Podcasts about bogot

Hace noticia el exconcejal de Bogotá y cabeza de lista a la Cámara por Bogotá por el Centro Democrático, Andrés Forero, quien denunció que la alcaldesa Claudia López destinó medio millón de pesos de los contribuyentes para su maquillaje. El candidato a la Cámara afirmó que "es una indelicadeza que raya de la corrupción", y que ya fue la política suya gastar miles de millones en una consulta anticorrupción que no paso". Forero también se mostró crítico frente a los incumplimientos electorales de la mandataria capitalina, recordó que en elecciones decía y que no iba a extender el pico y placa y que ahora en el poder lo extendió.

Poco después que su gobierno lo nombrara cónsul en París el 12 de marzo de 1903, nació su segundo hijo con Francisca Sánchez, que era su tercera esposa. A este hijo le puso por nombre el mismo que le había puesto a su primogénito con su primera esposa, y que le habría de poner al próximo. Era el nombre literario con el cual el mundo lo conocía a él. Para distinguirlo de los otros, a este hijo lo apodó «Phocás, el campesino». En febrero de 1905 retornó con Francisca a España, donde a escasos dos años de nacido, falleció el pequeño «Phocás». Era su tercer hijo que muriera en la infancia. Tal vez se deba a esa tercera muerte trágica que a la primera parte de su nuevo libro le pusiera por título: Cantos de vida y esperanza, que dedicó a José Enrique Rodó. Pero fue Juan Ramón Jiménez, a quien dedicó la segunda parte titulada Los Cisnes, el que lo ayudó a preparar esa colección de poemas para la Tipografía de la Revista de Archivos. He aquí uno de esos Cantos, al que Rubén Darío tituló «Los tres reyes magos»: —Yo soy Gaspar. Aquí traigo el incienso. Vengo a decir: La vida es pura y bella. Existe Dios. El amor es inmenso. ¡Todo lo sé por la divina Estrella! —Yo soy Melchor. Mi mirra aroma todo. Existe Dios. Él es la luz del día. La blanca flor tiene sus pies en lodo. ¡Y en el placer hay la melancolía! —Soy Baltasar. Traigo el oro. Aseguro que existe Dios. Él es el grande y fuerte. Todo lo sé por el lucero puro que brilla en la diadema de la Muerte. —Gaspar, Melchor y Baltasar, callaos. Triunfa el amor, y a su fiesta os convida. ¡Cristo resurge, hace la luz del caos y tiene la corona de la Vida!1 En estos versos el ilustre poeta nicaragüense se vale del diálogo que crea entre los tres reyes para tratar los temas de la existencia de Dios y la coexistencia de lo bueno y lo malo. Con el testimonio de cada personaje reafirma la existencia de Dios, y con una blanca flor que crece en medio del negro lodo ilustra la coexistencia de la luz y el caos, el placer y la melancolía, y la vida y la muerte. Si no fuera por el relato bíblico de los tres reyes, no habría motivo para dar ni recibir regalos como parte de la Navidad. La fiesta de la Epifanía que celebramos cada 6 de enero es, por definición, la de la manifestación de Cristo a esos tres hombres sabios, con lo cual Dios daba a entender que la salvación que traía su Hijo era un regalo para toda la humanidad. Tenía razón Rubén Darío. Dios nos convida a una fiesta, la de las bodas de su Hijo. En esa fiesta habrá de celebrarse el triunfo de su amor y de su luz divina sobre el caos de nuestra vida pasada. Pero sólo podrán asistir los que le rindan su vida a Él y le sean fieles hasta la muerte, pues es a éstos a quienes dará la corona de la vida.2 Carlos ReyUn Mensaje a la Concienciawww.conciencia.net 1 Rubén Darío, Poesía, 2a ed. (Caracas: Fundación Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1985), p. 250,488‑553; Rubén Darío, Antología poética, p. 48, y A Propósito de Rubén Darío y su obra (Bogotá: Editorial Norma, 1994), pp. 129‑144. 2 Ap 2:10

En este episodio nuestro invitado es Camilo Salinas, co-fundador de Residia, la startup Colombiana que ha desarrollado una plataforma tecnológica para ayudar a las comunidades en conjuntos residenciales de Latinoamérica a manejar todo lo concerniente a la copropiedad y administración de la misma, así como eventos comunitarios y comunicación entre vecinos. Camilo actualmente es estudiante de Ingeniería de sistemas en la Universidad de los Andes de Bogotá, Colombia, carrera que escogió después de aprender a programar de manera autónoma viendo videos en youtube y buscando información en Google, con el objetivo de programar la posibilidad de compartir su juego de Minecraft con sus amigos. Después de lograrlo, llegó a monetizar una comunidad de miles de jugadores mensualmente, lo cuál como el mismo lo llama "le daba para los dulces"...traducción, podía comprar un nuevo juego de xbox cada mes. Esta fue la primera aproximación que tuvo Camilo a lo que era generar ingresos utilizando internet. Más adelante ya en su vida universitaria, la idea de construir un proyecto que pudiera convertirse en empresa, lo encontró durante un curso de innovación y producto en la universidad, y a partir de ahi comenzó este viaje en el mundo emprendedor que lo ha llevado a experiencias únicas. Camilo ha sido el primer colombiano en llegar a la final de los Global Student Entrepreneur Awards; certamen que organiza Entrepreneurs’ Organization (EO) y en el que compitieron más de 1,200 proyectos de distintas partes del mundo en 2021, obteniendo el 3er lugar en la competición. En 2020 llegó a las finales del Red Bull Basement, una competencia global de emprendimiento en Suiza. Por último, Camilo y su equipo se hicieron merecedores a una beca en el programa Start Global Fellowship, donde se forman los emprendedores europeos del futuro. Un episodio maravilloso donde encontrarás temas como: - Programación: una puerta a la generación de ingresos - Aprendizaje autónomo y la curiosidad como caracteristica fundamental - Formación universitaria y emprendimiento - El valor de la comunidad y la cultura - Monetizando comunidades... Y muchos más que seguro te van a inspirar! Suscríbete a Ivoox y accede a los mejores podcast en español del mundo! Plan Premium Anual: https://www.ivoox.com/premium?affiliate-code=8917cafb9f79f97f869331e280042ff2 Plan Premium Mensual: https://www.ivoox.com/premium?affiliate-code=9c80090190a466cdaecbb045b5409d3f Plan Plus: https://www.ivoox.com/plus?affiliate-code=6b40321044923fdf44d1756de0463fb1 Enlaces Importantes del episodio: Host - Oscar Durán: https://www.linkedin.com/in/duranoscarf/ Invitado - Camilo Salinas: https://www.linkedin.com/in/rembrandtsx/ Sitio web Residia: https://residia.co/ Síguenos en redes sociales: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/xtrategiapodcast Linkedin: https://www.linkedin.com/company/xtrategiapodcast Página Web: https://xtrategia.co/ Correo electrónico: hola@xtrategia.co Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

Carlos Alberto Acuña, presidente de la Veeduría Nacional de la Participación y Acción Comunal, habla de las amenazas que enfrentan los líderes comunales en la localidad de Kennedy en Bogotá. El pronunciamiento, a raíz de las denuncias de Antonio Díaz Sierra, presidente de la Junta de Acción Comunal del barrio Boitá.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Hola, esta es el audio del los pequeños "videos blog" que hice sobre mi más recien visita a Bogotá, Colombia.  Puedes encontrar el video en mi canal de YouTube.Support the show (https://cash.app/$rogersmithpty)

Una ‘avalancha' de viajeros se tomó las terminales de transporte de la capital, los agotados pasajeros llevan desde la media noche del jueves intentando encontrar un bus para llegar a su destino y celebrar fin de año. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dario Hidalgo, experto en movilidad sostenible, opinión en Mañanas BLU sobre los cambios en el pico y placa en Bogotá para 2022, el cual será todo el día y aplicará también los festivos. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Claudia López, alcaldesa de Bogotá, presentó el POT por decreto luego de que hace unos años decía que era una “falta de respeto” aprobarlo de esa manera.

La alcaldesa de Bogotá, Claudia López, respondió en La W las críticas que ha recibido por la aprobación del POT por decreto y aseguró que está usando “su facultad” para solucionar temas como el desempleo y la inseguridad.

Podcast: la medida de pico y placa será para todas las entradas a Bogotá y durante todos los lunes festivos del 2022 a partir del próximo 10 de enero. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Este 28 de diciembre, con ocasión de los ocho meses del inicio del paro nacional, se registraron protestas en algunas localidades de Bogotá. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Podcast: en redes sociales y grupos de WhatsApp circula información falsa sobre supuestas restricciones impuestas por la alcaldesa Claudia López para Bogotá. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

El plan es garantizar un tráfico vial más factible ya que Bogotá recibirá 72.000 vehículos el próximo año. Además, Angélica Lozano esposa de la alcaldesa, dio positivo para COVID-19. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

En Al Oído con Catalina Suárez se reveló el top 10 de las inocentadas de la alcaldesa de Bogotá, Claudia López.

En la Jugada repasamos las principales noticias del año acompañadas de música. Ademàs, recordamos las charlas con la tenista María Camila Osorio tras ganar la Copa Colsanitas en Bogotá y el ex futbolista Jackson Martínez a pocos meses de su retiro

El secretario de Movilidad de Bogotá explicó que hubo una “transformación en la movilidad”, por lo que ahora hay trancones en lugares donde antes no había.  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Varios pasajeros salieron expulsados del autobús tras chocar fuertemente contra un tractocamión: noticias del momento. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

"Hay problemas duros, hay locuras que parecen imposibles que no se pueden imaginar, pero si los tomas, los pones en un papel un problema a la vez  y empiezas a remar, las cosas sucedan. Siendo una empresa de 10 o 10000 es lo mismo, seguir ejecutando." - Felipe Villamarin ( 

 Lauren Pelkey is a children's book author, blogger and entrepreneur based in Bogota, the capital of Colombia and one of the highest capital cities in the world at 8,661 feet above sea level.Lauren is no stranger to living life at the extremes. In today's interview, Lauren talks about applying for an Australian visa, getting approved only hours later and then quitting her job in fashion moving to Melbourne, Australia without knowing a soul. She talks about the time she stayed with a Hmong family in a one room house in the far north of Vietnam as a solo traveler. What's more, she has had luck and adventure in her career as well, who has had to figure out how to create products, like her Wally the Wandering Wallaby children's books and stuffed animal, all on her own. She gained the street smarts and confidence to follow her instincts thanks to her time on the road. Lauren is originally from Massachusetts but has lived in Rome, Melbourne and now calls Bogotá, Colombia home.In this episode, we talk about:Lauren's solo travel experience in Sa Pa, Vietnamhttp://www.wanderluluu.com/sa-pa-vietnamLauren's inclusion of a Peters Projection Map in her new children's book https://www.oxfordcartographers.com/our-maps/peters-projection-mapWe talked about Gabby Beckford, who has been on the Adventure Calls show https://open.spotify.com/show/262MsKEG23EoC1rfv2jEnI Find Wally the Wandering WallabyOn Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/wallywanderingwallaby On Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/WallyWanderingWallaby  On the website: https://www.wallywanderingwallaby.comFind Lauren Pelkey + Wanderluluu On Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/wanderluluu/On Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/wanderluluuOn the website: http://www.wanderluluu.comOn LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/lauren-mae-pelkey-10196014 Find Jessica DruckerWebsite: www.jessicadrucker.comCoaching: www.jessicadrucker.com/coachingHow To Move Abroad Book: www.jessicadrucker.com/book2022 Global Relocation Guide:  www.jessicadrucker.com/guideInstagram:  https://www.instagram.com/jessicadruckerLinkinbio: https://linktr.ee/jessicavdrucker* Get Your Free Move Abroad Checklist at www.jessicadrucker.com/checklist *Episode Sponsor: Wanderful Women's Travel Community Get Your Wanderfest Tickets at www.wanderfestevent.com/adventurecalls

En los últimos días la alcaldesa de Bogotá presentó síntomas leves relacionados con el COVID-19. Esto y más en las noticas del día. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

José Contreras joins us from Bogotá, Colombia. He's a software engineer and project manager. He shares with me the culture of Bogotá and Colombia and we explore the future of the internet, including elaborating on what Blockchain is.  You can follow him on Instagram @ohporjosh

En este episodio de Moda Circular, entrevistamos a Mariana Juliana Marín  abogada y fundadora de Fashionomista. En este episodio hablamos de:Como María Juliana inició su carrera en Fashion Law, derecho especializado para el sector textil y de modaHistoria de FashionomistaServicios que ofrece FashionomistaEl Por qué los diseñadores deben aprender sobre leyes y propiedad intelectual en el sector textil y de modaAspectos legales y de registro de marca que todo diseñdor debería saberComo las empresas y emprendimientos de moda pueden adoptar medidas para prevenir ser victimas de plagiCuáles son las recomendaciones para establecer un nombre y la identidad de una marca de modaEstrategias que deben adoptar los artesanos para proteger la propiedad intelectual de sus diseñosEntidades en Colombia encargadas de proteger los derechos intelectuales Panorama de la protección de propiedad intelectual en el sector textil y de moda María Juliana Marín Villarreal Fundadora de FashionomistaAbogada y especialista en Derecho Comercial de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana de Bogotá, especialista en Propiedad Intelectual certificada por la Organización Mundial de la Propiedad Intelectual, especialista en Marketing y Comunicación de Moda y Lujo de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid y ELLE España y con un Máster en Fashion Law por el Centro de Estudios Garrigues de Madrid.Precursora del Fashion Law en Colombia, creadora de Fashionomista, la primera plataforma digital para análisis legal de la industria de la moda en Colombia y la primera firma de consultoría de Fashion Law en el país. Actualmente es asesora legal de diseñadores, influencers y empresas de moda. Fue reconocida como la abogada de fashion law más influyente de Colombia en 2019 por el Fashion Law Institute de Turquía. Ponente invitada en varias conferencias y seminarios de derecho de la moda en Colombia y Latinoamérica. Ponente y participante en el Fashion Law Network International Meeting, Madrid (2018), en el Fashion Law and Business Summit, Istanbul (2019), en el Encuentro Internacional de Fashion Law de Brasil (2020 y 2021). Profesora de Derecho de la Moda en LCI Bogotá y Universidad de La Sabana.Encuentra más información sobre Fashionomista en los siguientes links:Página webhttps://www.fashionomista.com/Instagramhttps://www.instagram.com/fashionomistaPuedes mantenerte al tanto de las últimas novedades en moda sostenible y circular en los siguientes canales:Instagram https://www.instagram.com/moda.circular.co/Twitterhttps://twitter.com/modacircularcoLinkedinhttps://www.linkedin.com/company/modacircular/Pregunta por nuestra consultoría en Moda Sostenible y Circularhttps://www.modacircular.co/Pregunta por nuestras asesorías de imagenhttps://www.modacircular.co/asesoria-de-imagen

Concejal de Bogotá por el Centro Democrático. Tema: informe que presentó alcaldesa Claudia López sobre la actuación de la Policía en medio del Paro Nacional.

Juan Carlos Echeverry es economista de la Universidad de Los Andes, estudios que financió con un crédito del Icetex. Fue Director de Planeación Nacional y Ministro de Hacienda, cargos que se ejercen desde Bogotá y que obligan a tomar decisiones que afectan a todos los colombianos. Juan Carlos Echeverry recorrió el país recogiendo las firmas que necesitaba para registrarse como candidato independiente. Ese ejercicio le ha permitido mirar cara a cara y escuchar a quienes resultaron afectados, para bien o para mal, con sus decisiones del pasado. ¿Se parece este país real con el país que imaginaba desde sus escritorios en el DNP y MinHacienda? En este episodio conversamos con Juan Carlos sobre los tres pilares de su propuesta para gobernar a Colombia: Formalidad Descentralización Seguridad También hablamos sobre la necesidad de que en Colombia haya pronta y cumplida justicia y aprovechamos para explicar el origen de una frase que lo hizo famoso aunque con un significado totalmente contrario al que tenía cuando la acuñó. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/ricardogalan/message

Nicolás Martínez Bossio nos acompaña en esta nueva entrega de Paredro para contarnos sobre su primera novela 'La ciudad sin cielo'. En su escrito Nicolás Martínez, nos narra la historia de un hombre esquizofrénico que habita en una ciudad como Bogotá que al igual que el personaje, es muy diverso, díficil de descifrar, dónde a diario se presentan situaciones confusas y complejas; el protagonista los infunde una serie de transformaciones y nos enseña sus estados de locura. Conéctate con Camilo Hoyos y el escritor bogotano para conocer sobre su inspiración y su trabajo --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/paredropodcast/support

For the second installment of the 2021 Centrum Emerging Artist Residency conversations Azali Ansar Muhammad and Laura Medina share processes and backgrounds behind their current projects. They talk animation, working fluidly through mediums, and leveraging these methods to navigate hard subject matters while bringing joy and play into the work. Muhammad shares about their work in recording and archiving Black birth stories and creating new forms of community and visibility for Black, queer and trans families and birthers. Medina discusses her methods for fluidly and colorfully moving through personal history and tough subject matter in order to bring forth joy and accessibility. Both Medina and Muhammad discuss so much more about community and possibilities for future archives and generations, and there is so much to glean from their perspectives. Laura Medina Laura Camila Medina is an interdisciplinary artist born in Bogotá, Colombia. Her immersive installations and animated collage work are rooted in self reflection, the transformation of memory (both personal and collective), and the multiplicity of identity. Her work has been exhibited at the Center for Contemporary Art & Culture, PLANETA New York, Fuller Rosen Gallery, Wieden + Kennedy, the Portland Art Museum, and alongside the Nat Turner Project. She is a recipient of various awards and residencies including: the New Media Fellowship at Open Signal, Artist in Residence at the Living School of Art, IPRC Artists & Writers in Residence Program, ACRE Residency, and most recently the Centrum Emerging Artist Residency. She earned her BFA at the Pacific Northwest College of Art and is currently based in Portland, OR. Azali Ansar Muhammad Azali Ansar El Muhammad (they/them) is a multimedia conceptual and often experimental artist based in Portland Oregon. They believe in community, accessibility and art as a social practice. Through their work they hope to connect other emerging artists with the experiences and platforms they need to grow in their own way. Ansar creates work that speaks to their own community as a Black, Latinx, Queer and Muslim human. Their work explores identity, connection and processes trauma.

Jazmín Piedrahita, activista feminista en derechos humanos, habló en Mañanas BLU sobre la polémica que se da en el Pacto Histórico por la inclusión en la lista a la Cámara de Representantes por Bolívar de Sandra Villadiego, esposa del excongresita Miguel Ángel Rangel, condenado por parapolítica por la Corte Suprema de Justicia. "Nosotros acudimos al llamado que se hizo desde Bogotá, de Petro, de aunarnos al Pacto Histórico, también nos unimos a Colombia Humana y desde hace un tiempo venimos observando lo que está ocurriendo. No estamos a gusto ni satisfechos con lo que viene ocurriendo", declaró. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Un grave accidente de tránsito ocurrió este jueves en la localidad de Ciudad Bolívar, sur de Bogotá, luego de que un bus de pasajeros del SITP se quedara sin frenos y cayera a un abismo.   See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Representante a la Cámara del Centro Democrático por Bogotá. Tema: el informe que presentó Claudia López sobre el supuesto asesinato de 11 personas a manos de la Policía.

Chile ha recibido estos últimos años a cientos de miles de migrantes sobre todo de Venezuela, Haití, Perú y Colombia. Los candidatos a la segunda vuelta de las presidenciales tienen propuestas muy distintas para enfrentar este fenómeno. El Barrio Estación Central de Santiago tiene aires de pequeña Caracas porque hay numerosas tiendas con productos venezolanos. En la acera, con un cucharón, entrevistamos a Jessibel, una venezolana de 19 años, quien sirve “chicha”, una bebida dulce. "Yo trabajé muy duro en Bogotá. Logré reunir el dinero suficiente para comprar los tiquetes y venir (a Chile). Tengo pasaporte colombiano, mi mamá es colombiana. Mi suegro, quien ya estaba en Santiago, me dijo: ‘vente, aquí hay más oportunidades, hay más trabajo'. Yo me he dado cuenta de que aquí es tranquilo". Con su relativa estabilidad institucional y su dinamismo económico, Chile atrajo a migrantes de todo el continente. La población extranjera pasó de 300.000 en 2012 a 1,5 millones a finales de 2020*. El gobierno de Sebastian Piñera abrió las puertas del país a los venezolanos por ejemplo, pero las cerró cuando se inició la pandemia. En la frontera norte, donde se concentran los campamentos de migrantes en situación precaria, se han registrado reacciones xenófobas. A finales de septiembre de 2021, un campamento de migrantes fue atacado en Colchane, al margen de una protesta. "La migración ha cambiado. Se ha precarizado más. Se ha registrado un aumento importante de los ingresos por los pasos habilitados. El año pasado fueron alrededor de 16.900 mientras que este año, en julio, fueron más de 20.000", nos explica Waleska Ureta, directora de la ONG Servicio Jesuita a Migrantes, principal organización de asistencia a la población migrante en Chile. Una de las causas de este fenómeno tiene que ver, según Ureta, con la pandemia, pues "el cierre de las fronteras hace que, obviamente, las personas sigan viajando de todas maneras porque se agudizan las crisis en sus países". En entrevista con RFI, Ureta cuestiona también la política del gobierno saliente de Sebastián Piñera: " Chile tiene los instrumentos jurídicos y diplomáticos para una migración segura, ordenada y regular, sin embargo se han usado poco estos últimos tiempos". Ante esta situación, el candidato de extrema derecha, José Kast, ha prometido una "tolerancia cero con la migración ilegal”. También promete “mano dura” con la creación de una “zanja fronteriza, el despliegue de militares y penalizar a las ONG que ayudan a los migrantes. Su rival, el candidato de izquierda Gabriel Boric insiste más bien en incentivar la migración regular con permisos laborales en función de las necesidades de mano de obra y propone también coordinación con los países vecinos para una mejor repartición de la migración. La segunda vuelta de la elección presidencial chilena tendrá  lugar el 19 de diciembre de 2021. *Según cifras del Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas de Chile, INE publicadas en julio de 2021 contabilizó 1.462.103 personas en 2020.

On episode 405 of the Colombia Calling podcast, we explore the world of e-commerce in Colombia and talk to Sebastian Laurson of the start-up sex toy company, Secretos. Dane Laurson is partner with five other immigrants to Colombia and between them, they are seeking to revolutionise the sex toy industry, removing the stigma from the business in peculiar nook and cranny stores in parts of Bogotá and making it accessible and confidential for the buyer. We hear how they came to start this business, how the pandemic has been important for their growth, how they researched the business and where they go from here. In a frank and insightful conversation, we learn about e-commerce and start-ups in Colombia and indeed, the sex toy industry. Check out their page: www.secretos.com.co

Excandidato a la Alcaldía de Bogotá. Tema: Centro Democrático lo escoge como cabeza de lista al Senado.

Sección de cultura en La Hora de la Verdad del 6 de diciembre 2021. Hablando sobre el origen de la pizza, el conquistador español Hernán Cortés y evento de Navidad en el Jardín Botánico de Bogotá.

La oposición venezolana no atraviesa su mejor momento. A finales de noviembre el régimen chavista suspendió las elecciones del Estado Barinas cuando, durante el recuento, parecía que los opositores se iban a hacer con el Gobierno regional. Barinas no es un Estado cualquiera. Allí nació Hugo Chávez y quien se presentaba a las elecciones era Argenis, su hermano pequeño. La familia Chávez gobierna allí desde hace dos décadas y era seguro que esta vez el poder pasaría a Freddy Superlano, el candidato opositor. El Tribunal Supremo sirviéndose de una artimaña jurídica paralizó el recuento, inhabilitó al candidato opositor e invalidó las elecciones, poco después hizo borrón y cuenta nueva y ordenó que se repitiesen dentro de un mes, el día 9 de enero. La oposición, eso sí, necesitará un nuevo candidato. En Caracas, entretanto, los opositores han vuelto a las manos. Julio Borges, ministro de exteriores de la presidencia interina y coordinador del partido Primero Justicia anunció desde Bogotá que renunciaba a su cargo al tiempo que pedía la disolución del Gobierno de Juan Guaidó, apoyado por Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea desde que, hace casi dos años, surgiese de manera imprevista tras un cabildo abierto. El Gobierno paralelo de Guaidó está formado por cuatro partidos opositores: Primero Justicia, Acción Democrática, Un Nuevo Tiempo y Voluntad Popular. Guaidó pertenece a este último, un partido liderado por Leopoldo López, que se encuentra exiliado en España. Borges cree que el interinato de Guaidó debe desaparecer cuanto antes. A su juicio, su Gobierno se ha burocratizado y ya no responde a lo que los venezolanos esperan. La oposición para Borges debe hacerse desde el interior de Venezuela y no desde el exilio como se ha hecho mayoritariamente hasta la fecha. Por si eso fuera poco, el embajador de Guaidó en Colombia ha acusado a Leopoldo López de corrupto y de aprovecharse de los activos de Venezuela en el exterior, activos a los que no puede llegar el régimen a causa de las sanciones internacionales. Otra popular dirigente opositora, María Corina Machado, una de las principales detractoras del régimen de Maduro, se ha convertido en una acerada crítica de la figura de Juan Guaidó. Para Machado la oposición debe renovarse y elegir nuevos líderes para un nuevo tiempo. Las cosas, como vemos, no marchan bien para la oposición. El régimen ha conseguido sobrevivir a la crisis de los últimos cinco años y está poco a poco consolidando una nueva institucionalidad revolucionaria, tanto o más despótica que la anterior, pero el agotamiento de los opositores es visible. Poco pueden hacer dentro porque no les dejan y nada fuera porque la energía se les está acabando. En La ContraRéplica: - Superbigote - Pasaporte covid >>> “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

The editors of Al Día News in Philadelphia, Barcelona, Bogotá and Cartagena de Indias talk about the new omicron variant and the measures that are being taken around the world. They also weigh in on the possibility of abortion suffering a legal setback in the United States.   Los editores de Al Día News en Philadelphia, Barcelona, Bogotá y Cartagena de Indias hablan sobre la nueva variante ómicron y las medidas que se están tomando en el mundo. Asimismo, opinan sobre la posibilidad de que el aborto sufra un revés legal en Estados Unidos.

Carlos Antonio Vélez en ‘Palabras Mayores’ del 3 de diciembre de 2021 habló sobre lo que pasó en la segunda fecha de los cuadrangulares semifinales en el Grupo B. El triunfo del Tolima ante América por 2-0 y el de Millonarios en Bogotá contra Alianza Petrolera por 3-0.

En The Unbroken Project nos desplazamos hasta la Universidad de Los Andes en Bogotá para conversar acerca de depresión y todo lo relacionado a ella, en esta ocasión vamos con la segunda parte. Esta es una producción de Su Presencia Radio.

So we're gonna get into something a bit different this week. Not really truecrime, not unsolved, but definitely crazy. This is another one we got from a listener that we had no clue ever happened. While the official death toll of this incident is usually put at around 45, some estimates say it could be up to 2000. Those bodies are said to either have been dumped in the sea or buried in mass graves. So what was the incident about you ask? Well, long story very short… Bananas. We're gonna dive into what is simply known as the Banana massacre,  a crazy tale of a government squashing a banana strike with excessive force and what came after. Buckle up guys, here we go!   Before we start, I want to acknowledge the great sources of info for this episode. 90% of the information on this week's episode came from two amazing sources that had tons of info that we couldn't find anywhere else. First a paper by Jorge Enrique Elias Caro and Antonino Vidal Ortega on the website scielo.org was our source for the actual massacre info while an article called Rotten Fruit by Peter Chapman on the Financial Times website was our source for the company history.  So, let's start by talking about a fruit company. United Fruit company to be exact. United Fruit began life in the 1870s when Minor Cooper Keith, a wealthy young New Yorker, started growing bananas as a business sideline, alongside a railway line he was building in Costa Rica. Both ventures took off, and by 1890 he was married to the daughter of a former president of Costa Rica and owned vast banana plantations on land given to him by the state. The bananas were shipped to New Orleans and Boston, where demand soon began to outstrip supply.Keith teamed up with Andrew Preston, a Boston importer, and in 1899 they formed United Fruit. Bananas sold well for their tropical cachet: they were exotic, a luxury only affordable to the rich. But the rapidly rising output of United Fruit's plantations brought down prices. The company created a mass market in the industrial cities of the US north-east and Midwest. The once bourgeois banana became positively proletarian.   By the 1920s, United Fruit's empire had spread across Central America. It also included Jamaica, Cuba and the Dominican Republic. In South America the company owned chunks of Colombia and Ecuador. It came to dominate the European as well as the US banana markets with the help of its Great White Fleet of 100 refrigerated ships, the largest private navy in the world.   There are more than 300 varieties of banana, but United Fruit grew only one: the Gros Michel or ”Big Mike”. This variety suited most tastes; it was not too big or too small, too yellow or too sweet - if anything, it was a little bland. This was the forerunner of the transnational products we have today.           But mass production took its toll. In 1903, disease hit United Fruit's plantations in Panama. An array of pathogens kept up the attack, and the banana was discovered to have a genetic weakness. Its seeds are ill equipped for reproduction, so growers take cuttings from one plant to create another. The banana is a clone, with each inbred generation less resilient.    Although the banana was diseased, United Fruit marketed it as a product that exemplified good health. Banana diseases did not affect humans, and the fruit was said to be the cure for many ills: obesity, blood pressure, constipation - even depression. In 1929, United Fruit set up its own ”education department”, which supplied US schools with teaching kits extolling the benefits of the banana and the good works of the company. Meanwhile, United Fruit's ”home economics” department showered housewives with banana recipes.   One of United Fruit's most successful advertising campaigns began in 1944, designed to boost the banana's profile after its scarcity during the war. It featured Senorita Chiquita Banana, a cartoon banana who danced and sang in an exuberant Latin style. Senorita Chiquita bore a close resemblance to Carmen Miranda, the Brazilian entertainer who, in her ”tutti-frutti” hat, wowed Hollywood at the time. Sales soon regained prewar levels.   By the 1960s, the banana had become an inseparable accompaniment to the morning cereal of most American children. And today, in countries such as the US and Britain, it has ousted the apple as the most popular fruit. In the UK, figures indicate that more than 95 per cent of households buy bananas each week, and that more money is spent on them than on any other supermarket item, apart from petrol and lottery tickets.    Soooo sounds like a pretty typical big business rise to power by providing a wholesome treat to the people right? Wrong… There was more going on than almost everybody knew.    Over the years, United Fruit fought hard for low taxes and light regulation. By the beginning of the 20th century, troublesome anti-trust laws had been passed in the US to crack down on business behaviour such as price-fixing and other monopolistic practices. Taxes on large corporations were increased to fund welfare benefits in the US and fully fledged welfare states in Europe. But, with a centre of operations far from the lawmakers of Washington DC, United Fruit largely avoided all this.   The company also gained a reputation as being ruthless when crossed, and acted to remove governments that did not comply with its wishes. United Fruit had first shown its tough nature in the invasion of Honduras in 1911, which was planned by Sam ”The Banana Man” Zemurray, a business partner of United Fruit who later headed the company. Efforts by Zemurray and United Fruit to set up production in Honduras had been blocked by the Honduran government, which was fearful of the power it might wield. United Fruit was not so easily deterred. Zemurray financed an invasion, led by such enterprising types as ”General” (self-appointed) Lee Christmas and freelance trouble-shooter Guy ”Machine Gun” Molony. Thanks to United Fruit, many more exercises in ”regime change” were carried out in the name of the banana.   In 1941, the company hired a new consultant, Sigmund Freud's nephew, Edward Bernays, who had adapted the early disciplines of psychoanalysis to the marketplace. Bernays is known as the ”father of public relations” following his seminal 1928 book, Propaganda, in which he argued that it was the duty of the ”intelligent minority” of society to manipulate the unthinking ”group mind”. This, Bernays asserted, was for the sake of freedom and democracy.   United Fruit had become concerned about its image. In Central America, it was commonly known as el pulpo (the octopus) - its tentacles everywhere. In the US, United Fruit's territories were seen as troubled and forbidding. Under Bernays' guidance, the company began issuing a steady flow of information to the media about its work, rebranding the region as ”Middle America”.   America”.   In 1954, Bernays exercised his manipulative powers to get rid of the Guatemalan government. Democratically elected, it had taken some of United Fruit's large areas of unused land to give to peasant farmers. Bernays' response was to call newspaper contacts who might be amenable to the company view. Journalists were sent on ”fact finding” missions to Central America and, in particular, Guatemala, where they chased false stories of gunfire and bombs. In dispatches home, Guatemala became a place gripped by ”communist terror”.   The company looked, too, to friends in high places, both in the corridors of power and in the offices where the big decisions were made. During the Guatemalan crisis, John Foster Dulles, one of the world's most esteemed statesmen, was secretary of state. His brother, Allen Dulles, was head of the CIA. Both were former legal advisers to United Fruit. Together, the Dulles brothers orchestrated the coup that overthrew Guatemala's government in 1954.   Despite its ugly reputation, United Fruit often made philanthropic gestures.  Eli Black, chief executive of the United Fruit Company, played a part in coining the term ”corporate social responsibility” when, in reference to earthquake relief sent to Nicaragua in 1972, he extolled the company's deeds as ”our social responsibility”.  And in the 1930s, Sam Zemurray donated part of his fortune to a children's clinic in New Orleans. He later gave $1m to the city's Tulane University to finance ”Middle American'' research; he also funded a Harvard professorship for women. Philanthropy, however, did not prevent United Fruit's abuses, and, in the 1950s, the US government decided it had to act. The company's activities had caused such anti-US feeling in Latin America that leftwing revolutionaries such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara had prospered. And so Washington began to take away some of United Fruit's land.   Ironically, Castro had benefited from the presence of United Fruit in Cuba. His father, a sugar planter, leased land from the company, and had made enough money to afford a good upbringing for his children. Guevara had fought both United Fruit and the CIA during the Guatemalan coup; he maintained thereafter that Latin America had no choice but ”armed struggle”. At New Year 1959, Castro and Guevara seized power in Cuba and kicked out the US-supported regime of Fulgencio Batista.   Like an ailing dictator, United Fruit lashed out - and nearly took the world with it. In 1961, it lent part of its Great White Fleet to the CIA and Cuban exiles in the US who were plotting to overthrow Castro. When the Bay of Pigs invasion failed, Castro, fearing another attack, ushered in armaments from the Soviet Union, prompting the missile crisis of 1962.   United Fruit battled on through the 1960s, its product ever more the victim of disease. Big Mike flagged, died and gave way to the dessert banana most of the developed world eats today, the Cavendish. It was said to be ”disease resistant”. Now that's dying, too.   Eli Black took over the company in 1970, imagining he could turn it back into the colossus it once was. The early 1970s, however, were a terrible period for the image of multinational corporations. Chief among them, oil companies made huge profits from the crisis after the 1973 Middle East war, to the inflationary ruin of rich and poor countries alike. United Fruit became an embarrassment. It was weak where others, such as the oil moguls, remained strong. When its stock market value crashed and regulators moved in, it looked like natural selection.   Early on Monday February 3 1975, a man threw himself out of his office window, 44 floors above Park Avenue, New York. He had used his briefcase to smash the window, and then thrown it out before he leapt, scattering papers for blocks around. Glass fell on to the rush-hour traffic, but amazingly no one else was hurt. The body landed away from the road, near a postal service office. Postmen helped emergency workers clear up the mess so the day's business could carry on.    This jumper was quickly identified as Eli Black, chief executive of the United Fruit Company.   It emerged that Black, a devout family man, had bribed the Honduran president, Oswaldo Lopez Arellano, with $1.25m to encourage him to pull out of a banana cartel which opposed United Fruit. The story was about to come out in the US press. United Fruit's Central American plantations were also struggling with hurricane damage and a new banana disease. Facing disgrace and failure, Black took his own life. His death was shocking, not least because he had the reputation of a highly moral man. Wall Street was outraged, the company's shares crashed and regulators seized its books to prevent ”its further violation of the law”. The company subsequently disappeared from public view and was seemingly erased from the collective mind.   After the fall of the Berlin Wall, in 1989, in a born-again spirit of globalisation, the world's main banana companies picked up the free-market banner once carried by United Fruit. The companies - Chiquita, Del Monte and Dole from the US, and Noboa from Ecuador - did not have anything like the force of United Fruit individually, but they were still a formidable presence. Together they were known to their critics, if not to themselves, as the ”Wild Bunch”.   In the 1990s, the US took its case to the World Trade Organisation, the new high court of globalisation. The companies protested that west European countries unfairly protected the producers of so-called ”Fairtrade” bananas in former European colonies through a complex system of quotas and licences. The Wild Bunch characterised this as revamped colonialism and outmoded welfare state-ism and, instead, promoted their own ”Free Trade” bananas.   In the new millennium, after what had become a general trade war, the Europeans backed down and agreed to concessions. They did so with some rancour, protesting that Washington had again allowed itself to be manipulated by narrow interests. Some spoke of a return of the ”old and dark forces”. They were thinking of United Fruit.   Ok so that's kind of a basic history of United Fruit company to get us going in the right direction to talk about one of the most brutal things they carried out on their workers. You've seen the connection they had and the power they had.. Pretty nuts for a fucking banana company.    On the evening of October 5, 1928, the delegates for Colombia's banana workers in Magdalena gathered to discuss their grievances. Among their concerns were their long hours and low pay; one worker, Aristides López Rojano, remembered: “We worked from six in the morning until eleven and then from one in the afternoon until six.... The contractor paid the salary and reserved up to thirty percent for himself.” Erasmo Coronel (the one wearing the bowtie in the group portrait) spoke in favor of a strike, and the others agreed. At around five in the morning on October 6, 1928, the workers issued the United Fruit Company a list of nine demands.   Stop their practice of hiring through sub-contractors   Mandatory collective insurance   Compensation for work accidents   Hygienic dormitories and 6 day work weeks   Increase in daily pay for workers who earned less than 100 pesos per month   Weekly wage   Abolition of office stores   Abolition of payment through coupons rather than money   Improvement of hospital services   The strike turned into the largest labor movement ever witnessed in the country until then. Radical members of the Liberal Party, as well as members of the Socialist and Communist Parties, participated.   The workers wanted to be recognized as employees, and demanded the implementation of the Colombian legal framework of the 1920s.   After U.S. officials in Colombia and United Fruit representatives portrayed the workers' strike as "communist" with a "subversive tendency" in telegrams to Frank B. Kellogg, the United States Secretary of State, the United States government threatened to invade with the U.S. Marine Corps if the Colombian government did not act to protect United Fruit's interests. The Colombian government was also compelled to work for the interests of the company, considering they could cut off trade of Colombian bananas with significant markets such as the United States and Europe.   As there was no agreement the Government militarized the zone. The newspaper "La Prensa" published the following:   "MORE TROOPS FOR THE BANANERA REGION. We have been informed that the leaving of the Commissioner sent by the Industry Ministry due to the existing conflict between the workers and the company has turned the situation critical. For this reason, the War Ministry ordered the concentration of more troops in Ciénaga. Therefore, yesterday night, a numerous contingent was dispatched from here on a special ship"   By the end of November the Magdalena Agriculture Society tried to find a solution to the situation. They named a Commission and along with the Chief of the Work Office and the workers' delegates would have a meeting with the UFC since the conflict was affecting everyone's interests. The multinational rejected meeting the Commission stating that the workers were out of the law. The representatives of the workers left for Ciénaga with the aim of convincing their fellow workers to abandon the region. They also demanded the arbitration as a last legal resort.   Social Party (PSR) founded in 1927 in Bogotá. The strike was also supported by the national and departmental union leaders ascribed to the Magdalena Workers Federation, the Magdalena Worker Union and the General Union of Workers of the Union Society (popularly known as the Yellow Union which integrated railway, port and construction workers of Santa Marta).   The first week of December everything was at a standstill, without a solution. The company hired a steamboat and brought 200 military men and took over the town hall without the mayor's authorization. To this respect the Ciénaga newspaper "Diario del Córdoba" noted:   "We do not know who ordered changing the town house into a campsite of troops, but we are certain that the municipality spokesman was not consulted for this illegal occupation. He would have certainly opposed it since there was no alteration of public order according to the norms in force. We see that the procedures here are "manu militari", without any consideration under the obvious alarm of these peoples, panic in society and business."   Military roadblocks were displayed. Trains were searched and the army prevented strikers from using them33. Tension increased and temporary workers started to return to their hometowns. Military pressure blocked the communication systems and the mail, telephones, telegraph and even the press stopped working. The strikers seized the train from Ciénaga to the plantations and they prevented its exit during the day.   On December 3rd, the press was conscious of the extreme situation: The situation of the Banana Strike is worse than ever. Especially because of the uneasiness caused by the Governor's Office for having called the Army. Any kind of meeting was banned, as it was assumed that they questioned the state legitimacy and stability and the government decisions. This measure outraged workers, because some detentions took place in Ciénaga and they were justified by the police since some documents of an apparently communist campaign were confiscated.   From this moment on, American Diplomats started to worry for the security of the American employees up to the point that the Government of the United States sent a ship to Santa Marta for the protection of their citizens as was stated by the US ambassador in Bogotá. He made clear that it was not a war cruise. Anyhow, it was possible to confirm that in the ports of Ciénaga and Santa Marta war ships docked with the aim of reinforcing troops.    To break the strike, on December 2nd, a military contingent of 300 men arrived in Ciénaga from the interior of the country. The major of the zone considered that these soldiers would be better at facing the situation than those native of the region. At the same time that same day some municipalities protested against the disposition of the governor's office. The workers exodus continued, the general situation of commerce aggravated, many commercial houses closed and some of them stopped paying their debts alleging the scarce security conditions and low sales. Similarly occurred with the stores of the UFC which closed due to lack of business activity. There was a total lack of supplies of basic products in the banana zone.   With the excuse that in Ciénaga the strikers were committing all kinds of outrages, the army seized the train to mobilize troops to the different towns, preventing normal circulation; this information proved false and the train returned to Cienaga during the first hours of the next day. The community remained isolated and without the possibility to use the train as a transportation means. The train was used by the militaries for the surveillance of plantations.   A State of Siege declaration was expected and this increased tension among strikers who organized collective bodies in different locations to prevent the work of producers. Detentions continued. The train detention by the military and the impossibility to take bananas out due to the positions of the strikers and small landowners, the harvested fruit began to rot.   The Workers Union used the newspaper Vanguardia Obrera and other pasquinades to inform about their position and to keep public opinion updated. On December 5th, alleging that the strikers had managed to get weapons, the government decreed the State of Siege. This was not made public to the workers and for this reason they became more exacerbated.   A pressure mechanism used to obtain the support of merchants was the fact of creating solidarity to boycott the public market stores and other commercial firms if the transaction was not authorized by the Workers Union. This way, merchants could not sell if they did not have the "permission". To accomplish this policy the union had 5.000 workers acting as vigilantes. This situation led the UFC to ask the government if the State was in condition to protect its interests. The State response was dubious. In its effort to reach an equilibrium between the pressure of the company and that of the workers, it submitted a communication where it stated that it would analyse the situation and would take the corresponding steps.   The workers' unrest for not feeling the State support led them to radicalization of their protest and since that moment, seizures of banana farms took place in different municipalities. There were confrontations between land owners, the military and the workers. It is worth mentioning the events in Sevilla, where workers detained a group of soldiers.   As the tension increased with this last event the Ministry Council declared general alteration of public order on December 5th, and gave special faculties to Minister Arrazola to act as a mediator between the parties and positioned General Cortés Vargas as Civil and Military Chief. This intervention was justified by the economic losses of the socio-economic and political system of the nation because it had been estimated that up to that moment the losses exceeded one million dollars and given the fact that the fierce position of the workers had stopped communications and transportations and even there had been seizures in several localities and there was fear concerning the situation of Santa Marta.   The government sent information to the United Press as follows: "The government has decreed the State of Siege in the Province of Santa Marta where the workers of the United Fruit Company maintain a strike lasting several days. General Carlos Cortés Vargas has been appointed Civil and Military Chief". On the other hand, the national press and especially that of the capital announced: " there has never been a longer and more numerous strike in the country than this of the workers of Magdalena. Thirty-two thousand workers have been in total inactivity for more than thirty days in the banana region, there are no signs that this situation will have a favourable solution"   Events reached their peak in Ciénaga. The workers had concentrated for a pacific demonstration in the evening of the 5th of December. The Governor Nuñez Roca decreed the dispersion of the demonstration. The workers did not receive this well; they declared that authorities had taken this decision with the support of the UFC and the militaries without the presence of workers' representatives. This made clear to them that authorities were defending the interests of the Company and the local "bananacracy"and not theirs as Colombian workers. The concentration ended in a protest.   The militaries obeyed the orders of the Governor and it was authorized to follow orders and demand the workers to dissolve the demonstration as it was not authorized.   The text was read in the square and at the same time the troop took positions. There were approximately 1.500 strikers in the square.   The army gave the strikers 15 minutes to disperse and the workers' answer was a the massive agitation of the Colombian flags and shouts related to the workers movement. The army responded with drumbeats and the menace to repel the strikers. Three bugle warnings were given, but nevertheless the strikers remained in their positions. A deep silence reigned in the square and the menace of the army became an unfortunate reality when the shout "Shoot" was uttered. Rifles and machine guns were discharged against the defenceless and unarmed demonstrators. In minutes the ground of the square was tinted with blood.   Once the attack of the army against their own fellow citizens ended, the sight was dantesque. The cadavers, the wounded and their relatives were troubling scenes. These events took place at the dawn of December 6th: a brutal aggression against a workers' demonstration.   The news invaded the media and the first chronicles appeared with living information about the tragic balance of the events. The first report on the newspaper "La Prensa" from Barranquilla informed of 8 people killed and 20 wounded. After a week, the same newspaper mentioned 100 dead and 238 wounded. Meanwhile official sources and diplomatic communications signalled the number of people killed as being 1.000. This number, and along with other kind of testimonies collected, agree that the number of killings was over a thousand and that the militaries loaded the trains with the corpses and buried them in mass graves in inaccessible areas and up to the present times they have not been localized.   This repression caused a massive exodus of the terrified population. They abandoned the zone and migrated to different parts of the country for fear of military persecution and arrestment. Many of them left their scarce possessions behind.   National and international media widely covered this event. Both the UFC and the government tried to manipulate the information to protect their image. The press echoed and broadcasted the sometimes biased news, informing about "combats" between the army troops and the "revolutionaries" and that as a result of these combats, 8 "bandits" were killed and 20 were wounded. The War Ministry insisted that "in Magdalena there was no strike, but a revolution".   Other newspapers such as "La Prensa" from Barranquilla, issued their edition of December 8th in red characters as a reference to this event that brought mourning to the entire country and as a symbolic commemorative act.   Referring to a communication sent to the United Press, the War Ministry informed officially that in the attack of the strikers against the troops there had been 8 dead and 20 wounded and that in order to control the revolutionary outbreaks against state order, the immediate mobilization of more troops had been ordered. They would arrive from cities of the interior of the country. It also emphasised the position of the government that the workers' situation in Magdalena was delicate and that vigorous decisions had to be taken in order to solve this issue. It also informed that beside Ciénaga, other localities had to be intervened.   The Times from New York informed in a biased and extended way that the turmoil in the Colombian Banana Region was provoked by Mexican incendiaries, who had led the process of the Mexican Revolution, two decades earlier. It also gave details about the aspects of the banana strike that were consequences of the expiration of the Barco Concession .   At the same time the UFC issued a press communication to the New York agencies and the worldwide correspondents declaring: "the difficult situation experienced during the past days in the Colombian banana region, where the company has valuable interests, has quite improved in the last 24 hours and the dispatches sent from the scene, give rise to expectations for a prompt solution of the conflict surged between the workers and the company which ended in an extended strike of revolutionary nature".   While the American press provided biased information, trying to defend the multinational interests and that of their government, the national press analysed the situation with greater objectivity. The daily newspaper "El Tiempo" from Bogotá commented in an extended note that most of the claims of the strikers were righteous improvement of working conditions. Nevertheless, due to its conservative position, the editorial stated that they did not agree with the strike since they considered that the workers had a bad leadership and they made the leaders responsible for what had happened. They reminded the authorities that force is not the supreme reason as the only system to solve a conflict since violence is not a valid option to impose certain vindications.   In response to these events and as a protest for the massacre, several offices of the United Fruit and the railway were set on fire and destroyed. The hard situation caused by the army repression and the lack of jobs led to the assault of the company's stores where people seized food.    "It is not about fixing anyhow a difficult situation, it is about avoiding more critical events in the immediate future. Therefore we need a wise, prudent, political Colombian, who does not forget the circumstances regarding the conflict. Someone who does not forget how the United Fruit Company manipulates the political and civil life of Magdalena and who does not think it indispensable to send troops for hunting workers as animals. Someone who will not be hard and inflexible with them and subordinated and honey mouthed with the company agents"   After the massacre, the workers who managed to escape emigrated to other areas of the region and new versions of the events started to become public. It was the version of the defeated. This version informed the public opinion about the concentration in the Ciénaga square and not in farms as had been informed by authorities to justify the fact of not being able to notify the exact number of deaths.   On December 10th after a convulsed weekend, the headings announced "the revolutionaries' flee in stampede to the Sierra Nevada," "government troops completely defeated the strikers "; the War Minister informs that there were more deaths during the last combats". In general, the press informed about a revolutionary movement which confronted the military forces and that the army was responding with rigor, but that there had not been any excess on their part. The banana zone was returning to normal, as well as the train service between Ciénaga and Santa Marta and the steam boat service between Ciénaga and Barranquilla. They also informed that since public order had been reestablished, businesses had already opened and that the exodus of the population had ended.   General Cortés Vargas issued a decree through which the revolutionaries of Magdalena were declared a gang of outlaws. The decree consisted of three articles and in one section, as a justification, it was stated that the rebel strikers committed all kinds of outrages: arson in public and private property, pillage, interruption of telegraphic and telephonic communications, destruction of railways, assault of citizens who did not agree with their communist and anarchist doctrine. This was the justification for decreeing martial law to give security to citizens and to re-establish public order. On the other hand the workers' leaders and accessories should be prosecuted to face their responsibilities. And to finish, the public force was authorized to use their guns.   At the same time troops were sent to avoid the surviving strikers' flee to the Sierra Nevada and the Departament of Atlántico. To accomplish this all the towns neighbouring the banana zone were alerted. Numerous detentions occurred and the prisoners were sent to Ciénaga to be judged by a Martial Court.   Wow…. Fucking bananas caused all this shit… Well obviously not than JUST bananas but holy shit man.    So the crazy thing is United Fruit company continued to operate did so long after this incident until eventually after the the suicide of Eli Black things unraveled and the company went away. Or did it? Well it did not. In fact the company is now still a huge banana company called… Chiquita! But at least all that bullshit is on the past… Oh wait wait… No it's not!    While Chiquita is not actively massacring people, in 2007, it admitted to paying $1.7 million to the United Self-Defense Forces of Columbia (A.U.C.), a far-right paramilitary group responsible for thousands of killings and some of the worst massacres in Colombia. The A.U.C. was designated by the United States as a terrorist group at the time and Chiquita was forced to pay $25 million for violating counterterrorism laws. In particular, the A.U.C. targeted labor leaders, liquidated problem employees, and removed people from lands needed for cultivation.   “They are so bad that in 2001, even the Bush administration was forced to designate them as a terrorist organization,” said Terry Collingsworth, a Labor and Human Rights Attorney. He proceeds to say that multinational corporations had automatically aligned with the A.U.C. “They've made it safe for business here. That's what they do.” Collingsworth states, from his and his associates' reporting, that Chiquita likely paid much more than $1.7 million to the A.U.C.   Over much of the 20th century, banana companies like United Fruit effectively took over governments in countries like Guatemala and Honduras, leading to the countries' model being known as “banana republics”. A banana republic would describe politically unstable countries economically dependent on bananas as a sole export and product, and it has been diversified to include other limited-resource products. The CIA would strong-arm these governments to protect the business interests of banana companies at the expense of workers and people who lived in those countries, often propping up repressive regimes. With a historic priority of keeping the costs of bananas low, banana companies were willing to do whatever it took to keep prices low, from stifling labor movements, keeping wages low, and strong-arming governments. The United Fruit Company did it then, and Chiquita Brands does it now.   In 1999, President Clinton apologized to Guatemala, saying that “support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong, and the United States must not repeat that mistake.” Movies:   Horror movies about killer food   https://screenrant.com/funniest-horror-b-movies-murderous-food/

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