941, likewise pressed for garrison strengthening, to no avail. The situation shifted dramatically after Grasett, a retired Canadian who had recently left his China post, travelled to Britain via Canada. Upon arriving in Canada, he independently approached his former classmate Major-General Crerar, Chief of the Canadian General Staff, and advocated for reinforcement. Grasett argued persuasively that deploying two or more additional battalions would enable the Hong Kong garrison to withstand an extended siege. When Grasett reached London in early September 1941, he presented this case directly to the British Chiefs of Staff, simultaneously proposing that Canada could provide the extra units. His arguments proved persuasive; the Chiefs of Staff altered course and convinced a reluctant Churchill to reconsider. In light of accelerating Japanese pressure, Britain substantially enlarged the Malaysia/Singapore garrison from nine to 32 battalions and despatched two capital ships—HMS Prince of Wales and Repulse—to the region, reasoning that this show of force would deter Japanese aggression against British Far Eastern interests, including Hong Kong. The original defence strategy envisaged holding Hong Kong Island exclusively while denying the harbour to attackers. A single battalion (the Punjabis) would execute delaying actions across the New Territories, followed by a three-battalion defensive stand on the Gin Drinkers Line. This brief mainland resistance would allow time for demolishing stores, power installations, docks and wharves, clearing food stocks and removing vital matériel before withdrawing to Hong Kong Island for a protracted resistance awaiting relief from Singapore or American forces from the Philippines. The Gin Drinkers Line—styled after the French Maginot Line in miniature—ran approximately 18 kilometres south of the Sino-Hong Kong border. Beginning near Gin Drinkers Bay west of Kowloon, it extended 17 kilometres across the Kowloon Peninsula hills toward its eastern extremity. The strategic expectation was that this line would delay the Japanese assault for three weeks or longer, permitting battalion withdrawal to Hong Kong Island for sustained resistance while mainland forces completed evacuation procedures. The 1937 war plan stipulated that four battalions would be necessary for an effective delaying action and seven for an adequate Gin Drinkers Line defence—figures which excluded the aircraft and naval support essential to success. With only a single army brigade available and virtually no air capability, planners abandoned the mainland defence concept, leaving defensive works incomplete and deteriorating under tropical conditions. Chinese personnel were conspicuously absent from initial war preparations and strategic planning, only being incorporated late in the process. The largest Chinese component was the volunteer contingent serving with the HKVDC. On the regular army side, approximately 150 Chinese recruits were enlisted in mid-1941 for the 5th Anti-Aircraft Regiment. The Hong Kong Chinese Regiment, hastily constituted on 3 November 1941, comprised officers borrowed from British and Indian units alongside 52 Chinese junior NCOs and other ranks with minimal training. A Royal Engineers troop staffed entirely by Chinese soldiers saw service, and some Chinese personnel served with the Royal Navy and Dockyard Defence Corps. Chinese participation increased substantially in auxiliary services—air-raid precautions, auxiliary police, nursing, St John Ambulance and fire brigades. This reluctance to fully integrate Chinese forces likely reflected prevailing attitudes of the era. Pre-war British propaganda had frequently mocked Japanese military capability, portraying officers and soldiers as myopic and incompetent. Japanese combat prowess was systematically underestimated; their victories in China were attributed to facing inferior opposition rather than evidence of genuine military strength. Japanese weaponry was dismissed as inferior to European standards. Consequently, British confidence remained high that the colony could hold indefinitely if adequately reinforced. In September 1941, Hong Kong received heartening news: two additional Canadian battalions would be deployed to the garrison. Brigadier John Maltby promptly revived the pre-war plan for defending the Gin Drinkers Line, developing a strategy centred on three mainland battalions (2nd Royal Scots, 5/7 Rajputs and 2/14 Punjab) supported by HKVDC elements and four artillery troop detachments, while three island battalions (1st Middlesex, Royal Rifles of Canada and Winnipeg Grenadiers) bolstered by the bulk of the HKVDC would hold Hong Kong Island. Command responsibility was divided between two brigades: the Island Brigade (Hong Kong Infantry Brigade) under Brigadier Lawson, a recently arrived Canadian, and the mainland Kowloon Infantry Brigade under Brigadier Wallis. The Canadian regiments arrived on 16 November 1941. Maltby was commissioned into the Indian Army in 1911, and saw extensive service across multiple campaigns: World War I, the Persian Gulf (1913–14), and the North-West Frontier (1923–24). His early promise earned him selection for accelerated advancement through prestigious staff colleges at Quetta and RAF Andover. By 1937, he was again serving on the North-West Frontier, and by 1939 commanded both the 3rd Jhelum Brigade (later the Calcutta Brigade) and the 19th Infantry Brigade in Deccan. In 1940, posted to China, Maltby orchestrated the closure of the North China Command by withdrawing two infantry battalions from Shanghai. Promoted to major-general as GOC China in August 1941, he had only three months to prepare the colony's defenses, a race against time he could not win. The Gin Drinkers Line occupied a naturally dominant position atop mountains spanning northern Kowloon's breadth, yet possessed inherent weaknesses that would prove fatal. The line lacked defensive depth and remained vulnerable to flanking manoeuvres, with two sectors representing particular danger: Customs Pass and the gap between Golden Hill and Laichikok Peninsula near Gin Drinkers Bay. Given the extended front, each battalion arranged its forces in a string of platoon positions with gaps covered by daytime fire and nighttime patrols. One company per battalion could be held in reserve within prepared positions guarding the most dangerous sectors. The reserve company of the centre battalion (2/14 Punjab) initially advanced as forward troops, screening demolition operations and delaying the enemy's initial thrust. The hasty decision to establish mainland defences meant that essential support systems—communication networks, artillery registrations, mortar calibrations—remained incomplete when combat commenced. Ammunition shortages compounded the problem. For instance, the 2/14 Punjab conducted only a single 3-inch mortar practice session before the attack; adequate ammunition arrived only in November and totalled a mere 70 rounds per battalion for both training and combat. These mortars were registered for the first time in their battle positions, with combat beginning just 12 hours later. The 2-inch mortar situation was even more desperate: troops received live ammunition only as fighting started, making their baptism of fire an actual combat situation. Transportation deficiencies—trucks and animals in short supply—forced manual ammunition transport across Hong Kong's challenging terrain, imposing severe physical demands on already stretched personnel. On 6 November 1941, Imperial Japanese Headquarters ordered its Commander-in-Chief in China to prepare plans for capturing Hong Kong. The 23rd Army, part of the China Southern Expeditionary Army Group and commanded by Lt. Gen. Sakai Takashi with Maj. Gen. Kuribayashi Tadamichi serving as Chief of Staff, would form the invasion's backbone. All preparations were to be completed by the end of November 1941. The operation, designated 'Operation C', sought to 'seize Hong Kong within ten days'. Takahashi was the son of a factory worker, and rose through the ranks to become a veteran of China campaigns. He was tasked with capturing Hong Kong using the 38th Division normally assigned to the Southern Expeditionary Army Group. Despite setbacks and humiliation over requests for additional resources—particularly following intelligence reports of tanks (actually Bren carriers) in Hong Kong—Sakai remained determined to succeed. He served as Governor of Hong Kong from 26 December 1941 to 20 February 1942. Kuribayashi, best remembered as the Japanese commander at Iwo Jima, graduated from the Army Academy in 1914 specializing in cavalry. He served as deputy military attaché to Washington and Canada and studied at Harvard University. In December 1941, he held the position of Chief of Staff to the 23rd Army during the Hong Kong operation. Operation C followed a straightforward strategic framework. A blocking force would prevent Chinese interference from the rear, while the main invasion force would spearhead the assault. The 23rd Army, comprising four divisions plus a mixed brigade and two infantry regiments, received the assignment to attack Hong Kong. Of these four divisions, only the 38th played a substantive role in the invasion itself. The attack employed a combined-arms approach. Naval forces would establish a blockade and deliver bombardment while aircraft targeted key installations. Ground forces from the 38th Division—specifically the 228th, 229th, and 230th Regiments—would execute the land invasion using a three-pronged strategy. The right column would sweep westward in a wide arc, clearing Castle Peak Road and targeting the western flank of the Gin Drinkers Line near Laichikok Peninsula. The centre force would press directly through the line's middle, while the left column would cross Tidal Cove (Tolo Harbour) toward Kai Tak Airport and eastward toward Devil Peak, a crucial defensive position. The objective was to annihilate British forces on the mainland and compel Hong Kong's surrender through sustained bombardment. Should British forces resist, the island phase of the campaign would commence. Securing the rear against the Chinese National Army of the 7th Military District and Communist guerrillas fell to the 66th Regiment, normally part of the 51st Division but attached to the 38th for this operation. The 66th would simultaneously occupy and secure rear areas throughout the New Territories and Kowloon while the three assault regiments engaged the main defensive forces. This rearguard operation was organised into columns named after their commanding officers: Kitazawa, Kobayashi, Sato, and Araki. The Japanese selected the narrowest approach between Kowloon and Hong Kong Island, targeting the eastern coast near Lyemun Passage where only 410 metres of water separated the mainland from the island. Upon landing, forces would rapidly advance inland to seize the critical junction of Wongneichong Gap, then pivot westward and southward to capture Victoria City and the remainder of Hong Kong. The naval contingent divided into two groups: the Bombardment Group and the Attack Group. Approximately 300 personnel from the Special Naval Landing Force (SNLF) were attached to the invasion force. Air support came from the First Air Brigade under Col. Habu Hideharu, which contributed 56 light bombers and fighters. Their mission was to neutralise the Royal Air Force and Royal Navy, thereby securing aerial and maritime superiority for the ground campaign. On the eve of war, the British garrison numbered 13,981 all ranks, including nursing staff and St John Ambulance personnel. Of these, 8,919 were British and Canadian, with 4,402 Indian and Chinese. The core infantry force comprised 5,422 regular soldiers, complemented by approximately 6,000 additional personnel across artillery, engineering, naval, and Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC) units. By 1941, the Royal Navy had become a shadow of its former self as the once-dominant China Squadron. Of the three World War I destroyers present on 8 December, two had been sent to Singapore—the third undergoing repairs—by 1930. This redeployment stemmed partly from the futility of defending the colony and partly from a commitment by senior US Navy officers: Britain would reinforce Singapore with Hong Kong's fleet in exchange for four American destroyers at Singapore. This American guarantee, however, never materialized. The defensive infrastructure focused primarily on countering a seaborne attack: twenty-nine coastal guns (9.2in., 6in., 4.7in., and 4in. calibres), ten 18- and 2-pounder beach defense guns, and twenty-eight field guns (60-pounder, 6in., 4.5in., and 3.7in. calibres). The Hong Kong Garrison's infantry comprised four regular army battalions—two British and two Indian—bolstered by five HKVDC infantry companies, each averaging 100 men. The 1st Middlesex Regiment, deployed in August 1937, served as a machine-gun battalion equipped with forty-eight Vickers medium machine guns. Having been abroad since 1931, the regiment had deteriorated through protracted garrison service, Hong Kong being among the softest postings available. From September 1939 onward, all regiments—including the 5/7 Rajputs (arrived June 1937) and the 2/14 Punjab—experienced systematic loss of experienced officers and NCOs to other theaters. The Royal Scots proved particularly hard hit, suffering disciplinary problems and an unusually high court-martial rate. Units like the Hong Kong and Singapore Royal Artillery suffered critical leadership gaps that went unaddressed. By December 1941, many formations fielded inexperienced replacement troops, significantly undermining combat readiness. The Punjabis exemplified these deficiencies. Stationed in Hong Kong since November 1940, they received their vehicles and mortars only in August 1941—three months before combat. Compounding this, forty percent of their strength consisted of raw recruits arrived just in October. When war erupted, artillery regiments found themselves relying on junior officers in senior roles, with British commanders unfamiliar with Urdu directing Indian troops, a handicap that severely compromised effectiveness. Deficient equipment compounded leadership shortages. Shells dating from 1918 detonated prematurely upon discharge, while ammunition shortages crippled operations. On 8 December, all field guns deployed with merely 100 rounds apiece, with 200 rounds held in reserve for the entire campaign, and coastal guns received only 25 rounds each. Insufficient cross-training meant many infantrymen failed to understand the artillery "clock face" targeting system, causing them to miss their objectives. Malaria devastated European troops, particularly the Royal Scots. Of approximately 770 personnel, at least 180 suffered recurring malarial episodes from the Shing Mun Redoubt area's notoriously endemic conditions. Staff shortages forced nearly every unit to promote junior officers to positions beyond their rank, exacerbating structural weaknesses. Although the Canadians' arrival bolstered the garrison, significant handicaps undermined their effectiveness. Both battalions carried a C-class designation—deemed unfit for foreign service—having spent years in soft garrison postings without rigorous training. The deficit was stark: each Canadian soldier received only thirty-five rifle practice rounds. The two battalions incorporated 115 men with fewer than sixteen weeks' training, while sixty-two of seventy-five recruits joining the Winnipeg Grenadiers in June came directly from a training depot lacking even basic rifles. Twelve percent of the Canadian force remained untrained. Equipment deficiencies proved even more damaging. A standard 1941 Canadian infantry battalion required 102 motor vehicles—including twenty-two Universal Carriers, thirty-seven ¾-ton trucks, thirteen 1-ton trucks, thirty-one bicycles, and twenty-two Boys anti-tank rifles. When the Canadians landed, logistical failures left them with only six Bren carriers, two water tankers, twelve ¾-ton trucks, and a single Boys anti-tank rifle. Although they carried 3in. mortars, neither ammunition nor radios accompanied them. Canada possessed only 300 3-inch mortar bombs in its entire inventory at that time, making any allocation to Hong Kong impossible. A second vessel, the SS Don Jose, was dispatched with replacement vehicles and equipment but never reached Hong Kong before 8 December. The Japanese seized it en route to Manila. Despite these shortcomings, the force departed on 27 October with 1,975 men and arrived on 16 November. Intelligence estimates regarding Japanese available forces varied widely, ranging from two to four divisions. On 6 December evening, Chinese reports confirmed the previous day's arrival of three Japanese divisions at Buji township, located eight miles from the border in what is now Shenzhen. Earlier, around 1 November, a Japanese deserter provided intelligence of significant troop concentrations north of the frontier, including large-calibre artillery indicative of at least divisional strength. The Hong Kong invasion force comprised three service branches: the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) deployed the 38th Infantry Division, the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) committed the Second China Fleet, and the Imperial Japanese Air Force (IJAF) contributed the 1st Air Group. Command of the ground assault rested with Lieutenant-General Sano Tadayoshi of the 38th Division, supported by Major-General Ito Takeo heading the infantry group, while supporting arms including artillery, engineers, armor, and transport fell under Sano's authority. The main assault force consisted of three infantry regiments from the 38th Division, each led by a colonel: the 228th under Doi Teihichi, the 229th under Tanaka Ryosaburo, and the 230th under Shoji Toshishige. The 38th Division itself was a standard 1940s B-class infantry division of approximately 20,000 troops (ranging from 18,000–21,000 depending on operational requirements), organized into three regiments with three battalions each. Reflecting the Japanese army's reliance on animal and human transport, each regiment fielded roughly 3,800 troops supported by some 700 horses. Battalion strength averaged around 1,071 personnel, with companies numbering approximately 180 men. Japanese infantry battalions of this period featured a distinctive organization: rifle platoons consisted of four sections (three equipped with rifles and light machine guns, one with light mortars and rifles), complemented by an additional heavy machine-gun company fielding twelve Type 92 weapons and a troop of light artillery—likely Type 92 70mm infantry guns. The divisional field artillery regiment operated 75mm Type 41 mountain guns organized into three 688-man battalions, each with two troops of two guns. Mountain artillery units, numbering 36 guns total, carried additional personnel (3,400) and animals (1,400) to navigate the terrain complexities of Hong Kong operations. Recognizing the need for overwhelming firepower to compel Hong Kong's surrender, the IJA augmented the invasion force with heavy artillery—15cm and 24cm howitzers commanded by Major-General Kitashima Kineo. News of the Canadian reinforcements arriving in Hong Kong forced a reassessment. Commander-in-Chief Sakai Takashi of the 23rd Army informed his superiors that the original ten-day timeline was unrealistic and requested additional troops. Although most formations were already committed to other operations, Imperial Headquarters eventually authorized two depot regiments from Japan to support the campaign. Intended for second-line duties rather than frontline combat, these units were to be returned promptly after freeing experienced personnel for Hong Kong operations. This arrangement allowed the 19th and 20th mixed brigades—approximately 6,000 men organized in five infantry battalions, a field artillery battalion, and an engineer battalion—to be released for Hong Kong. However, Sakai's request for reinforcements met with disapproval from Imperial Headquarters, and he received an unmistakable message: a swift, decisive campaign was essential. His situation worsened when Japanese agents mistakenly identified British Bren carriers as tanks, forcing Sakai to improvise armor by raiding the 1st Reserve Tank Battalion and tankette units from infantry depot divisions. In attempting to secure additional armor from the 11th Army's 9th Reconnaissance Regiment, Sakai encountered resistance. General Hata Shunroku lodged sustained complaints with senior officials, and Sakai received a sharp rebuke—further requests would not be entertained, and his replacement would follow if necessary. Stung by this loss of face, Sakai abandoned all additional requests and became even more determined to achieve success. Vice-Admiral Niimi Masaichi, commanding the 2nd China Expeditionary Fleet, oversaw the entire naval element, divided into bombardment and attack groups. His flagship, the light cruiser Isuzu, carried Captain Ura Koichi, who simultaneously commanded the bombardment group. This naval force assembled ships from various China Expeditionary Fleet units, particularly from the Canton Special Base Force, 15 Squadron, and 11 Torpedo Boat Division at Guangzhou. Reflecting Niimi's lack of confidence in the army's air support capabilities, the seaplane tender IJN Kamikawa Maru joined the operation on his insistence, providing organic naval aviation against the threat posed by British Wildebeests. Niimi also petitioned for destroyers IJN Wakaba and Yugure to counter the three British destroyers, though this request was denied. The Special Naval Landing Forces (SNLF) were assigned to conduct diversionary attacks south of Hong Kong Island, intended to distract British forces from the main land invasion thrust. The IJAF's 1st Air Brigade, commanded by Colonel Habu Hideharu, centered on the 45th Air Regiment with 34 Kawasaki Ki-32 Type 98 'Mary' light bombers. This composite force drew aircraft and units from airfields across China and Manchuria—Beijing, Shanghai, Taiwan, and Qiqihar—all assembled at Baiyun Aerodrome in Guangzhou on 7 December 1941. Supporting the 1st Air Brigade were the 10th Independent Squadron under Captain Takatsuki Akira with 13 Nakajima Ki-27 Type 97 'Nate' fighters, 3 Mitsubishi Ki-15 Type 97 'Babs' command reconnaissance aircraft from the 18th Independent Reconnaissance Squadron, and the 44th Independent Squadron fielding 6 Tachikawa Ki-36 Type 98 'Ida' observation aircraft. Years before the invasion, the Japanese cultivated an extensive network of agents and sleeper operatives in Hong Kong, methodically gathering intelligence and mapping military installations. This sophisticated network proved remarkably effective: invasion maps carried by IJA officers were actually Hong Kong Government and British military maps, overprinted with Japanese annotations and interpretations. British officers later discovered in captivity that the Peninsula Hotel's regular barber was a Japanese Navy lieutenant-commander who had exploited the intimate setting to extract valuable information about British force dispositions. Intelligence operatives infiltrated every level of Hong Kong society—the garrison tailor and barber both served as spies. This groundwork enabled exceptional accuracy in artillery fire and bombing campaigns. The Japanese further leveraged criminal networks, recruiting gangsters throughout Hong Kong and Guangdong province with money and arms, turning them into irregular auxiliaries supporting the invasion. On Sunday, 7 December, seven hundred members of the 2nd Royal Scots and Middlesex Regiment marched to St John's Cathedral for the morning service. As Major-General Maltby read a passage from Matthew, his aide-de-camp, Lieutenant I. MacGregor, delivered an urgent message that would change everything. Preparations for conflict had already begun. On 5 December, the HKVDC had mobilized fully, yet Hong Kong's broader population remained unmoved—the Happy Valley racetrack reported record attendance that very day. The contrast was stark: while one institution prepared for war, another celebrated as though nothing threatened. Japanese forces had been positioned advantageously since autumn 1941. The 23rd Army was already stationed west of Guangzhou, with contingents scattered across Foshan Town, Zhuhai, and other locations on the Pearl River delta. Upon orders for war on 1 December, they faced minimal distances to cover. The army regrouped at Humen, Shilong Town, and Guangzhou itself—staging areas for the invasion. The first visible signs arrived on 4–5 December when Japanese forces landed at Mirs Bay; the 228th Regiment moved into its staging area at Buji Town, now part of Shenzhen City. Maltby received these reports and immediately departed the cathedral service to issue urgent stand-to orders. Yet skepticism persisted within military circles. Some dismissed the threat, dismissing such intelligence as "astonishingly erroneous." Meanwhile, the Imperial Japanese Navy massed in the waters beyond Hong Kong's horizon. The Kowloon Infantry Brigade held a stretched defensive line: the 5/7 Rajputs anchored the centre, the 2/14 Punjab the east, and the 2nd Royal Scots the west. Forward positions extended far—C Company, 2/14 Punjab, under Major S. Burns ranged along Castle Peak Road toward Yuen Long. The brigade screen, C Company of the 2/14 Punjab, held Shueng Shui and Taipo Market with four Bren carriers and two armoured cars from the HKVDC, backed by engineers and the 22nd Fortress Company. The Hong Kong Infantry Brigade held Hong Kong Island itself. The Winnipeg Grenadiers occupied Victoria City on the north-west coast, while the Royal Rifles of Canada stretched along the north-east shores from Saukiwan to Lyemun. Brigadier Lawson commanded from his headquarters at Wongneichong Gap in the island's centre. At 0355 hours on 8 December, the code word "Blossom Blossom" was transmitted. Eleven minutes later, Lieutenant-General Sakai ordered the invasion to commence. Fifty minutes after that, at 0445 hours, Major Charles Boxer—a fluent Japanese speaker formerly of the Lincolnshire Regiment—was roused by Radio Tokyo announcing that war was imminent. Governor Young and Major-General Maltby were informed at once. By 0500 hours, the forward demolition points had been blown by Major Gray, OC of C Company 2/14 Punjab, and the HKVDC engineers under Major J. H. Bottomley. At 0645 hours, the garrison received formal notification: Britain and Japan were at war. Seventy-five minutes later, air-raid sirens wailed. Within moments, smoke billowed from Kai Tak Airport as Japanese aircraft destroyed virtually the entire air garrison. The Wildebeests, Walruses, HKVDC biplanes, and several civilian planes were engulfed in flames. Only two Ju-52s of the Eurasia Corporation and one CNAC T-32 Condor escaped destruction—dispersal bays had never been built due to lack of funds. The Japanese then turned to secondary targets, bombing Shamshuipo Camp and the neighbouring police station. The Canadians suffered few large-scale casualties in the initial strikes, though Sergeant Routledge and Signalman Fairley of the signal platoon were wounded—the first Canadian soldiers injured in World War II. Remarkably, Hong Kong Island's theatres, cinemas, and restaurants continued operating as though the island faced no peril. Japanese demolition efforts proved only minor obstacles. Bridges blown were quickly replaced. The invasion proceeded on three fronts: the 230th Regiment advanced westward along the northern route toward Yuen Long and Castle Peak, targeting the northern slope of Tai Mo Mountain. The 228th Regiment drove down the centre, following the Sheung Shui–Taipo–Kowloon road toward Grassy Hill north of the Shing Mun Redoubt. The 229th Regiment, crossing at Sha Tau Kok and by boat at Starling Inlet, proceeded via Taipo toward Tai Shui Hang and Ma On Mountain. Whenever confronted with strongly defended positions, the Japanese bypassed them entirely rather than engage. The first day brought scattered but spirited resistance. Around 1300 hours, the Punjabis inflicted the first serious check, drawing blood from advancing Japanese forces. At 1830 hours, they ambushed and decimated several Japanese platoons south of Taipo market town. The HKVDC's armoured cars and Bren carriers struck similar successes nearby. The 2 Royal Scots' reconnaissance platoon clashed with elements of the 229th Regiment around Yuen Long. Despite these minor victories, Japanese momentum continued. Armed with stolen British maps and guided by fifth columnists, they pushed forward relentlessly. By late afternoon on the 8th, the Punjabis withdrew toward Grassy Hill to avoid being outflanked. The artillerymen of the 12th Battery engaged an IJN destroyer and Japanese forces around Taipo, inflicting heavy casualties. Farther south near Shatin, on the Taipo–Kowloon highway, rapidly advancing Japanese troops surprised the defenders and severed the fuse at an HKVDC demolition point. Their triumph proved momentary; the engineers completed the backup circuit and detonated the bridge, destroying it along with the Japanese soldiers crossing it. By early morning on 9 December, orders came to withdraw all mainland units to the Gin Drinkers Line. The Punjabis, already at Shatin Wai overlooking Tide Cove, held their position under pressure and continuous shelling for the next two days. The HKVDC withdrew to Fotan, a village south of Shatin. Maltby ordered D Company, 5/7 Rajputs, under Captain H. R. Newtons to Smuggler's Ridge to close the gap between the 2 Royal Scots and 2/14 Punjab. HKVDC armoured cars and Bren carriers continued patrols along Castle Peak Road while HMS Cicala, having survived two air attacks, maintained station in Castle Peak Bay. Despite an IJN blockade, the destroyers HMS Thanet and Scout slipped anchor and escaped to Singapore around 2130 hours. The surviving CNAC and Eurasia aircraft took off with high-value evacuees: Dr. Sun Yat-Sen's widow and her two equally renowned sisters—the Soong sisters—along with Chinese Finance Minister H. H. Kung. Also departing was Lieutenant-Colonel H. Owen-Hughes of the HKVDC, who carried orders to coordinate with the Chinese Nationalist Army for a rear-guard attack on Japanese forces to relieve the pressure on Hong Kong. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On 8 December 1941, Japan attacked Hong Kong with the 38th Division, supported by naval and air forces. Despite British defenses manned by undertrained, under-equipped troops, Japanese forces advanced rapidly across three fronts. Within hours, the RAF was destroyed, demolitions proved futile, and British units withdrew toward the Gin Drinkers Line facing overwhelming odds.
We re-visit one of the most emotional and gripping conversations we have ever recorded. Eight Olympic medals, five of them gold, and the first Briton ever to win the Tour de France. For one summer in 2012, Sir Bradley Wiggins was the most famous man in Britain — sideburns, gold medal, sat on a throne at Hampton Court. He couldn't bring himself to put the medal on.Bradley takes us right back to the beginning: a council estate in Kilburn, a father who left when he was eighteen months old and came back only once his son was successful, and a coach who sexually abused him between the ages of thirteen and sixteen — something he didn't say out loud for thirty years. Then he traces, with total honesty, how that damage became the fuel that made him great, and how the same fuel nearly destroyed him when the racing stopped.Moments that will stay with you:Why Bradley laid his Olympic gold medal on the sofa rather than put it round his neckSmashing his trophies off the mantelpiece, and throwing out his knighthoodHis father's line, a week after they finally met: "Don't forget, you'll never be as good as your old man was"Realising the voice screaming at him up every climb of the Tour was his stepfather'sLance Armstrong offering to pay for his treatment, and what Bradley said backThe hotel room his son had to come and find him inHe's unflinching on what drove him: that greatness often grows out of a dark place, and that isn't something to romanticise. That you don't rise to the level of your goals, you fall to the level of your habits. That fulfilment carries you further than happiness ever will. And his hardest-won lesson — not everyone who helps you is your friend, and not everyone who hurts you is your enemy. The answer isn't to forget the past. It's to change your relationship with it.Contains discussion of the sexual abuse of children and of addiction. Please listen with care.Revolut Business
Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Pacific War. In late 1941, the Second Battle of Changsha ended with Chinese forces claiming victory despite suffering nearly 100,000 casualties against roughly 1,670 Japanese losses. Chiang Kai-shek's government launched an aggressive propaganda campaign, flooding international press with fabricated triumph narratives to sustain national morale. Behind closed doors, Chiang was furious at his generals' tactical failures, executing commanders and dismantling units. Meanwhile, geopolitical forces threatened China's survival. Japan's 1939 defeat at Nomonhan crushed hopes for a Soviet alliance against Tokyo. Germany's pact with the Soviet Union left China isolated, while Western powers remained reluctant to commit meaningful support. Britain offered little; the US provided only modest loans. By 1941, facing potential collapse, Chiang desperately searched for allies while Wang Jingwei's Japanese-backed rival government beckoned as an alternative. China's exhausted people endured horror—including a 1941 bombing massacre in Chongqing that killed over 400 trapped civilians. Then Japan unleashed a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. #215 An Implosion in the East Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet was anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Two waves of Japanese bomber aircraft, launched from six aircraft carriers, attacked the vessels and their sleeping crews, destroying the battleship Arizona outright and damaging seventeen others, as well as most of the military aircraft parked nearby. Some 2,400 Americans died, and another 1,100 were wounded. Within a day Japanese invasion forces had attacked Siam, Malaya, and the Philippines. Chiang Kai-shek heard the news at one o'clock in the morning and immediately dictated a letter of support to President Roosevelt, pledging commitment to a new "common battle." The news reached Zhou Fohai in Shanghai as well. On December 8 across the international date line from Hawaii he had heard the sounds of firing as the Japanese took over the rest of the city, and then received reports that Japan had declared war on the Western powers. "I heard they'd bombed Honolulu, Manila, Singapore, and Hong Kong. From now on, the Pacific becomes a killing ground." When Japanese carrier planes descended on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, they were executing far more than a tactical strike. They were unleashing the culmination of a strategic vision that had shaped Japanese military planning since the 1920s: the Nanshin-ron, or "Southern Advance" doctrine. The Nanshin-ron represented a critical strategic choice that emerged from internal Japanese debates during the 1920s and 1930s. Japan faced an inescapable vulnerability: it was an island nation with virtually no natural resources of its own. The nation's population had doubled since the Meiji Restoration, growing to over 70 million by 1941. An industrial economy of tremendous sophistication, capable of producing world-class warships, aircraft, and military equipment, depended entirely on imported raw materials. Oil, rubber, tin, iron ore, bauxite, copper, and manganese all had to be acquired through foreign trade or conquest. This resource dependency was not a luxury problem; it was an existential one. A nation that could not feed itself or fuel its economy was a nation vulnerable to strangulation by enemies who controlled the resources it needed. Japanese strategic thinkers divided into two camps on how to resolve this vulnerability. The Hokushin-ron advocates, primarily within the Army, pushed for expansion northward into Siberia and Mongolia, seeking to conquer Soviet territory and resources. The Soviet Union possessed vast tracts of land, mineral wealth, timber, and agricultural output. From a purely materialist perspective, the Northern Advance made geographic sense—it was contiguous with Manchuria, which Japan had already secured in 1931. Yet by the late 1930s, the Hokushin-ron strategy had suffered a catastrophic blow. In 1938 and 1939, Japanese and Soviet forces clashed at Khalkhin Gol in Mongolia in what the Japanese called the Nomonhan Incident. The battles revealed a terrifying truth: the Soviet Red Army, under General Georgy Zhukov, was far more formidable than Japanese military planners had anticipated. Soviet armor, air power, and coordinated tactics annihilated Japanese forces. Japan suffered over 60,000 casualties while inflicting perhaps 10,000 on the Soviets. The defeat was concealed from the Japanese public, but it was unmistakable to military planners. A direct clash with Soviet power could end catastrophically. The Northern Advance, it became clear, would almost certainly provoke war with a nation capable of destroying the Japanese Army. This strategic defeat tilted the balance decisively toward the Nanshin-ron. If Japan could not safely expand northward, it must expand southward, toward Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies, Indochina, and the western Pacific. The appeal of the Nanshin-ron was immediately apparent to the Navy, which had always been more oriented toward maritime commerce and expansion across the ocean. The territories to the south were not militarily formidable. The colonial powers, Britain, the Netherlands, France, were either already defeated in 1940 or distracted by their own desperate struggles leaving Britain fighting alone against Germany. The United States, though potentially a formidable adversary, was not yet at war, and there was a chance, however slender, that a decisive blow against American naval power might convince America to negotiate rather than fight. But beyond strategic opportunity, the Nanshin-ron offered something that the Hokushin-ron did not: it offered resources of staggering abundance. The Dutch East Indies possessed oil reserves that could dwarf Japan's consumption for years. Malaya produced the world's rubber. Thailand offered agricultural bounty and geographic position. Burma's timber and agricultural products could feed Japan's growing empire. The Philippines possessed harbors, airfields, and economic output. These were not marginal additions to Japan's economy—they were transformative. Together, they would convert Japan from a resource-hungry island nation into the master of an imperial domain encompassing hundreds of millions of people and containing most of the strategic materials necessary for sustained industrial warfare. In the last episode I explained the western sanctions and embargoes that drained Japan's military of the resources they required to continue the China War. By 1941, Japan faced a civilization crisis. Japan imported roughly 90 percent of its petroleum, and the bulk of that came from the Dutch East Indies and the United States. Suddenly, the American supply was cut off entirely. Reserves would last perhaps 18 months if Japan's military and industrial consumption continued at existing rates. After that, the military machine would sputter and die. The industrial economy would collapse. Even civilian life would become impossible to sustain. Japan was facing not merely economic inconvenience but literal strangulation by the Western powers. Yet it would be a mistake to reduce Japanese motivation to just materialism. Japanese military leaders wrapped their conquests in an ideological framework, one that many of them genuinely believed, or wanted to believe, served a higher historical purpose. The concept of the Daitoa Kyoeiken, the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere," posited a new regional order in which Japan would play the leading role in liberating Asian peoples from Western colonial domination and creating an Asian-centered political and economic system. This ideology drew on genuine anti-colonial sentiment. For a century, Western powers had dominated Asia, treating Asian peoples and nations as subordinate, colonized territories existing to serve Western economic interests. Japan, which had modernized and Westernized enough to avoid colonization, saw itself as the natural leader of an Asian renaissance—a civilizing force that would restore Asian dignity and independence even as it established Japanese hegemony. Of course, this was propagandistic. Japanese conquest represented a substitution of one imperial master for another, and often a harsher and more brutal one at that. But for understanding Japanese decision-making, the ideology mattered profoundly. It provided Japanese leaders with a moral narrative for conquest. It allowed them to understand themselves as liberators rather than mere conquerors. It provided a rationale for extracting resources from occupied territories and for mobilizing subject populations to support the Japanese war effort. And it resonated with anti-Western sentiment throughout Asia, making Japanese occupation seem, in some quarters, preferable to continued Western colonial rule. The slogan Hakko ichiu—"eight corners under one roof", captured this ideological vision: a unified Asia and eventually world under Japanese guidance. Whether Japanese leaders truly believed this vision or cynically deployed it as propaganda, it shaped how they understood their actions and justified them to their subjects. Now I know this is a podcast dedicated to the century of humiliation, ie: China's experience. But I thought it was necessary just to have one episode explain what Dan Carlin titled "a supernova in the east" and I have titled an implosion in the east. I won't go into depth into the campaigns as some of them have a lot of Chinese involvement and we will be covering them in depth, but rather I will explain the rationale for Japan's numerous invasions following the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. Japan's assault on Malaya began within hours of the Pearl Harbor attack, indeed, Japanese troops were already landing on the Kota Bharu beachhead on the Malaysian peninsula before dawn on December 8, 1941 local time. Malaya was one of the world's largest rubber producers, and Singapore, at the tip of the peninsula, was the linchpin of British naval power in the Far East.The Japanese interest in Malaya was straightforward but crucial: rubber. The Japanese military consumed vast quantities of rubber for tires, gaskets, hoses, and countless other applications. American and Dutch rubber supplies were now cut off by embargo. Malaya's rubber plantations represented perhaps the world's richest reservoir of this strategic material. Beyond rubber, Malaya and the surrounding region were major tin producers—essential for alloys and manufacturing. For Japan to conduct prolonged warfare, Malaya was not a luxury target; it was a necessity. Singapore represented something different: a symbol of Western power in Asia and a strategic chokepoint. As the major British naval base in the region, Singapore served as the anchor of British imperial authority across the South China Sea. By seizing Singapore, Japan would not only capture crucial resources and port facilities but would also deliver a psychological blow to the entire edifice of Western dominance in Asia. The fortress city that the British considered nearly impregnable fell within seventy days, a stunning demonstration of Japanese military capability and the vulnerability of overextended Western empires. If Malaya was critical for rubber, the Dutch East Indies was essential for oil. The region, comprising present-day Indonesia, was the world's third-largest oil producer and had reserves that could sustain Japanese military operations for years. This was the jewel of the resource-conquest strategy. Japanese planners had long eyed the East Indies, but direct conquest had seemed risky while Britain and America remained neutral or opposed. With both now at war, the window of opportunity had opened. Japan needed the oil so desperately that when the Dutch East Indies Petroleum Company initially agreed to some Japanese oil purchases before the war, Tokyo was already planning its takeover. The conquest of the Dutch East Indies would provide not just oil but also tin, nickel, bauxite, and other materials essential to an industrial war machine. The islands would also provide air and naval bases from which Japan could defend its new empire and potentially threaten Australia. The Japanese invasion of the Dutch East Indies, which began in late December 1941 and accelerated through January and February 1942, was methodical and comprehensive. Various island groups were targeted systematically: Java, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas. Dutch military forces, though brave, were overwhelmed. By March 1942, Japan had secured the entire archipelago,a stunning logistical and military achievement that delivered vast resources into Japanese hands. Thailand presented a fundamentally different case from Japan's other targets. Rather than conquest, Japan pursued alliance with military strongman Plaek Phibunsongkhram, who had seized power in a 1938 coup as a nationalist ideologue determined to reassert Thai sovereignty and recover territory lost to French colonialism in the nineteenth century. Thailand was the last independent state in mainland Southeast Asia, hemmed in by British-controlled Burma and Malaya to the west, and French Indochina to the east. For a century, Thailand had survived by playing European imperial powers against each other. But by the late 1930s, this strategy was becoming obsolete. Europe was distracted by Hitler's Germany. Colonial powers were weakening. Japanese power was visibly ascending. Phibunsongkhram recognized both danger and opportunity. He could resist Japan and invite invasion, or he could ally with Japan and profit from rising Asian power. Japanese diplomats approached Thailand with sophistication: they offered military alliance and support for Thai territorial expansion at French expense. This addressed Thailand's deepest national wound, the humiliation of nineteenth-century territorial losses to France. The Franco-Thai War of 1940-1941 became transformative. With Japan providing military support, advisors, tanks, aircraft, Thai forces defeated the French for the first time in history. By May 1941, Thailand had recovered 54,000 square kilometers of Cambodian territory and portions of Laos. For Phibunsongkhram, this was extraordinary: he had achieved what Thai leaders could not in a century, reclaiming territory from a Western imperial power. Domestically, his position was dramatically strengthened. The parallel to China's century of humiliation—the foundation of your podcast is striking: Thailand too was reversing colonial diminishment through association with rising Asian power. The Thai-Japanese relationship was unique. Unlike the Philippines, Malaya, or the Dutch East Indies, Thailand would retain nominal independence. Phibunsongkhram remained in power. Japanese occupation was light. Thai forces maintained their own command structure. Most importantly, Thailand's territorial gains from the Franco-Thai War were recognized and secured. Japan valued Thai cooperation more than conquest. Burma, controlled by the British, was the next target in Japan's southwestward advance. Japanese planners had multiple motivations for invading Burma. First, it was strategically positioned on India's eastern frontier, and Japan harbored ambitions of eventually striking toward India and linking up with Germany in the Middle East or at least destabilizing the British position in South Asia. Second, Burma was a significant producer of timber and agricultural products. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the invasion of Burma was meant to cut the Burma Road, the crucial supply line that allowed American aid to reach Nationalist China. The invasion of Burma began in late 1941 and accelerated through early 1942. The invasion of the Philippines, which began on December 10, 1941, just days after Pearl Harbor, served multiple strategic purposes. Like the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, it was meant to neutralize American military power in the region, in this case, the American garrison under General Douglas MacArthur and the American colonial administration. But the Philippines were also valuable in their own right. The islands sat directly in the path of what Japan envisioned as its defensive perimeter. By controlling the Philippines, Japan would make it extraordinarily difficult for American forces to project power westward into Southeast Asia. The territory would provide naval and air bases critical to defending Japan's new empire. Additionally, the Philippines possessed some agricultural and industrial resources valuable to the war effort, and their conquest delivered a psychological victory, defeating American forces and ending American colonial rule in Asia, which appealed to anti-Western sentiment that Japan tried to cultivate. Beyond Southeast Asia and the Philippines, Japan rapidly invaded Guam and Wake island to extend Japan's defensive perimeter further into the Pacific and eliminate American air and naval bases that could threaten Japanese operations. Guam, seized on December 10, 1941, fell within two days, the American garrison was small and the island's strategic value lay primarily in denying the United States a forward staging ground for any counteroffensive. Wake Island, attacked the same day and finally captured on December 23 after a brief but heroic American defense, served similar purposes: cutting off American reconnaissance and interdicting potential supply lines to the Philippines. Now I believe that's enough of the implosion in the east, let's get back to the situation in China. After Chiang Kai-shek sent his letter of support to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, pledging Chinese commitment to what he termed a new "common battle." he did something most revealing about his mood towards the global war. He played "Ave Maria" on his gramophone, celebrating with an almost spiritual gratitude the implications of what had just transpired in the American Pacific. This moment crystallized the profound difference Pearl Harbor would mean to different members of the emerging Allied coalition. For the United States, the attack was pure shock, a violation of the sanctity of American soil and the complacency of American isolationism. For Britain, it was like the pricking of a large, painful blister—painful but perhaps not entirely unexpected given Japan's regional ambitions. But for China, the relief that surged through the government and the consciousness of the Chinese people surpassed even Britain's response. For four long years, China had fought Japan almost alone, watching as Western nations remained neutral or limited their commitment to rhetorical support and modest material assistance. Now, suddenly, the trajectory of the entire conflict had shifted with breathtaking speed. Chiang's emotional state at this moment could scarcely be contained, and those close to him understood that beneath his carefully maintained Confucian composure burned an intoxicating sensation of vindication. These Western powers who had been so impatient with Chinese strategy, who had mocked the retreats of the Nationalist Army and spoken scornfully of Japanese capabilities, were now themselves in headlong retreat from those very islanders. In Hong Kong, Singapore, and Manila, British and American forces would be fighting desperately for their lives against the Japanese military that China had been contending with for years. Chiang could not have failed to perceive the irony: the Japanese had conquered vast stretches of China through relentless campaigns, yet Westerners had dismissed Chinese resistance as inadequate. Now the Japanese were proving that they posed a formidable challenge to Western military power as well. There was a bitter satisfaction in this vindication, even as Chiang understood that the strategic implications of American entry far outweighed any emotional satisfaction. What was pragmatic and strategically clear to Chiang, however, was far more important than any emotional satisfaction. The United States was now at war, and it was on China's side. This represented the transformation for which Chiang had labored for years, bringing the full weight of American industrial capacity and military might to bear against the Japanese enemy. The diplomatic foundations for this alliance had already been laid in the months preceding Pearl Harbor. Beginning in the spring of 1941, the United States had begun to commit significant resources to supporting China. In April 1941, following the conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese neutrality agreement, which had devastated Chinese morale by suggesting that Japan might attack the Soviet Union rather than move southward, the Roosevelt administration had determined to provide $45 million worth of militarily useful commodities to China as an immediate gesture of support. Then, on May 6, 1941, President Roosevelt had made a more formal commitment by announcing that the munitions provisions of the Lend-Lease Act applied to China, declaring a phrase that captured the strategic logic of American assistance: "defending China is the key to defending America." This declaration represented a significant shift in American policy, elevating China from a regional concern to a central element of American grand strategy in Asia. Subsequently, in July 1941, Roosevelt had sent Owen Lattimore to China to serve as political adviser to the Chinese government, a position that signaled deepening American engagement with Chinese affairs. In August, the administration appointed John Magruder as military attaché and head of the American Military Mission to China (AMMISCA), with the primary responsibility of overseeing the delivery of Lend-Lease material to the Chinese armed forces. On the diplomatic front, Chiang moved with remarkable alacrity. He had already severed relations with Germany on July 2, 1941, the very day after Hitler had formally recognized the Wang Jingwei puppet government in an attempt to appease Japan and encourage it to finally implement the Southern Advance. Now, on December 8, 1941, just one day after the Pearl Harbor attack, Chiang took the decisive step of formally declaring war against the Axis powers, Germany, Italy, and Japan. This declaration transformed China's position from a beleaguered nation fighting a war of survival into a formal member of the Allied coalition. Chiang had seized the opportunity that Pearl Harbor presented to ally China with a genuinely strong power against Japan, a gambit that fundamentally altered the diplomatic weight and international legitimacy of both the Chinese government and the Chinese cause. From a strategic perspective, the Japanese had committed what Chiang and others immediately recognized as a catastrophic blunder. On the operational level, Pearl Harbor was indeed a devastating tactical success, the American Pacific Fleet was crippled, and Japanese forces now enjoyed temporary naval superiority throughout much of the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Yet strategically, Pearl Harbor represented a failure of epic proportions, a miscalculation rooted in a fundamental misunderstanding of the intangibles of warfare: what motivated the Chinese people and what motivated the Americans. The Chinese had understood, through four years of brutal conflict, that warfare was about more than territorial conquest and resource acquisition. It was about will, about endurance, about the capacity to absorb punishment and continue fighting. The Japanese had learned this lesson imperfectly in China, where despite overwhelming military advantages they had been unable to force a decisive conclusion or compel Chinese surrender. The Americans would teach the Japanese this lesson even more emphatically. The attack on American sailors in Hawaii instantly galvanized the American population to prosecute an unlimited war, with Tokyo itself as the ultimate destination of American counterattack. While Americans would remember the "date that will live in infamy" primarily because of the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, the strategic consequence was that Japanese actions in Hawaii had introduced numerous new adversaries into the Pacific conflict: not only the United States, but also Britain, Australia, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. These additions transformed what had been, from the Japanese perspective, a regional conflict with manageable parameters into a global war that Japan could not possibly win through any conceivable means. What made this particularly disastrous for Japan was the context in which the new theater had been opened. Japan was already deeply mired in a quagmire in China—a "malignant quagmire," as one observer would later characterize it, that had consumed vast resources, inflicted enormous casualties, and failed to produce decisive victory. In military strategy, it is sometimes wise to open a new theater in order to attack an enemy from an additional and unexpected direction, thereby dispersing their forces and creating new challenges for them to manage. But opening a new theater that introduces an entirely new, powerful adversary, and doing so when one is already overextended in an existing theater is a prescription for strategic catastrophe. This was precisely what Japan had done at Pearl Harbor. Chiang Kai-shek understood the magnitude of Japan's miscalculation with crystalline clarity. He understood that whatever the military complexities that lay ahead, whatever the challenges of coordinating with Western allies, and whatever the limitations of Western military assistance to China might be, the fundamental equation had changed. The United States would ultimately defeat Japan. The Chinese did not need to defeat Japan by themselves; they merely needed to survive long enough for American industrial and military capacity to grind the Japanese military into defeat. In the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor, Chinese and American officials moved swiftly to formalize the alliance and establish the mechanisms of wartime cooperation. Roosevelt asked Chiang Kai-shek to serve as commander in chief of the Allied forces in the China theater, a designation that recognized China's central role in the Pacific War and elevated Chiang's international standing to something he had long sought: a position as an equal partner in the Allied coalition, a seat at the "top table of global decision-making" alongside Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. To support this expanded role and to ensure effective coordination of the military effort, Roosevelt dispatched Lieutenant General Joseph W. Stilwell to China. Stilwell was not chosen randomly; he brought fifteen years of experience in China, a deep familiarity with the country, its military, and its complexities that few American officers possessed. Stilwell was appointed to serve simultaneously as the U.S. government's military representative in China, as chief of staff of the China Theater, and as commander in chief of the American forces in the China-Burma-India (CBI) theater. This appointment established the framework for joint Chinese-American military cooperation and represented an American commitment to the Asian theater that, while never receiving the resources devoted to the European theater, nonetheless signified recognition of China's strategic importance. Trust me, going forward we will be having a lot of time dedicated to the hilarious bromance / bro hatred of Vinegar Joe and Peanut. Yet the formation of an alliance and the establishment of command structures was easier than the practical implementation of military cooperation. The fundamental challenge that would plague Chinese-American relations throughout the war emerged almost immediately: the problem of delivering military assistance to China. Before Pearl Harbor, the United States and China had reached agreement on three major points regarding military assistance. First, the United States would provide training and technical support to assist China in establishing a modern air force. Second, the United States would provide training and equipment for a ground army consisting of thirty divisions. Third, the United States would assist China in constructing railways and highways from Yunnan to Burma, along with the provision of rolling stock and vehicles to support these new transportation routes. These were ambitious plans, reflecting the extent of Chinese need and American willingness to support the Chinese war effort. However, the outbreak of the Pacific War threw American plans into disarray. The fundamental strategic doctrine guiding American policy was the "Europe first" strategy, which meant that the European theater and the defeat of Nazi Germany received priority over the Pacific theater. Additionally, China's geography made it extraordinarily difficult to supply. China could only be reached through supply lines of extraordinary length and complexity, either through the port of Rangoon in Burma and then overland via the treacherous Yunnan-Burma Road, or through the port of Hong Kong, which immediately fell into Japanese hands after Pearl Harbor. The first Sino-American loan agreement had specified that the United States would deliver commodities worth $45 million to China in 1941. However, shipping shortages meant that only $26 million worth of commodities actually left the United States. These commodities were shipped to the transit port of Rangoon, where a massive traffic jam developed as supplies accumulated faster than they could be distributed onward to China. Along the Yunnan-Burma Road, that "much-contested life line" as it came to be known, conditions were chaotic. The road had always been a source of trouble: it was long, extraordinarily difficult to keep in repair, fantastically dangerous to travel, and too narrow to permit much volume of traffic at any one time. Due to mismanagement and pilfering, the commodities that were shipped out of Burma suffered heavy losses in transit, and only one-third of them eventually arrived in Chongqing. Yet the United States had already established one valuable asset in China that could be deployed relatively quickly: an air force nucleus. Just before Pearl Harbor, a group of American aviators had been formally organized in Chongqing who worked on volunteer status for China under the command of Colonel Claire Chennault, an American aviation officer who served as instructor at the Chinese Air Force Cadet School. Some of these men had been flying in China since the Kuomintang first began purchasing American aircraft, having come to demonstrate the aircraft and remaining to pilot and teach. Others had hurried to China after being released from their volunteer service in Spain, where they had gained combat experience during the Spanish Civil War. It was a familiar joke that pilots from both sides of the Spanish conflict were likely to meet and work side by side in China, but political convictions proved immaterial to these professional aviators, they got on well enough with each other, mercenaries of the twentieth century united by their expertise and their willingness to fight. When American traffic on the Burma Road swelled in volume and became chaotic, with cargo lost to pilfering and trucks breaking down from mishandling, the air freight service into Chongqing became increasingly vital to maintaining Chinese military capabilities. The backbone of this organization was American, and it had been in operation for months before the Japanese attack. Halfway down the Burma Road, over the border in Burma, was a plane factory backed by American and Chinese capital, providing some degree of repair and maintenance capacity for the aircraft operating out of China. Recognizing the strategic value of these experienced aviators and the need to formalize and expand their operations, American and Chinese officials moved quickly to incorporate this volunteer group, formally known as the American Volunteer Group or "Flying Tigers," into the U.S. Army Air Force. This transformation of volunteer aviators into official American military personnel represented a commitment to providing air support to Chinese operations, recognizing that air power could compensate to some degree for Chinese numerical disadvantages in ground combat. In Chongqing, it was clear that among the United Nations fighting Japan, America was the only one taking China seriously, the only one prepared to invest significant resources in Chinese military capabilities and the Chinese war effort. Yet Pearl Harbor brought consequences that extended far beyond the strategic and diplomatic spheres. For Western civilians living in China,missionaries, teachers, doctors, businessmen, and journalists, the attack represented a catastrophic change in their status and their fate. Until December 8, 1941, Westerners residing in China had maintained a curious protected status as foreign neutrals, even in areas nominally controlled by the Japanese. This status had provided them with a measure of distance from, and protection against, the grinding reality of the war that had devastated Chinese populations. For a century, Americans had been part of an imperial presence in China, sometimes benevolent, sometimes violent, but always ultimately under Western control. That world came to an abrupt end on December 8, 1941. All across eastern China, Americans and Britons were rounded up and interned. The International Settlement of Shanghai—that remarkable oasis of neutrality that had persisted in the midst of a war-torn city—was now reunified under Japanese control. Thousands of foreigners with Allied nationality were sent to holding camps scattered throughout occupied China. Some, like the eleven-year-old British boy Jim Ballard, would remain imprisoned for the remainder of the war, enduring hunger, cold, and disease in camps like Longhua, which housed approximately 2,000 detainees. Forty years later, as the novelist J. G. Ballard, he would memorialized this experience in his semi-autobiographical novel Empire of the Sun. For missionaries like Velva Brown, the evacuation process was degrading and final. The missionary staff were permitted to pack no more than three suitcases with their belongings. As they prepared to leave, Japanese and Taiwanese "sightseeing" parties arrived to decide which houses they might want to occupy. The journey home aboard crowded Japanese ships offered no concessions to status or dignity; ambassadors, consuls, merchants, and missionaries alike were given "bed-sized strips of Chinese matting which we spread side by side on the iron floor of the hold," as Brown recorded. The humiliation was compounded by the finality of it all. For many, their decades-long presence in China was ending not in orderly retreat but in hasty evacuation, leaving behind "servants, many of whom had been with us for fifteen or twenty years." Despite these immediate human tragedies, the strategic transformation that Pearl Harbor wrought for China was undeniable. Chiang Kai-shek now embarked on an entirely new sort of life, heavily involved with the leaders and generals of the Western powers. He held diplomatic discussions with the leaders of the United Nations and military planning sessions with Western generals. In these unfamiliar circumstances, he did his best to live up to the Confucian ideal of the gentleman, seldom permitting the mask to slip—though the pressure of these new responsibilities and the intoxicating combination of vindication and anxiety would occasionally prove too much even for his considerable self-control. Within weeks of Pearl Harbor, Chiang demonstrated the value he could bring to the new alliance. He visited India and spoke with the leaders of the Indian independence struggle as an ally and friend, as a fellow non-European speaking to others seeking to escape from colonialism and imperial domination. He joined the Allies in their first joint campaign, not in China but in the jungles of neighboring Burma, committing Chinese forces to operations outside China's borders in support of the broader Allied military strategy. Yet the price that Chiang would pay for China's belated entry into the global alliance against the Axis powers would prove to be a heavy one. Chiang desperately needed his new American and British partners, but accepting this alliance would unleash forces within Chinese society that would threaten the very basis of his political control. The complexities of this bargain would become most visible in the four-year struggle between Chiang and General Joseph Warren Stilwell, the American officer who would become simultaneously his chief of staff and the administrator of American military assistance to China. This relationship, shaped by mutual suspicion, different strategic visions, and incompatible political agendas, would define Chinese-American military cooperation during the Pacific War and would have profound implications extending far beyond the battlefields of Asia. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Pearl Harbor's shock reverberated through Asia. Japan's assault on Hawaii, combined with invasions of Burma, the Philippines, Guam, and Wake Island, inadvertently transformed regional conflict into global war. Chiang Kai-shek, vindicated after four years of isolation fighting Japan, embraced American alliance with profound relief. The U.S. committed military aid, appointed General Stilwell as chief of staff, and recognized China as a co-belligerent. For Chiang, this partnership brought diplomatic status but also internal tensions that would define the Pacific War's final chapter.
Konstantin Kisin argues that Britain is poor and getting poorer, and that almost nobody knows it. He points to polling showing most Britons believe they are as rich as Switzerland, Singapore or Australia, when on a per capita basis Britain sits far down the table and is close to being overtaken by Poland. Konstantin also examines the grooming gangs scandal, which he describes as organised crime run through kinship networks, and rejects outright the idea that Britain can accommodate two legal systems. Konstantin Kisin is a writer, social commentator, comedian, and co-host of the free speech podcast Triggernometry. He is a regular on British and American TV and radio shows including Question Time, Good Morning Britain, BBC Breakfast, Daily Politics, LBC Cross Question, The Joe Rogan Experience, and many others. He is also the author of An Immigrant's Love Letter to the West.
Britons are turning to artificial intelligence to file objections to state institutions, and claim their dues. The resulting deluge of complaints and demands may overwhelm bureaucracies. Should Catholic priests have to report child abuse disclosed in confession? And the perfect height gap in a relationship. Guests and host:Matthew Holehouse, Britain public policy editorRebecca Jackson, US Southern correspondentDoug Dowson, data journalistRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: AI, agentic flooding, bureaucracyCatholic church, confessions, child abuseShort kings, short men, height differentialListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Britons are turning to artificial intelligence to file objections to state institutions, and claim their dues. The resulting deluge of complaints and demands may overwhelm bureaucracies. Should Catholic priests have to report child abuse disclosed in confession? And the perfect height gap in a relationship. Guests and host:Matthew Holehouse, Britain public policy editorRebecca Jackson, US Southern correspondentDoug Dowson, data journalistRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: AI, agentic flooding, bureaucracyCatholic church, confessions, child abuseShort kings, short men, height differentialListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Dr. David Starkey sits down with John Anderson to discuss the breakdown of Britain, arguing the crisis is not merely a run of bad prime ministers but a system deliberately broken. He contends that from 1997 the Blair government reinvented British governance on a continental model, displacing the supremacy of Parliament with human rights law, supreme courts and an alien legal architecture.Starkey warns that the sovereignty of the British people has been quietly inverted, and that the country is only now waking up to the consequences. He points to the 440 quangos accounting for roughly a third of state expenditure, a £100 million bat tunnel, and judges who now determine wage rates and fuel policy. Yet for all Starkey's pessimism, he implores Britons to recall their duty and find the courage to fight for a civilisation that is worth preserving.Dr. David Starkey CBE is a British historian, broadcaster and commentator, best known for his work on the English monarchy. Starkey was presented with the Norton Medlicott Medal for Services to History by Britain's Historical Association. He is Honorary Fellow of Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge, and the author of historical non-fiction including Elizabeth: The Struggle for the Throne and Monarchy: The History of England and Her Rulers from the Tudors to the Windsors.
Easy Greek: Learn Greek with authentic conversations | Μάθετε ελληνικά με αυθεντικούς διαλόγ
Ο Δημήτρης μιλάει για τη σχέση του με την Οδύσσεια και πώς του φάνηκε η νέα, εξαιρετικά πολυσυζητημένη ταινία του Κρίστοφερ Νόλαν. Σημειώσεις εκπομπής Η Οδύσσεια σε podcast από τον Mythologist Η Οδύσσεια, αρχαία και μετάφραση) Η περίφημη ραψωδία σ') Πώς εγώ και η μαμά είδαμε την Οδύσσεια του Νόλαν Τα ελληνικά στην Οδύσσεια του Νόλαν... Nolan's Odyssey sparks 5,000% surge in Britons wanting to learn Greek Απομαγνητοφώνηση Δημήτρης: [0:17] Γεια σας και καλώς ήρθατε στο Easy Greek Podcast, το podcast που σας μαθαίνει ελληνικά με καθημερινούς αυθεντικούς διαλόγους. Είμαι ο Δημήτρης και αυτή τη φορά είμαι μόνος μου στο στούντιο εδώ. Έχω έρθει για λίγες μέρες στην Αθήνα από την Κίμωλο για να αράξω λίγο, να κάνω πράγματα που δεν μπορώ να κάνω στην Κίμωλο. [0:40] Ένα από τα πράγματα αυτά ήτανε και να δω την Οδύσσεια του Nolan. Ναι, παιδιά, αυτή η ταινία έχει συγκλονίσει τον κόσμο ή τουλάχιστον έχω εγώ αυτή την αίσθηση, γιατί εδώ στην Ελλάδα σίγουρα έχει προκαλέσει πάρα-πάρα πολλές συζητήσεις εδώ και πολλούς μήνες. Για την ακρίβεια, απ' ό,τι φαίνεται, έχει γίνει χαμός, παιδιά. Βγαίνουν δημοσιεύματα ότι, μετά από την Οδύσσεια του Nolan, έχει αυξηθεί 5000% η αναζήτηση "Learn Greek" στη Βρετανία. Και φυσικά όλοι εμείς που ασχολούμαστε με τη διδασκαλία των ελληνικών, είμαστε ενθουσιασμένοι που μπορεί περισσότερος κόσμος να ενδιαφέρεται για την ελληνική γλώσσα, αλλά θα πούμε λίγο μετά γιατί πιστεύω ότι μάλλον δεν αξίζει η Οδύσσεια, έτσι όπως αποτυπώνει τα ελληνικά, να φέρει αυτό το αποτέλεσμα. [1:37] Θα σας πω ότι εμένα μου άρεσε η ταινία, και θα σας εξηγήσω λίγο περισσότερο την ίδια μου τη σχέση με την Οδύσσεια, και πώς έζησα όλο αυτό το πράγμα. Καταρχάς, να σας πω ότι δεν είχα διαβάσει την Οδύσσεια μετά τα μαθητικά μου χρόνια. Θυμάμαι στο Γυμνάσιο, τύπου, πρώτη-δευτέρα γυμνασίου κάναμε την Οδύσσεια. Ήταν ένα υποχρεωτικό μάθημα όπου μελετάγαμε το αρχαίο κείμενο και τη μετάφραση. Γιατί το αρχαίο κείμενο, τα ομηρικά ελληνικά, είναι πλήρως ακατανόητα από εμάς τους σύγχρονους Έλληνες, οπότε ήταν ένα από τα δύο μαθήματα μελέτης των αρχαίων ελληνικών τότε. Για την υπόλοιπη απομαγνητοφώνηση, γίνετε μέλη μας!
For Tuesday 28 July 2026, Carl Munson's Good Morning Portugal! news reports a severe wildfire alert across most districts amid an intense heatwave with temperatures reaching 40°C (and expected to hit 44°C in a 10-day spell), while authorities manage dozens of fires. Other headlines include Portuguese house prices hitting a new high this July (up 2.4% year-on-year), average rents surging to €1,350 per month (with a 10% rise in the south), record bank property valuations in June, possible impacts of UK welfare reforms on Britons in Portugal, Galp criticising proposed fuel price caps after yesterday's increase, public libraries offering online access to global newspapers, an AIMA staff strike threatening further residency backlogs, and the iconic 1960s Batman mansion going on the market for €27 million.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-good-morning-portugal-podcast-with-carl-munson--2903992/support.Get help moving to and living in Portugal
ELON MUSK PREDICTS UK CIVIL WAR: Is Britain Reaching Breaking Point? #ElonMusk #UKPolitics #CivilWar #IllegalImmigration #AndyBurnham #NigelFarage #JonGaunt #JonGauntTV #Live ELON MUSK says Britain is heading for a "reckoning." Some hear a warning. Others hear scaremongering. Tonight I'm asking whether we're ignoring the warning signs. In his extraordinary interview with The Economist, Musk doubled down on his fears that mass immigration, cultural division and political failure could push Britain towards civil conflict within the next twenty years. Is he completely wrong? Or is he saying out loud what millions of ordinary Britons are already worried about? Meanwhile, Andy Burnham still refuses to confront the issue of illegal immigration directly, despite mounting public concern over border security and national cohesion. We'll also examine recent warnings from security and political figures about the potential threat posed by hostile Iranian networks and whether Britain's borders are sufficiently secure in the current security climate. What is established fact? What remains allegation? And are politicians being honest about the risks? Today we'll ask: Is Elon Musk exaggerating—or simply recognising a growing problem? Why won't senior Labour figures confront illegal immigration head-on? Has Britain lost control of its borders? Are politicians putting political correctness ahead of public safety? Is the establishment refusing to have the debate millions of voters want? This isn't about fear. It's about asking difficult questions before it is too late. Join me and tell me what YOU think.
Today on the Two Mikes our guest is Professor Edward Dutton, whose extremely popular Substack is called “The Jolly Heretic”. Dr. Dutton has been with us several times previously and we are grateful for his return. Professor Dutton “enjoys researching and writing and speaking about controversial subjects” he can be contacted at e.c.dutton@dunelm.org.uk, and followed on Twitter @jollyheretic. An array of his many books can be seen at: https://edwarddutton.com/index.php/books/ Professor Dutton said today that the late British Queen, Elizabeth II and her family brought their talents to bear while ruling Great Britain and managed to destroy the nation in the process. She reigned in an era in which she allowed the creation and aided in the creation and maintenance of a parallel society in Britain, a society which led to the breakdown of the British police and awarded seemingly endless privileges to immigrant groups that were entering the county illegally. In turn these groups voted not for particular policies, but along the lines of sectarian ambitions for power. These newcomers proved that they could take over the ancient nation to which they migrated and bring in laws dedicated only to protecting their group and other foreign groups that entered the country – legally or illegally – to eventually create a voting machine that all but abandoned British nationals and their families, but delivered much of the power sought by the foreigners. Unwanted, unneeded, and often illegal foreign immigrants to Great Britain, and created a population that has no real contact with traditional British society, intends to dominate it, and created a belief system that has spread across Great Britain and now stands as an evolved, violently anti-British society that shows no signs of having had its day. Indeed, it appears that traditional Britain has seen its day and is only awaiting the arrival of a large casket/ Professor Dutton added that this situation is made worse for everyday Britons by the presence of so many youngish liberal women as the leaders of groups that champion of the various bankrupting government programs demanded by the immigrant crowd. These women – and this is the norm across much of the Western World – see their places at the helm of this proliferating disaster as an unquestionable right, and hey they have very little backbone when it comes to the application of the strength or force that is needed to thwart the worst of the newcomer's demands. Instead these women display their normal blindness to the fact that at times you have to be cruel to be kind so as to make it possible for society to prosper without useless, violent, or mad individuals do not control the country's affairs. In order the human components of Britain's new society – perhaps, at some point, even peaceful -- these women go along to get along with the anti-British foreigners, people for whom heresy from their political goals is worse than the murders they commit.
Jeremy Kyle unpacks Andy Burnham pause into prison release planning amid outrage from PC Andrew Harper's widow, promising a review while overcrowding pressures persist. His £2 bus fare cap faces funding scrutiny, with climate grants redirected and economists warning taxes may rise. Meanwhile, Gary Lineker joined 120 wealthy Britons urging Burnham to tax extreme wealth and strengthen public services.Wake up with Talk Breakfast in full on YouTube, DAB+ radio, Samsung TV Plus or the Talk App on your TV from 6am every morning. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Hamlet wagers 6 Barbary horses against 6 French swords. Falstaff talks about fighting with a Barbary hen. Bassanio in Merchant of Venice talks about travelling merchants going to foreign lands including "Tripolis, Mexico and England, Lisbon, Barbary, and India" There are also an additional 5 references to Barbary horses. The Barbary States were Algeria, Tunisia, Tripolis, and Morroco. These were powerful coastal societies tied in various ways to the Ottoman world, and in Shakespeare's day they were central to English fears about piracy and captivity. Ships were seized. Sailors were enslaved. Families, merchants, churches, and governments negotiated over the price of a human life. English first hand accounts of the Muslim world and the Barbary States in particular were sparse, even non-existent prior to Richard Knolles publication in 1603 where he writes the History of the Turks, the same year Shakespeare publishes his Ottoman-heavy play with a Moor in the title role, Othello. Today we are joined by Daniel Vitkus, editor of Piracy, Slavery, and Redemption: Barbary Captivity Narratives from Early Modern England, and Abdulhamit Arvas, Associate Professor of English at the University of Pennsylvania and expert on early modern Muslims, Barbary pirates, and Shakespeare. They are here to help us explore the place of the Barbary Coast in Shakespeare's England, to understand the culture of hostages and holding someone ransom, what was happening to Britons that were taken captive and sold into slavery by the Barbary pirates, as well as to explain the surprising dichotomy of being afraid of the Barbary nation while admiring their products, like horses.
Former Greater Manchester mayor Andy Burnham is set to become the United Kingdom's new Prime Minister this Monday. He will do so having reiterated a commitment to help raise the standard of living in the country. However, the Labour leader's agenda will be tested by the country's financial situation and his prior commitments, both of which will limit the scope of his plans. In this segment, we'll look at how his policies promise to deliver higher growth in the short and long term.
Prince Andrew became the most disliked member of the British royal family through a long collapse in public trust driven overwhelmingly by his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein and his handling of the allegations made by Virginia Giuffre. His disastrous 2019 BBC Newsnight interview intensified the damage when he defended his continued association with Epstein, offered explanations that were widely mocked and showed little apparent concern for Epstein's victims. Andrew subsequently withdrew from public duties, lost his military affiliations and royal patronages, and settled Giuffre's civil lawsuit in 2022 without admitting liability. Rather than repairing his reputation, his repeated refusals to accept meaningful responsibility created the impression that he considered himself a victim of the scandal rather than a senior royal whose judgment had brought disgrace upon the monarchy.The damage became so severe that Andrew ceased to be merely unpopular and became politically and institutionally toxic. Each new disclosure about his communications with Epstein, his financial arrangements or his efforts to preserve his royal privileges reinforced the belief that wealth and status had protected him from proper scrutiny. By early 2026, YouGov found that only 3 percent of Britons viewed him positively, while 90 percent held an unfavorable opinion, placing him far below every other prominent royal. His downfall reflects more than public anger over one friendship. It represents accumulated disgust over perceived arrogance, evasiveness, entitlement and the failure to provide convincing answers about his place within Epstein's world.
Send us Fan MailODYSSEYThe tales of our quartet of heroic hacks hath concluded, and alas Season 17's continued voyage to cover a single work otherwise shunned by the codes of TGTPTU would have to wait another day as the movie theater houses of IMAX and lesser film abodes have brought to the weary masses a film of epic proportions and grand length. That motion picture would be THE ODYSSEY (2026), and the man of Briton to foregather the talents of the camera-wielding Double Hoyte and the Talented Mr. Damon harkens back to adventures during TGTPTU's Season 12 and is no other than Sir (IRL!) Christopher Edward Nolan. As your humble scribe is no soothsayer, he cannot in good faith foretell how the film will deviate from the classic work of Homer (blind and of Ancient Grecian fame, not Simpson of Springfield). Nor can yours truly hint at the reactions the hosts Ryan, Ken, or he, himself, Thomas will have, nor may he here throw his customary shade and poison the reader of such unnecessarily ramose sentences as herein contained toward his views on the film. Will adapting an oral tale later committed to archaic languages befall the fate of Aronofsky's Noah (2014, covered in Season 11)? Will Travis Scott with his role as The Bard for Nolan surpass his previous acting credit in Harmony Korine's Aggro Dr1ft (2023)? Will Jon Bernthal battle Robert Pattinson in a clash between the comic book titans The Punisher and The Batman? Will Bill Irwin's cyclops surpass both his previous Nolan role as robot and that of whoever was the cyclops in Krull (1983, covered earlier this season)? Will the film contain or be structured so that the beginning and end meet in the middle, again cribbing TGTPTU's patented pincer movement and leading to further litigation? Will there be an Iliad prequel? Of all this and more, I am humbly ignorant. But I will wager anyone a Way of the Gun DVD with postage paid that Irwin's cyclops will rival that of James Marsden's or Tye Sheridan's. You can @ me using the contacts below. In two weeks, a homecoming as the 1x1's begin and Season 17 draws to a close. THEME SONG BY: WEIRD A.I.Email: thegoodthepodandtheugly@gmail.comFacebook: https://m.facebook.com/TGTPTUInstagram: https://instagram.com/thegoodthepodandtheugly?igshid=um92md09kjg0Bluesky: @goodpodugly.bsky.socialYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC6mI2plrgJu-TB95bbJCW-gLetterboxd (follow us!):Podcast: goodpoduglyKen: Ken KoralRyan: Ryan Tobias
Prince Andrew became the most disliked member of the British royal family through a long collapse in public trust driven overwhelmingly by his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein and his handling of the allegations made by Virginia Giuffre. His disastrous 2019 BBC Newsnight interview intensified the damage when he defended his continued association with Epstein, offered explanations that were widely mocked and showed little apparent concern for Epstein's victims. Andrew subsequently withdrew from public duties, lost his military affiliations and royal patronages, and settled Giuffre's civil lawsuit in 2022 without admitting liability. Rather than repairing his reputation, his repeated refusals to accept meaningful responsibility created the impression that he considered himself a victim of the scandal rather than a senior royal whose judgment had brought disgrace upon the monarchy.The damage became so severe that Andrew ceased to be merely unpopular and became politically and institutionally toxic. Each new disclosure about his communications with Epstein, his financial arrangements or his efforts to preserve his royal privileges reinforced the belief that wealth and status had protected him from proper scrutiny. By early 2026, YouGov found that only 3 percent of Britons viewed him positively, while 90 percent held an unfavorable opinion, placing him far below every other prominent royal. His downfall reflects more than public anger over one friendship. It represents accumulated disgust over perceived arrogance, evasiveness, entitlement and the failure to provide convincing answers about his place within Epstein's world.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-moscow-murders-and-more--5852883/support.
It's Friday, July 17th, A.D. 2026. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com. I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Adam McManus Scottish man arrested for hate speech about pro-life politician's murder A 50-year-old man, pretending to be a woman, who works at the University of Aberdeen in Scotland, publicly celebrated the murder of former British Member of Parliament Ann Widdecombe, reports LifeSiteNews.com. Herbert, an Aberdeen web developer, who prefers to be called “Heather,” wrote, “Some good news for once. I hope it was an extremely painful death” and “I hope she was handcuffed to the bed as she screamed in agony.” Widdecombe, a pro-life advocate, served in the Parliament from 1987 to 2010. She endeared herself to Britons with her surprisingly popular appearances on the television shows Strictly Come Dancing and Celebrity Big Brother. Herbert has now been charged for his bizarre hate speech as the investigation into her murder continues. Some have raised speculation that the arrest might be due less to Herbert's hate speech and more to do with what, if any, inside knowledge he might have about her murder. Widdecombe is the second murder of a high-profile pro-life politician in England this decade. Sir David Amess, who was a Member of Parliament for 38 years and Widdecombe's friend, was murdered at a local event in 2021 by Islamist Ali Harbi Ali. Arizona Senator admits to two extra-marital affairs U.S. Democratic Senator Ruben Gallego of Arizona, a married man and a potential 2028 presidential candidate, engaged in sexual relationships with at least two House staffers, reports the New York Post. The 46-year-old lawmaker admitted to the two extramarital affairs. In Exodus 20:14, God gave Moses the seventh of the Ten Commandments: “You shall not commit adultery.” Man, who spewed racial epithet, charged black NBC Today co-host Andrew Truelove allegedly stormed NBC's "Today" show at 9:00am Eastern on July 16th, lunged at anchor Craig Melvin, a black man, and called him the N-word, reports NBC News. He is now facing a slew of hate crime charges. Truelove, who is white and was unarmed, had entered a stairwell and made his way backstage near the dressing room. The staff and security rushed in -- and the intruder was ultimately detained and arrested. The incident was not captured during the broadcast. Nobody was hurt. Roughly 15 minutes afterwards, both Craig Melvin and Al Roker were on air. Neither hinted at the drama. AG nominee open to roll back Biden's mail-order Abortion Kill Pill During his confirmation hearing before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee on July 15th, acting Attorney General Todd Blanche faced a range of questions from Republicans regarding the Abortion Kill Pill mifepristone, reports The Washington Stand. Republican Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri asked about the Trump administration's perspective. HAWLEY: “Joe Biden took away President Trump's safety restrictions on this chemical abortion drug. He instituted a mail order abortion policy. So, my state went to court to try to defend our state's laws. A number of other states, Republican states, did this. And of course, in the meantime, the president changed, thank goodness. And now we have President Trump. “But that means that that now we have the state of Missouri, a Republican state, along with a number of other conservative Republican states, are in court against a Republican administration, fighting over Joe Biden's abortion policy.” BLANCHE: “I share your concerns, as does this entire administration. We have the most pro-life president in history, and you are one of the most pro-life senators in this body. “We are not defending what Biden did, and will not. The FDA has a process that takes a year. They've committed to do it in significantly less time than a year. President Trump's administration, in its entirety, will protect the life of the unborn.” HAWLEY: “Presumably, you have no issue with President Trump's earlier rule, which had common sense safety restrictions. You had to see a doctor, get a prescription. There had to be a follow-up visit to see if there was any hemorrhaging. Those were in place before Biden gutted them. “Presumably, there's no issue with any of those.” BLANCHE: “I anticipate the Department [of Justice] would defend those rules.” HAWLEY: “Why not, while the FDA is doing its review, why not put President Trump's rules in place? They're good rules. Why not do that rather than leave in place these rules?” BLANCHE: “We want to get to a good result, consistent with President Trump's administrative directive and priorities. And we very much believe that the Biden rules were wrong.” Psalm 127:3 says, “Children are a gift from the Lord; they are a reward from Him.” Senator Cruz: Comstock Act should prohibit Abortion Pill by mail And Republican Senator Ted Cruz of Texas also addressed the Abortion Kill Pill with Attorney General nominee Todd Blanche. CRUZ: “The Comstock Act provides that every article or thing designed or adapted or intended for producing abortion is declared to be non-mailable. I have to admit that statutory text to me looks quite straightforward. It is not subtle. It is not difficult. It is straightforward. “As you know, during the Biden administration, the Office of Legal Counsel issued an opinion concluding that those provisions generally do not prohibit mailing abortion drugs unless the sender intends them to be used unlawfully. Is that right?” BLANCHE: “Yes, that's correct.” CRUZ: “Now, [the] Office of Legal Counsel's opinions may be reconsidered when the Attorney General concludes they are inconsistent with the law. Is that right?” BLANCHE: “That is right.” CRUZ: “Will you commit to carefully reviewing that opinion to ensure that it faithfully reflects the actual statutory text that Congress enacted?” BLANCHE: “Yes.” CRUZ: “Will you commit that the Department [of Justice] will carefully evaluate every lawful action available to ensure the faithful enforcement of the Comstock Act and other federal pro-life acts?” BLANCHE: “Yes.” CRUZ: “I want to point out the real consequences of the Biden administration's lawless authorization of mail-order abortions. According to FDA reporting, the abortion pill has taken more than 3.7 million unborn lives, caused 24 maternal deaths -- moms are being killed -- and resulted in at least 4,195 adverse maternal reactions, including hemorrhage, excruciating abdominal pain, and severe, life-threatening infections. “The position of the Democrats now seems to be that women and teenage girls should be able to get mail-order abortions without a doctor being involved at all. And I will tell you, the death toll from that is horrific, and it needs to stop.” Once Blanche is voted out of the Judiciary Committee, he will need 51 votes of the 100 senators to be confirmed as President Trump's next U.S. Attorney General. Focus on the Family president Jim Daly to step down Nearly two decades after taking the helm of Focus on the Family following the departure of its founder, Jim Daly is preparing to hand the ministry to a new generation, reports The Christian Post. The president of one of America's most influential Evangelical groups announced this week that Focus has officially launched a nationwide search for its next leader, marking the beginning of what is expected to be an 18-month succession process ahead of the ministry's 50th anniversary in 2027. Unlike many recent leadership transitions in prominent Christian groups, this one is not being driven by scandal or internal upheaval. Rather, Focus on the Family is intentionally choosing to transition while it's healthy. Jim Daly said, "My core belief was it's good to get new faces, new energy, younger leadership in to speak to the 30-, 40-somethings about what they're facing with marriage and parenting. I'm going to be turning 65. It's time to start looking for the next-gen leadership. That's really the goal, and to do it well is the other goal." The search, being conducted with executive search firm FaithSearch Partners, will culminate in a vote by Focus' board of directors. Founded in 1977 by Christian psychologist and author Dr. James Dobson, Focus on the Family grew from a fledgling radio ministry into one of the most recognizable voices in American evangelicalism. Through its daily radio broadcasts, magazines, books, counseling services, and public policy advocacy, the Colorado Springs-based nonprofit became a defining force in conversations about marriage, parenting, religious liberty, and the sanctity of life. Today, the ministry reaches millions through radio, podcasts and digital media, employing roughly 750 people and overseeing an annual budget of $150 million. Worldview listeners weigh in from Texas and Alaska Liz Walker in Lubbock, Texas, wrote me and said, “I learned about your newscast from a Homeschool Mom blog. I love listening to it every weekday morning. I definitely get news that I would not get otherwise, including updates of the persecuted church and calls to action. As a homeschool mom, I often want to do things, but feel like I am powerless.” And Thomas Williams in Wasilla, Alaska, wrote, “I just wanted to drop you a little note and say how much we value what you and your team are doing at The Worldview. My wife and I are raising eight kids -- six boys and two girls. We homeschool and use many items from Generations in our daily life. I pray that God continues to bless the work that you have begun.” 8 Worldview listeners gave $3,220 And finally, on Thursday night by 9:30pm Central, 8 Worldview listeners stepped up to the plate and invested their treasure to fund the six-member team behind The Worldview for another year. Our thanks to Karen in Hillsborough, North Carolina who gave $20 and Cathy in Fate, Texas who gave $50. We were touched by the generosity of Denise in Gibsonia, Pennsylvania who gave $200, Lin in Katy, Texas who gave $300, and Audrey in Otisville, New York who pledged $25/month for 12 months for a gift of $300. And we're grateful to God for Kristin and Josh in Ball Ground, Georgia who pledged $50/month for 12 months for a gift of $600, Jeremy and Meggan in Register, Georgia who gave $750, and Heather in Eagle, Idaho who gave $1,000. Those 8 gifts add up to $3,220. Ready for our new grand total? Drum roll please. (drum roll sound effect) $29,840 (sound effect of people cheering) That means we need to raise a whopping $26,725 to hit our $56,565 goal by tonight, Friday, July 17th, at 12 midnight! We need to find 8 Worldview listeners who will pledge $100/month for 12 months or give a one-time gift of $1,200, 14 folks who will pledge $50/month or give a one-time gift of $600, and 28 listeners who will pledge $25/month or give a one-time gift of $300. Please, go to TheWorldview.com, click on Give, select the dollar amount, and make sure to click on the “recurring” button if that's your wish. Remember, if you want to continue your monthly pledge to The Worldview that you started in a previous year, please let me know so we can count your generous ongoing gift toward our total With God, all things are possible. Ask Him what He would have you give toward funding this critical newscast for another year. Close And that's The Worldview on this Friday, July 17th, in the year of our Lord 2026. Subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com. Plus, you can get the Generations app through Google Play or The App Store. I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.
Prince Andrew became the most disliked member of the British royal family through a long collapse in public trust driven overwhelmingly by his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein and his handling of the allegations made by Virginia Giuffre. His disastrous 2019 BBC Newsnight interview intensified the damage when he defended his continued association with Epstein, offered explanations that were widely mocked and showed little apparent concern for Epstein's victims. Andrew subsequently withdrew from public duties, lost his military affiliations and royal patronages, and settled Giuffre's civil lawsuit in 2022 without admitting liability. Rather than repairing his reputation, his repeated refusals to accept meaningful responsibility created the impression that he considered himself a victim of the scandal rather than a senior royal whose judgment had brought disgrace upon the monarchy.The damage became so severe that Andrew ceased to be merely unpopular and became politically and institutionally toxic. Each new disclosure about his communications with Epstein, his financial arrangements or his efforts to preserve his royal privileges reinforced the belief that wealth and status had protected him from proper scrutiny. By early 2026, YouGov found that only 3 percent of Britons viewed him positively, while 90 percent held an unfavorable opinion, placing him far below every other prominent royal. His downfall reflects more than public anger over one friendship. It represents accumulated disgust over perceived arrogance, evasiveness, entitlement and the failure to provide convincing answers about his place within Epstein's world.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.
Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Suspect in Ann Widdecombe murder seen on CCTV getting into car with object Sam Neill obituary A versatile actor whose roles went far beyond Jurassic Park Burnham cements Labour leadership with backing of 349 MPs Trump reinstates Iran port blockade and vows 20 charge on cargo passing through Hormuz BBC documentary found spycams secretly filming women online Twelve arrested over threat to an Islamic event in Suffolk Briton tells of surviving Spain wildfire in car as wife and friends died trying to walk to safety Nigel Farage The secretive crypto firm backed by Reforms biggest donor Escaped prisoner Daniel Khalife assisted by two friends, jury told Judge voids Donald Trumps improper 1.8b IRS settlement that gave him immunity from tax audits
Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Twelve arrested over threat to an Islamic event in Suffolk BBC documentary found spycams secretly filming women online Suspect in Ann Widdecombe murder seen on CCTV getting into car with object Trump reinstates Iran port blockade and vows 20 charge on cargo passing through Hormuz Sam Neill obituary A versatile actor whose roles went far beyond Jurassic Park Briton tells of surviving Spain wildfire in car as wife and friends died trying to walk to safety Nigel Farage The secretive crypto firm backed by Reforms biggest donor Burnham cements Labour leadership with backing of 349 MPs Judge voids Donald Trumps improper 1.8b IRS settlement that gave him immunity from tax audits Escaped prisoner Daniel Khalife assisted by two friends, jury told
Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Sam Neill obituary A versatile actor whose roles went far beyond Jurassic Park Escaped prisoner Daniel Khalife assisted by two friends, jury told Suspect in Ann Widdecombe murder seen on CCTV getting into car with object BBC documentary found spycams secretly filming women online Briton tells of surviving Spain wildfire in car as wife and friends died trying to walk to safety Burnham cements Labour leadership with backing of 349 MPs Nigel Farage The secretive crypto firm backed by Reforms biggest donor Twelve arrested over threat to an Islamic event in Suffolk Judge voids Donald Trumps improper 1.8b IRS settlement that gave him immunity from tax audits Trump reinstates Iran port blockade and vows 20 charge on cargo passing through Hormuz
Counter-terrorism police have taken charge of the investigation into the suspected murder of Anne Whittacombe, as former Met detective Peter Bleksley slams Devon and Cornwall Police's handling of the case and warns Britons must now take responsibility for their own safety. Attorney General Lord Hermer faces backlash after mocking ECHR critics in a bizarre Instagram video. Elsewhere, Taxpayers' Alliance chief John O'Connell warns of the dangers of Ed Miliband becoming Chancellor, tax hikes on wealth creators, and a growing two-tier Britain after benefits claimants were exempted from hosepipe bans.Duncan Barkes is sitting in for Julia Hartley-Brewer. Julia Hartley-Brewer broadcasts on Talk from Monday to Thursday, 10AM to 1PM. Available on YouTube and streaming platforms, along with DAB+ radio and your smart speaker. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Suspect in Ann Widdecombe murder seen on CCTV getting into car with object Escaped prisoner Daniel Khalife assisted by two friends, jury told Sam Neill obituary A versatile actor whose roles went far beyond Jurassic Park Briton tells of surviving Spain wildfire in car as wife and friends died trying to walk to safety Trump reinstates Iran port blockade and vows 20 charge on cargo passing through Hormuz Twelve arrested over threat to an Islamic event in Suffolk BBC documentary found spycams secretly filming women online Nigel Farage The secretive crypto firm backed by Reforms biggest donor Judge voids Donald Trumps improper 1.8b IRS settlement that gave him immunity from tax audits Burnham cements Labour leadership with backing of 349 MPs
Everywhere Rome fell, civilization transformed. In Britain, it stopped.That's not a myth. That's what actually happened. Everywhere else the empire fell — Gaul, Hispania, Italy, North Africa — the barbarian successor kingdoms absorbed Roman administration and kept the machine running. The Franks kept Roman law. The Visigoths kept the Christian church. The Ostrogoths kept the Senate and the aqueducts. Even the Vandals in North Africa kept Roman urban life going.In Britain, none of that happened. The Roman garrisons pulled out in 407. The emperor told the Britons to defend themselves in 410. And when the Anglo-Saxons arrived, they didn't do what every other post-Roman successor group did. They didn't inherit. They built wooden halls next to abandoned Roman villas and let the villas fall down. Latin didn't evolve into a Romance language the way it did in Gaul and Hispania — it just vanished. Christianity didn't survive the transition — Pope Gregory the Great had to send Augustine of Canterbury in 597 to start over from pagan ground. Cities didn't get built on top of the old Roman ones — they got built somewhere else while Colchester sat empty for centuries.This is Episode 4 of the "Life After the Fall of Rome" series. Britain is the comparison case for the whole thesis. Everywhere else Rome fell, it transformed. Britain is the exception that proves the rule — the one place where the Hollywood version of the fall (villas abandoned, libraries lost, languages disappeared, lights actually going out) turned out to be true. And the reason it happened is quieter and more dangerous than any invasion narrative: successors who chose not to inherit.The barbarians didn't destroy Roman Britain. Roman Britain was already failing on its own. What the Anglo-Saxons did was build something entirely different on top of it — a new culture with no interest in preserving what came before. That indifference, more than any battle, is what real collapse actually looks like.If you're new to the series, start with Episode 1 ("Rome Didn't Fall — Here's What Actually Happened") linked below.
A lone Briton fleeing murderous outlaws stumbles into a hidden world beneath the forests of ancient Britain, where an older people still remember every stolen homeland and every dead king. One act of mercy may be the only thing standing between Cororuc and a vengeance that has burned in darkness for centuries. The Lost Race by Robert E. Howard. That's next on The Lost Sci-Fi Podcast. Let's peel back the pages of time 99 and a half years as we travel back to ancient Britain with a story written years before Conan the Barbarian first appeared in print. Robert E. Howard's The Lost Race blends brutal adventure, hidden civilizations, and eerie folklore into one unforgettable journey beneath the forests of Cornwall. From the January 1927 Weird Tales magazine on page 74, The Lost Race by Robert E. Howard… Next on The Lost Sci-Fi Podcast, A strange malfunction in a revolutionary vending machine leaves two worlds trading useless objects while baffled scientists race to understand the impossible connection. As the exchanges grow more deliberate, one risky decision could turn a commercial gimmick into the first bridge between planets. The Cosmic Jackpot by George O. Smith. Lost Sci-Fi Premium - https://lostscifi.supercast.com/ Buy Me a Coffee - https://lostscifi.com/coffee =========================== Newsletter - https://lostscifi.com/free/ Facebook - https://lostscifi.com/facebook YouTube - https://lostscifi.com/youtube X - http://Lostscifi.com/x Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/lostscifiguy Bluesky - https://bsky.app/profile/lostscifipodcast.bsky.social Merchandise - https://lostscifi.creator-spring.com/ =========================== Thanks to Our Listeners Who Bought Us a Coffee $200 Someone $100 Tony from the Future $75 James Van Maanenberg $50 James Van Maanenberg, MizzBassie, Anonymous Listener $25 Fintan Quigley, Curious Jon, David Bell, Steve, Miriam, Someone, Someone, Eaten by a Grue, Jeff Lussenden, Fred Sieber, Anne, Craig Hamilton, Dave Wiseman, Bromite Thrip, Marwin de Haan, Future Space Engineer, Fressie, Kevin Eckert, Stephen Kagan, James Van Maanenberg, Irma Stolfo, Josh Jennings, Leber8tr, Conrad Chaffee, Anonymous Listener $15 Every Month Someone $15 Steve, Someone, SueTheLibrarian, Joannie West, Amy Özkan, Someone, Carolyn Guthleben, Patrick McLendon, Curious Jon, Buz C., Fressie, Anonymous Listener $10 David, Anonymous Listener $5 Every Month Eaten by a Grue $5 Tammy, Owen, Bruce, Someone, TLD, David, Denis Kalinin, Timothy Buckley, Andre'a, Martin Brown, Ron McFarlan, Tif Love, Chrystene, Richard Hoffman, Anonymous Listener Listen without commercials and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes every month with Lost Sci-Fi Premium—start your free 7-day trial today. https://lostscifi.supercast.com/ Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
Sylvia finally finds a way to escape the life she believes is holding her back, but freedom proves far stranger than she imagined. As she drifts farther from the people who love her, she faces a frightening question: what if the life she abandoned no longer wants her back? The Good Life by John R. Pierce. That's next on The Lost Sci-Fi Podcast. What is the guy who invented the term transistor doing on The Lost Sci-Fi Podcast? Well it turns out that John Robinson Pierce who was born in 1910 in Des Moines Iowa wasn't just a brainiac electrical engineer. He graduated from CalTech, worked at Bell Labs, came up with the term transistor and according to the National Inventors Hall of Fame Pierce invented the first communications satellite. He was granted over 90 patents, and was awarded the Edison Medal, and the National Medal of Science. And he was a science fiction author in his spare time with 19 stories to his credit from 1930 to 1973. Four of those stories were published under the pen name J. J. Coupling as was today's story which can be found on page 59 in the February 1952 issue of The Magazine of Fantasy and Science Fiction, The Good Life by John R. Pierce… Next on The Lost Sci-Fi Podcast, A lone Briton fleeing murderous outlaws stumbles into a hidden world beneath the forests of ancient Britain, where an older people still remember every stolen homeland and every dead king. One act of mercy may be the only thing standing between Cororuc and a vengeance that has burned in darkness for centuries. The Lost Race by Robert E. Howard. Lost Sci-Fi Premium - https://lostscifi.supercast.com/ Buy Me a Coffee - https://lostscifi.com/coffee =========================== Newsletter - https://lostscifi.com/free/ Facebook - https://lostscifi.com/facebook YouTube - https://lostscifi.com/youtube X - http://Lostscifi.com/x Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/lostscifiguy Bluesky - https://bsky.app/profile/lostscifipodcast.bsky.social Merchandise - https://lostscifi.creator-spring.com/ =========================== Thanks to Our Listeners Who Bought Us a Coffee $200 Someone $100 Tony from the Future $75 James Van Maanenberg $50 James Van Maanenberg, MizzBassie, Anonymous Listener $25 Fintan Quigley, Curious Jon, David Bell, Steve, Miriam, Someone, Someone, Eaten by a Grue, Jeff Lussenden, Fred Sieber, Anne, Craig Hamilton, Dave Wiseman, Bromite Thrip, Marwin de Haan, Future Space Engineer, Fressie, Kevin Eckert, Stephen Kagan, James Van Maanenberg, Irma Stolfo, Josh Jennings, Leber8tr, Conrad Chaffee, Anonymous Listener $15 Every Month Someone $15 Steve, Someone, SueTheLibrarian, Joannie West, Amy Özkan, Someone, Carolyn Guthleben, Patrick McLendon, Curious Jon, Buz C., Fressie, Anonymous Listener $10 David, Anonymous Listener $5 Every Month Eaten by a Grue $5 Tammy, Owen, Bruce, Someone, TLD, David, Denis Kalinin, Timothy Buckley, Andre'a, Martin Brown, Ron McFarlan, Tif Love, Chrystene, Richard Hoffman, Anonymous Listener Listen without commercials and enjoy exclusive bonus episodes every month with Lost Sci-Fi Premium—start your free 7-day trial today. https://lostscifi.supercast.com/ Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
How has Farage become the highest earning MP, while still claiming to be “for the everyday Briton”? Has Farage become part of the establishment? And how much more is there to discover about Farage's £5 million "gift"? Join Alastair and Cat Neilan, journalist at the Observer, as they answer all these questions and more. To hear the whole of "Who Funds Reform?", sign up here at therestispolitics.com __________ Enjoy Rory and Alastair's interview with Malcolm Turnbull by searching ‘Leading' on Spotify, Apple, or YouTube. The TRIP+ summer sale is HERE: Get an annual membership for an extra 20% off with code SUMMER26. That's ad-free listening, every bonus episode, and full access to our exclusive members' series. Sale ends August 31st, so grab it before summer's over. Go deeper into the world of The Rest Is Politics by signing up for our free newsletter HERE, featuring exclusive interviews, analysis and weekend reads from Alastair and Rory. The Rest Is Politics is powered by Fuse Energy. Stop overpaying for energy. Switch at fuseenergy.com/politics and get a free TRIP+ subscription. Get our exclusive NordVPN deal here ➼ nordvpn.com/restispolitics It's risk-free with Nord's 30 day money back guarantee ✅ __________ Instagram: @restispolitics Twitter: @restispolitics Email: therestispolitics@goalhanger.com __________ Social Producer: Celine Charles Video Editor: Josh Smith, Kieron Leslie, Caroline Kaye Producer: India Dunkley General Manager: Tom Whiter Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Support us on Patreon---In the sixth century, the island of Britain was quite possibly the most miserable place on earth. A decades-long combination of civil war, imperial neglect, seaborne savagery, and the great freeze of 536 contributed to a level of deprivation beyond all living memory. But although the Britons had lost their paved roads, well-oiled trade networks, Latin school system, and even their land, they still held onto their hope. They called this hope Arthur. This episode of Gladio Free Europe is the first in a series on the Arthurian cycle, the body of legends and literature that would become medieval Europe's most significant popular culture. Starting with the unanswerable question of the historic Arthur of the sixth century, Liam and Russian Sam explore the emergence of Britain's most recognizable literary icon and most valiant king. This episode of Gladio Free Europe situates Arthurian literature in its various contexts, from Welsh and Breton oral traditions deeply rooted in the stories of the ancient Celts to the French-language courtly literature of High Middle Ages. Together, these various ancient and medieval influences combined to create the most iconic genre of medieval literature, and one which contributes exert a profound influence on fiction today — the chivalric romance. From the time of Geoffrey of Monmouth in the middle 12th century to the publication of Thomas Malory's Le Morte Darthur at the close of the 15th, the romance was the defining vernacular literature of medieval Europe. These stories, produced to entertain and to pacify a violent aristocratic class, are both a fascinating look at the values of their time and some of the most amusing and exciting works of fiction produced before the printing press. The first part of this series connects the earliest known references of the legendary Romano-British Arthur to the literary King Arthur of the High Middles. Listen to this episode to learn how the Angevin Empire of Henry II was essential for the development and proliferation of the Arthurian romance, as well as the dark, smelly secret behind Merlin's name.
Katie Smith is joined by Jeff Tarango and Iain Carter to review the action on Day Four at Wimbledon, with Arthur Fery the only British player to make it into the singles third round at Wimbledon.With 18 Britons losing in the opening four days, the team discuss what this means for British tennis, and whether there are longer term concerns for the sport in this country.They also look back on Grigor Dimitrov's impressive performance in seeing off Jakub Mensik, as well as comfortable wins for Iga Swiatek, Elena Rybakina and Alex Zverev. TIMECODES00:35 Grigor Dimitrov's fine win over Jakub Mensik 06:30 Arthur Fery fights through against Otto Virtanen 09:15 Where British tennis stands after this Wimbledon 15:00 Rybakina and Swiatek win
In this episode, Matt talks about an infamous TV movie - Ghostwatch - that allegedly tricked millions of Britons into believing that the BBC had inadvertently let a malevolent spirit loose on the country. The actual story is both more mundane and more interesting. Plus, Ghostwatch provides a snapshot of public paranormal beliefs of the early 1990s. Come learn about one of the best horror movies Matt has ever seen, and how it reflects paranormal beliefs, and how the movie and its aftermath are remembered. Full show notes: kmmamedia.com/podcasts/ghosthropology-podcast/ Facebook: facebook.com/ghosthroplogy Instagram: instagram.com/ghosthropod YouTube: youtube.com/@ghosthropology Patreon: www.patreon.com/c/ghosthropology Email: ghosthropology@gmail.com
The tide has turned on Brexit - the "Brexiteers" have only the dead to rallyIn his latest Lowdown" podcast, Nick Cohen discusses the 10th anniversary of the Brexit referendum with Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations, and the significant changes in global politics over the past 10 years since 2016 that make Brexit an even worse decision than it was a decade ago.They both examine how Europe has moved from a "Kantian" rule-based system to an "unorder" world where international rules no longer have standing, using the Iran conflict as an example of how military actions are now conducted without regard for international law. They discuss Brexit's impact on Britain's position in the world, with Mark Leonard presenting polling data showing that 58% of Leave voters believe Brexit has been bad for border management and that 75% of Britons want closer EU relations.They discuss how Germany has transformed its energy system and defence posture in response to global challenges, while Britain struggles with infrastructure projects and defence capabilities. Mark explains that British public opinion has shifted from the 2016 Brexit divide to three new groups: "loners" (27% who want to stay out of Europe), "optimists" (30% who would vote to rejoin), and "realists" (35% favouringcloser cooperation), with younger demographics being more pro-European. They conclude with optimism about potential future shifts in British politics toward re-engagement with Europe, particularly if Labour adopts a more pro-European stance.Read all about it! @markhleonard Co-Founder & director, @ecfr, bestselling author, latest book THE AGE OF UNPEACE, keynote speaker & weekly podcast host http://apple.co/2ACObcjNick Cohen's @NichCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Katie Smith is joined by commentator Gigi Salmon as well as former Wimbledon champions Pat Cash and Marion Bartoli to reflect on the opening day of Wimbledon.It was a bad day for the home players as 10 Britons lost, while Jack Draper withdrew with a recurrence of the arm injury he's struggled with for most of the past 12 months. They also react to hard-fought wins for Novak Djokovic and Jannik Sinner, as well as more serene progress for Aryna Sabalenka in the women's draw.TIMECODES 00:30 Jack Draper withdraws because of injury 05:00 A bad day for British players 08:00 A disappointing exit for British number one Cameron Norrie 09:40 Djokovic beats Wu Yibing - was that the best first round match we've seen? 13:30 What did we learn from Sinner's five-set win? 17:00 Sabalenka advances - but is she favourite in the women's draw?
10 BELIEFS THAT DON'T MAKE YOU FAR RIGHT! #JonGaunt #JonGauntTV #Live #UKPolitics #FarRight #FreeSpeech #Immigration #ReformUK #NigelFarage #AndyBurnham #Starmer Has the phrase "far right" become an easy way to dismiss people instead of debating them? In todays show, Jon Gaunt looks at ten beliefs held by millions of ordinary Britons and asks whether expressing these opinions really deserves such a controversial label. These are not endorsements of any political party. These are ten views that millions of ordinary Britons hold. The question is: when did holding these opinions become enough for some people to label you 'far right'?" Wanting secure borders. Believing illegal immigration should be stopped. Supporting the police. Believing biological sex matters. Wanting criminals to receive tougher sentences. Believing in free speech, even for unpopular opinions. Being proud of Britain and flying the Union Flag. Wanting lower taxes and less government waste. Expecting newcomers to integrate and obey British laws. Believing democratic elections—not protests or courts—should decide political direction. "Whether you agree with every point or not, ask yourself this: does holding any of these opinions automatically make someone 'far right'—or has the label become so overused that it's lost its meaning? Let me know in the comments." Join the debate and tell me what you think. Which of these beliefs do you agree with—and has political language become more divisive than helpful?
Fresh questions are being raised about Meghan Markle's business ventures after reports claimed she may be earning commissions from fashion purchases linked to outfits worn at Invictus Games events. Critics are asking whether commercial activity and charitable causes are becoming too closely intertwined, while sources suggest Prince Harry is uncomfortable with the attention.Meanwhile, new reports claim Harry and Meghan are frustrated by the growing relationship between Princess Beatrice, Princess Eugenie, and Prince William. Is it family loyalty, future planning, or simply palace reality?We also examine what appears to be a changing role for the York sisters. After missing several high-profile royal events, questions are growing about where Beatrice and Eugenie fit into William's vision for a slimmer monarchy. Plus, a new Ipsos poll shows support for the monarchy at its lowest level in more than thirty years, especially among younger Britons. William's quiet Duchy visits reveal how he is preparing for the future, while a surprising new debate asks whether Harriet Phillips is becoming the next royal fashion influence—and whether some believe she is borrowing a page from Catherine's style book.Palace Intrigue is a daily British royal family podcast covering King Charles, Meghan Markle, Prince Harry, Kate Middleton and the House of Windsor. New episodes every day. Follow on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen. Part of the Caloroga Shark Media network.
Can Andy Burnham keep his promises without hitting Britons in the pocket? Merryn Somerset Webb speaks with Bloomberg's Phil Aldrick about the tax hikes, spending pressures and economic realities facing Britain's likely next Prime Minister—and why there may be no painless solutions.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Through his long and storied career as a stuntman, Curtis Rivers has appeared in scores of films and television shows, ranging from James Bond movies to Captain America to Game of Thrones. He has won a Screen Actor Guilds Awards as well as membership in the Hollywood Stuntmen's Hall of Fame. The Briton is also a two-time Guinness World Record Holder, in the longest-duration parachute jump (45 minutes) and the longest bungee cord jump (from a hot-air balloon just above 15,000 feet). In today's Meditative Story, Curtis shares how his ability to visualize the path ahead became a key component to his success, and allowed him to forge a new future for himself along the way.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
As Edwina took pains to lay low in Malta after the scandals of her affairs, Italy decided to exit the League of Nations and invade Ethiopia. To protect their children, she took them to Budapest and installed them in a hotel with their nanny and governess... and then forgot which hotel they were in. For months. As the summer of 1935 turned to fall, and then winter, they just stayed in their hotel until Edwina finally came across the paper she'd written the hotel's name on, tucked into the pocket of an outfit she hadn't worn in a while. Careless people. But then World War II came, and with so much asked of ordinary Britons, the privileged were required to step up. For perhaps the first time in her life, the skills and networking that Edwina had spent her life developing could suddenly be applied to a grand purpose: fundraising, organizing, lobbying for help in the United States. Louis was in the fight as a Naval officer, but Edwina was equally engaged, and the experience brought them together as never before. They would have further adventures together in India, overseeing the end of the Colonial period there, and form a distinct attachment to Indian Prime Minister Nehru that would last to the end of her life in 1960. Want early, ad-free episodes, regular Dumpster Dives, bonus divorces, limited series, Zoom hangouts, and more? Join us at patreon.com/trashydivorces! Want a personalized message for someone in your life? Check us out on Cameo! To advertise on our podcast, please reach out to info@amplitudemediapartners.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
As Edwina took pains to lay low in Malta after the scandals of her affairs, Italy decided to exit the League of Nations and invade Ethiopia. To protect their children, she took them to Budapest and installed them in a hotel with their nanny and governess... and then forgot which hotel they were in. For months. As the summer of 1935 turned to fall, and then winter, they just stayed in their hotel until Edwina finally came across the paper she'd written the hotel's name on, tucked into the pocket of an outfit she hadn't worn in a while. Careless people. But then World War II came, and with so much asked of ordinary Britons, the privileged were required to step up. For perhaps the first time in her life, the skills and networking that Edwina had spent her life developing could suddenly be applied to a grand purpose: fundraising, organizing, lobbying for help in the United States. Louis was in the fight as a Naval officer, but Edwina was equally engaged, and the experience brought them together as never before. They would have further adventures together in India, overseeing the end of the Colonial period there, and form a distinct attachment to Indian Prime Minister Nehru that would last to the end of her life in 1960. Continue your investigation with ad-free and bonus episodes on Patreon! To advertise on Done & Dunne, please reach out to info@amplitudemediapartners.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
As Edwina took pains to lay low in Malta after the scandals of her affairs, Italy decided to exit the League of Nations and invade Ethiopia. To protect their children, she took them to Budapest and installed them in a hotel with their nanny and governess... and then forgot which hotel they were in. For months. As the summer of 1935 turned to fall, and then winter, they just stayed in their hotel until Edwina finally came across the paper she'd written the hotel's name on, tucked into the pocket of an outfit she hadn't worn in a while. Careless people. But then World War II came, and with so much asked of ordinary Britons, the privileged were required to step up. For perhaps the first time in her life, the skills and networking that Edwina had spent her life developing could suddenly be applied to a grand purpose: fundraising, organizing, lobbying for help in the United States. Louis was in the fight as a Naval officer, but Edwina was equally engaged, and the experience brought them together as never before. They would have further adventures together in India, overseeing the end of the Colonial period there, and form a distinct attachment to Indian Prime Minister Nehru that would last to the end of her life in 1960. Listen ad-free at patreon.com/trashyroyalspodcast. To advertise on this podcast, reach out to info@amplitudemediapartners.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
durée : 00:03:21 - Par Jupiter ! - par : Charline Vanhoenacker - Le Brexit a 10 ans et aujourd'hui, et la majorité des Anglais souhaite retisser des liens avec l'Europe. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France
durée : 00:03:21 - Charline explose les faits - par : Charline Vanhoenacker - Le Brexit a 10 ans et aujourd'hui, et la majorité des Anglais souhaite retisser des liens avec l'Europe. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France
Let's strip away the meat of mythology and render down the fat of folklore to cook up a delicious chat all about Ogres!The word itself was coined by Chrétien de Troyes during the 12th century, and was used to talk about the brutish Britons on the other side of the channel - but from the Ancient Egyptian "Cannibal Hymn" of Pharaoh Unas to the Greeks and Romans with Polyphemus and Orcus, the name of these things is less important than what they do.Personifications of wild, untameable nature and warnings about totalitarian power, what's at the root of this symbol of eating people?Did it mean the same things to the Etruscans as it did to the first Italian chroniclers of folk romances?What about when Charles Perrault re-adapted both 'The Ogre' and 'The Ogress' at the end of the 17th century, and started dressing them in fancy clothes?From cthonic Gods of Oaths to Japanese Oni, Baba Yaga to the Ogre's position in contemporary psychotherapy, we're chopping it up, blending it down, then simmering the Ogre gently until it's ready.Unless you're listening during the Reformation - in which case Ogres are just Catholics, and ought to be hunted down!We also hope you increasingly pleased by our new Bestiary episode art, as drawn by our good friend Tom Peteuil of Creature Castle - check out brand new Ogre merch here and visit the Creature Castle shop for prints and other wonderful things here.Speak to you again on Thursday for this week's Lang Fairy Tale, The Enchanted Fairy, before Saturday's Three Ravens Live Show, recorded on Thursday 11th June at Leominster Festival! Three Ravens is an English Myth and Folklore podcast hosted by award-winning writers Martin Vaux and Eleanor Conlon.Released on Mondays, each weekly episode focuses on one of England's 39 historic counties, exploring the history, folklore and traditions of the area, from ghosts and mermaids to mythical monsters, half-forgotten heroes, bloody legends, and much, much more. Then, and most importantly, we take turns to tell a new version of an ancient story from that county - all before discussing what that tale might mean, where it might have come from, and the truths it reveals about England's hidden past...Bonus Episodes are released on Thursdays plus Local Legends episodes on Saturdays - interviews with acclaimed authors, folklorists, podcasters and historians with unique perspectives on that week's county.With a range of exclusive content on Patreon, too, including audio ghost tours, the Three Ravens Newsletter, and monthly Three Ravens Film Club episodes about folk horror films from across the decades, why not join us around the campfire and listen in?REGISTER FOR THE TALES OF SOUTHERN ENGLAND TOURVisit our website Join our Patreon Social media channels and sponsors Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The British government tightened immigration in response to public demand. Yet that policy damaged both the country and the Labour party. Our correspondent embeds on a US nuclear submarine to find out how China and Russia are vying for dominance in the Pacific. And what anti-ageing products actually work? Guests and host:Joel Budd, Britain social affairs editorAnton La Guardia, diplomatic editorAinslie Johnstone, science correspondentRosie Blau, co-host of “The intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The intelligence”Topics covered: Immigration, Britain, asylumSubmarines, Pacific, geopoliticsAgeing, wrinkles, retinoids, peptidesListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
The British government tightened immigration in response to public demand. Yet that policy damaged both the country and the Labour party. Our correspondent embeds on a US nuclear submarine to find out how China and Russia are vying for dominance in the Pacific. And what anti-ageing products actually work? Guests and host:Joel Budd, Britain social affairs editorAnton La Guardia, diplomatic editorAinslie Johnstone, science correspondentRosie Blau, co-host of “The intelligence”Jason Palmer, co-host of “The intelligence”Topics covered: Immigration, Britain, asylumSubmarines, Pacific, geopoliticsAgeing, wrinkles, retinoids, peptidesListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Nigel Farage, leader of the populist-right Reform UK party, wants Britons to be enraged by a killing in the street. We ask why his tone has changed from “colour-blind” to race-baiting. NATO must now take seriously the idea that America is pulling back; we ask how it is adjusting. And why skipping title sequences is forgoing some of television's magic.Guests and host:Hugo Gye, British political correspondentJonathan Rosenthal, international correspondentAndrew Miller, “Back Story” columnistJason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: British politics, race relationsNATO, American foreign policytelevision, mediaGet a world of insights by subscribing to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Nigel Farage, leader of the populist-right Reform UK party, wants Britons to be enraged by a killing in the street. We ask why his tone has changed from “colour-blind” to race-baiting. NATO must now take seriously the idea that America is pulling back; we ask how it is adjusting. And why skipping title sequences is forgoing some of television's magic.Guests and host:Hugo Gye, British political correspondentJonathan Rosenthal, international correspondentAndrew Miller, “Back Story” columnistJason Palmer, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: British politics, race relationsNATO, American foreign policytelevision, mediaGet a world of insights by subscribing to Economist Podcasts+. For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
A new week means new questions! Hope you have fun with these!What is the name of the body part that separates the left and right airways of the nasal cavity?Robert Crawley, the patriarch of the Crawley family played by Hugh Bonneville, in "Downton Abbey", is the earl of which English town?Which kind of fully-matured amphibian has a tail?Homer's Iliad is set toward the end of which war?A computer hacker intending to improve security is often called what good guy fashion accessory?Which English monarch was the last Emperor of India?The Maghreb, or the western part of the Arab world, is usually defined as encompassing much of what region?What's the first superhero movie to win an Academy Award?The shrubland habitat found mainly on free-draining infertile, acidic soils, characterised by open, low-growing woody vegetation is known by what term, realted to a Moor?Which Shakespeare play was based on a legendary king of the Britons who reigned around the time of the founding of Rome?The first golf course built in the US, Oakhurst Links, is in what state?In astronomy, stars visible to the naked eye that appear not to move relative to each other against the dark background of the night sky are called what stars?MusicHot Swing, Fast Talkin, Bass Walker, Dances and Dames, Ambush by Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com)Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/Don't forget to follow us on social media:Patreon – patreon.com/quizbang – Please consider supporting us on Patreon. Check out our fun extras for patrons and help us keep this podcast going. We appreciate any level of support!Website – quizbangpod.com Check out our website, it will have all the links for social media that you need and while you're there, why not go to the contact us page and submit a question!Facebook – @quizbangpodcast – we post episode links and silly lego pictures to go with our trivia questions. Enjoy the silly picture and give your best guess, we will respond to your answer the next day to give everyone a chance to guess.Instagram – Quiz Quiz Bang Bang (quizquizbangbang), we post silly lego pictures to go with our trivia questions. Enjoy the silly picture and give your best guess, we will respond to your answer the next day to give everyone a chance to guess.Twitter – @quizbangpod We want to start a fun community for our fellow trivia lovers. If you hear/think of a fun or challenging trivia question, post it to our twitter feed and we will repost it so everyone can take a stab it. Come for the trivia – stay for the trivia.Ko-Fi – ko-fi.com/quizbangpod – Keep that sweet caffeine running through our body with a Ko-Fi, power us through a late night of fact checking and editing!
There has been violent disorder on the streets of Southampton sparked by the murder of student Henry Nowak. Politicians and community leaders have called for calm amid fears that Nowak's death will be used to whip up racial resentment against minority ethnic Britons. Lucy Hough speaks to community affairs correspondent Aamna Mohdin – watch on YouTube. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/infocus