Podcast appearances and mentions of Andrew Preston

Song 1: “The Swing Set Song” by Andrew Preston and AP Harbor, from the album MildepondPoem 1: “Contemplating Eternity While Sticking Its Neck Out” by Julie Williams, author of Escaping Tornado Season and Drama Queens in the House. A poetry collection is under review.Story excerpt: “Neighbors” by Lynn C. Miller, from David's Harvest, stories, in process. Her latest book is The Lost Archive: stories, https://uwpress.wisc.edu/books/6155.htmFeed the Cat Break: excerpt from “A Self-Setting Sun,” by Annie Wonder & Jonathan A. ModaffPoem 2: “Good Neighbor” by Jack Cooper, author of Silly Lily's Rhyming Adventures In Nature (2023) and Across My Silence (2007) World Audience, Inc. https://sillylilysadventures.com/Song 2: “Bluebilly,” composed and sung by John V. Modaff, BMI Episode artwork by Lynda MillerShow theme and incidental music by John V. ModaffThe Unruly Muse is Recorded in Albuquerque, NM and Morehead, KYProduced at The Creek Studio, Morehead KY NEXT UP: Episode 46 coming in March, 2025:  Judgment  Thank You to our listeners all over the world. Please tell all of your friends about the podcast. Lynn & John

Song 1: “Clever Brilliant Mind” (by David R. Merrill with John Modaff)Poem 1: “I'm” by Jack Cooper, author of Silly Lily's Rhyming Adventures In Nature (2023) and Across My Silence (2007) World Audience, Inc. https://sillylilysadventures.com/ Fiction: three short excerpts from her third novel The Day After Death by Lynn C. Miller, published by the University of New Mexico Press, 2016. www. lynncmiller.comFeed the Cat Break: “One November Evening” by Chris Geyerman with John V. ModaffPoem 2: “Sunday Afternoon with Seurat” by David Meischen, author of the linked story collection Nopalito, University of New Mexico Press, 2024 and the poetry collection Anyone's Son (3, A Taos Press, 2020).Song 2: “Counting Down the Raindrops” by Andrew Preston and  A. P. Harbor.Episode artwork by Lynda Miller Show theme and incidental music by John V. Modaff The Unruly Muse is Recorded in Albuquerque, NM and Morehead, KY Produced at The Creek Studio NEXT UP: Episode 43, “Breaking Up”            Thank You to our listeners all over the world. Please tell a friend about the podcast. Lynn & John

To learn more about the Neurodivere Love Conversation Cards and Workbook, the Neurodiverse Love Conference videos and the other resources available for individuals or couples in mixed neurotype relationships, check out ⁠Neurodiverse Love. _________________________________________________ During this episode, Michelle and Andrew Preston share the story about how they were struggling in their relationship until Michelle read a chapter in a book that made her realize Andrew may be Autistic. She approached him about and it and they were able to go through the diagnosis process together and learned that Andrew is in fact Autistic. Learning this strengthened their bond and improved their communication. It also helped Michelle take things less personally as she began to understand that Andrew's lack of emotion had nothing to do with her, and everything to do with how his mind works. If you are interested in learning more about Michelle and Andrew's story you can buy a copy of their book: Friendship Love Autism-Communication Struggles and Autism Diagnosis That Gave Us a New Life Together. You can follow Michelle and Andrew on TikTok@ MichelleandAndrew or email Michelle at: michellepreston@gmail.com --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/neurodiverse-love/support

[originally published on Patreon March 15, 2024] Today is the opening salvo for a 15-part series on the rolling waves of crimes involving the Octopus that is United Fruit Company, the banana trade, Guatemala specifically, and Central America more generally, culminating in the Guatemalan Genocide. In this episode, I discuss the origins of the Octopus. aka Boston Fruit Company aka the United Fruit Company aka the New Orleans Banana Trust. I know for a fact that much of this history has not been pulled together in this way before. I trace the official and sanctioned history of Boston Fruit Company via Lorenzo Dow Baker, Andrew Preston, and get into less savory types such as Henry Meiggs and JP Macheca. I cover how Preston and Meiggs used railroad construction as land-grab exercises which also necessarily required slave labor. This in turn spawned the Banana Wars including an approximate 28 different interventions/invasions in 11+ countries. Along the way I go over the Innocenti and related quasi-masonic quasi-klan terrorist groups, the Reconstruction-era wars with the federal government, the growth of Italian/Italian-American organized crime, the Crescent City Lynchings, and how it all intersected with the fruit trade. Here we see con men and mafiosi in bed with Wall Street, fucking over Central America in unison. This sets the stage for what is to come. Banana In Your Fruit Basket by Bo Carter I Like Bananas Because They have No Bones by George Elrick Thirty Thousand Pounds of Bananas by Harry Chapin

By the time Kennedy and Johnson held the presidency in the 1960s, the definition of US national security had been stretched and expanded in previously unimaginable ways. It was not unusual for Americans to perceive their security frontiers as global – indeed, it was considered natural. But it hadn't always been thus. Read by Leighton Pugh. Image: Poster showing the American flag waving among clouds.  Credit: World History Archive / Alamy Stock Photo 

About my Guests:Michelle and Andrew Preston are a neurodiverse couple who gained a large social media following by sharing their struggles. After having many videos about their various miscommunications go viral, they decided it was important to write a book to help other couples like themselves.Their debut novel 'Friendship Love Autism' is all about how Michelle discovered Andrew is autistic, approached him about it, and how the diagnosis process saved their relationship. It is written by both of them as they share their separate perspectives. This is where the magic in their book resides, as it helps to highlight how their brains work differently.Michelle and Andrew currently reside in Costa Rica, where they plan to write the rest of their book series. Through their books, they aim to break the stigma of autism and educate the world about neurodiversity.

Today The Confound Millennial is back with Andrew Preston of A.P. Harbor to catch up on the two albums that he has released since we talked last year, including one called "The Arboretum" that just released this week! Make sure to follow A.p. Harbor on facebook to keep up with their shows and new releases: https://www.facebook.com/apharbor And for all things The Confound Millennial (merch, where to listen, maybe cool stuff idk) check out our website: https://amap.to/millennial/ --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/the-confound-millennial/message

Did you know that American banana corporations turned almost all of Central America into US satellite states in the late 19th and early 20th centuries for roughly half-a-century? It took the massacre of thousands of unarmed, exploited, and striking Columbian  banana workers in 1928 to turn the tide against American imperialism.  Today we explore just how several central American nations became true Banana Republics. Wet Hot Bad Magic Summer Camp tickets are ON SALE!  BadMagicMerch.com Get tour tickets at dancummins.tv Watch the Suck on YouTube: https://youtu.be/GjS-jjEqARABad Magic Charity of the Month: The DNA Doe Project is a non profit with a simple humanitarian mission: to identify John and Jane Does using investigative genetic genealogy. Our donation amount is currently TBD. To learn more, please visit dnadoeproject.orgMerch: https://www.badmagicmerch.comDiscord! https://discord.gg/tqzH89vWant to join the Cult of the Curious private Facebook Group? Go directly to Facebook and search for "Cult of the Curious" in order to locate whatever happens to be our most current page :)For all merch related questions/problems: store@badmagicproductions.com (copy and paste)Please rate and subscribe on iTunes and elsewhere and follow the suck on social media!! @timesuckpodcast on IG and http://www.facebook.com/timesuckpodcastWanna become a Space Lizard?  Click here: https://www.patreon.com/timesuckpodcastSign up through Patreon and for $5 a month you get to listen to the Secret Suck, which will drop Thursdays at Noon, PST. You'll also get 20% off of all regular Timesuck merch PLUS access to exclusive Space Lizard merch. You get to vote on two Monday topics each month via the app. And you get the download link for my new comedy album, Feel the Heat. Check the Patreon posts to find out how to download the new album and take advantage of other benefits

For the United States, geopolitics has always been about national identity, even in an era of globalisation. Perhaps it always will be. Read by Leighton Pugh. Image description: The Marine Corps War Memorial, also known as Iwo Jima Memorial. Credit: DeAgostini/Getty Images

The sound from the mountains of Appalachiahas long been swelling at its banks, on the verge of spilling over the confines of folk and electronic music convention. Andrew Preston and Austin Tackett – The Woodsheep – aim to highlight the diversity, creativity, and storytelling that abound in their ever-evolving eastern Kentuckyhome by shoring up their own roots. Preston, whose solo records have been featured at the International Bluegrass Music Association Songwriting Showcase and on several public radio venues and publications, and Tackett, a finalist for Hoedown In The Holler, met as Morehead State students at the Kentucky Center for Traditional Music in 2014. The folk/bluegrass duet quickly evolved its own sound; Preston's experimental background and inclination to poetry coupled with Tackett's guitar virtuosity and knack for hooks came a blend of folk, electronic, and Americana. The contrast between the two lent itself to a blend of simple and infectious melodies, soaring vocal harmonies, contemplative lyrics, and foot-stomping rhythm. Their shows have since gained a reputation for mixing light-heartedness and nostalgia with inspired lyrics and arrangements; original indie songs mingle readily with covers of some of the greatest Appalachian folk standards. In 2016, the Woodsheep were joined by bassist Melissa Caskey and drummer Matt Holleran. That same year, their debut record, Watching Mars, was released worldwide, followed by a regional record release tour.

The topic of Neuro-Diversity and relationship is not an easy topic and yet Michelle and Andrew Preston not only have they found a way to have success in marriage. They even wrote the book and created a Tik Tok Chanel to help people get a look to have Friendship Love with Autism. Andrew lives with autism and his wife Michelle has joined his life and they both have loving marriage.https://a.co/d/7HvAsem

Andrew Preston offers a reassessment of America's Liberal Protestants, especially on the subject of race. And Pete Burkholder and Dana Schaffer discuss the national survey “History, the Past, and Public Culture.” In both parts, the question What is history? hovers just below, or above, the surface.

Our guest today is the award-winning teacher and scholar Beth Bailey. Beth is a Foundation Distinguished Professor in the Department of History and the Director of the Center for Military, War, and Society Studies at the University of Kansas, which includes the amazing resource for military history instructors - Teaching Military History. She is the author of America's Army: Making the All-Volunteer Force, Sex in the Heartland, The First Strange Place: Race and Sex in World War II Hawaii, and From Front Porch to Back Seat: Courtship in Twentieth-Century America. In addition, she has edited or co-edited numerous volumes, including Managing Sex in the U.S. Military, which she did with Kara Vuic; Alesha Doan; Shannon Portillo. Beth was educated at Northwestern and the University of Chicago. Before making the move to the University of Kansas, Beth taught at Barnard College, The University of New Mexico, and Temple University. She has spoken all over the world and was a Fulbright Scholar at the University of Indonesia. Beth's research has been supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, and the American Council of Learned Societies. She has received the Army Historical Foundation Distinguished Writing Award on two occasions, and she was elected to the Society of American Historians in 2017. In 2021, Beth was named an Andrew Carnegie Fellow. Finally, just yesterday she was named the recipient of the 2022 Balfour Jeffrey Award in Humanities and Social Sciences, which is one of the University of Kansas' prestigious Higuchi-KU Endowment Research Achievement Awards. Beth is the co-editor with Andrew Preston of the Military, War, and Society in Modern U.S. History series at Cambridge University Press and she is extremely active in a number of professional associations, including the Society for Military History. Beth is one of the most respected and generous people in the field of military history, and we are pleased that she made the time to sit down with us today. She's come far from parents who sat in the flea-infested Fox Theater in Atlanta on their first date and for one who is agnostic about Kansas basketball (living dangerously like that in Lawrence!)! Follow Beth on Twitter @BethLynnBailey. BONUS - Beth and her husband historian David Farber have one of the most spectacular prairie homes you'll ever see. Check out their Kansas Longhouse outside Lawrence. Rec. 01/25/2022

There was an editing error in the first edition of this entitled Benevolent Hegemony. It happens in the first 7 minutes so if you're already beyond that point everything else is fine. This is a re-release of that video. All the other content after 7 minutes is identical.    The Rest is History with Andrew Preston https://pca.st/beojaj4g  The Crucible of Empire from PBS https://youtu.be/8g8NpQsmxj4  Sword of the Spirit and the Shield of Faith https://amzn.to/34mfjyk Discord link. Good for just a few days. Check with more recent videos for a fresh link. https://discord.gg/VZpsyC9h Paul Vander Klay clips channel https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCX0jIcadtoxELSwehCh5QTg My Substack https://paulvanderklay.substack.com/ Estuary Hub Link https://www.estuaryhub.com/ If you want to schedule a one-on-one conversation check here. https://paulvanderklay.me/2019/08/06/converzations-with-pvk/ There is a video version of this podcast on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/paulvanderklay To listen to this on ITunes https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/paul-vanderklays-podcast/id1394314333  If you need the RSS feed for your podcast player https://paulvanderklay.podbean.com/feed/  All Amazon links here are part of the Amazon Affiliate Program. Amazon pays me a small commission at no additional cost to you if you buy through one of the product links here. This is is one (free to you) way to support my videos.  https://paypal.me/paulvanderklay To support this channel/podcast with Bitcoin (BTC): 37TSN79RXewX8Js7CDMDRzvgMrFftutbPo  To support this channel/podcast with Bitcoin Cash (BCH) qr3amdmj3n2u83eqefsdft9vatnj9na0dqlzhnx80h  To support this channel/podcast with Ethereum (ETH): 0xd3F649C3403a4789466c246F32430036DADf6c62 Blockchain backup on Lbry https://odysee.com/@paulvanderklay https://www.patreon.com/paulvanderklay Paul's Church Content at Living Stones Channel https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCh7bdktIALZ9Nq41oVCvW-A To support Paul's work by supporting his church give here. https://tithe.ly/give?c=2160640

On today's episode Tom and Dominic are joined by Andrew Preston, a Cambridge University professor whose new book focuses on religion in American war and diplomacy.What is the role of religion in the American outlook? How has it shaped foreign policy? What is the relationship between pacifistic religious ideals and a crusading mentality?Join us tomorrow for another episode, which focuses on more recent American history and its relationship with religion.Join The Rest Is History Club for ad-free listening to the full archive, weekly bonus episodes, live streamed shows and access to an exclusive chatroom community.Producer: Dom JohnsonExec Producer: Jack DavenportTwitter:@TheRestHistory@holland_tom@dcsandbrookEmail: restishistorypod@gmail.com See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

So we're gonna get into something a bit different this week. Not really truecrime, not unsolved, but definitely crazy. This is another one we got from a listener that we had no clue ever happened. While the official death toll of this incident is usually put at around 45, some estimates say it could be up to 2000. Those bodies are said to either have been dumped in the sea or buried in mass graves. So what was the incident about you ask? Well, long story very short… Bananas. We're gonna dive into what is simply known as the Banana massacre,  a crazy tale of a government squashing a banana strike with excessive force and what came after. Buckle up guys, here we go!   Before we start, I want to acknowledge the great sources of info for this episode. 90% of the information on this week's episode came from two amazing sources that had tons of info that we couldn't find anywhere else. First a paper by Jorge Enrique Elias Caro and Antonino Vidal Ortega on the website scielo.org was our source for the actual massacre info while an article called Rotten Fruit by Peter Chapman on the Financial Times website was our source for the company history.  So, let's start by talking about a fruit company. United Fruit company to be exact. United Fruit began life in the 1870s when Minor Cooper Keith, a wealthy young New Yorker, started growing bananas as a business sideline, alongside a railway line he was building in Costa Rica. Both ventures took off, and by 1890 he was married to the daughter of a former president of Costa Rica and owned vast banana plantations on land given to him by the state. The bananas were shipped to New Orleans and Boston, where demand soon began to outstrip supply.Keith teamed up with Andrew Preston, a Boston importer, and in 1899 they formed United Fruit. Bananas sold well for their tropical cachet: they were exotic, a luxury only affordable to the rich. But the rapidly rising output of United Fruit's plantations brought down prices. The company created a mass market in the industrial cities of the US north-east and Midwest. The once bourgeois banana became positively proletarian.   By the 1920s, United Fruit's empire had spread across Central America. It also included Jamaica, Cuba and the Dominican Republic. In South America the company owned chunks of Colombia and Ecuador. It came to dominate the European as well as the US banana markets with the help of its Great White Fleet of 100 refrigerated ships, the largest private navy in the world.   There are more than 300 varieties of banana, but United Fruit grew only one: the Gros Michel or ”Big Mike”. This variety suited most tastes; it was not too big or too small, too yellow or too sweet - if anything, it was a little bland. This was the forerunner of the transnational products we have today.           But mass production took its toll. In 1903, disease hit United Fruit's plantations in Panama. An array of pathogens kept up the attack, and the banana was discovered to have a genetic weakness. Its seeds are ill equipped for reproduction, so growers take cuttings from one plant to create another. The banana is a clone, with each inbred generation less resilient.    Although the banana was diseased, United Fruit marketed it as a product that exemplified good health. Banana diseases did not affect humans, and the fruit was said to be the cure for many ills: obesity, blood pressure, constipation - even depression. In 1929, United Fruit set up its own ”education department”, which supplied US schools with teaching kits extolling the benefits of the banana and the good works of the company. Meanwhile, United Fruit's ”home economics” department showered housewives with banana recipes.   One of United Fruit's most successful advertising campaigns began in 1944, designed to boost the banana's profile after its scarcity during the war. It featured Senorita Chiquita Banana, a cartoon banana who danced and sang in an exuberant Latin style. Senorita Chiquita bore a close resemblance to Carmen Miranda, the Brazilian entertainer who, in her ”tutti-frutti” hat, wowed Hollywood at the time. Sales soon regained prewar levels.   By the 1960s, the banana had become an inseparable accompaniment to the morning cereal of most American children. And today, in countries such as the US and Britain, it has ousted the apple as the most popular fruit. In the UK, figures indicate that more than 95 per cent of households buy bananas each week, and that more money is spent on them than on any other supermarket item, apart from petrol and lottery tickets.    Soooo sounds like a pretty typical big business rise to power by providing a wholesome treat to the people right? Wrong… There was more going on than almost everybody knew.    Over the years, United Fruit fought hard for low taxes and light regulation. By the beginning of the 20th century, troublesome anti-trust laws had been passed in the US to crack down on business behaviour such as price-fixing and other monopolistic practices. Taxes on large corporations were increased to fund welfare benefits in the US and fully fledged welfare states in Europe. But, with a centre of operations far from the lawmakers of Washington DC, United Fruit largely avoided all this.   The company also gained a reputation as being ruthless when crossed, and acted to remove governments that did not comply with its wishes. United Fruit had first shown its tough nature in the invasion of Honduras in 1911, which was planned by Sam ”The Banana Man” Zemurray, a business partner of United Fruit who later headed the company. Efforts by Zemurray and United Fruit to set up production in Honduras had been blocked by the Honduran government, which was fearful of the power it might wield. United Fruit was not so easily deterred. Zemurray financed an invasion, led by such enterprising types as ”General” (self-appointed) Lee Christmas and freelance trouble-shooter Guy ”Machine Gun” Molony. Thanks to United Fruit, many more exercises in ”regime change” were carried out in the name of the banana.   In 1941, the company hired a new consultant, Sigmund Freud's nephew, Edward Bernays, who had adapted the early disciplines of psychoanalysis to the marketplace. Bernays is known as the ”father of public relations” following his seminal 1928 book, Propaganda, in which he argued that it was the duty of the ”intelligent minority” of society to manipulate the unthinking ”group mind”. This, Bernays asserted, was for the sake of freedom and democracy.   United Fruit had become concerned about its image. In Central America, it was commonly known as el pulpo (the octopus) - its tentacles everywhere. In the US, United Fruit's territories were seen as troubled and forbidding. Under Bernays' guidance, the company began issuing a steady flow of information to the media about its work, rebranding the region as ”Middle America”.   America”.   In 1954, Bernays exercised his manipulative powers to get rid of the Guatemalan government. Democratically elected, it had taken some of United Fruit's large areas of unused land to give to peasant farmers. Bernays' response was to call newspaper contacts who might be amenable to the company view. Journalists were sent on ”fact finding” missions to Central America and, in particular, Guatemala, where they chased false stories of gunfire and bombs. In dispatches home, Guatemala became a place gripped by ”communist terror”.   The company looked, too, to friends in high places, both in the corridors of power and in the offices where the big decisions were made. During the Guatemalan crisis, John Foster Dulles, one of the world's most esteemed statesmen, was secretary of state. His brother, Allen Dulles, was head of the CIA. Both were former legal advisers to United Fruit. Together, the Dulles brothers orchestrated the coup that overthrew Guatemala's government in 1954.   Despite its ugly reputation, United Fruit often made philanthropic gestures.  Eli Black, chief executive of the United Fruit Company, played a part in coining the term ”corporate social responsibility” when, in reference to earthquake relief sent to Nicaragua in 1972, he extolled the company's deeds as ”our social responsibility”.  And in the 1930s, Sam Zemurray donated part of his fortune to a children's clinic in New Orleans. He later gave $1m to the city's Tulane University to finance ”Middle American'' research; he also funded a Harvard professorship for women. Philanthropy, however, did not prevent United Fruit's abuses, and, in the 1950s, the US government decided it had to act. The company's activities had caused such anti-US feeling in Latin America that leftwing revolutionaries such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara had prospered. And so Washington began to take away some of United Fruit's land.   Ironically, Castro had benefited from the presence of United Fruit in Cuba. His father, a sugar planter, leased land from the company, and had made enough money to afford a good upbringing for his children. Guevara had fought both United Fruit and the CIA during the Guatemalan coup; he maintained thereafter that Latin America had no choice but ”armed struggle”. At New Year 1959, Castro and Guevara seized power in Cuba and kicked out the US-supported regime of Fulgencio Batista.   Like an ailing dictator, United Fruit lashed out - and nearly took the world with it. In 1961, it lent part of its Great White Fleet to the CIA and Cuban exiles in the US who were plotting to overthrow Castro. When the Bay of Pigs invasion failed, Castro, fearing another attack, ushered in armaments from the Soviet Union, prompting the missile crisis of 1962.   United Fruit battled on through the 1960s, its product ever more the victim of disease. Big Mike flagged, died and gave way to the dessert banana most of the developed world eats today, the Cavendish. It was said to be ”disease resistant”. Now that's dying, too.   Eli Black took over the company in 1970, imagining he could turn it back into the colossus it once was. The early 1970s, however, were a terrible period for the image of multinational corporations. Chief among them, oil companies made huge profits from the crisis after the 1973 Middle East war, to the inflationary ruin of rich and poor countries alike. United Fruit became an embarrassment. It was weak where others, such as the oil moguls, remained strong. When its stock market value crashed and regulators moved in, it looked like natural selection.   Early on Monday February 3 1975, a man threw himself out of his office window, 44 floors above Park Avenue, New York. He had used his briefcase to smash the window, and then thrown it out before he leapt, scattering papers for blocks around. Glass fell on to the rush-hour traffic, but amazingly no one else was hurt. The body landed away from the road, near a postal service office. Postmen helped emergency workers clear up the mess so the day's business could carry on.    This jumper was quickly identified as Eli Black, chief executive of the United Fruit Company.   It emerged that Black, a devout family man, had bribed the Honduran president, Oswaldo Lopez Arellano, with $1.25m to encourage him to pull out of a banana cartel which opposed United Fruit. The story was about to come out in the US press. United Fruit's Central American plantations were also struggling with hurricane damage and a new banana disease. Facing disgrace and failure, Black took his own life. His death was shocking, not least because he had the reputation of a highly moral man. Wall Street was outraged, the company's shares crashed and regulators seized its books to prevent ”its further violation of the law”. The company subsequently disappeared from public view and was seemingly erased from the collective mind.   After the fall of the Berlin Wall, in 1989, in a born-again spirit of globalisation, the world's main banana companies picked up the free-market banner once carried by United Fruit. The companies - Chiquita, Del Monte and Dole from the US, and Noboa from Ecuador - did not have anything like the force of United Fruit individually, but they were still a formidable presence. Together they were known to their critics, if not to themselves, as the ”Wild Bunch”.   In the 1990s, the US took its case to the World Trade Organisation, the new high court of globalisation. The companies protested that west European countries unfairly protected the producers of so-called ”Fairtrade” bananas in former European colonies through a complex system of quotas and licences. The Wild Bunch characterised this as revamped colonialism and outmoded welfare state-ism and, instead, promoted their own ”Free Trade” bananas.   In the new millennium, after what had become a general trade war, the Europeans backed down and agreed to concessions. They did so with some rancour, protesting that Washington had again allowed itself to be manipulated by narrow interests. Some spoke of a return of the ”old and dark forces”. They were thinking of United Fruit.   Ok so that's kind of a basic history of United Fruit company to get us going in the right direction to talk about one of the most brutal things they carried out on their workers. You've seen the connection they had and the power they had.. Pretty nuts for a fucking banana company.    On the evening of October 5, 1928, the delegates for Colombia's banana workers in Magdalena gathered to discuss their grievances. Among their concerns were their long hours and low pay; one worker, Aristides López Rojano, remembered: “We worked from six in the morning until eleven and then from one in the afternoon until six.... The contractor paid the salary and reserved up to thirty percent for himself.” Erasmo Coronel (the one wearing the bowtie in the group portrait) spoke in favor of a strike, and the others agreed. At around five in the morning on October 6, 1928, the workers issued the United Fruit Company a list of nine demands.   Stop their practice of hiring through sub-contractors   Mandatory collective insurance   Compensation for work accidents   Hygienic dormitories and 6 day work weeks   Increase in daily pay for workers who earned less than 100 pesos per month   Weekly wage   Abolition of office stores   Abolition of payment through coupons rather than money   Improvement of hospital services   The strike turned into the largest labor movement ever witnessed in the country until then. Radical members of the Liberal Party, as well as members of the Socialist and Communist Parties, participated.   The workers wanted to be recognized as employees, and demanded the implementation of the Colombian legal framework of the 1920s.   After U.S. officials in Colombia and United Fruit representatives portrayed the workers' strike as "communist" with a "subversive tendency" in telegrams to Frank B. Kellogg, the United States Secretary of State, the United States government threatened to invade with the U.S. Marine Corps if the Colombian government did not act to protect United Fruit's interests. The Colombian government was also compelled to work for the interests of the company, considering they could cut off trade of Colombian bananas with significant markets such as the United States and Europe.   As there was no agreement the Government militarized the zone. The newspaper "La Prensa" published the following:   "MORE TROOPS FOR THE BANANERA REGION. We have been informed that the leaving of the Commissioner sent by the Industry Ministry due to the existing conflict between the workers and the company has turned the situation critical. For this reason, the War Ministry ordered the concentration of more troops in Ciénaga. Therefore, yesterday night, a numerous contingent was dispatched from here on a special ship"   By the end of November the Magdalena Agriculture Society tried to find a solution to the situation. They named a Commission and along with the Chief of the Work Office and the workers' delegates would have a meeting with the UFC since the conflict was affecting everyone's interests. The multinational rejected meeting the Commission stating that the workers were out of the law. The representatives of the workers left for Ciénaga with the aim of convincing their fellow workers to abandon the region. They also demanded the arbitration as a last legal resort.   Social Party (PSR) founded in 1927 in Bogotá. The strike was also supported by the national and departmental union leaders ascribed to the Magdalena Workers Federation, the Magdalena Worker Union and the General Union of Workers of the Union Society (popularly known as the Yellow Union which integrated railway, port and construction workers of Santa Marta).   The first week of December everything was at a standstill, without a solution. The company hired a steamboat and brought 200 military men and took over the town hall without the mayor's authorization. To this respect the Ciénaga newspaper "Diario del Córdoba" noted:   "We do not know who ordered changing the town house into a campsite of troops, but we are certain that the municipality spokesman was not consulted for this illegal occupation. He would have certainly opposed it since there was no alteration of public order according to the norms in force. We see that the procedures here are "manu militari", without any consideration under the obvious alarm of these peoples, panic in society and business."   Military roadblocks were displayed. Trains were searched and the army prevented strikers from using them33. Tension increased and temporary workers started to return to their hometowns. Military pressure blocked the communication systems and the mail, telephones, telegraph and even the press stopped working. The strikers seized the train from Ciénaga to the plantations and they prevented its exit during the day.   On December 3rd, the press was conscious of the extreme situation: The situation of the Banana Strike is worse than ever. Especially because of the uneasiness caused by the Governor's Office for having called the Army. Any kind of meeting was banned, as it was assumed that they questioned the state legitimacy and stability and the government decisions. This measure outraged workers, because some detentions took place in Ciénaga and they were justified by the police since some documents of an apparently communist campaign were confiscated.   From this moment on, American Diplomats started to worry for the security of the American employees up to the point that the Government of the United States sent a ship to Santa Marta for the protection of their citizens as was stated by the US ambassador in Bogotá. He made clear that it was not a war cruise. Anyhow, it was possible to confirm that in the ports of Ciénaga and Santa Marta war ships docked with the aim of reinforcing troops.    To break the strike, on December 2nd, a military contingent of 300 men arrived in Ciénaga from the interior of the country. The major of the zone considered that these soldiers would be better at facing the situation than those native of the region. At the same time that same day some municipalities protested against the disposition of the governor's office. The workers exodus continued, the general situation of commerce aggravated, many commercial houses closed and some of them stopped paying their debts alleging the scarce security conditions and low sales. Similarly occurred with the stores of the UFC which closed due to lack of business activity. There was a total lack of supplies of basic products in the banana zone.   With the excuse that in Ciénaga the strikers were committing all kinds of outrages, the army seized the train to mobilize troops to the different towns, preventing normal circulation; this information proved false and the train returned to Cienaga during the first hours of the next day. The community remained isolated and without the possibility to use the train as a transportation means. The train was used by the militaries for the surveillance of plantations.   A State of Siege declaration was expected and this increased tension among strikers who organized collective bodies in different locations to prevent the work of producers. Detentions continued. The train detention by the military and the impossibility to take bananas out due to the positions of the strikers and small landowners, the harvested fruit began to rot.   The Workers Union used the newspaper Vanguardia Obrera and other pasquinades to inform about their position and to keep public opinion updated. On December 5th, alleging that the strikers had managed to get weapons, the government decreed the State of Siege. This was not made public to the workers and for this reason they became more exacerbated.   A pressure mechanism used to obtain the support of merchants was the fact of creating solidarity to boycott the public market stores and other commercial firms if the transaction was not authorized by the Workers Union. This way, merchants could not sell if they did not have the "permission". To accomplish this policy the union had 5.000 workers acting as vigilantes. This situation led the UFC to ask the government if the State was in condition to protect its interests. The State response was dubious. In its effort to reach an equilibrium between the pressure of the company and that of the workers, it submitted a communication where it stated that it would analyse the situation and would take the corresponding steps.   The workers' unrest for not feeling the State support led them to radicalization of their protest and since that moment, seizures of banana farms took place in different municipalities. There were confrontations between land owners, the military and the workers. It is worth mentioning the events in Sevilla, where workers detained a group of soldiers.   As the tension increased with this last event the Ministry Council declared general alteration of public order on December 5th, and gave special faculties to Minister Arrazola to act as a mediator between the parties and positioned General Cortés Vargas as Civil and Military Chief. This intervention was justified by the economic losses of the socio-economic and political system of the nation because it had been estimated that up to that moment the losses exceeded one million dollars and given the fact that the fierce position of the workers had stopped communications and transportations and even there had been seizures in several localities and there was fear concerning the situation of Santa Marta.   The government sent information to the United Press as follows: "The government has decreed the State of Siege in the Province of Santa Marta where the workers of the United Fruit Company maintain a strike lasting several days. General Carlos Cortés Vargas has been appointed Civil and Military Chief". On the other hand, the national press and especially that of the capital announced: " there has never been a longer and more numerous strike in the country than this of the workers of Magdalena. Thirty-two thousand workers have been in total inactivity for more than thirty days in the banana region, there are no signs that this situation will have a favourable solution"   Events reached their peak in Ciénaga. The workers had concentrated for a pacific demonstration in the evening of the 5th of December. The Governor Nuñez Roca decreed the dispersion of the demonstration. The workers did not receive this well; they declared that authorities had taken this decision with the support of the UFC and the militaries without the presence of workers' representatives. This made clear to them that authorities were defending the interests of the Company and the local "bananacracy"and not theirs as Colombian workers. The concentration ended in a protest.   The militaries obeyed the orders of the Governor and it was authorized to follow orders and demand the workers to dissolve the demonstration as it was not authorized.   The text was read in the square and at the same time the troop took positions. There were approximately 1.500 strikers in the square.   The army gave the strikers 15 minutes to disperse and the workers' answer was a the massive agitation of the Colombian flags and shouts related to the workers movement. The army responded with drumbeats and the menace to repel the strikers. Three bugle warnings were given, but nevertheless the strikers remained in their positions. A deep silence reigned in the square and the menace of the army became an unfortunate reality when the shout "Shoot" was uttered. Rifles and machine guns were discharged against the defenceless and unarmed demonstrators. In minutes the ground of the square was tinted with blood.   Once the attack of the army against their own fellow citizens ended, the sight was dantesque. The cadavers, the wounded and their relatives were troubling scenes. These events took place at the dawn of December 6th: a brutal aggression against a workers' demonstration.   The news invaded the media and the first chronicles appeared with living information about the tragic balance of the events. The first report on the newspaper "La Prensa" from Barranquilla informed of 8 people killed and 20 wounded. After a week, the same newspaper mentioned 100 dead and 238 wounded. Meanwhile official sources and diplomatic communications signalled the number of people killed as being 1.000. This number, and along with other kind of testimonies collected, agree that the number of killings was over a thousand and that the militaries loaded the trains with the corpses and buried them in mass graves in inaccessible areas and up to the present times they have not been localized.   This repression caused a massive exodus of the terrified population. They abandoned the zone and migrated to different parts of the country for fear of military persecution and arrestment. Many of them left their scarce possessions behind.   National and international media widely covered this event. Both the UFC and the government tried to manipulate the information to protect their image. The press echoed and broadcasted the sometimes biased news, informing about "combats" between the army troops and the "revolutionaries" and that as a result of these combats, 8 "bandits" were killed and 20 were wounded. The War Ministry insisted that "in Magdalena there was no strike, but a revolution".   Other newspapers such as "La Prensa" from Barranquilla, issued their edition of December 8th in red characters as a reference to this event that brought mourning to the entire country and as a symbolic commemorative act.   Referring to a communication sent to the United Press, the War Ministry informed officially that in the attack of the strikers against the troops there had been 8 dead and 20 wounded and that in order to control the revolutionary outbreaks against state order, the immediate mobilization of more troops had been ordered. They would arrive from cities of the interior of the country. It also emphasised the position of the government that the workers' situation in Magdalena was delicate and that vigorous decisions had to be taken in order to solve this issue. It also informed that beside Ciénaga, other localities had to be intervened.   The Times from New York informed in a biased and extended way that the turmoil in the Colombian Banana Region was provoked by Mexican incendiaries, who had led the process of the Mexican Revolution, two decades earlier. It also gave details about the aspects of the banana strike that were consequences of the expiration of the Barco Concession .   At the same time the UFC issued a press communication to the New York agencies and the worldwide correspondents declaring: "the difficult situation experienced during the past days in the Colombian banana region, where the company has valuable interests, has quite improved in the last 24 hours and the dispatches sent from the scene, give rise to expectations for a prompt solution of the conflict surged between the workers and the company which ended in an extended strike of revolutionary nature".   While the American press provided biased information, trying to defend the multinational interests and that of their government, the national press analysed the situation with greater objectivity. The daily newspaper "El Tiempo" from Bogotá commented in an extended note that most of the claims of the strikers were righteous improvement of working conditions. Nevertheless, due to its conservative position, the editorial stated that they did not agree with the strike since they considered that the workers had a bad leadership and they made the leaders responsible for what had happened. They reminded the authorities that force is not the supreme reason as the only system to solve a conflict since violence is not a valid option to impose certain vindications.   In response to these events and as a protest for the massacre, several offices of the United Fruit and the railway were set on fire and destroyed. The hard situation caused by the army repression and the lack of jobs led to the assault of the company's stores where people seized food.    "It is not about fixing anyhow a difficult situation, it is about avoiding more critical events in the immediate future. Therefore we need a wise, prudent, political Colombian, who does not forget the circumstances regarding the conflict. Someone who does not forget how the United Fruit Company manipulates the political and civil life of Magdalena and who does not think it indispensable to send troops for hunting workers as animals. Someone who will not be hard and inflexible with them and subordinated and honey mouthed with the company agents"   After the massacre, the workers who managed to escape emigrated to other areas of the region and new versions of the events started to become public. It was the version of the defeated. This version informed the public opinion about the concentration in the Ciénaga square and not in farms as had been informed by authorities to justify the fact of not being able to notify the exact number of deaths.   On December 10th after a convulsed weekend, the headings announced "the revolutionaries' flee in stampede to the Sierra Nevada," "government troops completely defeated the strikers "; the War Minister informs that there were more deaths during the last combats". In general, the press informed about a revolutionary movement which confronted the military forces and that the army was responding with rigor, but that there had not been any excess on their part. The banana zone was returning to normal, as well as the train service between Ciénaga and Santa Marta and the steam boat service between Ciénaga and Barranquilla. They also informed that since public order had been reestablished, businesses had already opened and that the exodus of the population had ended.   General Cortés Vargas issued a decree through which the revolutionaries of Magdalena were declared a gang of outlaws. The decree consisted of three articles and in one section, as a justification, it was stated that the rebel strikers committed all kinds of outrages: arson in public and private property, pillage, interruption of telegraphic and telephonic communications, destruction of railways, assault of citizens who did not agree with their communist and anarchist doctrine. This was the justification for decreeing martial law to give security to citizens and to re-establish public order. On the other hand the workers' leaders and accessories should be prosecuted to face their responsibilities. And to finish, the public force was authorized to use their guns.   At the same time troops were sent to avoid the surviving strikers' flee to the Sierra Nevada and the Departament of Atlántico. To accomplish this all the towns neighbouring the banana zone were alerted. Numerous detentions occurred and the prisoners were sent to Ciénaga to be judged by a Martial Court.   Wow…. Fucking bananas caused all this shit… Well obviously not than JUST bananas but holy shit man.    So the crazy thing is United Fruit company continued to operate did so long after this incident until eventually after the the suicide of Eli Black things unraveled and the company went away. Or did it? Well it did not. In fact the company is now still a huge banana company called… Chiquita! But at least all that bullshit is on the past… Oh wait wait… No it's not!    While Chiquita is not actively massacring people, in 2007, it admitted to paying $1.7 million to the United Self-Defense Forces of Columbia (A.U.C.), a far-right paramilitary group responsible for thousands of killings and some of the worst massacres in Colombia. The A.U.C. was designated by the United States as a terrorist group at the time and Chiquita was forced to pay $25 million for violating counterterrorism laws. In particular, the A.U.C. targeted labor leaders, liquidated problem employees, and removed people from lands needed for cultivation.   “They are so bad that in 2001, even the Bush administration was forced to designate them as a terrorist organization,” said Terry Collingsworth, a Labor and Human Rights Attorney. He proceeds to say that multinational corporations had automatically aligned with the A.U.C. “They've made it safe for business here. That's what they do.” Collingsworth states, from his and his associates' reporting, that Chiquita likely paid much more than $1.7 million to the A.U.C.   Over much of the 20th century, banana companies like United Fruit effectively took over governments in countries like Guatemala and Honduras, leading to the countries' model being known as “banana republics”. A banana republic would describe politically unstable countries economically dependent on bananas as a sole export and product, and it has been diversified to include other limited-resource products. The CIA would strong-arm these governments to protect the business interests of banana companies at the expense of workers and people who lived in those countries, often propping up repressive regimes. With a historic priority of keeping the costs of bananas low, banana companies were willing to do whatever it took to keep prices low, from stifling labor movements, keeping wages low, and strong-arming governments. The United Fruit Company did it then, and Chiquita Brands does it now.   In 1999, President Clinton apologized to Guatemala, saying that “support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake.” Movies:   Horror movies about killer food   https://screenrant.com/funniest-horror-b-movies-murderous-food/

Grand strategy is an elusive beast. Everybody wants some. We all agree it's important but nobody can agree exactly what it is. And everybody wants to teach about the topic. A BETTER PEACE welcomes Christopher McKnight Nichols and Andrew Preston to the virtual studio, who along with Doctor Elizabeth Borgwardt, have edited a fascinating new essay collection Rethinking American Grand Strategy from Oxford University Press. The two join podcast editor Ron Granieri to discuss the how the book came about, and their contributions to the grand strategy conversation.

Grand strategy can be a vexing term. While many people understand grand strategy to be an important expression of the way in which countries wield their power, there can often be confusion as to exactly what the term "grand strategy" encompasses. (For listeners eager to explore more on this, Vol. 2, Iss. 1 of Texas National Security Review contains three excellent scholarly articles on grand strategy.) In this episode of Horns of Dilemma, we hear from a collection of authors and editors who are part of a recent book project arguing for a more capacious understanding of grand strategy.  Rethinking American Grand Strategy, published by Oxford University Press this past spring, contains a collection of essays looking at different frameworks, narratives, figures, and approaches to grand strategy. Two of the editors of the volume — Chris Nichols and Andrew Preston — are joined by three authors — Adriane Lentz-Smith, Charlie Edel, and Will Inboden — to discuss the book and their contributions to it. This event was sponsored by the Clements Center at the University of Texas, Austin, and hosted by Professor Jeremy Suri of the University of Texas, Austin.

No war has divided public opinion more than the conflict in Vietnam. Andrew Preston, Cambridge University Professor of American History, joins Dominic Sandbrook and Tom Holland to discuss the international politics surrounding the conflict.A Goalhanger Films & Left Peg Media productionProduced by Jack DavenportExec Producer Tony PastorTwitter:@TheRestHistory@holland_tom@dcsandbrookEmail: restishistorypod@gmail.com See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Beverly Gage, Christopher Nichols, and Andrew Preston sit down with James M. Lindsay to discuss what grand strategy means and its role in U.S. history. Beverly Gage is professor of twentieth century American history and director of the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale University. Christopher Nichols is director of the Center for the Humanities and the Sandy and Elva Sanders Eminent professor in the Honors College at Oregon State University. Andrew Preston is professor of American history at the University of Cambridge, where he is a fellow of Clare College.

Dr Alan Mendoza starts the show discussing Forbes' Billionaire list and how the rich have profited from the pandemic. Dr Andrew Preston speaks to Mike regarding vaccines. Chris Hobbs speaks about police violence as a Dad that stood up to bullies was left fighting for his life. Finally LaDona Harvey gives Mike an update on Tiger Woods' car crash and the George Floyd murder trial. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

EYE 2 THE SKY - UFO SYNOPSIS w Dee Andrew Guest Preston Dennet 11 02 10

United States foreign policy is of great interest to all Americans because of the important thread in the American narrative that says we should use our blessings of freedom and wealth to benefit the world: foreign policy matters. The burning question for us is, how did religion influence American foreign policy and war? To help us answer this question we will talk with Andrew Preston, Professor of American History at the University of Cambridge and author of Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy. Mr. Preston specializes in the history of American foreign relations, specifically the intersection between national and international, including the influence that domestic politics and culture – particularly religion – have had on conduct of U.S. foreign policy. Also, as with each episode in our podcast series “Religion in the American Experience”, we hope listeners come away with a better comprehension of what religion has done to America and what America has done to religion, and thus more fully comprehend the necessity of this idea of religious freedom to America fulfilling her purposes in the world. Please go to https://storyofamericanreligion.org/sign-up/ and sign up for notifications of future episodes!

EYE 2 THE SKY - UFO SYNOPSIS W Dee Andrew Guest Preston Dennett

EYE 2 THE SKY - UFO SYNOPSIS W Dee Andrew Guest Preston Dennett

Still confused about COVID-19? Join us whilst we clear up the confusion on all things coronavirus, vaccine and conspiracy related. We chat to Sam, a volunteer in the Oxford COVID-19 vaccine trials, Dr Andrew Preston, an expert in microbiology and students, Liv andMartha about their experiences. Presented by Sabrina Davis, guests: Olivia Cox, Martha Munro, Dr Andrew Preston and Sam Crine.

EYE 2 THE SKY - UFO SYNOPSIS W Dee Andrew Guest David Andrew guest Preston Denanett 082308

Eye to the Sky - the UFO synopsis w/ Dee Andrew Guest: Preston Dennett 081107

In this second round of restrictions, the lockdown is no longer national. But a regional approach is full of political perils (00:45). Plus, the real reason to be disappointed in Aung San Suu Kyi (12:50) and is Sally Rooney's Normal People just overrated (26:15). With The Spectator's political editor James Forsyth; Middlesbrough mayor Andrew Preston; historian Francis Pike; the Myanmar bureau chief for Reuters Poppy McPherson; journalist Emily Hill; and The Times's deputy books editor James Marriott. Presented by Cindy Yu. Produced by Cindy Yu and Max Jeffery.

In this second round of restrictions, the lockdown is no longer national. But a regional approach is full of political perils (00:45). Plus, the real reason to be disappointed in Aung San Suu Kyi (12:50) and is Sally Rooney's Normal People just overrated (26:15).With The Spectator's political editor James Forsyth; Middlesbrough mayor Andrew Preston; historian Francis Pike; the Myanmar bureau chief for Reuters Poppy McPherson; journalist Emily Hill; and The Times's deputy books editor James Marriott.Presented by Cindy Yu.Produced by Cindy Yu and Max Jeffery.

The Vintage Rebellion welcome Andrew Preston and Jason Smith to take us through Episode 65 as this months rotating guests. Andrew brings us some very special guest interviews from Echo Live: from the Original Trilogy and the collecting world.  Pete sits down to talk about MOCs ("Mint on Cards" if you are American) with Jonathan Robinson during this months main interview. Rich is helped out this month on Rebel Briefings as Jason Smith talks Kellerman Matrix v. 2 with Stephane Faucourt and we all give our opinions on the recent Echo Live event. License to thrill continues looking at a license that Rich is particularly fond of - Kelloggs.  Jonathan McElwain brings his knowledge to the section to bring order to our cornflake chaos. All this plus the usual quizzes, Rapid Fire and shenanigans Enjoy the Show!!! Intro28:36 Echo interviews34:53 Auction Talk35:20 Horsing around with a helmet in Daventry at the Propstore48:14 Vectis 53:42 Quiz 01:09:52 No apologies from Captain Needa01:13:55 NA New Format01:31:25 Rebel Briefings02:18:19 More Echo's from Redditch02:23:59 Main Interview with Jonathan Robinson03:30:12 Licence to Thrill - Kelloggs03:55:35 Rapid Fire with Jonathan Robinson03:58:31 Outro and stuff          

The Vintage Rebellion welcome Andrew Preston and Mark Daniels to take us through Episode 64 as this months rotating guests. Alistair Kirkland takes Stuart and Richard through his expansive and impressive collection during this months main interview, Stuart's delighted as Alistair is a Sigma nut who has recently finished his Sigma run. Rich is joined by Ben Sheehan as they take a look at the new book from Kim Simmons.  As well as this Rich guides us through his time at the Star Wars Annual event before celebrating the fact that Farthest From has a Christmas date. Pete continues his License to thrill section, this month looking at a license close to his heart and focus, Deka. NA sees the lads look at a whole array of items including Walkie Talkies, Huffy Push Bikes and Knitted Cardigans and finishes with a focal look at Boba Fett. All this plus the usual quizzes, Rapid Fire and a countdown to the awesome Echo Live event. And much more inbetween. Enjoy the Show!!!   Show Time Stamps 0.00.53   Welcomes0.03.31   Thank You To The Listeners0.04.48   Trailer Discussion (Ep9 and Madalorian)0.11.57   Echo Live0.14.18   Chance Meeting with Stuart Freeborn0.23.02   TVR Acquisitions0.37.49   Quiz1.06.00   Rebel Briefings1.06.55   Interview with Ben Sheehan (Kim Simmons Book)1.33.17   Star Wars Annual Review2.09.57   Farthest From Announced2.15.09   Interview with Alistair Kirkland3.14.51   License To Thrill : Deka3.44.32   Newest Acquisitions3.44.48   NA - Sears Diecast Landspeeder Mailer3.45.46   NA - Boba Fett Hand Knitted Cardigan3.48.33   NA - Toy Toni Gamorrean Guard3.53.43   NA - Huffy Push Bike4.01.59   NA - Oral B Store Display4.07.25   NA - Sheet Music4.13.20   NA - Ralph McQuarrie ESB Portfolio4.17.49   NA - Actone Walkie Talkies4.20.41   NA - Main Topic : Boba Fett4.53.56   Star Wars Tracker Top 54.55.27   From The Vault : From Ep22 with Brian Rachfal and Brendi Burton5.31.51   Rapid Fire with Alistair Kirkland5.34.55   Going for Gold Leader5.37.25   Feedback5.43.12   Podcast Departure5.44.53   Goodbyes5.46.58   Out Takes

Throughout history, how have Americans thought about their own self-defense? Have they always thought about it like they do today — as expansive, global, and ideological? Andrew Preston discusses these questions by looking at the history of the idea of national security and how it is different today than in the past, the topic of his current book project. This talk took place at the University of Texas at Austin and was sponsored by the Clements Center.   Andrew Preston is Professor of American History and a Fellow of Clare College at Cambridge University. His work focuses on war and foreign relations, including how it intersects with domestic politics and culture. He is the author or editor of seven books, including Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy (Knopf, 2012) and, most recently, American Foreign Relations: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, 2019).   Music and Production by Tre Hester

The life of Andrew Preston is not the kind that makes it to the headlines or lives in our memories for very long. Andrew was a young suburban guy who drifted around the fringes of Australia’s biggest cities, living in various kinds of temporary accommodation, with various kinds of temporary girlfriends, working in various kinds of temporary jobs and taking pretty heavy drugs. He’s not the kind of guy anyone even really notices is missing, except his mum.Warning: please be advised this episode contains graphic content.Show notes for Episode 88:Your hosts are Meshel Laurie and Emily WebbWith thanks to Narelle FraserIf you liked this episode, you might like Episode 72 - The Cold Case Disappearance of Katie O’Shea Our first Patreon Ask Me Anything episode is coming up. Got a question for Emily and Meshel? All you have to do is email us at hello@australiantruecrimepodcast.com with ‘AMA' in the Subject, include your question, first name and suburb. We'll answer as many of your questions as we can in the bonus episode just for Patrons.Like us on Facebook ​Follow us on Instagram or TwitterSupport us on PatreonListen on Apple PodcastsListen on Google PodcastsListen on SpotifyIf you have any information on the cases covered by this podcast, please contact Crime Stoppers on 1800 333 000.Thank you for listening! See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This week on Beer Sessions Radio, Jimmy focuses on what it really means to be ‘local.’ Joining him is Andrew Preston the owner of Hicksville Beer & Soda and the founder of the Local to Locals Program. Local to Locals is a certification mark that affirms both a product and its retailer are locally owned. Andrew founded the enterprise to help consumers invest 100% of their money into local businesses, rather than shopping for local products in big-box stores. Right now Andrew’s priority is expanding his network and some of his partners join the conversation as well. Ken Landin, the owner of Crossroads Brewing, Anthony Tartaglia and Joseph Mele from Coastal Kitchen & Daiquiri Bar, and Matt Archambault from Brewed in New York are all in the studio. Together they discuss educational efforts, collaborations, and where they like to eat and drink locally. Beer List: Crossroads, Black Rock Stout Crossroads, New Normal Unfiltered IPA Destination Unknown, Milkshake IPA Fifth Hammer, Cashmere Kid Fifth Hammer, Iron Orchid Imperial Stout Fifth Hammer, Pineappledactyl Fifth Hammer Solar Lemur Spider Bite, Chocolate Coconut Porter

David talks to Andrew Preston about how America sees its place in the world and what has changed recently. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

From the G7 to the Singapore summit, it's Trump's world: we just live in it. This week we try to get some perspective on these spectacular events. Is Trump's behaviour really unprecedented for an American president? What is the point of the G7? Where is his relationship with Kim heading? Plus we compare with summits past: Nixon in China, Reagan & Gorbachev, or something new? With Helen Thompson and Andrew Preston, who gives a Canadian view. Next week: Grenfell. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Andrew Preston, author of the 2013 Lionel Gelber Prize longlisted book “Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy”, speaks with Robert Steiner, Director, Fellowships in Global Journalism at the Munk School of Global Affairs.

In the week Trump tours Asia and with the Paradise Papers shining a light on tax avoidance, we talk about what's really going on: from the Mueller investigation to the latest developments in Saudi Arabia, and from Lithuania to Lebanon, we try to connect the dots. With Jason Sharman, author of The Despot's Guide to Wealth Management, historian Andrew Preston, Helen Thompson and Aaron Rapport. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

We're joined this week by historian Andrew Preston to talk about how Trump fits into America's religious traditions - and how he doesn't. Why is his support so strong among evangelicals? What makes his foreign policy different from American crusades in the past? Can Trump be saved? Plus we catch up with the latest news from Korea - not good. With Aaron Rapport. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

October 24, 2012 The Religious Freedom Project hosted a discussion of two books, which chronicle the history of religion’s role in American foreign policy, and speculate about future threats to religious liberty. The morning session addressed Sword of the Spirit Shield of Faith, Andrew Preston’s sweeping history of religion’s role in U.S. foreign policy. From colonial times through the Reagan Administration and beyond, Preston (Cambridge University) makes the case that religion’s role in shaping American foreign policy has been both pivotal and under-appreciated. Sword of the Spirit Shield of Faith is Preston’s attempt to fill this critical gap in the diplomatic history of the United States. The afternoon session addressed Challenges to Religious Liberty in the Twenty-First Century, edited by Gerard Bradley (Notre Dame).

October 24, 2012 The Religious Freedom Project hosted a discussion of two books, which chronicle the history of religion’s role in American foreign policy, and speculate about future threats to religious liberty. The morning session addressed Sword of the Spirit Shield of Faith, Andrew Preston’s sweeping history of religion’s role in U.S. foreign policy. From colonial times through the Reagan Administration and beyond, Preston (Cambridge University) makes the case that religion’s role in shaping American foreign policy has been both pivotal and under-appreciated. Sword of the Spirit Shield of Faith is Preston’s attempt to fill this critical gap in the diplomatic history of the United States. The afternoon session addressed Challenges to Religious Liberty in the Twenty-First Century, edited by Gerard Bradley (Notre Dame).

Publons co-founder Andrew Preston on his Wellington startup's sale to US multinational Clarivate. Read more ($): https://www.nbr.co.nz/article/wellington-startup-publons-sold-multi-million-deal-ck-p-204149

In the small town of Dayton, Tennessee, the morning of Friday July 10, 1925 was blisteringly hot. Outside the country courtroom, a crowd of around 1000 people had gathered. Squeezing through the throng came a young schoolteacher and athletics coach, John Scopes. Scopes was accompanied by Clarence Darrow, one of the most famous lawyers in the United States. But when a cheer went up from the assembled mass, it was not for Scopes or Darrow, but for the elderly, burly figure of Williams Jennings Bryan. Lawyer, moralist, three times Presidential candidate, religious authority, and key figure in the Populist movement of the 1890s. These two legal titans were here to defend and prosecute John Scopes. His crime was admitting to teaching Darwinian evolution in defiance of a state law banning the promulgation of evolutionary theory.  The Scopes Trial has entered popular myth and legend, claimed as a victory by both sides, misrepresented and misunderstood in film and literature. So, in Episode 17 of American History Too! we’re going to look at the 1925 Scopes Trial and try to get to the heart of what was actually going on. Reading List Barry Hankins, Jesus and Gin:  Evangelicalism, the Roaring Twenties and Today’s Culture Wars (Palgrave Macmillan, 2010) Edward J. Larson, Summer for the Gods: The Scopes Trial and America’s Continuing Debate Over Science and Religion (Harvard University Press, 1998) Michael Lienisch, In the Beginning: Fundamentalism, the Scopes Trial, and the Making of the Antievolution Movement (University of North Carolina Press, 2007) Jeffrey P. Moran, The Scopes Trial: A Brief History With Documents (Bedford/St Martin’s, 2002) Ronald Numbers, Darwinism Comes to America (Harvard University Press, 1998) Charles Postel, The Populist Vision (Oxford University Press, 2007) Andrew Preston, Sword of the Spirit, Shield of Faith: Religion in American War and Diplomacy (Anchor Books, 2012) Adam Shapiro, Trying Biology: The Scopes Trial, Textbooks, and the Antievolution Movement in American Schools (University of Chicago Press, 2014) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices