Podcast appearances and mentions of Edward Luttwak

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit andrewsullivan.substack.comSally is a journalist, columnist, TV commentator, author, wife to Ben Bradlee, and legendary DC hostess. Who better to talk to about the implosion of The Washington Post? She also founded the Post's religion website, “On Faith.” She's the author of six books, including the spiritual memoir Finding Magic, and We're Going to Make You a Star — about her time at “CBS Morning News.” Her latest novel is Silent Retreat, and she's now working on a memoir called Never Invite Sally Quinn. Her energy at 84 is, well, humbling. We had a blast.For two clips of our convo — on Sally's initial impression of Bezos, and the time Bill Clinton called her the b-word — head to our YouTube page.Other topics: born in Savannah, GA, and learning voodoo as a kid; moving as an Army brat; her general dad who captured Göring and helped create the CIA; at Smith College wanting to be an actress; rebelling against Vietnam and the wishes of her dad by marrying Bradlee; the Georgetown party circuit and how it's grown more partisan; throwing a pajama party for Goldwater; dating Hunter S. Thompson; Watergate and Woodstein; the Grahams; Tom Stoppard; Hitchens; Howell Raines; Newt's revolution; Bill's womanizing; Hillary defending her cheater; the Monica frenzy; Obama rising on merit; Barack the introvert; Jerry Brown; the catastrophe of Biden running in 2024; Dr. Jill's complicity and cruelty; Jon Meacham; Maureen Dowd; David Ignatius; Bradlee's dementia; declining trust in journalism; Bezos nixing the Harris endorsement; his life with Lauren Sanchez; sucking up to Trump; the Will Lewis debacle; Sally's spiritual life; silent retreats; Zen meditation; the humor in Buddhism; the denial of death; debating the the Golden Rule; children in Gaza; and the need more than ever for in-person gatherings.Browse the Dishcast archive for an episode you might enjoy. Coming up: Jeffrey Toobin on the pardon power, Michael Pollan on consciousness, Derek Thompson on abundance, Matt Goodwin on the UK political earthquake, Jonah Goldberg on the state of conservatism, Tom Holland on the Christian roots of liberalism, Tiffany Jenkins on privacy, Adrian Wooldridge on “the lost genius of liberalism,” and Kathryn Paige Harden on the genetics of vice. As always, please send any guest recs, dissents, and other comments to dish@andrewsullivan.com. A listener writes:Thanks for all these good episodes. Is Vivek still planning to be a guest soon? I have been looking forward to that episode.He got cold feet. Too bad. On the other hand, I tend to avoid active politicians. Because they're rarely as candid as I'd like a guest to be. Oh well.A fan of last week's pod who lives near Atlanta writes, “The longtime Dishheads on the Mableton cul-de-sac definitely approve of your interview with homegrown talent Zaid Jilani”:I agree with his description of Mableton as a bit like the United Nations; I see that diversity in our grocery stores and local restaurants. He mentioned how he was often the only Pakistani and thus perceived as a nonthreatening minority. It makes me wonder how much the diversity mix affects how people perceive immigration? If a large group from one country arrives, does that seem more like an invasion? If a similar number arrives but from a wide range of locations, does that seem more like the normal American melting pot?After 30 years of living in Mableton, this may partly explain why I am not bothered by immigration in the way that you are, Andrew. I expect to see and hear all sorts of people wherever I go in my neighborhood. Today the teller at the bank spoke accented English. There are regular clerks at my grocery store who are immigrants. Our new HVAC was installed by immigrants. As an Atlanta suburb, there are many people descended from African slaves. European ancestry is merely one possibility off the long colorful menu around here.I think pace and numbers matter. A slower pace and fewer — with no massive homogenous populations arriving at once. And a new emphasis on Americanization over “multiculturalism”.From a listener who wants to “Make Democrats Great Again”:Great conversation with Zaid Jilani last week. I am very concerned that hardly any Democrats are being at all introspective, trying to figure out where they went wrong and how to become a party that can actually win elections — maybe even hearts and minds. They are only defined as anti-Trump, and their only hope is for Trump to go down in flames — which he very well might, but all they aspire to is winning as the least-worst party.The policy directions for reclaiming sanity and moderate voters are obvious (to me, at least). Here are my top three issues:1. AffordabilityThe longest lever to affect affordability is housing. Democrats have been complete failures in this regard, with strongholds like California and NYC being the least affordable places. When they talk about “affordable housing,” they only mean housing that is forced below market rate for the few poor people lucky enough to get it. They offer no solutions for the middle class or young people.The solution is obvious: build more. Plough through the various restrictions that are preventing housing from being built. There is no reason housing can't be cheap, except for NIMBY politics. Scott Weiner in California has been doing great work on this.Health care is the second-longest affordability lever. Obamacare made some progress, but not nearly enough, especially in terms of keeping costs down. But I'm not sure we're ready for another push on this; I say focus on housing.2. ImmigrationObviously there should be some immigration, and obviously we have structured our economy such that many jobs are only done by immigrants. But the Democrats' policy of simply not enforcing immigration law is untenable, especially for a group asking to be put in charge of law enforcement. We need those migrant workers, so find a way for them be here legally. Not through amnesty, but through some sort of bureaucratic process: have the employers fill out a form; have the prospective worker fill out a form in some office in Mexico; have someone process the form; and give them a green card.This is simple stuff! And yes, it would be helpful to admit that open borders, sanctuary cities, and subverting the law were not good ideas.3. CultureEnd wokeness. America is not a country consumed by white supremacy, and the people who voted for Trump are not racists. There are hardly any racists! And drop the other insanities, like the trans stuff.The message needs to be, “We are the Democrats and we want to help anybody from any state who needs help.” Hard to convince struggling white people in the South that you're going to help them when you seem to despise them. Love your brother, for crying out loud. And naturally, today's woke Democrats would be much more accepting of this message if it came from a racial minority candidate.Another wanted to hear more:I wish you had asked Zaid about Josh Shapiro. Also, when Zaid talked about affordability, he never mentioned housing — which is why there are so many ex-Californians in his home state of Georgia and elsewhere. “Build Baby Build” should be the slogan of the Democratic Party, rather than gaslighting Americans into believing housing prices will come down because we are getting rid of immigrants (Vance).Here's a dissent:About 20:30 into your interview with Zaid Jilani, he said that the root of all the Abrahamic faiths is that the meek have rights. You replied that this applied more to Christianity and Islam than to Judaism. I say this neither rhetorically nor to admonish you, but how much do you know about Judaism? Your comment is completely mistaken. Just what do you think Judaism says about the meek?Another has examples:In Genesis, you find that all humans were created b'tzelem Elohim (in the image of God). Moreover, Jewish texts consistently frame care for the poor as a legal obligation and moral imperative, not mere charity. Every Jewish child learns that promoting economic justice is mandated. It is called tzedakah.This religious mandate has manifested itself in the real world. Jews have been disproportionately represented in social justice movements aimed at promoting human equality. It wasn't an accident that two of three civil rights movement activists murdered in Neshoba County, Mississippi by the Ku Klux Klan were Jewish.Points taken. Big generalizations in a chat can be dumb. My quarrel may be semantic: the meek is not merely the weak. It's about the quiet people, those easily trampled upon. Like many of Jesus' innovations, it takes a Jewish idea further.Another listener on the Zaid pod:I wonder if you ever play the game of “which time would you like to go back to”? I do! And only half-jokingly, I often say 1994 in DC. Something about, for example, Christopher Hitchens on CSPAN in a dreary suit jacket discussing such *trivial* aspects of politics in a serious way. How perfect! When I listened to your episode with Zaid Jilani about how the left can win, it seemed dated to about this period in the early ‘90s.Ah yes, the Nineties. They were heady times and I think we all kinda realized it at the time. The economy was booming, crime was plummeting, Annie Leibovitz took my picture, and we had the luxury of an impeachment over a b*****b. Good times.On another episode, a listener says I have a “rose-colored view of President Obama”:In your conversation with Jason Willick, you said that Obama was a stickler for proper procedure and doing things the right way. I might instance, on the other side:* Evading the constitutional requirements on treaties in pursuit of the Iran deal (an evasion that the Republicans were stupid enough to go along with)* Encouraging the regulatory gambit of “sue and settle”* The “Dear Colleague” letter* “I've got a pen and a phone”Points taken. Especially the DACA move. But compared to Biden and Trump? Much better. One more listener email:I've been following you for years, but more recently I became a subscriber, and it's a decision I don't regret! I usually listen to the Dishcast over the weekend, and I always find it extremely stimulating, but there is also something relaxing about the length and scope of your conversations.I want to respond to something you said in your Claire Berlinski episode on the subject of Ukraine. Although I appreciate your position in defence of international law, you implied that Russia's claim to Ukrainian land is somehow “historically legitimate.” This is not only problematic from a logical standpoint (does Sweden have a historically legitimate claim to Finland and Norway, or does the UK have a claim to the Republic of Ireland, the US, and all its former colonies?), but also not based on historical reality.Unfortunately, this is not the first time your comments on Ukraine seem come through the prism of a Russian lens. I am sure it's not intentional; perhaps that's not a subject you have invested much time in, which is legitimate. However, I find it a bit surprising that, as we approach the fifth year of Russia's full-scale invasion, you still don't seem to have had the curiosity to explore this and invite any specialist on Ukraine. If Timothy Snyder is too political these days, I would recommend Serhii Plokhy — possibly the most eminent historian of Ukraine — or Yaroslav Hrytsak. They would each be a very interesting conversation.The Dishcast has featured many guests with expertise on the Ukraine war, including Anne Applebaum (twice), John Mearsheimer, Samuel Ramani (twice), Edward Luttwak, Fiona Hill (twice), Robert Wright, Robert Kaplan, Fareed Zakaria, Douglas Murray, Edward Luce, and Niall Ferguson.A reader responds to last week's column, “The President Of The 0.00001 Percent”:Like you, I'm not against people getting rich. A lot of good is done by a few people who have enough money to seed research and the arts, and pursue things that ordinary worker bees would never have the margin of time or resources to pursue. Good so far.But all strong forces need regulation and/or protective barriers, whether it's the weather, sex, patriotism, or capitalism. What's going on now is obscene. Progressive taxation is a social good: it doesn't stop anyone from getting richer and richer; it doesn't remove the positive motivators for success; it just means that the farther they get, the higher their proportionate contribution to the system that lets them get there. There are various ways to tweak the dials, but there is nothing philosophically wrong with tweaking them in a way the sets some outer limit. Let it be very high, but let it not be infinite.Here's a familiar dissent:You were right to torch the nihilism of the .00001 class. You were right to call out moral evasions. But when you referred to “the IDF's massacre of children in Gaza,” you collapsed a morally and legally distinct reality into a slogan. Words matter. “Massacre” implies intent. It suggests that the deliberate killing of children is policy rather than tragic consequence. That is a serious charge, and it deserves serious evidence.The governing reality in Gaza is not that Israel woke up one morning and decided to target children.

Today's guest is the legendary strategist Edward Luttwak — the Machiavelli of Maryland. He's consulted for presidents, prime ministers, and secretaries of defense, and authored magnificent books on Byzantine history, a guide to planning a successful coup, and an opus on the logic of strategy and the rise of China. He raises cows, too. We recorded this episode in Feb of 2024. Thanks to the Hudson Institute for sponsoring this episode. Our conversation today covers… Luttwak's childhood and formative encounters with war, including an early fascination with the mafia in Sicily, Technological step-changes in warfare, Books that shaped Luttwak's view of war, from Clausewitz to the Iliad, The costs of “removing war from Europe” post-1945, China's strategic missteps, The psychology of deterrence, including what kind of Middle East policy would actually deter Iran, The strengths of democracies vs. autocracies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Today's guest is the legendary strategist Edward Luttwak — the Machiavelli of Maryland. He's consulted for presidents, prime ministers, and secretaries of defense, and authored magnificent books on Byzantine history, a guide to planning a successful coup, and an opus on the logic of strategy and the rise of China. He raises cows, too. We recorded this episode in Feb of 2024. Thanks to the Hudson Institute for sponsoring this episode. Our conversation today covers… Luttwak's childhood and formative encounters with war, including an early fascination with the mafia in Sicily, Technological step-changes in warfare, Books that shaped Luttwak's view of war, from Clausewitz to the Iliad, The costs of “removing war from Europe” post-1945, China's strategic missteps, The psychology of deterrence, including what kind of Middle East policy would actually deter Iran, The strengths of democracies vs. autocracies. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Vi fik p-pillen, internet, masseindvandring, smartphones, dalende fødselstal, elbiler, kunstig intelligens, woke, selvrealisering og Donald Trump. Men hvor blev folket af? Vi spørger én, der burde vide det. Rasmus Glenthøj får til opgave at finde folket og svare på, om det kan vækkes til live. Hvor langt vi skal tilbage for at finde et dansk folk? Hvor længe fandtes det? Og kan det mon vækkes til live i en tid med geopolitik og nye fjender? Rasmus Glenthøj øjner en mulighed for det sidste og mere end antyder, at vi står midt i det 19. århundredes genkomst med geopolitik og nationalisme. Glenthøj er nytiltrådt professor i historie på Syddansk Universitet med speciale i skandinavisk historie i perioden 1648-1914 og forfatter til flere værker, heriblandt Skilsmissen. Dansk og norsk identitet før og efter 1814 (2012) og 1864. Sønner af de Slagne (2014). Det interview med Edward Luttwak, der henvises til i begyndelsen, er dette. Rasmus Glenthøjs tiltrædelsesforelæsning kan læses her.

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/italian-studies

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit wisdomofcrowds.live“War is the father of all and the king of all; and some he has made gods and some men, some bond and some free.”So said the ancient Greek philosopher, Heraclitus. In his essay this week, Santiago Ramos says the opposite: “… war is a necessary evil; it is not what preserves the great achievements of the human race. War threatens those achievements, and we are lucky that more has not been destroyed already.” Santiago believes that pro-war voices which emerged during the recent Israel-Iran kerfuffle are expressing something more than the need to fight wars for self-defense and world order. They are voices which celebrate war as an essential, creative activity in history. Damir Marusic shares Santiago's distrust of those pro-war voices. But he thinks Santiago goes too far in a utopian, kumbaya direction. War, Damir says, will always be part of the human condition. It is folly to believe that human beings will progress enough to one day beat their swords into plowshares forever. In response, Santiago accuses Damir of believing in original sin but without the possibility of grace. Damir denies this and clarifies this position: “I want no heroes among human beings.”This rollicking debate reaches a climax in our bonus section for paid subscribers. Damir discusses Iranian incentives after the recent American bombing and ponders the possibility of a future war. He challenges Santiago to consider Trump's oft-repeated slogan, “Peace through strength.” Also in the bonus section: How much moralizing did Santiago do in his essay? the two men wonder. Santiago explains what he means by “a weird conscience-element in the air.” Why didn't Venice get destroyed? Why did Dresden get destroyed? Can you disentangle justice from sovereignty? Can you have morality without God? Damir explains to Santiago why he (Santiago) needs to talk more about Jesus. Santiago tells Damir the story of the Catonsville Nine. Required Reading:* Santiago Ramos, “War Will Not Save ‘the West' ” (WoC).* Damir Marusic, “Is Israel's Attack on Iran Legal?” (WoC).* Josep Borrell's “Garden v. Jungle” metaphor (Euronews).* David Brooks, “I Detest Netanyahu, but on Some Things He's Actually Right” (New York Times).* Edward Luttwak interview in Asylum magazine (Wayback Machine).* Heraclitus fragment about war (Wikisource).* “Heraclitus” (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy).* “Russia fired new ballistic missile at Ukraine, Putin says” (Reuters).* “The 10 greatest controversies of Winston Churchill's career” (BBC).* Tim Bouverie, Allies at War: How the Struggles Between the Allied Powers Shaped the War and the World (Amazon).* Daniel Berrigan, SJ, The Trial of the Catonsville Nine (Amazon).Free preview video:Full video for paid subscribers below:

HABEMUS PAPAM E POCA ZANZARA.Una versione ridotta con il prof. Edward Luttwak al commento di Prevost Papa.Andrea Ruggieri good boy.Cristina da Parma e l'ultimo Papa.Francesco Toscano in battaglia.

Edward Luttwak discusses the current state of great power politics and gauges whether there has been any shift in the balance of power. Putin showed weakness in his failure to quickly achieve victory in Ukraine whereas China is conducting a military buildup. He comments on the specter of WW3, Taiwan, the post-nuclear era, the Middle East, tariffs, deindustrialization in the United States, and the future of the American Dream. Watch on BitChute / Brighteon / Rumble / Substack / YouTube Geopolitics & Empire · Edward Luttwak: The Balance of Power, Tariffs, & Future of the American Dream #544 *Support Geopolitics & Empire! Become a Member https://geopoliticsandempire.substack.com Donate https://geopoliticsandempire.com/donations Consult https://geopoliticsandempire.com/consultation **Visit Our Affiliates & Sponsors! Above Phone https://abovephone.com/?above=geopolitics easyDNS (15% off with GEOPOLITICS) https://easydns.com Escape Technocracy course (15% off with GEOPOLITICS) https://escapethetechnocracy.com/geopolitics PassVult https://passvult.com Sociatates Civis (CitizenHR, CitizenIT, CitizenPL) https://societates-civis.com Wise Wolf Gold https://www.wolfpack.gold/?ref=geopolitics Websites Amazon Books https://www.amazon.com/stores/Edward-N.-Luttwak/author/B000APRH3I X https://x.com/ELuttwak UnHerd https://unherd.com/author/edward-luttwak The Machiavelli of Maryland https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/09/edward-luttwak-machiavelli-of-maryland About Edward Luttwak Professor Edward Luttwak is a strategist and historian known for his works on grand strategy, geoeconomics, military history, and international relations. Luttwak has served on U.S. presidential transition teams, testified before committees of the U.S. House of Representatives and the Senate, and has advised the U.S. Department of Defense, the U.S. Department of State, the U.S. National Security Council, the White House Chief of Staff, and several allied governments, including Japan. He is the author of several books, including Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook; Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace; and The Rise of China vs. the Logic of Strategy, which have been published in 29 languages besides English and are widely used at war colleges around the world. His articles have appeared in the London Review of Books, the Times Literary Supplement, Foreign Affairs, and Tablet. *Podcast intro music is from the song "The Queens Jig" by "Musicke & Mirth" from their album "Music for Two Lyra Viols": http://musicke-mirth.de/en/recordings.html (available on iTunes or Amazon)

Indian geopolitical analyst, scientist, and podcaster Abhijit Chavda explores India's evolving role in global geopolitics, particularly amid the rise of multipolarity and intensifying U.S.-China tensions. Chavda highlights India's strategic shift from post-independence nonalignment to an increasingly assertive global presence under Prime Minister Modi. He discusses India's geographic advantages, economic growth, and ambition to become a major manufacturing hub despite internal challenges like bureaucracy and inadequate education systems. The conversation touches on India's desire to maintain positive relations with both Western and Eastern blocs, while avoiding entanglement in great power rivalries. They also address Western perceptions of India, growing xenophobia, and the implications of AI and technological arms races, concluding that the U.S. remains the dominant superpower but faces critical decisions in a rapidly changing global order. Watch on BitChute / Brighteon / Rumble / Substack / YouTube Geopolitics & Empire · Abhijit Chavda: India's Rising Position on the Grand Chessboard #543 *Support Geopolitics & Empire! Become a Member https://geopoliticsandempire.substack.com Donate https://geopoliticsandempire.com/donations Consult https://geopoliticsandempire.com/consultation **Visit Our Affiliates & Sponsors! Above Phone https://abovephone.com/?above=geopolitics easyDNS (15% off with GEOPOLITICS) https://easydns.com Escape Technocracy course (15% off with GEOPOLITICS) https://escapethetechnocracy.com/geopolitics PassVult https://passvult.com Sociatates Civis (CitizenHR, CitizenIT, CitizenPL) https://societates-civis.com Wise Wolf Gold https://www.wolfpack.gold/?ref=geopolitics Websites Website https://www.chavda.org YouTube https://www.youtube.com/AbhijitChavda X https://x.com/AbhijitChavda About Abhijit Chavda Abhijit Chavda is a Geopolitical analyst, podcaster, writer and scientist with over a following of over a million across social media. He shares his unique insights on geopolitics, world history and science on the AskAbhjit show, his YouTube videos, and in guest appearances on podcasts and TV channels. He is the founder of the hugely popular Abhijit Chavda podcast where he has informative and insightful conversations with people who matter. Some of his most insightful podcasts include conversations with Mr. Mohandas Pai, Shri Dattatreya Hosabale Ji, Rajeev Chandrasekhar, Dr. Edward Luttwak, Dr. Kanwal Sibal and many more. He was a speaker at the World Hindu Congress 2023 held in Bangkok and has has also represented India at the international level at the 2023 G20 proceedings and summit. He has served as a peer reviewer for Physica Scripta, a major international scientific journal for theoretical and experimental physics. He is a member of the consultative group to the Principal Scientific Adviser to the Government of India. He is one of the most relevant and influential voices in the Indian digital space, and a highly sought-after podcast guest and public speaker. *Podcast intro music is from the song "The Queens Jig" by "Musicke & Mirth" from their album "Music for Two Lyra Viols": http://musicke-mirth.de/en/recordings.html (available on iTunes or Amazon)

Economen noemen Trumps beleid waanzin. Maar moet je de handelsoorlog wel door een economische bril bekijken? Of is dat op dit moment de verkeerde analyse?In deze aflevering bespreken Maarten en Marike de heftigheid van de aangekondigde handelstarieven, de reacties op de beurzen en wat er (niet) klopt aan Trumps bizarre formule. Maar daarna kijken ze verder. Zijn we hier getuige van de opkomst van wat steeds vaker de ‘geo-economie' wordt genoemd? Zullen staten de macht die ze verloren met globalisering, weer terug proberen te pakken? En betekent deze handelsoorlog de terugkeer naar een multipolaire wereldorde, met China en de Verenigde Staten als grote machthebbers? Of liggen er ook kansen voor Europa?Deze aflevering werd opgenomen voordat Trump zijn 'heffingenpauze' aankondigde.Shownotes:Meer afleveringen van Zo simpel is het niet via Spotify, Apple Podcasts, NRC Audio of in jouw favoriete podcastapp.Wil je meer weten over hoe handelstarieven werken? Luister dan onze aflevering 'Steeds minder vrije handel – hoe Trumpiaans is Europa zelf?; via Spotify, Apple Podcasts, NRC Audio of in jouw favoriete podcastapp.Het artikel van Edward Luttwak in The National Inquiry, waar Maarten naar refereerde.De column van Kustaw Bessems in de Volkskrant, die Marike aanhaalde.De aflevering van The Economics Show met Abraham NewmanEen vraag over economie? Mail ons op: zosimpelishetniet@nrc.nl.Presentatie: Marike Stellinga & Maarten SchinkelRedactie, productie & montage: Jeanne GeerkenMixage: AudiochefMuziek: Rufus van BaardwijkFotografie: Folkert KoelewijnArtwork: Yannick MortierHeeft u vragen, suggesties of ideeën over onze journalistiek? Mail dan naar onze redactie via podcast@nrc.nl.Zie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Ngày 11/03/2025, tại Ả Rập Xê Út, sau tám giờ đàm phán, Kiev đã chấp nhận đề xuất của Washington về một lệnh ngừng bắn 30 ngày. Thỏa thuận này sẽ được phía Mỹ chuyển cho Nga. Tuy nhiên, theo một số nhà quan sát, nếu như tổng thống Donald Trump có vẻ nóng lòng muốn chấm dứt chiến tranh Ukraina, thì đồng nhiệm Nga Vladimir Putin tỏ ra không mấy vội vã đàm phán với Mỹ. Hiện tại Matxcơva vẫn chưa có phản ứng gì về thỏa thuận giữa Washington và Kiev. Động thái mới nhất của Nga là một ngày sau khi có kết quả về đàm phán Mỹ - Ukraina, truyền thông Nga đưa tin tổng thống Vladimir Putin lần đầu tiên bất ngờ đến thăm vùng Kursk, bị Ukraina chiếm giữ từ hồi tháng 8/2024. Tại đây, ông được thông báo là hơn 430 binh sĩ Ukraina đã bị bắt làm tù binh.Cảm giác bất anDự thảo hưu chiến 30 ngày sẽ phải được phía Mỹ chuyển đến Nga trong nay mai. Truyền thông phương Tây nói rằng áp lực giờ ở phía Nga. Bà Vera Grantseva, giảng viên trường đại học Khoa học Chính trị Sciences Po tại Paris, trên tờ 20 Minutes, tự hỏi : « Ông Trump có những đòn bẩy nào để có thể buộc Putin chấp nhận hòa bình » trong một cuộc chiến diện rộng ? Một cuộc chiến mà theo quan điểm của nhà phân tích Peter Schroeder, nghiên cứu viên cao cấp tại Trung tâm An ninh Mới của Hoa Kỳ, là do chính ông Putin « chọn lựa », nhằm đối phó với một « mối đe dọa an ninh cấp bách ».Trái với nhiều nhận định cho rằng Vladimir Putin là một « kẻ cơ hội », rằng ông phát động chiến tranh là vì có « lòng tham lãnh thổ và quyền lực », nhà phân tích Peter Schroeder, trên trang Foreign Affairs ngày 03/09/2024, nhắc lại rằng cuộc chiến xâm lược Ukraina xuất phát từ nỗi bất an cho an ninh nước Nga trong tương lai của ông Putin. Đây là một cuộc chiến để phòng ngừa « Ukraina trở thành một quốc gia chống Nga, nếu không ngăn chặn, có thể bị phương Tây lợi dụng để phá hoại sự gắn kết tại nước Nga và việc đón nhận các lực lượng NATO có thể đe dọa chính nước Nga ».Do vậy, theo quan điểm của Neil Melvin, giám đốc nghiên cứu về An ninh Quốc tế tại RUSI, hòa bình chưa hẳn là mục tiêu đầu tiên của Nga. Trả lời kênh truyền hình tư nhân Euronews, ông phân tích :« Tôi nghĩ rằng tổng thống Putin bước vào cuộc chiến này vì hai lý do cụ thể. Thứ nhất, bởi vì ông ấy có một tầm nhìn lịch sử đặc biệt về nước Nga : Một nước Nga Vĩ đại, nước Nga của thời kỳ tiền cách mạng, thời kỳ tiền Xô Viết, một dạng đế chế - đế quốc Nga, mà ở đó, nhiều vùng lãnh thổ của Ukraina đương đại, trong tầm nhìn này, bị xem như những vùng đất chủ chốt của Nga, bởi vì chúng đã bị nhiều đời Nga hoàng khác nhau chiếm giữ. Lý do thứ hai là nhằm bẻ gãy sự gắn kết giữa  châu Âu và Mỹ, và nhất là đẩy lui sự hiện diện an ninh của Mỹ tại châu Âu ». Nói một cách khác là « bắt Ukraina phục tùng về mặt chính trị ».Các mục tiêu tối đa của Nga và lập trường bất nhất của TrumpTrong tầm nhìn này, mục tiêu trước mắt của tổng thống Nga là đạt được tối đa các yêu sách của mình : Nhượng thổ, thay đổi chế độ, trung lập và giải giáp Ukraina – những đòi hỏi khắc nghiệt mà Kiev khó thể chấp nhận.Trong khi những mục tiêu trên của Nga vẫn là bất di bất dịch, thì tổng thống Trump lại có những lập trường bất nhất. Để có thể mở được đàm phán với Nga, cuối tháng 12/2024, chính quyền Trump đưa ra đề xuất: chấp nhận thực tế các vùng lãnh thổ bị sáp nhập, hình thành vùng đệm phi quân sự do các lực lượng gìn giữ hòa bình châu Âu đảm nhiệm, hoãn việc kết nạp Ukraina vào NATO trong khoảng thời gian 15-20 năm.Tuy nhiên, sau khi đã được phía Nga đồng ý mở đàm phán, Mỹ không còn nói hoãn kết nạp Ukraina vào NATO và thay vào đó là hồ sơ này đã khép lại hoàn toàn. Nguyên thủ quốc gia Mỹ còn có những phát biểu mà nhiều nhà quan sát đánh giá là có lợi cho Nga, đi theo tuyên truyền của Nga: « Ukraina rất có thể sẽ là Nga một ngày nào đó »… Tệ hơn nữa là ông đã có màn hạ nhục tổng thống Zelensky ngoạn mục tại phòng Bầu Dục trước ống kính thế giới.Tất cả những điều đó phải chăng đó là vì ông Trump ham muốn đúc kết nhanh chóng một hiệp ước hòa bình, để có thể được trao giải Nobel Hòa Bình như người tiền nhiệm Barack Obama, theo như một số nhà quan sát ? Hay đó còn là một chiến lược « có tính toán » của ông Trump hòng làm suy yếu mối quan hệ « không gì lay chuyển » Nga – Trung, theo như phân tích của ông Edward Luttwak, nhà sử học, kinh tế gia và chuyên gia về chiến lược, trên trang mạng Unherd ?Học thuyết GromykoThật khó mà đoán được. Tuy nhiên, theo quan sát từ nhà nghiên cứu về Nga Dimitri Minic, Viện Quan hệ Quốc tế Pháp (IFRI), chủ nhân điện Kremlin « đang thực hiện điều mà ông ấy đã biết cách làm tại Minsk, trong hai năm 2014-2015 : Thúc đẩy phương Tây "làm một công việc bẩn thỉu" là ép buộc Ukraina phải chấp nhận điều không thể chấp nhận ».Chiến thuật này của Nga có ba lợi thế lớn : Làm suy yếu Kiev, bôi nhọ hình ảnh của phương Tây và làm gia tăng hơn nữa nỗi oán giận của người dân Ukraina đối với phương Tây. Và do vậy, Nga chẳng cần phải vội vã đến mức như phương Tây nghĩ để tự trấn an mình : Hoặc ông Trump giúp điện Kremlin đạt được tối đa các mục tiêu đề ra, hoặc các cuộc đàm phán thất bại. Nước Nga, tin rằng có thể giành được thắng lợi trên chiến trường, sẽ tiếp tục cuộc chiến.Cách nhìn này của ông Putin được thể hiện rõ qua cuộc trả lời phỏng vấn gần đây nhất dành cho truyền thông trong nước liên quan đến cuộc đàm phán đầu tiên giữa Mỹ và Nga tại Ả Rập Xê Út và đã được trang Le Grand Continent dịch lại toàn bộ. Khi được hỏi « Ngài có ý định gặp ông Trump khi nào ? », tổng thống Nga đáp rằng cần phải có thời gian để chuẩn bị, xem xét kỹ các lợi ích sống còn của Mỹ hay Nga – « mà Ukraina là một phần ». Theo ông, việc tổ chức cuộc gặp thượng đỉnh sắp tới đòi hỏi « một sự chuẩn bị chu đáo » nếu « người ta muốn rằng cuộc gặp này sẽ cho ra những kết quả ».Về điểm này, nhà cựu ngoại giao Pháp Michel Foucher, được trang Le Grand Continent trích dẫn, lưu ý rằng phương pháp đàm phán của điện Kremlin được tiến hành theo một học thuyết của Gromyko, từng là ngoại trưởng Liên Xô (1957-1985) :« Học thuyết này gồm ba điểm : Hãy đòi hỏi tối đa, kể cả những thứ mà quý vị chưa bao giờ có ; đưa ra các tối hậu thư bởi vì quý vị sẽ luôn có được một phương Tây sẵn sàng đàm phán ; cuối cùng, không nhượng bộ điều gì cả, bởi vì quý vị luôn có được một đề xuất tương tự với những gì quý vị tìm kiếm – và nếu có thể hãy đòi hỏi nữa nhằm có được một phần ba hay một nửa những gì quý vị không có lúc ban đầu ».Chiến thuật « tâng bốc » Trump và đả kích EUTrong khi chờ đợi, Vladimir Putin có những phương pháp « mềm mỏng » với đồng nhiệm Mỹ. Nguyên thủ Nga hiểu rằng Donald Trump rất « thờ ơ » với số phận của Ukraina khi thường xuyên dọa cắt mọi khoản viện trợ (như đã làm những ngày gần đây), đòi bồi hoàn chi viện Mỹ bằng nguồn tài nguyên của Ukraina. Ông Putin cũng biết rõ là Trump xem thường châu Âu, đang rất sợ hãi khi nghĩ đến viễn cảnh nguồn bảo đảm an ninh của Mỹ tan biến.Thế nên, trong cuộc trả lời phỏng vấn trên, tổng thống Nga tiếp theo lời J.D Vance tại Munich, đã mạnh mẽ đả kích châu Âu, cáo buộc các nhà lãnh đạo khối này « cuồng loạn » tập thể. Khi phủ nhận những chỉ trích cho rằng Nga gây xáo trộn mối quan hệ xuyên Đại Tây Dương, tổng thống Nga cáo buộc giới lãnh đạo châu Âu phải chịu trách nhiệm về cuộc khủng hoảng đang diễn ra, rằng châu Âu đã can dự « trực tiếp » vào cuộc bầu cử Mỹ…Theo ông Dimitri Minic, tổng thống Nga đã biết cách « thao túng » Donald Trump. Một mặt, trong hậu trường, ông từ chối thẳng thừng các đề xuất của Mỹ, tăng cường mối các mối liên minh và đối tác giữa Nga với Trung Quốc, Iran và Bắc Triều Tiên. Nhưng trước công chúng, ông Putin tâng bốc đồng nhiệm Mỹ và « lẽ thường » của ông Trump, ủng hộ những phát biểu của đồng cấp Mỹ về cuộc chiến tranh Ukraina, « lẽ ra đã không xảy ra » nếu như ông Trump ở vị trí Joe Biden.Đương nhiên, việc tâng bốc Trump chưa phải là yếu tố mang tính quyết định. Điều cốt lõi là sự lãnh đạm của ông Trump đối với số phận của Ukraina và châu Âu. Hành động tâng bốc này chỉ là một cách để điện Kremlin có thể hành động.Không vội vã tạo ra hòa bìnhNếu như các vòng đàm phán với Nga vẫn chưa được bắt đầu, thì một số mục tiêu tối đa của Matxcơva về mặt cơ bản đã đạt được : Chấp nhận việc sáp nhập một số vùng của Ukraina bị Nga chiếm đóng và « Phần Lan hóa » Ukraina, tức là không trở thành thành viên NATO, bao gồm cả lệnh cấm cung cấp vũ khí và lắp đặt cơ sở hạ tầng quân sự Mỹ tại Ukraina.Những ngày sắp tới có lẽ sẽ cho thấy rõ hơn hiệu quả của chiến lược trên của Nga qua việc liệu Mỹ có chấp nhận các điều kiện mà Nga đưa ra trong các cuộc đàm phán chính thức : Loại Zelensky khỏi các cuộc đàm phán và thay đổi chế độ ; Giảm quy mô quân đội Ukraina ; Dỡ bỏ một phần hoặc toàn bộ lệnh trừng phạt của phương Tây và Tạo ra một cấu trúc an ninh mới ở châu Âu, bao gồm cả việc đẩy lùi sự hiện diện của NATO.Điều cuối cùng có thể sẽ là một « nhượng bộ » (tạm thời) vì Matxcơva hiểu rằng NATO và mối liên kết xuyên Đại Tây Dương hiện nay đã suy yếu đáng kể. Điện Kremlin tin rằng họ có thể đạt được mục tiêu này thông qua các biện pháp khác hoặc chờ cho Liên minh tan rã. Theo ông Dimitri Minic, nhờ Trump, điện Kremlin sắp đạt được ba mục tiêu chính của chính sách đối ngoại của Liên Xô và Nga : Giải thể NATO – rào cản chính đối với sự bành trướng của Nga tại châu Âu –, ngắt kết nối Hoa Kỳ với châu Âu và kiểm soát không gian hậu Xô Viết.Bây giờ Putin đã cho Trump thấy rằng ông không vội vàng tạo ra hòa bình như Trump vẫn tin, và rằng Matxcơva đã làm ơn cho Washington khi chấp nhận mong muốn cấp bách của họ về hòa bình. Trong viễn cảnh này, tương lai của Ukraina và Châu Âu có lẽ đen tối hơn bao giờ hết !

Today's interviewee has been my white whale for a while. Edward Luttwak was born in 1942, and since then he's lived a wilder life than anyone I know. From Chairman Mao's funeral to late nights drinking with Putin, Luttwak's seen it all.Timestamps:(00:00) Introduction(1:30) How to stage a coup in the 21st century(8:21) Why Luttwak is responsible for a global decline in coups(16:57) Iran's real goals in the Middle East(27:30) Why the CIA can't go undercover or recruit talent(41:11) Staffing Reagan's presidential transition team(44:03) Why we need more waste at the Pentagon(57:31) How the war in Ukraine will end(1:03:47) China's great military challenge(1:07:46) Snorkeling in French Polynesia(1:09:48) Working for a Kazakh dictatorFor the full transcript, visit www.statecraft.pub. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.statecraft.pub

In this edition of the browncast, Amey and Dr. Omar Ali talk to Dr. Edward Luttwak on the current escalating situation between Israel and Iran in the Middle East, the unique individualistic culture of the IDF and arc of 2000 years of Jewish and Persian history that informs both their strategic cultures.

The Iliad was more popular than the Odyssey beginning in ancient times, and continued to be all the way up to World War One. Then, something changed. Now the Odyssey leaves the Iliad in the dust in terms of which poem gets assigned more frequently in school, in book sales, and simply in the stated preference of readers. What happened? Ryan and Jonathan read Edward Luttwak's essay, Homer Inc., about the thriving industry of Homer translations, the ancient redactors of Homer, the historicity of the Trojan War, and one of the perennial questions any humanist must answer - and to which Luttwak gives his own idiosyncratic response: Why does Homer matter?Edward Luttwak's Homer Inc.: https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v34/n04/edward-luttwak/homer-incNH episode on Melanchthon and Homer: https://newhumanists.buzzsprout.com/1791279/13181921-return-of-the-old-gods-in-germany-episode-liiNH episode on Weil and Homer: https://newhumanists.buzzsprout.com/1791279/10429309-the-iliad-or-the-poem-of-force-episode-xxiNH episode on Nietzsche and Homer: https://newhumanists.buzzsprout.com/1791279/13949908-nietzsche-homer-and-cruelty-episode-lviStephen Mitchell's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9781439163382Robert Fagles's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9780140275360Emily Wilson's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9781324001805Richmond Lattimore's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9780226470498Peter Green's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9780520281431Robert Fitzgerald's Iliad: https://bookshop.org/a/25626/9780374529055New Humanists is brought to you by the Ancient Language Institute: https://ancientlanguage.com/Links may have referral codes, which earn us a commission at no additional cost to you. We encourage you, when possible, to use Bookshop.org for your book purchases, an online bookstore which supports local bookstores.Music: Save Us Now by Shane Ivers - https://www.silvermansound.com

On the eve of the 2024 Democratic National Convention and a month after Vice President Harris made her way to the top of the national ticket, fractured opinions surrounding her candidacy have been restored.   Ben is joined by Historian and Author, Edward Luttwak to discuss how the Democratic party has managed to engineer a seemingly smooth transition from the Biden-Harris to the Harris-Walz ticket, despite infringing on centuries of campaign ethics. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

38 MinutesPG-13Pete sets out to read and comment on Edward N. Luttwak's "Coup D'état." In this episode he welcomes John Fieldstone to give background on the book and its author, Edward Luttwak.Antelope Hill - Promo code "peteq" for 5% off - https://antelopehillpublishing.com/FoxnSons Coffee - Promo code "peter" for 18% off - https://www.foxnsons.com/Coup d'ÉtatPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's Substack Pete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on TwitterBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-quinones-show--6071361/support.

I Bryssel utreds en rysk påverkansoperation under journalistisk flagg. Och på en bakgård i Florens visas en hemlig propagandafilm. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Politiker hörs allt oftare varna för falska budskap som får stor spridning i sociala medier. Det finns en oro för att det där kommer att påverka EU-valet i juni. Vi besöker Florens i Italien där en sorts insatsstyrka mot desinformation leder lokala faktagranskare runt om i Europa. Och i EU-parlamentet utreds nu en härva där man misstänker att EU-parlamentariker tagit emot pengar för att driva frågor som gynnar Ryssland.Men i kampen mot faktiska påverkansoperationer riskerar vi också att tysta debatten. Hur ser vi till att landa rätt i den där delikata balansakten? Medverkande: Hedvig Ördén, säkerhetsforskare med fokus på desinformation vid Lunds universitet och Syddansk universitet, Paula Gori, generalsekreterare för European Digital Media Observatory, Edmo i Florens, Yana Bazhan, senior analytiker vid Center for Countering Desinformation i Kiev, Edward Luttwak, amerikans-rumänsk militärstrateg, Freddie Sayers, chefredaktör för det brittiska mediabolaget Unherd, Clarie Melford, vd för Global Desinfromation Index.I avsnittet hörs klipp från Kalla Fakta, TV4 samt från Rapport i SVT.Reporter: Beatrice JanzonProgramledare: Filip Kotsamboikidisfilip.kotsamboikidis@sr.seProducent: Ulrika Bergqvistulrika.bergqvist@sr.seTekniker: Jakob Lallér

Al Jazeera is constantly blasting a steady stream of stories and images to the Arab world about 'tens of thousands of Palestinians dead,' according to the Hamas-run Gaza Ministry of Health. Condemnations against Israel are issued all over the place, with charges of Israeli genocide leveled on U.S. college campuses to the International Court of Justice. And, yet, those Sunni Arab countries that have already integrated with Israel have not reversed course, and those countries not yet integrated (i.e. Saudi Arabia), seem to be pushing ahead. The Sunni Gulf seems to have ambitions that necessitate continued and deeper cooperation with Israel. The question, though, is what do we make of the Saudi requirement for some kind of Palestinian state, however defined? What would it take for Israel to meet that requirement (or check the box) for the Saudis? And how far will the Sunni Gulf go in working with Israel to pacify Gaza? Our guest today is NADAV EYAL, who returns to the podcast. He is a columnist for Yediiot. Eyal is one of Israel's leading journalists, and a winner of the Sokolov Prize, Israel's most prestigious journalism award. Eyal has been covering Middle-Eastern and international politics for the last two decades for Israeli radio, print and television news. He received a master's degree from the London School of Economics and a law degree from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Essay discussed in this episode: “Israel is still winning the political war. From the West to Saudi Arabia, its days of isolation are over," by Dr. Edward Luttwak in UnHerd. https://unherd.com/2024/01/israel-is-still-winning-the-political-war/

Israel is known for its advances in military technology, from the helmet-mounted displays of the newest fighter jets to the Iron Beam anti-missile defense system. (See this recent discussion with the military strategist and author Edward Luttwak about his new book on the subject, or this discussion with the entrepreneur Alon Arvatz about the cyber-specific dimension of Israeli defense.) But as with everything, there are always tradeoffs to technology. Those tradeoffs are the concern of the Israeli writer Matti Friedman, who recently published an essay in the Atlantic called “Israel Is Dangerously Dependent on Technology.” Here, he speaks with Mosaic's editor Jonathan Silver about that essay, and the tradeoffs for Israeli planners and politicians that have recently arrived. Musical selections in this podcast are drawn from the Quintet for Clarinet and Strings, op. 31a, composed by Paul Ben-Haim and performed by the ARC Ensemble.

Compared to the United States and other great military powers, Israel has been relatively weak, relatively poor, and relatively embattled, without much space or time to incubate sophisticated military technology. Yet it has somehow become an innovator in that field. How is it that Israel has been able to turn its many limitations into assets that have helped it develop some of the most advanced defense technology on the planet? Edward Luttwak is a distinguished military strategist and historian, who, together with Eitan Shamir, has just published a new book called The Art of Military Innovation: Lessons from the Israel Defense Forces. Luttwak joins Mosaic editor Jonathan Silver here to discuss the history of Israeli military-technology innovation, and the political, economic, and cultural factors that make it possible.

In Episode 338 of Hidden Forces, speaks with Dr. Edward Luttwak about American grand strategy and the logic of war. Dr. Luttwak is an author and consultant to governments and companies around the world and is known for his work on grand strategy, military strategy and history, and international relations. Luttwak and Kofinas spend the first hour of their conversation discussing the logic of war and the dimensions of strategy, how the nature of a nation state's political system influences its grand strategic objectives, and what American grand strategy is and should be given the strategic challenges the United States faces in the 21st century. In the second hour, the conversation shifts to China given U.S. President Biden's and Xi Jinping's recent in-person meeting at the APEC summit in San Francisco. Edward Luttwak explains why he believes that it would be a very bad idea if China attempted to take Taiwan by force, how it would find itself at war with the United States and an assortment of regional and international allies, why it would lose that war, and why that still won't deter Xi Jinping from trying to retake the island by force. The two also discuss the implications of China's nearly three decade-long one-child policy for its military readiness and what Beijing's push to increase domestic grain production as part of its initiative to promote food security (even at the expense of long-standing efforts to reforest the country) can tell us about Xi Jinping's desire to ready the country for war. You can subscribe to our premium content and access our premium feed, episode transcripts, and Intelligence Reports at HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you want to join in on the conversation and become a member of the Hidden Forces Genius community, which includes Q&A calls with guests, access to special research and analysis, in-person events, and dinners, you can also do that on our subscriber page. If you still have questions, feel free to email info@hiddenforces.io, and Demetri or someone from our team will get back to you. If you enjoyed listening to today's episode of Hidden Forces you can help support the show by doing the following: Subscribe on Apple Podcasts | YouTube | Spotify | Stitcher | SoundCloud | CastBox | RSS Feed Write us a review on Apple Podcasts & Spotify Subscribe to our mailing list at https://hiddenforces.io/newsletter/ Producer & Host: Demetri Kofinas Editor & Engineer: Stylianos Nicolaou Subscribe and Support the Podcast at https://hiddenforces.io Join the conversation on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter at @hiddenforcespod Follow Demetri on Twitter at @Kofinas Episode Recorded on 11/15/2023

Edward Luttwak, strategist and co-author of The Art of Military Innovation: Lessons from the Israel Defense Forces, joins the show to talk about the research and development methods of the IDF and events on the ground in Israel. ▪️ Times      •    01:51 Introduction      •    03:05 R&D the IDF way     •    21:30 Evaluating Israel's strategy     •    25:30 Stopping the clock     •   29:51 Downside of discipline      •    34:07 Macro-innovation     •    39:26 Iran     •    43:21 Qatar Follow along  on Instagram Find a transcript of today's episode on our School of War Substack

US President Joe Biden and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin are ready to do a deal, according to the historian, military strategist and advisor to the US government Edward Luttwak. The comments were made in a discussion this week with UnHerd's Freddie Sayers, during which Luttwak argued that “a shift in the overall situation” has resulted in both leaders being more willing to negotiate an end to the Ukraine war.The author, who has worked inside and outside of the Pentagon and the US Department of State for decades, believes that channels between the CIA and the Kremlin are sufficiently open for peace talks to develop. Following the aborted Wagner Group uprising at the end of last month, CIA chief William Burns spoke directly to Sergey Naryshkin, the head of Russia's SVR foreign intelligence service, to reassure him there was no CIA involvement in the rebellion. For Luttwak, this implies “a certain overall attitude and willingness to communicate”, while Naryshkin's very presence in the Kremlin is further evidence that the war could be coming to an end. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In today's episode, Edward Luttwak writes about how a weakened Xi is desperate for a win, in an UnHerd exclusive article titled Why China's peace plan for Ukraine will fail.

Bonifici arrivati, violini suonate! Quante vignette sono state fatte sulla Meloni? Sante da Treviso, il nuovo personaggio del venerdi. Non anticipiamo niente. Collegamento con gli USA, Edward Luttwak all'attacco sul tema migranti. "Zanzara? Qui non ne abbiamo" Ritorna Claudio Sainacosa e si arrabbia con lo "scarafaggio". Parenzo contrariato. Il predicatore Giacinto Butindaro, apolitico, crede più alla Bibbia che alla Costituzione. I gay? Pregare, pregare, pregare! La mistress rack Geum Ja pratica il manuale della CIA sui clienti. Fate vobis.

James Lacey, the Major General Matthew C. Horner Chair of War Studies at Marine Corps University and author of Rome: Strategy of Empire, joins the show to discuss the grand strategy of the Roman Empire. ▪️ Times  • 01:33 Introduction • 01:59 A lover of history • 05:12 The “Plato to NATO” historian  • 08:40 Edward Luttwak  • 13:20 The Romans “obviously had a strategy” • 21:02 Speaking from historical silence • 26:27 The Republic vs the Empire   • 32:50 Cost benefit analysis in Rome • 35:57 Three moments of “muscle change”  • 41:33 Unable to adapt militarily   • 46:55 Lessons for America

Synopsis: Every second Friday of the month, join The Straits Times' associate editor Ravi Velloor, as he distills his experience from four decades of covering the continent. In this episode, he chats with Dr. Edward Luttwak, the famed American expert on war strategy Highlights (click/tap above): 2:23 Putin provided Nato with an enemy 12:37 Wars fought by single boy families 18:11 Is war in Asia inevitable? 21:52 Standoff wars, cyber and space 26:36 Nato expands eastward 32:36 Great State Autism  Produced by: Ravi Velloor (velloor@sph.com.sg), Ernest Luis, Teo Tong Kai and Fa'izah Sani Edited by: Eden Soh and Fa'izah Sani Follow the Speaking Of Asia Podcast every second Friday of the month on our Asian Insider Podcast channel here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Google Podcasts: https://str.sg/wQsB Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Website: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg Ravi Velloor's columns: https://str.sg/3xRP Ravi Velloor on Twitter: https://twitter.com/RaviVelloor Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters --- Discover ST's special edition podcasts: Singapore's War On Covid: https://str.sg/wuJa The Unsolved Mysteries of South-east Asia: https://str.sg/wuZ2 Stop Scams: https://str.sg/wuZB Invisible Asia: https://str.sg/wuZn --- Discover more ST podcast series: Asian Insider: https://str.sg/JWa7 Green Pulse: https://str.sg/JWaf Health Check: https://str.sg/JWaN In Your Opinion: https://str.sg/w7Qt Your Money & Career: https://str.sg/wB2m SG Extra: https://str.sg/wukR #PopVultures: https://str.sg/JWad ST Sports Talk: https://str.sg/JWRE Bookmark This!: https://str.sg/JWas Lunch With Sumiko: https://str.sg/J6hQ Discover ST Podcasts: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Discover BT Podcasts: https://bt.sg/pcPL Follow our shows then, if you like short, practical podcasts! #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Synopsis: Every second Friday of the month, join The Straits Times' associate editor Ravi Velloor, as he distills his experience from four decades of covering the continent. In this episode, he chats with Dr. Edward Luttwak, the famed American expert on war strategy Highlights (click/tap above): 2:23 Putin provided Nato with an enemy 12:37 Wars fought by single boy families 18:11 Is war in Asia inevitable? 21:52 Standoff wars, cyber and space 26:36 Nato expands eastward 32:36 Great State Autism  Produced by: Ravi Velloor (velloor@sph.com.sg), Ernest Luis, Teo Tong Kai and Fa'izah Sani Edited by: Eden Soh and Fa'izah Sani Follow the Speaking Of Asia Podcast every second Friday of the month on our Asian Insider Podcast channel here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Google Podcasts: https://str.sg/wQsB Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Website: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg Ravi Velloor's columns: https://str.sg/3xRP Ravi Velloor on Twitter: https://twitter.com/RaviVelloor Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters --- Discover ST's special edition podcasts: Singapore's War On Covid: https://str.sg/wuJa The Unsolved Mysteries of South-east Asia: https://str.sg/wuZ2 Stop Scams: https://str.sg/wuZB Invisible Asia: https://str.sg/wuZn --- Discover more ST podcast series: Asian Insider: https://str.sg/JWa7 Green Pulse: https://str.sg/JWaf Health Check: https://str.sg/JWaN In Your Opinion: https://str.sg/w7Qt Your Money & Career: https://str.sg/wB2m SG Extra: https://str.sg/wukR #PopVultures: https://str.sg/JWad ST Sports Talk: https://str.sg/JWRE Bookmark This!: https://str.sg/JWas Lunch With Sumiko: https://str.sg/J6hQ Discover ST Podcasts: http://str.sg/stpodcasts Discover BT Podcasts: https://bt.sg/pcPL Follow our shows then, if you like short, practical podcasts! #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Listen in as Victor Davis Hanson and cohost Jack Fowler analyze Edward Luttwak's take on the Ukrainian War, the new prime minister Giorgia Meloni, Chris Cuomo's new job, and transgendered v. biological women.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Capítulo 225. Comienza Manuel con la presidenta de la Comunidad de Madrid, Isabel Ayuso que promete un aumento de sueldo para los maestros y profesores. Y Lobato pretende abrir los colegios 12 horas para mejorar la conciliación familiar. Una vez más, educadores y centros en el punto de mira. Antonio celebra el 75 cumpleaños de Stephen King con un repaso a su obra llevada a la pantalla. Javier cierra con el discurso inaugural del secretario general de la ONU, Antonio Guterres y, la afirmación del estratega militar Edward Luttwak sobre el valor de la organización.Podéis contactar con nosotros a través de Twitter en @trendingpod o por correo electrónico a trending@emilcar.fm.

Edward Luttwak, quien ha servido como consultor del Departamento de Defensa de EE. UU., habló en La W a propósito del reciente discurso de Putin, el presidente de Rusia.

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/italian-studies

From Octavian's victory at Actium (31 B.C.) to its traditional endpoint in the West (476), the Roman Empire lasted a solid 500 years -- an impressive number by any standard, and fully one-fifth of all recorded history. In fact, the decline and final collapse of the Roman Empire took longer than most other empires even existed. Any historian trying to unearth the grand strategy of the Roman Empire must, therefore, always remain cognizant of the time scale, in which she is dealing. Although the pace of change in the Roman era never approached that of the modern era, it was not an empire in stasis. While the visible trappings may have changed little, the challenges Rome faced at its end were vastly different than those faced by Augustus and the Julio-Claudians. Over the centuries, the Empire's underlying economy, political arrangements, military affairs, and, most importantly, the myriad of external threats it faced were in constant flux, making adaptability to changing circumstances as important to Roman strategists as it is to strategists of the modern era. Yet the very idea of Rome having a grand strategy, or what it might be, did not concern historians until Edward Luttwak wrote The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century A.D. to the Third forty years ago. Although the work generated much debate, it failed to win over many ancient historians, in part because of its heavy emphasis on military force. By mostly neglecting any considerations of diplomacy, economics, politics, culture, or even the changing nature of the threats Rome faced, Luttwak tells only a portion of what should have been a much more wide-ranging narrative. For this and other reasons, such as its often dull presentation, it left an opportunity for another account of the rise and fall of Rome from a strategy perspective. Through a more encompassing definition of strategy and by focusing much of the narrative on crucial historical moments and the personalities involved, Rome: Strategy of Empire (Oxford UP, 2022) promises to provide a more persuasive and engaging history than Luttwak's. It aims not only to correct Luttwak's flaws and omissions, but will also employ the most recent work of current classical historians and archeologists to present a more complete and nuanced narrative of Roman strategic thinking and execution than is currently available. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Maurizio Crozza nei panni di Edward Luttwak in occasione di una puntata di Fratelli di Crozza. Guarda Fratelli di Crozza senza pubblicità qui: https://bit.ly/3gS5JXw See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Vi proponiamo l'ascolto del dibattito in studio sulle ultime notizie dal fronte russo-ucraino alla luce delle dichiarazioni rilasciate oggi dal Ministro russo Sergej Viktorovič Lavrov sul rischio reale di una terza guerra mondiale. Nel podcast oltre alla voce di Giovanni Floris ascolterete le voci dello scrittore Diego De Silva, l'On. Bruno Tabacci, la giornalista Nona Mikhelidze, il generale Vincenzo Camporini, il giornalista Alan Friedman, il politologo Edward Luttwak, lo storico Angelo D'Orsi e il giornalista russo Alexei Bobrowsky

Daniel McAdams returns to discuss the Ukraine crisis. Media coverage of the situation is absolutely abysmal and cartoonish, taking the role of stenographers for the intelligence community. The current crisis was precipitated by U.S. interventionism in the form of the 2014 Orange color revolution. Russia has a right to be concerned about existential issues and having Ukraine in NATO would objectively raise a serious concern for Moscow, especially in light of an openly hostile West. Blinken did his best Colin Powell presentation at the UN (e.g. Iraq WMDs) and there is a huge danger a false flag could lead to hostilities. This could be the beginning of the end for NATO. We're seeing the tail end of the U.S. Empire. Watch on BitChute / Brighteon / Rokfin / Rumble Geopolitics & Empire · Daniel McAdams: What We're Seeing in Ukraine is the Tail End of U.S. Empire #261 *Support Geopolitics & Empire! Become a Member https://geopoliticsandempire.substack.comDonate https://geopoliticsandempire.com/donationsConsult https://geopoliticsandempire.com/consultation **Visit Our Affiliates & Sponsors! Above Phone https://abovephone.com/?above=geopoliticseasyDNS (use code GEOPOLITICS for 15% off!) https://easydns.comEscape The Technocracy course (15% discount using link) https://escapethetechnocracy.com/geopoliticsPassVult https://passvult.comSociatates Civis (CitizenHR, CitizenIT, CitizenPL) https://societates-civis.comWise Wolf Gold https://www.wolfpack.gold/?ref=geopolitics Websites Ron Paul Institute http://ronpaulinstitute.org Ron Paul Liberty Report https://www.youtube.com/RonPaulLibertyReport Ron Paul Liberty Report Odysee https://odysee.com/@RonPaul:d Ron Paul Institute Twitter https://twitter.com/RonPaulInstitut Ron Paul Twitter https://twitter.com/RonPaul Ron Paul Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ronpaul TRANSCRIPT Geopolitics & Empire: The Geopolitics & Empire Podcast is joined once again by Daniel McAdams, who is the Executive Director of the Ron Paul Institute for Peace and Prosperity. We'll be talking foreign policy in US, Russia, Ukraine, World War III. It's been about two years since we last spoke, how is the new normal life in Texas? Daniel McAdams: Well, thanks again for having me, by the way, it's great to be back on your great program. And Texas, we had a few bad months but the governor here looked over to Florida and realized that he actually could find a little bit of courage and so it's basically been normal here for quite a long time. There are certainly some messages of the old regime with masks and people being nervous but basically you wouldn't notice anything here, I think, these days. Geopolitics & Empire: Yeah, I've escaped to Mexico. I know a lot of people are escaping to Mexico but I do have a plan B or C that I've thought about going back to the US and the only places that I would go would be somewhere like Texas or Florida or similar such states. So to talk about Ukraine and Russia, so where was the invasion of Ukraine by Russia? Daniel McAdams: Well, it hasn't happened as it was scheduled. In fact, somebody I think it was Garland Nixon posted a funny little tweet saying that, "Now the US is going to sanction Russia for not invading on the right schedule." So that may well be what happens, it hasn't invaded on their schedule. In fact, off camera, we were talking about a tweet that you retweeted from a guy I studied when I was in grad school, Edward Luttwak, who made the great point that the US intelligence community is claiming that Russia is about to have a full scale invasion of not just Eastern Ukraine but Ukraine and Kiev. And he said that the reckless gambling would go against the entire history of Putin's behavior that we've seen so far and he says, "I'm not buying it." So when someone of his stature, who's not in anyone's real camp says something like that,

Dr. Edward N. Luttwak is a world-renowned American military strategist and author known for his works on grand strategy, geoeconomics, military history, and international relations. He has, over a long and fabled career, advised presidents, prime ministers, governments, world leaders, and superpowers. He has published over twenty books and is best known for being the author of "Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook".

This week I have the privilege of a conversation with Edward Luttwak. Edward is one of the world's leading military and geopolitical strategists. He is the author of many books that have been translated into dozens of languages and are taught in schools and military colleges around the world. He has provided counsel to presidents and prime ministers for more than 40 years. Edward is a master of grand strategy, and he has been called on to offer advice in a wide variety of situations. He also has what I think is the most interesting Twitter account that I follow. Remember that The Lee Show is a crowdfunded project that depends on your support. If you like what you hear, share it with a friend and become a paid subscriber here. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/theleeshow/support

Raheem Kassam and Jack Maxey are joined by Steve Bannon to discuss the latest on the coronavirus pandemic as this date marks the 75th Anniversary of the Hiroshima bombing. Dr. Bradley Thayer, General Robert Spalding, and Dr. Edward Luttwak call in to provide their insights on Hiroshima.

Steve Bannon hosts this special edition of War Room: Pandemic with special guest Dr. Edward Luttwak, one of the top geopolitical strategists in the world, to discuss the geopolitics of the situation with China and the CCP and what makes up the strategy in taking out the world's most murderous regime.

Steve Bannon, Jack Maxey, Jason Miller, and Raheem Kassam discuss the latest on the coronavirus pandemic as oil prices take an absolute nosedive in the global markets. Calling in is Edward Luttwak to discuss the geopolitical implications of Chinese expansionism.

Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi ve Hizmet Hareketi üzerine bugüne kadarBatıda ve İslam dünyasında birçokilim adamı eserler kaleme aldı. Ferit el-Ensari, Süleyman Aşrati, Jill Carroll, JohnEsposito, Pim Valkenberg, David Shinn, SimonRobinson, Thomas Michel, James Harrington,Ori Soltes, Walter Wagner, Berna Turam…Bu listeyi daha da uzatmak mümkün ve gelecekte bunlara yeni ilim adamlarının dâhil olacağına şüphe yok…Bu eserleri yazan her bir ilim ehli, Hocaefendi'yi ve Hizmet Hareketini ayrı bir perspekti�leanlattı. Gelecekte yeni eserler kaleme alacakilim erbabı, bu “hakikate şahitlik” yapmaya devam edecek.Hocaefendi'nin hayatını yazan Prof. JonPahl, Bir Hizmet Hayatı adını verdiği 400 küsursayfalık kitabı için bu tabiri kullanıyor, hakikateşahitlik yaptığını söylüyor.Allah, insanı, kâinatı anlayacak ve dünyadahakikate şahitlik yapacak kapasitede yaratmıştır. İlim adamlarının şahitliği, daha üstün vederindir, çünkü onlarda vicdanî hakikat aynızamanda marifetle, yani bilgiyle mücehhezdir.Demagogların ve bir kısım siyasetçilerinkitleleri arkalarına takıp sürüklediği, doğrularıkarartma adına her türlü kirli psikolojik savaşın icra edildiği günümüzde, bu bilim insanları tarihe ve gelecek nesillere büyük bir mirasbırakıyorlar. İnsanlık tarihinin her dönemindeolduğu gibi…Bir medeniyetler tarihçisi olan Jon Pahl'unkitabı, hem Fethullah Gülen Hocaefendi'nin hayatını anlatıyor, hem de Hocaefendi ve HizmetHareketi hakkındaki kara propagandalara birnevi cevap mahiyeti taşıyor.Jon Pahl, Hizmet Hareketini şöyle tarif ediyor:“İnancı ve bilimi (kalbi ve aklı) iç dünyalarında telif etmiş eğitimli kadroları ve faaliyetleriyledünyada barış inşa eden uluslararası sivil İslam…”Harvard Üniversitesi'nin yayımladığı Darbekitabı birçok dile çevrilen siyaset bilimi ve tarihprofesörü Edward Luttwak'ın, Türkiye'de Hizmet'in başına gelenler için kullandığı şu cümlelere ne kadar benziyor bu tarif:“Eğitim seviyesi düşük Erdoğan'ın başınıçektiği radikal siyasal İslam, 171 ülkede bindenfazla okul, üniversite ve öğrenci yurdu açılmasına ilham veren Fethullah Gülen'in iyi eğitimgörmüş takipçilerine karşı savaş ilan etti.”