Podcasts about liu shaoqi

Sergey Radchenko's book, To Run the World: The Kremlin's Bid for Global Power, is a masterwork! In my mind, it's in pole position for best book of 2025. Sergey takes you into the mind of Soviet and Chinese leaders as they wrestle for global power and recognition, leaving you amused, inspired, and horrified by the small-mindedness of the people who had the power to start World War III. We get amazing vignettes like Liu Shaoqi making fun of the Americans for eating ice cream in trenches, Khrushchev pinning red stars on Eisenhower's grandkids, and Brezhnev and Andropov offering to dig up dirt on senators to help save Nixon from Watergate. Sergey earns your trust in this book, acknowledging what we can and can't know. He leaves you with a new lens to understand the Cold War and the new US-China rivalry — namely, the overwhelming preoccupation with global prestige by Cold War leaders. In this interview, we discuss… Why legitimacy matters in international politics, Stalin's colonial ambitions and Truman's strategy of containment, Sino-Soviet relations during the Stalin era and beyond, The history of nuclear blackmail, starting with the 1956 Suez crisis, Why Khrushchev couldn't save the Soviet economy. Co-hosting today is Jon Sine of the Cogitations substack. Outro music: Виталий Марков "Главное, ребята, сердцем не стареть" (YouTube Link) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Sergey Radchenko's book, To Run the World: The Kremlin's Bid for Global Power, is a masterwork! In my mind, it's in pole position for best book of 2025. Sergey takes you into the mind of Soviet and Chinese leaders as they wrestle for global power and recognition, leaving you amused, inspired, and horrified by the small-mindedness of the people who had the power to start World War III. We get amazing vignettes like Liu Shaoqi making fun of the Americans for eating ice cream in trenches, Khrushchev pinning red stars on Eisenhower's grandkids, and Brezhnev and Andropov offering to dig up dirt on senators to help save Nixon from Watergate. Sergey earns your trust in this book, acknowledging what we can and can't know. He leaves you with a new lens to understand the Cold War and the new US-China rivalry — namely, the overwhelming preoccupation with global prestige by Cold War leaders. In this interview, we discuss… Why legitimacy matters in international politics, Stalin's colonial ambitions and Truman's strategy of containment, Sino-Soviet relations during the Stalin era and beyond, The history of nuclear blackmail, starting with the 1956 Suez crisis, Why Khrushchev couldn't save the Soviet economy. Co-hosting today is Jon Sine of the Cogitations substack. Outro music: Виталий Марков "Главное, ребята, сердцем не стареть" (YouTube Link) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

We continue our textual analysis of the Gutian Resolution.Further reading:Stuart Schram, ed., Mao's Road to Power, vol. 3: From the Jinggangshan to the Establishment of the Jiangxi Soviets, July 1927-December 1930Pang Xianzhi and Jin Chongji, Mao Zedong: A Biography, vol. 1: 1893-1949Mao Zedong, “On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in the Party”“Bury the Slave Mentality Advocated by China's Khrushchov” in Peking Review (April 14, 1967)Some names from this episode:Liu Shaoqi, top level Communist Party leader attacked as China's Khrushchev during the Cultural RevolutionZhou Enlai, head of the Organization Department of the Central CommitteeLi Lisan, leading CommunistQu Qiubai, top leader of Communist Party from the summer of 1927 until the Sixth CongressHuang Chao, salt merchant who led a rebellion from 875-884Li Chuang (Li Zicheng), bandit leader who seized Beijing in 1644 and was later defeated by the ManchusHong Xiuquan, leader of the Taiping Revolution and claimed to be the younger brother of Jesus ChristChen Yi, member of Front Committee of Fourth Red ArmyEpisode artwork: Gutian villageSupport the show

Last time we spoke about the Fujian Rebellion of 1933. In the midst of political turmoil, the 19th Route Army, once vital in campaigns for Chiang Kai-shek, found itself at odds with his leadership during Japan's invasion of Shanghai in 1932. Facing internal rebellion and external threats, Chiang Kai-Shek prioritized fighting the Communists over the Japanese. The 19th Route Army, disillusioned, resisted both Japan and the CCP but ultimately faced betrayal when Chiang Kai-Shek forced them into civil conflict in Fujian, deepening divisions within China. In 1933, Chiang Kai-shek faced opposition for his appeasement of Japan, leading the 19th Route Army, frustrated by his inaction, to plot a coup. Under Chen Mingshu's leadership, they sought alliances against Chiang Kai-Shek but struggled amid civil war pressures and Red Army conflicts. On November 20, they declared the People's Revolutionary Government in Fuzhou, aiming to unify against Japanese aggression. However, lack of support led to rapid failure; by January 1934, Chiang's forces crushed the rebellion, and its leaders fled, marking the end of the Fujian Revolution.   #130 The Long March Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As we saw 2 episodes ago, the CCP had been taken over by the 28 Bolsheviks and Otto Braun who initiated a dramatic offensive strategy for the Red Army. Unfortunately this also came during the 5th encirclement campaign. This resulted in repeated defeats for the Red Army and the gradual shrinking of the Soviet area. In April 1934, the Central Red Army engaged in a decisive battle against the Nationalist Army in Guangchang, Jiangxi Province, suffering severe losses and now faced a critical situation. As the NRA's grip tightened, the Red Army and the Central Committee of the CCP sought new strategies. With offensive tactics no longer feasible, the Red Army considered alternative approaches to navigate its current challenges. One overarching strategy involved co-opting the NRA by harnessing nationalistic sentiment to form a united front against the Japanese. The leadership of the Red Army hoped that by identifying a common enemy, they could temporarily alleviate the conflict with the KMT. In July 1934, they attempted to implement this strategy by deploying the Seventh Red Army Corps to western Fujian to join the 10th Red Army, commanded by Su Yu. This combined force was labeled the Anti-Japanese Vanguard Column to attract Nationalist support; however, the propaganda effort failed. The NRA subsequently obliterated the Red Army Column, resulting in the death or execution of most of its members. Approximately 800 survivors escaped and regrouped as a guerrilla unit under Su Yu, continuing to fight independently until the establishment of the Second United Front in 1937. Another breakout occurred on July 23, 1934, when the 6th Red Army Corps, operating from the Hunan-Guangdong border, traversed Hunan and joined forces with the Third Red Army, forming the Second Front Red Army, led by He Long, on October 22, 1934. It is uncertain whether either operation impacted the KMT. The escalating costs and ongoing casualties placed a heavy burden on the Red Army, complicating its ability to maintain its position. A secure new location was essential for the Red Army to reorganize, resupply, and recruit personnel. In August 1934, Bo Gu and Otto Braun secretly decided to abandon the Jiangxi Soviet. Their initial plan was to head southwest towards Hunan, seeking friendlier territory and aiming to connect with the 2nd Front Red Army. While the precise whereabouts of the 2nd Front Red Army were unclear, the leadership considered Hunan the most probable destination and devised a route to reach it. Meanwhile, the rest of the Red Army intensified its recruitment efforts, raised funds, and gathered supplies. On the night of October 10, 1934, the leadership of the Red Army issued marching orders to the 1st Front Red Army, which advanced southwest in two columns, consisting of the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 8th, and 9th Red Army Corps. The total strength of this force was about 87,000 soldiers. Many of these soldiers were unaware that it would be their final sight of the Jiangxi Soviet, as most believed they were simply executing another maneuver to outflank the KMT and strike at its rear. A contingent of 16,000 troops, including several wounded soldiers like their leader Chen Yi, remained in Ruijin to defend against and delay the KMT forces, providing the First Front Red Army with the necessary time to depart unnoticed. Thus, began what has famously been called the Long March. The first few days of the Long March were relatively calm. The Red Army steered clear of significant confrontations with the NRA forces and easily maneuvered through a gap in the encirclement. Previously, Zhou Enlai had brokered a truce with the Guangdong and Guangxi warlords involved in the Extermination campaign, allowing the Red Army safe passage through the region. Meanwhile, the Red Army troops remaining in Ruijin fiercely resisted the NRA, effectively masking the fact that the main force had already departed. Until November 8, Nationalist newspapers claimed that the Red Army was nearly annihilated. The 1st Front Red Army traveled at night, using small trails to evade detection and attacks from the air. The troop formation included the 1st and 9th Red Army Corps on the left flank, the 3rd and 8th Red Army Corps on the right, with leadership and logistical units positioned in the center, while the 5th Red Army Corps provided rear guard support. The Red Army employed porters to transport heavy equipment, such as printing presses, X-ray machines, and currency. Additional porters carried litters for the wounded and key leaders. During this period, several Red Army leaders, including Zhou Enlai, were unwell or injured, while others, like Mao Zedong, rested in litters during the day after long nights of planning. By mid-November 1934, the NRA learned that the Red Army had broken free from their encirclement and was heading westward, prompting them to pursue. Observing the Red Army's movements, Chiang Kai-shek and the NRA leadership inferred that southern Hunan was likely their destination, so they deployed troops accordingly. The Red Army advanced rapidly to the west, aiming to cross the Xiang River before the NRA could catch up. On November 27, 1934, the Red Army reached Daoxian and launched an assault on the NRA blockhouses guarding the Xiang River crossings. They quickly overran these defenses and began moving troops across the river. However, the central column of the Red Army, hindered by heavy equipment and injured soldiers, fell behind the main force. On November 28, the NRA struck the rear elements of the Red Army before they could reach the river. For 5 days, the Red Army engaged in a fierce rear guard action, trying to disengage from the NRA and successfully cross the river. By December 2, 1934, all Red Army units had successfully crossed the Xiang River, albeit at a significant cost. The Red Army lost over two divisions from the 3rd and 5th Red Army Corps, leaving just over 30,000 soldiers remaining in their ranks. Furthermore, much of the Army's heavy equipment and supplies were abandoned along the way to lighten their load. After the Red Army crossed the Xiang River, it continued to evade direct confrontations with the NRA. The challenging battle at the Xiang River had a profound impact on the Red Army, leading to a rise in desertions as soldiers recognized that the movement had turned into an exodus from Jiangxi. Many porters responsible for transporting heavy equipment also began to leave during the night, especially while navigating the difficult, muddy trails in the mountains. The Red Army made several attempts to head north to join He Long and the 2nd Front Red Army, but each time, they found their routes blocked by the NRA. As a result, they altered their plans and headed west toward Guizhou, aiming to reach Sichuan and connect with the 4th Front Red Army to establish a new Soviet. Upon arriving in Liping, Guizhou province, the Red Army leadership decided on December 18th to advance north toward Zunyi in pursuit of their goal in Sichuan. Initially, Guiyang, the provincial capital, was the intended destination, but it had been fortified with seven NRA divisions. In contrast, Zunyi appeared to be a more feasible target as the second-largest city in the province, defended only by local Guizhou forces. On January 1st, 1935, the Red Army began its march toward Zunyi, crossing the Wu River under heavy fire from Guizhou provincial troops. Within three days, they successfully crossed the river and continued toward Zunyi. On January 7, the Red Army launched an attack on Zunyi, which fell two days later. Following the capture of the city, the Red Army initiated a recruitment drive, adding 30,000 new recruits to its ranks. To enhance its mobility, they buried or abandoned much of their heavy equipment. The Red Army had originally planned to remain in the area for an extended period to refit, reorganize, and bolster their forces. The staff of the Central Cadre Unit's Red Army Medical School seized the opportunity to conduct a week-long course on basic first aid for soldiers. However, local conditions hindered any long-term presence. The area's primary crop was opium, useful for barter but inadequate for sustaining the Red Army. Additionally, the city's position along a river bend restricted the Red Army's escape routes in the event of an NRA attack. Given these challenges, Communist leadership convened a conference to deliberate on their military strategy. The conference held on January 15th, 1935, marked a pivotal moment in Communist history. In attendance were Politburo members, including Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Zhou Enlai, Luo Fu, and Bo Gu, along with Liu Bocheng, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, Nie Rongzhen, Peng Dehuai, and Otto Braun. The primary focus of the meeting was the unsuccessful military strategy employed during the 5th Extermination Campaign. Bo Gu and Zhou Enlai opened the discussion, both acknowledging their mistakes and accepting responsibility for the failures. Mao Zedong followed with a sharp critique of the strategy's use of "short, swift thrusts" and the lack of cooperation with the Fujian 19th route NRA Army. The conference continued for three more days, during which much of the Red Army leadership criticized Bo Gu and Otto Braun's approach, aligning themselves with Mao. By the end of the meeting, key leaders of the CCP and Red Army had distanced themselves from the 28 Bolsheviks, effectively making Mao Zedong the de facto leader of the CCP, despite not being formally elected to any new position at Zunyi. A significant change was the disbanding of the triumvirate leadership of Bo Gu, Otto Braun, and Zhou Enlai. Zhu De and Zhou Enlai were assigned to lead the Red Army, which then moved towards Sichuan to connect with the 4th Front Red Army. Departing Zunyi, the Red Army comprised four army corps: the 1st, 3rd, 5th and 9th Red Army Corps, although all were considerably smaller than before. The total strength of the 1st Front Red Army was approximately 35,000 soldiers. The army advanced north through Tongzi, gathering gold and opium to procure food and supplies for the journey. The 1st Army Corps, led by Lin Biao, took the lead in searching for a route to cross the Yangtze River. While attempting to secure a crossing near Chishui, the remainder of the Red Army engaged in a fierce battle with a Sichuan NRA force near Tucheng. The fighting escalated to such a degree that Mao Zedong ordered Lin Biao and his corps to return and assist. Ultimately, on January 29th, 1935, the Red Army lost contact with the enemy and abandoned its plan to cross the Yangtze River, instead retreating west to Zhaxi in Yunnan province to evade NRA forces. However, this provided only a temporary reprieve, as more NRA troops moved west into Sichuan, covering all potential crossing points along the Yangtze. Faced with limited options, Mao proposed an audacious plan on February 7th: the Red Army would split into separate columns and head back east into Guizhou to mislead the NRA, then reunite and proceed southwest into Yunnan to find a safer crossing point over the Yangtze. Executing this plan, the Red Army conducted a series of feints, diversionary attacks, and deception operations to confuse NRA leadership, as well as some of its own ranks. Mao Zedong aimed to create an opening for the Red Army to escape into Yunnan and cross the Yangtze in the Jinsha River area. The Red Army began moving east, achieving victories over the NRA, such as at Loushan Pass, where they captured about a division's worth of personnel and equipment. They continued eastward, seizing the city of Maotai and acquiring additional gold and opium for trade. In March 1935, Mao was appointed as the political commissar of the Red Army, with Zhu De serving as the commander-in-chief. His leadership role was further solidified when he was included in the triumvirate Military Council alongside Zhou Enlai and Wang Jiaxiang. Mao Zedong then initiated a deception operation, sending the 9th Red Army Corps north as a feint toward the Yangtze River, intending to reinforce NRA intelligence assessments. Chiang believed that these erratic movements indicated the Red Army was preparing for a decisive battle. Consequently, he relocated his NRA headquarters to Guiyang and deployed nearly all of Guizhou's NRA forces to the Yangtze area to encircle and eliminate the Red Army. This deployment inadvertently opened a north-south corridor in Guizhou, allowing the Red Army to move south towards Guiyang, which was now vulnerable due to the concentration of NRA forces along the Yangtze. Capitalizing on these fears, Mao sent additional Red Army units toward the provincial capital. In response, Chiang hurriedly redirected NRA forces from Yunnan to bolster defenses in Guiyang, thus creating yet another escape route for the Red Army. The Red Army swiftly exploited this corridor and advanced into Yunnan. They employed a similar feint tactic as used in Guiyang, deploying units from the 1st Red Army Corps to threaten Kunming. With the main Yunnan forces still occupied in Guiyang, the Yunnan government was forced to reallocate its frontier and militia troops to defend the capital, thus opening one final corridor for the Red Army to escape through a crossing at the Jinsha River. By April 1935, the Red Army had executed one of its most daring maneuvers, evading the NRA forces by making a sweeping maneuver into Yunnan. Despite this strategy, the Red Army still needed to cross the Yangtze River. One section of the river, known as the Jinsha River, flows from Tibet through Yunnan to Sichuan and offered excellent crossing points for the Red Army. On April 29th, Mao Zedong identified three crossing locations. The 1st Red Army Corps was assigned to cross in the north at Longjie, while the 3rd Red Army Corps would cross in the center at Hongmen. The Central Cadre Unit was designated to use the southern crossing point at Jiaopingdu. Meanwhile, the Fifth and Ninth Army Corps were tasked with rear guard operations and would cross at the nearest crossing point. Although the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps struggled to secure their crossing locations, the Central Cadre Unit successfully acquired seven boats, established security on both riverbanks, and commenced a ferrying operation that would last nine days. Consequently, the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps abandoned their original crossing points and moved to Jiaopingdu. The 3rd Red Army Corps crossed on May 7th, followed by the 1st Red Army Corps the next day. The 5th Red Army Corps maintained its rear guard before quickly crossing at Jiaopingdu on May 9th. Upon reaching Sichuan, the weary Red Army troops began to contemplate their next steps. After nearly nine months of travel, with minimal rest and significant losses, the Red Army's numbers had dwindled to around 25,000 soldiers, with much of their heavy equipment abandoned along their retreat route. They attempted to seize Huili but were met with fierce resistance from the 24th NRA Division. Outside the city, Red Army leaders held a conference on May 12th and resolved to continue north through Sichuan, aiming to cross the Dadu River to join forces with the 4th Front Red Army. As the Red Army advanced through the territory of the Yi minority, they faced hostility from the Yi people, who harbored animosity toward the Han and attacked straggling Red Army soldiers, stealing their weapons and clothing and leaving many to perish. Fortunately, Liu Bocheng and his vanguard unit from the 1st Red Army Corps negotiated a truce with the Yi, securing safe passage in exchange for promises of equal land rights and treatment after the war. On May 23rd, the Red Army reached Anshunchang along the Dadu River. Their initial attempts to cross by ferry were thwarted by strong NRA defenses on the opposite bank, and they only managed to secure three boats, which were insufficient for a crossing. On May 27th, Red Army leaders decided to take a calculated risk and dispatched troops northward to seize Luding Bridge. This iron-chain suspension bridge, located along a challenging trail through the mountain passes, crossed the Dadu River. In a remarkable act of bravery, the 4th Regiment of the 2nd Division, 1st Red Army Corps, led by Yang Chengwu, marched nearly 100 miles in under 3 days to secure the bridge. Despite facing a defending NRA brigade on sheer cliffs, the 4 Regiment acted swiftly and captured the bridge amid constant gunfire, with only 18 of the 22 men who launched the final assault surviving. Their sacrifice allowed the Red Army to evade the main KMT force and successfully cross the Dadu River, ultimately establishing themselves in Hualingping for refitting operations. However, the challenges for the Red Army persisted even after crossing the Dadu. They were still unaware of the 4th Front Red Army's location, with one possible area being directly north behind the Jiajin Mountains. To avoid detection from NRA forces or ambushes by Tibetans, Mao opted for a central walking trail through the Jiajin Mountains rather than the more accessible eastern and western routes. For many survivors of the Long March, the leg through the Jiajin Mountains proved to be the most arduous and challenging segment. The Red Army soldiers faced hunger, cold, thirst, avalanches, and the high altitude as they attempted to traverse the snow-capped peaks with little more than the clothes on their backs. On June 12th, the first units of the Red Army arrived at Danwei, located at the northern foot of the Jiajin Mountains. By June 14th, the remaining soldiers descended from the mountains and linked up with Li Xiannian, a liaison officer from the 4th Front Red Army. Approximately 10,000 soldiers endured the harsh conditions and made it down the mountain. Thankfully, they rejoined their fellow Red Army comrades, allowing them to take a much-needed rest. On June 18, 1935, the 1st and 4th Front Red Armies finally connected at Lianghekou. The Fourth Front Red Army fared significantly better than its counterpart, having originated from the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Soviet before relocating to the Shaanxi-Sichuan border and settling in northwest Sichuan in March 1935. Their forces numbered nearly 80,000, surpassing the 1st Front Red Army. Some soldiers from the 1st Front looked on with admiration and envy at the robust condition of the 4th Front soldiers and their horses. On June 26th, the leadership of both armies convened to discuss their future movements. Mao Zedong proposed advancing north to Gansu, then heading east toward Ningxia, with the ultimate goal of reaching Mongolia to establish communication with the Soviet Union. Conversely, Zhang Guotao suggested moving west to Xinjiang, aiming to connect with the Soviet Union via the Central Asian Republics. Beneath these military discussions lay political maneuvering as both Mao Zedong and Zhang Guotao sought to assert dominance over the Red Army. Ultimately, both sides maintained cordial relations and established a unified strategy and command. The Red Army was set to advance north to southern Gansu to establish a Soviet presence in the border areas. Zhang Guotao was appointed vice-chairman of the Military Council. By June 30, the 1st Front Red Army had moved into the Grasslands, with Zhang Guotao and the 4th Front Red Army following a day later. The meeting at Lianghekou did not resolve the political tensions between the factions led by Zhang Guotao and Mao Zedong, and these conflicts intensified over time. While Zhang Guotao continued to advocate for a westward movement toward Xinjiang, he also sought to recruit key leaders from the 1st Front Red Army to support his cause, but to no avail. Mao Zedong remained steadfast in his commitment to the agreed plan to proceed to Gansu and took measures to prevent any subversion from Zhang Guotao's camp. Tensions escalated during a conference at Maoergai on August 6th. The Red Army had arrived at Maoergai the previous day to rest and reorganize. According to one account, Mao Zedong held the meeting in the neighboring town of Shawo, securing the location ahead of Zhang Guotao arrival. As the sole representative from the 4th Front Red Army on the Politburo and Central Committee, Zhang Guotao intended to introduce additional representatives to enhance his influence, but they were unable to bypass security. This infuriated Zhang Guotao, highlighting the political maneuvering at play. Another account claims the meeting took place at Zhang Guotao's 11th Red Army Division headquarters, with his loyal soldiers ensuring that Mao Zdong could not undermine him. Regardless, no agreements were reached during this meeting. A second meeting was held on August 20th at Maoergai, resulting in a negotiated settlement. The Red Army remained under the command of Zhu De but was divided into two columns. The Right Column included the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps, led by Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai, respectively, and also incorporated the 13th and 3th Red Armies from the 4th Front. Mao, Zhou Enlai, Bo Gu, and Otto Braun traveled with the Right Column. The Left Column comprised the remainder of the 4th Front Army, along with the 5th and 9th Red Army Corps, and was led by Zhang Guotao and Liu Bocheng, with Zhu De accompanying them. Both columns would advance north while skirting the Grasslands, with the Left Column heading toward Aba and the Right Column toward Baxi. Once the plan was finalized, they began their movement into the Grasslands on August 23rd. In the Grasslands, the Red Army encountered conditions as challenging as those in the mountains. This region was home to a minority population, and the Tibetan locals were just as hostile as the Yi had been, attacking and killing many stragglers. Food sources were scarce, and many Red Army soldiers were unfamiliar with edible plant species. Water supplies were also limited, as most sources were stagnant and contaminated. The soldiers ended up consuming wheat kernels, which severely upset their digestive systems. The trailing units faced even greater difficulties, as the vanguard troops turned the dirt paths into muddy pits, leaving little food for foraging. The Right Column reached Baxi on August 27th, suffering heavy losses during the week-long trek; the 3rd Red Army Corps alone lost 400 soldiers. The Left Column progressed more slowly and arrived in Aba about a week later. Once they exited the Grasslands, the Red Army faced another internal struggle that threatened their retreat. On September 3rd, Zhang Guotao sent a wireless message to Mao Zedong and the Right Column, stating that his forces were stationed at Aba and that the White River, north of Aba, was impassable. Mao Zedong urged Zhang Guotao to adhere to the Maoergai decision and even offered additional troops to assist in crossing the river, which Zhang Guotao politely declined. On September 9th, Mao Zedong learned of a secret message Zhang Guotao had sent to his aide in the Right Column. Zhang Guotao wanted the Right Column to move back south through the Grasslands to reunite the two columns and convene a meeting to discuss a new strategy, indicating an intention to initiate an intraparty power struggle. Fearing that Zhang Guotao would use his superior numbers to impose his strategy on the Red Army, the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps quietly departed Baxi and continued north to Gansu. This approximately 8,000-strong force arrived at Ejie and held an emergency conference. The Red Army reorganized its forces as the Anti-Japanese Vanguard Force to garner support from the local population. They also issued a “Resolution Concerning the Mistakes of Comrade Zhang Guotao,” reprimanding his actions without expelling him from the Communist Party. On September 14th, the Red Army continued north and captured the Lazikou Pass, defeating two of Zhang Guotao's forces as he and his 4th Front Army moved south toward Chengdu. Zhang Guotao was furious upon discovering that Mao Zdong and his loyal Red Army troops had left without notice, but he chose not to pursue them and instead redirected his troops toward Chengdu. The 4th Front Red Army achieved initial victories in October 1935 against the NRA at Baoxing and Tianquan, coming within sixty miles of the Sichuan provincial capital. In response to this threat, Chiang Kai-shek dispatched over 80 NRA regiments to defend Chengdu. The NRA launched a counteroffensive at Baizhang, inflicting heavy losses on the Fourth Front Red Army, which retreated in disarray back to Ganzi in western Sichuan province, where they would remain until they linked up with the 2nd Front Army in June 1936. As the 4th Front Army moved south toward Sichuan, the Red Army completed the final stage of its arduous journey. On September 21st, 1935, Mao Zedong and the Anti-Japanese Vanguard arrived in Hadapu, a Han city in Gansu province. The soldiers rejoiced at being among their own ethnic group and took a few days to rest. During their stay, Mao Zedong and other leaders of the Red Army learned that a Soviet force, led by Liu Zhidan, a friend of Mao Zedong, was present in northern Shaanxi, supporting the 25th and 26th Red Armies. 10 days later, the Anti-Japanese Vanguard left Hadapu and swiftly moved west to avoid the NRA's Muslim cavalry units, aiming to connect with their allied units in Shaanxi. On October 19, 1935, Mao Zedong joined forces with the 25th and 26th Red Armies and settled near Wuqi. The remnants of the 1st Front Red Army had completed their year-long, 6,000-mile journey with approximately 4,000 soldiers. Once they reached the relative safety of Shaanxi, the Red Army reverted to its traditional strategy of political mobilization to gather resources, recruit new members, and propagate the communist revolution. On February 5th, 1936, the 1st Front Red Army moved east to carry out political mobilization efforts. Over the following two months, the Red Army defeated seven provincial divisions, capturing more than 4,000 soldiers. They also recruited 8,000 new members, raised $300,000 in revenue, and added 20 counties in Shanxi to their new Soviet. In May, the 1st Front Army advanced westward for a two-month operation, acquiring over 2,000 rifles and 400 horses, thereby expanding the Soviet's reach into Gansu and Ningxia. However, these efforts were ultimately thwarted by NRA forces, compelling the Red Army to relocate from Wuqi to Bao'an in June 1936. In October 1936, the 2nd and 4th Front Armies finally reached Bao'an, marking the completion of the Long March for the Red Army. With all three units reunited, the Red Army War College reopened in Dengjiaqiao, with Liu Bocheng eventually returning to lead it. Additionally, the Red Army military school began training in Tai'erwan. From 1934 to 1936, the Red Army evaded annihilation through a combination of courage, determination, and fortunate circumstances. Enduring harsh conditions and traversing some of China's most challenging terrain to escape the NRA and provincial forces, the Red Army demonstrated remarkable resilience. Mao Zedong skillfully navigated the political landscape within the Red Army, emerging as its supreme leader. The Communists also capitalized on the challenges facing the NRA and KMT leadership. The Red Army effectively utilized Chiang Kai-Sheks inability to exert full control over his subordinate warlords and their military units to avoid unnecessary confrontations. Upon reaching Shaanxi in late 1935, the survivors of the Long March were not only battle-hardened by their experiences but also carried valuable lessons learned from previous campaigns. In the relative security of the new Soviet, the Red Army expanded its ranks and resumed training and mobilization efforts. The Red Army had survived its greatest challenge to date and was poised to develop into the professional military force that would ultimately defeat the NRA and overthrow the KMT government. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Thus not only did the Red Army escape death at the hands of the NRA, but the experience of the Long March would actually contribute to the downfall of the NRA. Mao Zedong had emerged a top figure in the CCP and now would oversee it and the Red Army's future development until the ultimate clash with Chiang Kai-Shek for the future of China.

fWotD Episode 2706: The Founding Ceremony of the Nation Welcome to Featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia’s finest articles.The featured article for Tuesday, 1 October 2024 is The Founding Ceremony of the Nation.The Founding Ceremony of the Nation (or The Founding of the Nation) is a 1953 oil painting by Chinese artist Dong Xiwen. It depicts Mao Zedong and other Communist Party officials proclaiming the People's Republic of China at Tiananmen Square on October 1, 1949. A prominent example of socialist realism, it is one of the most celebrated works of official Chinese art. The painting was repeatedly revised, and a replica painting made to accommodate further changes, as the leaders it depicted fell from power and later were rehabilitated.After the Chinese Communist Revolution, the Party sought to memorialize their achievements through artworks. Dong was commissioned to create a visual representation of the October 1 ceremony, which he had attended. He viewed it as essential that the painting show both the people and their leaders. After working for three months, he completed an oil painting in a folk art style, drawing upon Chinese art history for the contemporary subject. The success of the painting was assured when Mao viewed it and liked it, and it was reproduced in large numbers for display in the home.The 1954 purge of Gao Gang from the government resulted in Dong being ordered to remove him from the painting. Gao's departure was not the last; Dong was forced to remove then-Chinese president Liu Shaoqi in 1967. The winds of political fortune continued to shift during the Cultural Revolution, and a reproduction was painted by other artists in 1972 to accommodate another deletion. That replica was modified in 1979 to include the purged individuals, who had been rehabilitated. Both canvases are in the National Museum of China in Beijing.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:30 UTC on Tuesday, 1 October 2024.For the full current version of the article, see The Founding Ceremony of the Nation on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Joey.

Show Notes and Transcript Xi Van Fleet, a survivor of Mao's Cultural Revolution, joins Hearts of Oak to share her harrowing experiences in China and discusses her book "Mao's America," which draws parallels between the Cultural Revolution and the current woke movement in America.  Fresh from a recent interview with Tucker Carlson, which has amassed a whopping 5M+ views on X/Twitter, Xi recounts to us the chaos and fear of the Cultural Revolution, comparing the Red Guards in China to modern movements like BLM and Antifa, exposing the manipulation of youth for political gain.  She warns against the destructive nature of cancel culture and emphasizes the importance of preserving American values.  Xi reflects on her journey to America and addresses the impact of communist regimes on families and personal freedoms and stresses the need to resist authoritarian control for the sake of freedom and democracy. Xi Van Fleet describes herself as “Chinese by birth; American by choice, survivor of Mao's Cultural Revolution, defender of liberty.” She was born in China, lived through the Cultural Revolution, and was sent to work in the countryside at the age of 16. After Mao's death she was able to go to college to study English and has lived in the United States since 1986. In 2021, she delivered a school board speech in Loudoun County, Virginia against Critical Race Theory that went viral and ignited national conservative media attention. She now devotes her time and energies full time to warning about the parallels between Mao's Cultural Revolution in China and what's unfolding in America today.  Connect with Xi... X/Twitter            x.com/XVanFleet *Special thanks to Bosch Fawstin for recording our intro/outro on this podcast. Check out his art theboschfawstinstore.blogspot.com and follow him on X twitter.com/TheBoschFawstin    (Hearts of Oak) And I'm delighted to have Xi Van Fleet with us today. Xi, thank you so much for joining us today. (Xi van Fleet) Well, thank you so much for finding me all the way from the UK. This is amazing. I will thank Karen Siegemund. I know you were speaking at an AFA conference recently, and Karen was singing your praises. And when we talked last week or a week before, she had mentioned you. So, it's wonderful to have you. I've been having the pleasure of listening to your book. But obviously, before we get into that, people can find you at your Twitter handle, @XVanFleet. And that is what they will find if they head over. Your book is Mao's America. It is available everywhere in the UK. I know I listened to it as a audio book. You can get as a hardback also. Childhood in China And I found it fascinating and riveting. But maybe we can jump in. It's you describe it as a an aspiring survivor of Mao's cultural revolution in china, and you do in it make a a passionate case that history is repeating itself as the woke revolution spreads across America and you lived through the cultural revolution; you fled, you left China and you've spent many, many years in America. I think in Virginia where I've been many times in the last two years actually all over Virginia. I know Virginia more than any other state in the US but, maybe I can ask you first; tell us about growing up in China. Our audience, 50% U.S., 50% U.K. Few of them will have any idea of what that was like. But maybe what are some of your childhood memories of growing up in China? Well, the first thing I can say is that before the Cultural Revolution, my memory was – I just don't have much memory because one thing, it was not –, not a lot going on. So, in a way, I call it eventless, but it's not. It's not eventless. But for a child like me, it's relatively calm. So to me, my memory kind of started in the cultural revolution. And to me, it's overnight. And I was not even seven. And people question, how can you remember? Yes, you remember when your whole world was turned upside down. And it's just almost overnight and class was canceled. One day I went to the classroom and I saw the writing on the blackboard by the teacher that there's no class for three days. And that three days lasted for two years and for some others, as long as four years. And it's absolute chaos. Why school was closed? Because no one was running the school. All the teachers and administrators were ousted by who? By the kids. Kids. So, for me, it's elementary school. And I witnessed some violence, but it's not lethal, of course. But that's not the case in middle school and in universities. And we heard stories, even though I was too little to go to those places and witness the violence. But many, many people died. The teachers, professors, and school administrators in the hands of the Red Guards. And as I mentioned in my book, the first killing happened in the middle school for girls in Beijing. Just girls, young girls, 12 to 16, somehow was able to just turn around and regard their principals as enemies. And they would hate their principal so much that they want to kill her, and they did. And meanwhile, it's chaos. It's absolute chaos everywhere. So since there's no class, so we just went to the street. And every day we witnessed some kind of a struggle session. I think this term has come into the English vocabulary, struggle session. It's public trial of the presumed enemy of the state. And it can be anyone. So, one day, and I was with my friend looking at all this parade of the enemies and found out, and I noticed that's her father, our neighbour. And that really brought close to me that anyone, anyone can be the enemy. And I was just really praying my father wouldn't make any mistakes so that he would be paraded like that. And then destruction, destruction everywhere. everywhere, and that lasted. That's pretty much my memory of the 10 years of Cultural Revolution, and because it lasted until Mao's death in 1976. I graduated from high school in 1975, and what to do after you graduate? Everyone had to go to the countryside because the Cultural revolution has destroyed all the economy; everything. There's no job. And for the young people, there's only one way out, go to the countryside, and of course, Mao said, "you go to the countryside and get re-educated by the peasants to be a better communist." And again, the word re-education now made into the English vocabulary. Tell us about that. That term re-education is a term that in the West we don't really understand, but is a powerful concept, I guess, by the government. Tell us what re-education meant in China, as you saw it. Actually, this word, they have a different, but there are different words for the same concept. It started with thought reform. Thought reform is something that everyone, everyone had to go through after the communists took over China. So, because we all had bad thoughts, bad education, bad ideas put in our head, and that's not good. It's not allowed. So, we all have to go through this process called thought reform. Or you can say indoctrination, brainwash, whatever. And so during the Cultural Revolution, they had a new term for it. It's re-education. Sounds better. And so what you do? You get your re-education through physical labor. Go to the countryside. And the culture revolution, that was 66 to 76, 1966 to 1976. So, that was your whole time in high school growing up. That's all. But then before, it wasn't that this suddenly comes in and everything changes. The Great Leap Forward was before that. And the amount of people that died, tens of millions, that's a number so difficult for anyone who's never experienced that to understand. But I've seen figures of 40, 50 million. It's huge. It's huge. Yeah. And I'm glad you mentioned it. Why Mao want to launch this cultural revolution? I did not know. Many people did not know. We just went through it. We suffered. And we did not know why. I had no idea until way after I came here, when I was able to read different sources of materials. And then I said, my God. It took, you know, I went through this whole disaster, this catastrophe, and suffered so much, everyone, and now I know why. Let me go back to the Great Leap Forward that you mentioned, and that was in the late 50s and early 60s that Mao launched this movement called Great Leap Forward. What he wanted to do, he wanted to modernize China. And, okay, modernize not to raise the living standard for the people. No, he wanted to do one thing, one thing only. He wanted to produce steel. And he wanted to produce steel so that, and the plan was that in 15 years, in 10 years, we'll surpass the production in the UK, and 15 years, surpass the United States. Why steal? Why not something else? Of course, steel is going to be useful for his weapon, for whatever, for his power. So, everyone has to do that. Everyone, school kids, urban dwellers, peasants, everyone has to do one thing. The whole country mobilized to do one thing, to make steel. And how do you make steel? Yo u make a homemade furnace, backyard, and you get doorknobs and kitchen utensils, whatever, and throw it into the furnace and come out junk, of course. So, that lasted like two years and a total failure. Not just that, all the crops failed because no one was working in the fields. So up to 50, we don't know the number. We would never know the number because the numbers will never be released unless, you know, CCP is out of power. Up to 50 million people starved to death. So, for a dictatorship, that's still a big deal. It is a big deal. You know, so Mao was forced to take a back seat. And so let someone else, which was the president of China, Liu Shaoqi, took over and to recover from that disaster, focused on economy. That was 1962. And as a dictator, Mao was not going to take it. He wanted his power, not just power. He still had power. He wanted absolute power. And that was his reason to launch the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution was for one reason alone, get power back from his political, he considered them political enemy. So it's all about power. And that is exactly what happened in the West, of course, including UK. Some people want power. They want not just power, but absolute and permanent power. And that's why it's so similar. And what do they do? You know, they use the young people. They use the youth, the indoctrinated youth. And in China, it's Red Guards. In the West, it's BLMers, Antifa, Social Justice Warriors. I don't know. Okay, you may have some other names. It's all the same, all the same. Now, they are pro-Hamas activists. They're all the same. They're just like the Red Guards. They came from the same source, government schools, from the same indoctrination, Marxist-Communist indoctrination. You mentioned the Red Guards, and if people have read the book and understand, I think your book is a great eye-opener into the background of Communist China that most people have no idea about. But you have a whole chapter talking about the Red Guards and the rallies you went to, and that was the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Were the Red Guards, I know you're very young at this stage, but were they part of the Great Leap Forward, what had happened before, or did they just come around the Cultural Revolution and were Mao's kind of personal guards or personal army? Yeah, no, they were too young for the, most of them were too young for the Great Leap Forward. And maybe some college students still participated as a little kid. But, those are the kids that went through t he indoctrination. By then, in 1966, Mao had control of the education system for 17 years. That's enough to produce a whole generation of brainwashed, indoctrinated youth who knew nothing, nothing, but Mao was their great leader. Not only great leader, Mao was their real father, Mao was their god and their only purpose of life is follow Mao's instruction and do whatever Mao asked them to do. And what Mao wanted them to do? Mao wants them to take the power off the hands of those CCP bureaucrats. That's what it is. So, And as young people, as students, whenever you think people in power, you think about your teacher first, because the teacher was the one in the classroom tell you what to do every day. And then the school administrations. So, that's what they started with. They started to take power from those in the universities or schools, and then they go to the larger society and everyone. This is really hard to understand, but that's the fact that the Cultural Revolution was a revolution against the CCP, against the CCP government, against the CCP's institutions, because Mao wanted his power from the hands of those he no longer trusted. And the Red Guards were just used as political pawns. Just like today, those things, students think they are doing something that for some great cause. They don't know history. They have no clue. If they knew anything of the Cultural Revolution, they would say, 'oh, maybe this is history repeating.' It is history repeating for people who know, for people who lived through it. Well, yeah, and another concept used in the book, which people understand today, and you've applied it back then, is cancel culture, and that's in Chapter 7. And you talk about in China, I'll talk about there and then we'll take it up to the present and what we see, but you talk about destroying the four olds. Tell us about that. Yes. And so people think cancel culture is something new. It's not. In China, it has a different name. It's called smashing the four olds. Old ideas, old tradition, old custom, and old habits. It is really the Chinese civilization, Chinese traditional culture. So, everything that is not communist has to be destroyed. Everything. And again, for the kids, what you go first, you go something obvious. You go after the statues. Yeah, what statues? And in China, there are not as many statues in the public places as in the West. They are mostly in temples and churches. They went into the temples and mostly Buddhist temples, Confucian temples with statues destroyed them and church destroyed them. And so when I saw what's going on in the West, I just hope they knew a little bit of history, that this has been done before and then change names. And so, because any traditional names is considered for old then has to be destroyed. And names of streets, institutions, even personal names. I'm sure that happened in UK, Okay, but that happened everywhere in the United States, in Virginia. Because in Virginia, a lot of schools were named after the founding fathers who are Virginians and just have to change them. And we did the same thing in China. The names of streets are changing into anti-imperial street, revolutionary street, whatever. And I saw that, absolutely. And then people really have problem figuring out where to meet because the name keep changing. It's just very, very confusing chaos. And then people also ask me, you know, anyone to stop them? Well...? Defund the police. Here we call it defund the police. There it's called smashing the criminal justice systems. All the law enforcement was dismantled. There's no one to stop the Red Guards. And who can stop it? Because, Mao declared he was the red commander-in-chief for his little red guards. No one dared to stop them. And that's, again, that's what's happening here. Yeah, that's exactly what's happening here. The Democratic Party in the United States, the Democratic Party is behind, behind the BMM, behind the Antifa, they're behind all the student movement. That's why, you know, and then the conservatives, we back the blue. But the blue, it actually will have orders not to do anything, just like China. They I want to pick up on some other concepts of the book, but you start the book talking about that experience of speaking in Loudoun County at those school board meetings. What prompted you to do that? Because to speak publicly is quite a thing for someone who hasn't spoken, and the vast majority of people have not. But, I enjoy doing videos of people. I don't necessarily enjoy speaking publicly. And that is a very different thing. So, what led you and persuaded you that you had to speak publicly? Yeah, thank you. That's a good question. And I now, I speak everywhere and I'm speaking to you now, but I never dreamed that is something I dare to do. I was as quiet as a mouse, like typical Asian immigrant. I just mind my own business. And also when I came here in 1986, I had this idea that I left communism behind me and I come to this greatest country on earth and a country, the freedom will be guaranteed. There's nothing to worry. And I never really pay much attention to politics. Until you start to see science here and there. And then probably my earliest memory would be the, political correctness, that we were told that we have to say certain things, certain ways, and they keep changing the rule. So, and I just feel like that's just kind of like cultural revolution. But still, I did not really lose my sleep over those things, and but it's become more and more and not just you know in the media but my workplace in my child school and in my immediate environment I saw this kind of thing that remind me of cultural revolution still I did not do anything never thought I would do anything until 2020, until 2020. And when I saw the cities being burned and the state of violence, the riots, the absolute slogan that is nothing short of communist slogans. I just could not sit back anymore. And so I, I decided to get involved, but only, you know, small steps. I got involved with local conservative organizations and then went to the school board. And even for the school board, I thought, well, you know, it's local. It's local, you know, it's my county's school board. And I was so thankful I had to have, they required to wear the mask. I said, thank goodness. So no one knew what I really looked like. And it was very nerve-wracking, but i finished that I said okay i did my duty. I have no idea that it went viral. I thought why it went viral, everybody knew everybody knew this is like cultural revolution, well, well, well, well, what a surprise that I found out that people have no idea and most of the people in that room in the school board meeting in Rome, probably the first time they heard about the Cultural Revolution. And then, of course, Fox News called, and then people want to know more, and I still feel like, you know, even though I was invited to talk and an interview here and there, I just don't think it's enough, and I went to one meeting, it's a conservative meeting, and I was talking about the Cultural Revolution, Red Guards, 4-0s, and I noticed people down there, you know, the audience, they look like, what? I said, no, no, no. It is not something that people just can learn in a short meeting here or there, so that's the time I said, I have to do more. And never ever, just like I never dreamed of speak publicly, I never dreamed of writing a book. But I feel like I got to, got to, I have to. And so in 2022, spring of 2022, I quit my job. I just decided this is what I'm called to do. And I spent a whole year and had that book down. And it must, I mean, to go from living in the US for many years, just getting on with your own business, your own life, family, all of that, to speaking at this and then ending up on a show like with Tucker. That is a, probably if you look back, you'd think, would you have made the same decision? Because, we don't know where our actions lead. We don't know. But you end up where you are, and it must be a pleasant surprise, obviously. Well, the only thing I can say is it's God's will. I really, if I were told before I went to the school board that I will be asked to speak on live TV on Fox, I would say, no, no way. I would quit right there. You know, this is not... But this also is a very humbling experience. And I really realized it's just really nothing about me. It is all about the country, not just the United States, about the West. And so... God's will. I have no idea. I have made so many times, oh, I made a flop myself, many, many times. I don't care. I don't care at this point. It's not about me. It's not about me. It's about my message. If I can get the message out, I'll do anything. Can I go in back, because you mentioned You mention in your book, I think, a conversation with your father, and he said something or a discussion that made you realize that he didn't necessarily accept everything. And I'm wondering for you growing up in that environment under Mao, what made you begin to question? What made you begin to ask? Because you're not supposed to ask questions. You're supposed to accept everything. You obviously were someone who may be asked, what was that like and what kind of questions did you have? I did not ask. There are people that are smarter than I am or they're just more politically sensitive than I was. I was just the last one to realize anything. But I did have one experience because people ask me, what did your parents tell you during the Cultural Revolution, with all the chaos going on? Nothing, nothing, because the culture is that anyone can be a snitcher, that it can be your family and it can be your spouse, can be your children, can be your parents, just anyone. And parents, smart parents don't talk to their kids. So, we never talk, discuss anything serious. It's about just daily routine. So I never really know. Even today, my father passed away 20 some years ago. I really wish I had asked him some questions. Never. So, I did not know where he stand. But one day I was doing exactly what I was indoctrinated to do. I was watching everyone else as potential counter revolutionaries. So, in my diary, I recorded there's someone making some remarks, and I think it's anti-party, it's anti-socialism, it's kind of bad. And so my father was a professional writer. He worked in the propaganda department. It's called propaganda department. Yeah, he wrote articles for the party and for speeches, you know, whatever. So, he would encourage me to write diary and he would go over and correct to improve my writing. And then when he saw that, he was kicked out very serious. And he said, do you plan to report this person? I thought he would praise me for doing the right thing to record, you know, someone saying something not politically correct. And that's the only conversation I kind of realized he did not approve what was going on. But, we never had deeper discussion. That is how bad it is. I just feel like there's so much is lost because there's no real communication between my father and the three of us, my siblings. Because it's just not safe. It's not safe to talk about serious stuff with your kids. Chapter 8 talks about family. And I know from talking to my wife, who grew up in Bulgaria, and those who live behind the Iron Curtain, the mistrust, I guess, and they've learned that up to 10% of family members were working for the government. Turning Families Against Each Other You talk about that, about how the Mao regime, I guess, turned families against each other. Were you aware of that? Is that something you look back and understand now? What was that like at the time? Yeah. That's what we were taught all our lives from kindergarten, that we have enemy everywhere. The enemy always will take any opportunity to overthrow our government and take us back to capitalism. And capitalism is where everyone suffers. And so we're trained to look out for signs, for remarks, for behavior, for gestures, and, you know, that we're supposed to report. That includes everybody. That includes your parents, your siblings, your relatives. And, yes, and it's normal. It's normal. It's considered politically correct. So, yes, we look out for anything that is not. Really proved by the party. And that is, I'm just so heartbroken when I see the same thing happening here. At my former workplace, we had this DNI, back then it was called the Diversity and Inclusion Council. And we were told, and I was included, recruited to be a member because I have identity, you know, I am a minority. So, it's say, see something, say something. And see what? See racist comment. So, if you hear any co-workers have racist comment, you're supposed to report to the council. And this is exactly the same thing. I'm sure in your case, it's exactly the same, that you're encouraged and that become a culture. And that's a communist culture. That's Marxist culture because communism, Marxism depend on the mistrust of the people to control them. Absolutely. And yeah, so Bulgaria, yeah. Any communist country. When I post something, I always hear people from all former or still communist country. You know, say, yeah, this happened in Romania. Yes, this happened in Cuba. Yes, it happened in all communist countries. And there's so many parts you talk about. I get the land reform was partially destroying and taking away the right, personal right to own property. You talk about the destruction of the family, and that was supposed to be the Destruction of Culture and Religion community and not the nuclear family. Then you go and talk about destruction of religion. And there are so many parts of kind of what makes a culture, what unites people, makes them a people. And it seems so at every turn that Mao was seeking to remove those building blocks, I guess, of society. Yes. Well, that's not something that they hide. That's what they say in the Communist Manifesto. They want to destroy the private ownership, and then they want to destroy family, and they want to destroy religion. I think it is still there's so many people today in the West believe that Marxist is an economic theory. It's not. It's a religion. It is a religion. Above all, they want to destroy Christianity, the foundation of the Western civilization. And only when they destroy religion can they destroy the rest. And that's what we see today. What was it like coming to America? Because you grew up and you come to America and you see a church on every street corner, I guess, in many cities, in many towns. Obviously, China, very different. That is not accepted. So, what was that like coming over and seeing this kind of something new that Discovering Churches in America you hadn't maybe come across before? Yeah, it was amazing. And I went to the first town I went to is a small town in Kentucky. And it's every block, every other block, there's a church. I was thinking, OK, you know, if you have a church, you have one central church. And then everybody go that. That's my way of thinking, because everything is centralized, everything. Why are there so many? You know, and it's just amazed me. But later, especially during the writing of the book, I realized that was like China before. Every other block, you will have a temple and different kind of temple. You may have a Buddhist temple. You may have a Confucius temple or Taoist temple. And you have a church. That was normal in most societies. And that's what I, when I travel around the world, that's what I saw. So, you know, if I go to a Muslim country, a mosque, I saw, what's it called? In Islam, it's a mosque. Yes, it's a mosque. Yeah, and everywhere. That was China. Every civilization has to build on some kind of faith that people share. And so I missed it because why? They destroyed all of it, absolutely destroyed it. And as in the remaining temples in my city, they were turned into parks. And so I went then and thinking this is just a park. It's for relaxing and it's for, you know, just entertainment. And those statues, they were just superstitions and it's just backward thinking in old days. So, that is how they destroyed the people's faith, not just religion. In the countryside, all those temples are all gone, gone, gone. But it still took me a long time to really, really understand why Christianity is so important to the findings of America. And I have to say, I went through the process that you call a simulation, because I wanted so much, to understand. I wanted so much to be American. So, I took the time and I took the effort to understand it, to read the books. Especially in Virginia, as you said, you love Virginia. I feel so attached to Virginia because the history, America started in Virginia. And I just tried to visit all those places of the founding fathers and understand what makes this country so unique need that. I want to do anything to come here. And that's something that the left has destroyed. They destroyed assimilation and replaced it with multiculturalism. Same in UK. What is multiculturalism? Basically, say every culture is the same. It doesn't matter. And if it's a communist culture, it's just as good as American culture or the Western civilization. And so, I I think that a lot of the newer immigrants were encouraged not to know anything about the American tradition, the American values, and stick to their own, which obviously they choose to abandon to come to this country. I think that they have been very, very successful. Not only the new immigrants know nothing or don't want to know anything about the Western civilization and the young people that born, grew up in the West know nothing about their heritage. And the only thing they know is indoctrination, Marxism, communism. That's why they're so successful. No, exactly. Just a curious question. You came to the States in 86, and you talk in your book about trying to do that and managing, and everyone was so delighted for you because it is the American dream. Wherever you go in the world, America is America. But what led you to actually applying and wanting to come to America? Well, also I described in my book because it is, no matter what kind of indoctrination that CCP put on the Chinese people, once you know a little bit of information from the outside source, you know America is great. Everyone wanted to go to America back then. But before that, I did not know. I thought America was hellish. It is the worst capitalist country in the world where the proletarians all suffer and only few people, rich people, they thrive. The rest all suffer. You would never want to go to America because you go there to suffer. But once we get the information formation. And once the, after the Cultural Revolution, they started to open up, we know it's the best country in the world. So, it's a matter of whether you could go rather than where you choose to go. And I was lucky because I was, I was working in a college teaching English and met some American teachers who came to teach during the summer and made a friend with someone one from Kentucky and that lady helped me to come to America. It's not to choose. It's like you're dying. Yeah. It's only a matter of whether you could or not. So I was just so fortunate. And I just never, now I'm thinking about it, I think this is just God's will that I came all the way here to do what? To fight against communism. 10 years later. Because you speaking out obviously has given confidence to others, individuals always. Whenever they're concerned about something and they see someone stand up and speak truth, that emboldens them, that encourages them. What has been the response to you? America has so many groups speaking up about what is happening in schools. I mean, Mums for Liberty is a phenomenal organization. Many others across the country. And that's exciting to see. But, what was that like for you after you spoke up? You must have got not only the media attention, but the thanks, I guess, from parents thanking you for speaking up. What was that like? It's overwhelming. It's overwhelming. I was a little bit concerned about the Chinese community, because a lot of Chinese were still very loyal to, they think, to China, but it's not. China and the CCP are two different things. They think they are loyal to China, but they're really loyal to CCP. But, I got so many great feedbacks and support from the patriotic community in in the Chinese community. So, it's just amazing. And also the same time, because I've been to so many, I was invited by so many organizations and I met so many people and I found that there's so many people just like me, never got involved politically and especially so many parents. And when people ask me, do you think it's too late? Do you think we'll have a hope? I said, we do. The fact that I got involved and that the fact I met so many, so many parents, so many patriots got involved for the first time in their lives is that so many people really are waking up. They understand that their freedom and the future of their country is in peril and they want to do something. And that's the hope. I think it was James Lindsay who wrote the foreword or the intro, and I've had him on many times and met him last year. I love that kind of connection between his fantastic mind in understanding what is happening and you experiencing this in China and that coming together. And to me, I saw that as a perfect mix, a perfect connection complementing each other. I am amazed that I met so many people. I have been following him, listening to him on YouTube, and I met most of the people that I used to just look and admire from afar. And I met them. And James Lindsay I met quite early on and we've become friends. And he is just amazing, amazing. Tell me the just final thing. Chapter 10 was the title making of the new man and in it one little part stuck out with me that you talked about having to write a confessional letter I can't remember if it was you or a family member but I remember I think it was Jordan Peterson talking about having to do that and you realize these concepts that were there in the communist regime. Actually well, Canada is quite communist in many ways under Trudeau, but those same ways of dealing with I guess the public if they fall out of line to get them back into line to correct them that re-education. I guess it's exactly the same ways that are being used in the west and I thought that was a I was able to make that parallel as soon as I read heard that confession there I I thought that's just what Jordan Peterson has had to do. Exactly. That is required of everyone who has to go through the struggle session. And also I mentioned in my book, struggle session was part of our lives and still going on today in China. Struggle sessions have different levels. There are some that are very brutal, like the one that in the Netflix original opening scene, three-body problem, that really shook, shocked a lot of the Americans for the first time. Wow, that is struggle session, yeah. Also, there are milder version of struggle session that everyone have to go through as a kid. I have to do that in the classroom that we have this thing called political study. It's every week we have to sit and read. First of all, we have to read a mouse quotation. And then we will go around and everyone will say, according to that instruction, I did not do it quite well. Well, you know, I had a bad thought the other day, which was not up to the requirement of Mao's instruction, and I did this, and then the other kids say, yes, I saw you did this and that, and you said this and that. So, go around and around. Yes, absolutely. It's confession. Let me just remind the viewers as we finish, Mao's America available everywhere. Make sure and follow Xi Van Fleet on her Twitter page. Thank you so much, Xi, for coming on. It's a privilege talking to you, sharing your background experiences, right up to speaking truth today in America. So, thank you for coming on and sharing those thoughts and giving us those insights from your book. My thoughts are real thoughts. But, in the culture of those are bad thoughts that need to be given rid of. Thank you so much for the opportunity.

People still think of Chinese history as this two-line struggle because that's the story the Chinese tell. But everything from Mao Zedong's relationship to Liu Shaoqi to anything that happened during the 1980s, it was not a problem of competing policy platforms. It was a problem of getting the politics of your relationship with the top leader right when it was hard to guess what they were thinking and they were changing their mind and they were suspicious of you.Joseph TorigianAccess Bonus Episodes on PatreonMake a one-time Donation to Democracy Paradox.A full transcript is available at www.democracyparadox.com.Joseph Torigian is a Research Fellow at the Harvard History Lab. Previously he was an assistant professor at the School of International Service at American University in Washington and a Global Fellow at the Wilson Center. He is the author of Prestige, Manipulation, and Coercion: Elite Power Struggles in the Soviet Union and China after Stalin and Mao.Key HighlightsIntroduction - 0:48Deng Xiaoping and Hua Guofeng - 2:33Khrushchev Consolidates Power - 16:16Will History Repeat? - 30:11Connections to Contemporary China - 38:31Key LinksPrestige, Manipulation, and Coercion: Elite Power Struggles in the Soviet Union and China after Stalin and Mao by Joseph TorigianHarvard History LabLearn more about Joseph TorigianDemocracy Paradox PodcastHal Brands Thinks China is a Declining Power… Here's Why that's a ProblemAnne Applebaum on Autocracy, IncMore Episodes from the PodcastMore InformationDemocracy GroupApes of the State created all MusicEmail the show at jkempf@democracyparadox.comFollow on Twitter @DemParadox, Facebook, Instagram @democracyparadoxpodcast100 Books on DemocracySupport the show

Whenever Xi Jinping grabs more power for himself, critics compare him to Chairman Mao Zedong. But is it a fair comparison?The Economist's Beijing bureau chief, David Rennie, and senior China correspondent, Alice Su, discuss to what extent Xi is emulating Mao's strongman approach or whether Liu Shaoqi, China's one-time president, provides a better model to understand Xi's political ambitions.Sign up to our weekly newsletter here and for full access to print, digital and audio editions, as well as exclusive live events, subscribe to The Economist at economist.com/drumoffer. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How do you ignite the fire of Revolution? First you must lay the kindling. After the Great Leap Forward the Chinese economy was in shambles, corruption was rampant and dissent was spreading in the ranks, the CCP needed to act in order to re-invigorate the socialist revolution. Liu Shaoqi was the Vice Chairman of the CCP and the heir apparent to Mao, he took to rebuilding the Chinese economy and then implemented campaigns called the "Socialist Education Movement". These movements were based on "The Four Cleanups" to rebuild the CCP's own party. Even though Mao had taken a step back from the administrative decisions he watched closely to determine the success of these campaigns and regained his own internal political power. But what did these campaigns look like? And where they successful? Join us as we discuss the precursor to the Cultural Revolution. If you want to know about Chinese and American relations, you have to know the history... Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/theloinsofhistory or https://www.patreon.com/theloinsofhistory Instagram: @loins_of_history Facebook: @loinsofhistory Twitter: @JLoinsofHistory @loinsofhistory Our opinions are our own and do not necessarily represent the opinions or policy of our employers. Anchor The Loins of History • A podcast on Anchor Current events lack historical context. We're here to fix that. Each week we'll dig deeper than the 24 hour news cycle to bring you the history behind the headlines. Covering economics, politics, religion, culture, war, and more, listening to this podcast will help you understand the context behind current events. Listen in and find out how today came from the Loins of History. Our opinions are our own and do not reflect the opinions or policy of our employers. https://anchor.fm/theloinsofhistory Patreon The Loins of History is creating Podcasts | Patreon Become a patron of The Loins of History today: Get access to exclusive content and experiences on the world's largest membership platform for artists and creators. --- Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/theloinsofhistory/support

Join Dr. Ping and me as we discuss his new book, A Spectre is Haunting America (available from the link below), and about how China's centrally-planned, micro-managed economy, complete with social credit scoring system, are increasingly lauded by our own elite as THE model to follow. Dr. Pingnan Shi, Ph.D., aka Dr. Ping, grew up during China's Cultural Revolution. His father was imprisoned, and his family was kicked out of their apartment during the Big Purge after Mao used the Red Guards to overthrow the government under Liu Shaoqi. He experienced poverty and witnessed mass starvation and public execution. In elementary school, he and his classmates were brainwashed by political officers to criticize their teachers, parents, and classmates. Like hundreds of millions of Chinese people, he was traumatized by the Red Terror. After Mao's death, China opened its door to the outside world. Dr. Shi went to Canada in 1984 for his graduate studies in Electrical Engineering. He wanted to help China become a democracy. But his dream was crushed when the Chinese government under Deng Xiaoping sent in tanks and soldiers with assault weapons to massacre college students protesting peacefully in Tiananmen Square. It was then he realized the evil of Communism. Dr. Shi immigrated to the US in 1995 and had worked as an engineer for 16 years before becoming a high school math teacher. He taught in a private Christian college preparatory school for seven years and realized the fundamental problems with America's education. In 2018, he started a nonprofit to develop and advocate alternative education models. In May 2021, he was alarmed by the hiring of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) officers in the Indiana State government and several large school districts. It reminded him of the political officers during the Cultural Revolution. He spent a couple of months researching the origin of DEI and found that Marxism has already controlled most of America's higher education, especially in schools of education. He thought Communism died after the Tiananmen Massacre but was shocked to see that it is very much alive in America's college campuses. Since then, he has published several articles warning the American people about the evilness and danger of Marxism. He also has a weekly YouTube show where he interviews teachers and parents to expose Communism in K-12 education and explore alternative education models. He is committed to speaking to as many Americans as possible of the imminent danger of Communism. Buy the bookPlease consider supporting my work with a paid subscription! Your support helps me produce as much free content as possible to help people fight back against woke agendas in schools! Get full access to The Reason We Learn at thereasonwelearn.substack.com/subscribe

Discussing pay for professional revolutionaries, the role of servants in the lives of Communist leaders, and the Comintern in Shanghai.Further reading:Patricia Stranahan, Underground: The Shanghai Communist Party and the Politics of Survival, 1927-1937Elizabeth Perry, Shanghai on Strike: The Politics of Chinese LaborWang Fan-hsi [Wang Fanxi], Memoirs of a Chinese RevolutionaryGavin McCrea, Mrs. EngelsFrederick Litten, “The Noulens Affair” Anna Belogurova, “The Civic World of International Communism: Taiwanese communists and the Comintern (1921-1931)”Onimaru Takeshi, “Shanghai Connection: The Construction and Collapse of the Comintern Network in East and Southeast Asia”Jospehine Fowler, “From East to West and West to East: Ties of Solidarity in the Pan-Pacific Revolutionary Trade Union Movement, 1923-1934”Josephine Fowler, Japanese and Chinese Immigrant Activists: Organizing in American and International Communist Movements, 1919–1933Frederic Wakeman, Policing Shanghai, 1927-1937Some names from this episode:Liu Shaoqi, Leading CommunistHe Baozhen, Communist cadre and wife of Liu ShaoqiLi Dazhao, Co-founder of Chinese Communist PartyQu Qiubai, Top Communist leaderWang Fanxi, A member of the Central Committee Organization BureauZhang Guotao, Leading CommunistPeng Shuzi, Leading Communist expelled in 1929Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate?hosted_button_id=DACDMMMEASJVJ)

The first of many episodes covering the build up, events, and aftermath of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, which took place in China from 1966 to 1976. In this episode we discuss what the Cultural Revolution was supposed to be, recap its principal causes, discuss the events that led to the declaration of the CR, and cover the formation and expansion of the Red Guards, Mao's children of the Revolution.00:00: Introduction4:23 - What was the Cultural Revolution?15:45 - Events leading up to the Cultural Revolution29:43 - The first stages of the Cultural Revolution37:06 - The formation of the Red Guards43:48 - Those of black class background join the Red Guards46:56 - OutroSome mispronunciations - I found that I mispronounced LUO Ruiqing as LIU Ruiqing, and HAI Rui as HA Rui a few times. My bad, Luo and Hai are the correct terms!

The warnings given to the French in 1791 and 1792 by the other European powers were seen as a declaration of war.  The radical National Assembly declared war on Austria.  Prussia soon joined with Austria.  In 1792, the allied forces invaded France.  Despite the French military force's early setbacks in the invasion, they did manage a large victory in the fall of 1792, and stopped the invaders at the Battle of Varmy, France.   By then the Jacobins had joined with other radical factions, such as the sans-culottes, and controlled the nation.  In December of 1792, King Louis XVI was indicted by the radical government for treason and other related crimes.   He was convicted of all the charges in January 1793, and sentenced to death.  He was executed in Paris on January 21, 1793, by the guillotine.In the Spring of 1969, the Chinese and Soviet Union military forces clashed over a disputed island (Zhenbao Island) located in the Ussuri River that separated China and the Soviet Union.  The incident caused both nations to prepare for war.  In retaliation in August 1969, the Soviets attacked into Xinjiang Province, China and seized some of the area.  Both nations narrowly averted a larger war and settled their differences.   Martial law was declared in China and more political purges occurred.   After his arrest, former Vice Chair, Liu Shaoqi, died in solitary confinement in November 1969.  His successor, Lin Biao, had been appointed only a few months before.

Today we look at the fall of Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi, and then the rise of Deng Xiaoping and capitalism in China. This covers some of the Cultural Revolution, a topic that we'll come back to next time. Some nice pics to accompany this episode, found on https://smkypodcast.blogspot.com

NOW IN 22 DIFFERENT LANGUAGES. CLICK ON THE LOWER LEFT HAND CORNER “TRANSLATE” TAB TO FIND YOURS! By Jeff J. Brown Pictured above: Top row shows China's post-liberation presidents, left to right, Mao Zedong (1954-1959) Liu Shaoqi (1959-1968) Presidency vacant (1968-1982) While officially not the president, we can include Mao Zedong (1968-1976) and Deng Xiaoping...

I begin telling the stories of the two revolutions.  All revolutions need a spark to begin. For France, the spark was the crushing poverty and starvation.  Mismanagement plunged France toward bankruptcy.  For China, the spark was the disaster of the Great Leap Forward.  China's leader was troubled by the nation's political and social direction.

Please enjoy the second part of a two-part PSMLS series on Liu Shaoqi's crucial 1939 text: How to Be a Good Communist. We may go around calling ourselves Communists, but what does this actually entail? What does it mean to truly be a good Communist? Interested in attending a class? Email info@psmls.org for more information Literature Used In This Class: How to Be a Good Communist by Liu Shaoqi (Chs. 2 & 3) (1939) https://www.marxists.org/reference/ar...​ https://www.marxists.org/reference/ar...​ Recommended Literature: The Communist Party A Manual on Organization by J. Peters (1935) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/j-pet...​ Foundations of Leninism by J.V. Stalin (1924) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/jv-st...​ Guidelines on the Organizational Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work by the Third Congress of the Communist International (1921) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/third...​ Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder by V.I. Lenin (1920) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/vi-le...​ Mastering Bolshevism by J.V. Stalin (1937) http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/MB37.html​ The State and Revolution by V.I. Lenin (1917) https://www.marxists.org/archive/leni...​ Socialism: Utopian and Scientific by Friedrich Engels (1880) https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx...​ How to Be a Good Communist by Liu Shaoqi (1939) https://www.marxists.org/reference/ar...​ Ending Song: The Internationale (DPRK) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1lDD-...​ PSMLS Website: http://peoplesschool.org/contact/​ Party of Communists USA Website: https://partyofcommunistsusa.org/about/​ Timecode Key: (Q&A) = Question & Answer / Response 0:00​ Introduction 0:21​ Reading section 1 6:57​ Jimmy Higgins work 9:06​ Cult of personality? (Q&A) 13:37​ Lenin's clarity 14:57​ Understanding ML theory? (Q&A) 15:47​ Philistines? (Q&A) 17:34​ Reading section 2 23:05​ Scientific socialism 23:30​ Reds (movie) 23:59​ Wheat from the chaff? (Q&A) 27:08​ Marx & Lenin in perspective 28:45​ Reading vs. understanding 29:43​ Reading section 3 33:32​ Concept of disagreements 33:53​ The "next" Marx/Lenin 34:31​ Memory vs. skills 35:21​ Practically applying this work? (Q&A) 38:54​ Mental health & Party work 40:04​ Usefulness of this text 40:27​ Leaving no one behind 42:02​ Ditching anarchism 43:24​ Stand by the working class 45:11​ Concluding remarks 48:57​ Ending

Please enjoy the first part of a two-part PSMLS series on Liu Shaoqi's crucial 1939 text: How to Be a Good Communist. We may go around calling ourselves Communists, but what does this actually entail? What does it mean to truly be a good Communist? Interested in attending a class? Email info@psmls.org for more information Literature Used In This Class: How to Be a Good Communist by Liu Shaoqi (Ch. 1) (1939) https://www.marxists.org/reference/ar...​ Recommended Literature: The Communist Party A Manual on Organization by J. Peters (1935) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/j-pet...​ Foundations of Leninism by J.V. Stalin (1924) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/jv-st...​ Guidelines on the Organizational Structure of Communist Parties, on the Methods and Content of their Work by the Third Congress of the Communist International (1921) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/third...​ Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder by V.I. Lenin (1920) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/vi-le...​ The Metropolis and Mental Life by Georg Simmel (1903) https://www.blackwellpublishing.com/c...​ Mastering Bolshevism by J.V. Stalin (1937) http://www.marx2mao.com/Stalin/MB37.html​ The State and Revolution by V.I. Lenin (1917) https://www.marxists.org/archive/leni...​ Socialism: Utopian and Scientific by Friedrich Engels (1880) https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx...​ How to Be a Good Communist by Liu Shaoqi (1939) https://www.marxists.org/reference/ar...​ Ending Song: 国际歌 / The Internationale (Chinese) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yiN-D...​ PSMLS Website: http://peoplesschool.org/contact/​ Party of Communists USA Website: https://partyofcommunistsusa.org/about/​ Timecode Key: (Q&A) = Question & Answer / Response 0:00​ Introduction 1:55​ Reading (Ch. 1) 5:51​ Pure Marxism 6:56​ Role of Mao 10:42​ Necessity of revolution 11:24​ Mastering Bolshevism similarities? (Q&A) 13:05​ Reading (Ch. 1 cont.) 18:14​ Party building? (Q&A) 19:11​ Bourgeois "baggage" 20:20​ Understand the enemy 21:46​ Application during political quietness? (Q&A) 24:25​ Other relevant groups? (Q&A) 24:44​ Relation to China 26:58​ Specifically Marxist-Leninist? (Q&A) 27:37​ Revolutionary activity? (Q&A) 28:15​ Role of reformists 29:18​ Reading (Ch. 1 cont.) 38:23​ Prevent ideological degeneration? (Q&A) 39:22​ Role of individualism 40:18​ Stay vigilant 41:11​ Dictatorship of the proletariat? (Q&A) 42:17​ Continuously adapt 42:53​ Humanity & nature? (Q&A) 45:03​ Everyday application? (Q&A) 47:24​ Egoism & individualism 48:13​ Centralized state? (Q&A) 51:11​ Bourgeois "baggage" cont. 52:35​ Continuously adapt cont. 53:58​ Focus on collective 54:35​ Bourgeois baggage? (Q&A) 57:33​ "Dual personality" 58:15​ African Horn perspective 59:31​ Propaganda internalization 1:00:56​ Oppose reformism 1:01:16​ The Metropolis & Mental Life 1:02:03​ Continuously adapt cont. 1:02:39​ Criticism & self-criticism 1:03:24​ PSMLS as a useful tool 1:03:50​ 3 struggles in our movement 1:04:24​ Avoiding anarchism 1:04:42​ Concluding remarks 1:08:51​ End screen

Enjoy the third PSMLS Clips episode! This clip is derived from part one of our two-part series of classes on Liu Shaoqi's 1939 text: How to Be a Good Communist. We need to shed our bourgeois baggage comrades! Interested in attending classes? Email info@psmls.org for more information Watch the Full Class: Part 1: https://youtu.be/5iSBizWY6sw​ Recommended Literature: Why Communism? Plain Talks on Vital Problems by Moissaye J. Olgin (1934) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/moiss...​ https://www.marxists.org/archive/olgi...​ What Is Marxism? by Emile Burns (1939) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/emile...​ https://www.marxists.org/archive/burn...​ The Communist Party A Manual on Organization by J. Peters (1935) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/j-pet...​ Foundations of Leninism by J.V. Stalin (1924) https://www.lulu.com/en/us/shop/jv-st...​ Outro Music: This Land Is Your Land by Woody Guthrie (1944) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wxiMr...​ PSMLS Website: http://peoplesschool.org/contact/​ Party of Communists USA Website: https://partyofcommunistsusa.org/about/

In the 1970s, Chairman Mao's political power was fading and he was being sidelined by the establishment. After decades of propaganda, the people loved him personality, and so he decided to circumvent the bureaucracy and speak directly to the people. The Chairman told the people that China was threatened by class enemies that had infiltrated the Party, the military and the cultural sphere, and he told his supporters to take to the street. Question everyone and everything, he said. He encouraged mass rallies and chaos, but he did need to give exact instructions on what to do with class enemies. His supporters knew what to do, and many of Chairman Mao's former allies were tortured and died in prison. Was January 6th, 2021 an attempted Cultural Revolution-style moment for President Trump? Are the 'Hang Mike Pence' chants a simple Liu Shaoqi moment for the President? Or are we seeing cracks of disillusionment in the conspiracy wing of Trumpism, much like how the idea of Chairman Mao lost the mandate of heaven after Lin Biao? Is President-Elect Biden a Khrushchev-type character? Can the center hold if the military storms the inauguration? Take a listen and learn from history. Water of the week is Strawberry-Kiwi from Yerbae, Strawberry-Kiwi from Sparkling Ice, and Strawberry-cucumber from AHA! Support the pod: shop.spreadshirt.com/sparklingwater

கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சி வானத்திலிருந்து குதித்துவிட வில்லை. அது முதலாளித்துவ சமூகத்திலிருந்துதான் தோன்றுகிறது. கம்யூனிஸ்ட் கட்சி உறுப்பினர்கள் மத்தியில் நிலவும் தவறான குணங்களும் சிந்தனைப் போக்குகளையும் குறித்து இப்பகுதியில் பேசியுள்ளோம். Communist Party doesn't fall from the skies. It also emerges from the capitalist society. Hence members of communist party are not free from mistakes or wrong ideologies. In this episode, we discuss the examples of wrong ideologies that prevail among the party members as laid out by comrade Liu Shaoqi in Chapter 7 of How To Be A Good Communist? --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/takeleft/message

இந்தியாவில் எப்படி சாதியை ஒரே இரவில் ஒழித்துவிட முடியாதோ! அதே போலதான் ஒரே ஆட்சி மாற்றத்திலோ, ஒரே ஒரு புரட்சியாலோ கம்யூனிச சமூகத்தை அமைத்துவிட முடியாது. அது எப்படி ஒரு நீண்ட நெடிய போராட்டங்களை உள்ளடக்கியது என்பதை இப்பகுதியில் விவாதித்துள்ளோம். We all know how Caste cannot be eradicated in one night in India. Similarly eradicating Capitalism and transition towards Communism is also a long historical process with different stages and numerous struggles. This exactly is what we have discussed in this episode after reading Chapter 5 of "How To Be a Good Communist?" by Liu Shaoqi. --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/takeleft/message

ஒரு புரட்சிகர கம்யூனிஸ்ட் எப்படி இருக்க வேண்டும்? மார்க்ஸ், ஏங்கல்ஸ், லெனின், மாவோ, க்ராம்ஷி போன்ற மார்க்சிய ஆசான்களை கற்றுத்தேர்ந்த அறிவாளியாகவா அல்லது போராட்ட களத்தில் வீறு கொண்டு போராடுவதா? வாருங்கள் பேசுவோம். In this episode we have discussed chapter 3 of "How To Be a Good Communist?" by comrade Liu Shaoqi. What are the characteristics of being a communist or revolutionary? Reading and equipping oneself with the works of Marxists (or) participating in the agitations and field struggles? Join us in this episode! --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/takeleft/message

இந்த பகுதியில் தோழர் லியு ஷவோச்சியின் "How To Be A Good Communist?" உரையின் 4-ம் பாகத்தைப் பற்றி பேசியுள்ளோம். அவர் சொன்னதை தற்காலத்தில் இந்தியாவில் நடந்துவரும் சம்பவங்களோடு, குறிப்பாக 3 வேளாண் மசோதாக்களுக்கு பா.ஜ.க அரசு கொண்டுவந்துள்ள மாற்றங்களோடு, இணைத்து பேசியுள்ளோம். கேளுங்கள்! பகிருங்கள்! In this episode we discuss the chapter 4 of "How To Be A Good Communist?" by comrade Liu Shaoqi. We have tried to cite contemporary examples from India like Farmers protest against the amendments made to 3 Farming related bills by the ruling BJP govt. Listen and Share! --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/takeleft/message

The people throughout China have been plunged into bitter suffering and tribulations since the Chiang Kai-shek Kuomintang reactionary government betrayed the fatherland, colluded with imperialists, and launched the counter-revolutionary war. Fortunately our People's Liberation Army, backed by the whole nation, has been fighting heroically and selflessly to defend the territorial sovereignty of our homeland, to protect the people's lives and property, to relieve the people of their sufferings, and to struggle for their rights, and it eventually wiped out the reactionary troops and overthrew the reactionary rule of the Nationalist government. Now, the People's War of Liberation has been basically won, and the majority of the people in the country have been liberated. On this foundation, the first session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference , composed of delegates of all the democratic parties and people's organization of China, the People's Liberation Army, the various regions and nationalities of the country, and the overseas Chinese and other patriotic elements, has been convened. Representing the will of the whole nation, [this session of the conference] has enacted the organic law of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China, elected Mao Zedong as chairman of the Central People's Government; and Zhu De, Liu Shaoqi, Song Qingling, Li Jishen, Zhang Lan, and Gao Gang as vice chairmen [of the Central People's Government]; and Chen Yi, He Long, Li Lisan, Lin Boqu, Ye Jianying, He Xiangning, Lin Biao, Peng Dehuai, Liu Bocheng, Wu Yuzhang, Xu Xiangqian, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo, Nie Rongzhen, Zhou Enlai, Dong Biwu, Seypidin, Rao Shushi, Tan Kah-kee [Chen Jiageng], Luo Ronghuan, Deng Zihui, Ulanhu, Xu Deli, Cai Chang, Liu Geping, Ma Yinchu, Chen Yun, Kang Sheng, Lin Feng, Ma Xulun, Guo Moruo, Zhang Yunyi, Deng Xiaoping, Gao Chongmin, Shen Junru, Shen Yanbing, Chen Shutong, Szeto Mei-tong [Situ Meitang], Li Xijiu, Huang Yanpei, Cai Tingkai, Xi Zhongxun, Peng Zemin, Zhang Zhizhong, Fu Zuoyi, Li Zhuchen, Li Zhangda, Zhang Nanxian, Liu Yazi, Zhang Dongsun, and Long Yun as council members to form the Central People's Government Council, proclaimed the founding of the People's Republic of China and decided on Beijing as the capital of the People's Republic of China. The Central People's Government Council of the People's Republic of China took office today in the capital and unanimously made the following decisions: to proclaim the establishment of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China; to adopt the Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference as the policy of the government; to elect Lin Boqu from among the council members as secretary general of the Central People's Government Council; to appoint Zhou Enlai as premier of the Government Adminstration Council of the Central People's Government and concurrently minister of Foreign Affairs, Mao Zedong as chairman of the People's Revolutionary Military Commission of the Central People's Government, Zhu De as commander-in-chief of the People's Liberation Army, Shen Junru as president of the Supreme People's Court of the Central People's Government, and Luo Ronghuan as procurator general of the Supreme People's Procuratorate of the Central People's Government, and to charge them with the task of the speedy formation of the various organs of the government to carry out the work of the government. At the same time, the Central People's Government Council decided to declare to the governments of all other countries that this government is the sole legal government representing all the people of the People's Republic of China. This government is willing to establish diplomatic relations with any foreign government that is willing to observe the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and mutual respect of territorial integrity and sovereignty. Mao Zedong Chairman

The people throughout China have been plunged into bitter suffering and tribulations since the Chiang Kai-shek Kuomintang reactionary government betrayed the fatherland, colluded with imperialists, and launched the counter-revolutionary war. Fortunately our People's Liberation Army, backed by the whole nation, has been fighting heroically and selflessly to defend the territorial sovereignty of our homeland, to protect the people's lives and property, to relieve the people of their sufferings, and to struggle for their rights, and it eventually wiped out the reactionary troops and overthrew the reactionary rule of the Nationalist government. Now, the People's War of Liberation has been basically won, and the majority of the people in the country have been liberated. On this foundation, the first session of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference , composed of delegates of all the democratic parties and people's organization of China, the People's Liberation Army, the various regions and nationalities of the country, and the overseas Chinese and other patriotic elements, has been convened. Representing the will of the whole nation, [this session of the conference] has enacted the organic law of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China, elected Mao Zedong as chairman of the Central People's Government; and Zhu De, Liu Shaoqi, Song Qingling, Li Jishen, Zhang Lan, and Gao Gang as vice chairmen [of the Central People's Government]; and Chen Yi, He Long, Li Lisan, Lin Boqu, Ye Jianying, He Xiangning, Lin Biao, Peng Dehuai, Liu Bocheng, Wu Yuzhang, Xu Xiangqian, Peng Zhen, Bo Yibo, Nie Rongzhen, Zhou Enlai, Dong Biwu, Seypidin, Rao Shushi, Tan Kah-kee [Chen Jiageng], Luo Ronghuan, Deng Zihui, Ulanhu, Xu Deli, Cai Chang, Liu Geping, Ma Yinchu, Chen Yun, Kang Sheng, Lin Feng, Ma Xulun, Guo Moruo, Zhang Yunyi, Deng Xiaoping, Gao Chongmin, Shen Junru, Shen Yanbing, Chen Shutong, Szeto Mei-tong [Situ Meitang], Li Xijiu, Huang Yanpei, Cai Tingkai, Xi Zhongxun, Peng Zemin, Zhang Zhizhong, Fu Zuoyi, Li Zhuchen, Li Zhangda, Zhang Nanxian, Liu Yazi, Zhang Dongsun, and Long Yun as council members to form the Central People's Government Council, proclaimed the founding of the People's Republic of China and decided on Beijing as the capital of the People's Republic of China. The Central People's Government Council of the People's Republic of China took office today in the capital and unanimously made the following decisions: to proclaim the establishment of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China; to adopt the Common Program of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference as the policy of the government; to elect Lin Boqu from among the council members as secretary general of the Central People's Government Council; to appoint Zhou Enlai as premier of the Government Adminstration Council of the Central People's Government and concurrently minister of Foreign Affairs, Mao Zedong as chairman of the People's Revolutionary Military Commission of the Central People's Government, Zhu De as commander-in-chief of the People's Liberation Army, Shen Junru as president of the Supreme People's Court of the Central People's Government, and Luo Ronghuan as procurator general of the Supreme People's Procuratorate of the Central People's Government, and to charge them with the task of the speedy formation of the various organs of the government to carry out the work of the government. At the same time, the Central People's Government Council decided to declare to the governments of all other countries that this government is the sole legal government representing all the people of the People's Republic of China. This government is willing to establish diplomatic relations with any foreign government that is willing to observe the principles of equality, mutual benefit, and mutual respect of territorial integrity and sovereignty.Mao ZedongChairman  See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In the years he ruled the People’s Republic of China, Mao Zedong presided over the greatest mass murder in human history, both in his elimination of millions of perceived political enemies and also in the starving of tens of millions in callously engineered mass famine. Professor Frank Dikötter estimates that at least 45 million people “were starved” (not just “starved”) to death in Mao’s Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962 (Bloomsbury, 2011). In his “People’s Trilogy”, Professor Dikötter traces the mechanisms and motives for this killing the one-party Chinese state from its foundation in 1949 through the periods of “Liberation” (The Tragedy of Liberation, 2013), the “Great Leap Forward” (Mao’s Great Famine, 2010),” and the “Cultural Revolution” (The Cultural Revolution, 2016). In our discussion today, he continues the narrative into the era of Mao’s successors, from Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s to Xi Jinping in 2019. Professor Dikötter also compares Mao’s regime with the Soviet Union under Stalin and Khrushchev, especially in terms of Stalin’s great famine in Ukraine and his authoritarian purges at the highest levels of the Communist Party. Moreover Dr. Dikötter’s discussion of Mao’s lieutenants (or potential rivals)—Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiao Ping, Lin Biao, Liu Shaoqi, among others—shows the paranoid insider politics of the dictatorship. Likewise, Dr. Dikötter’s haunting narrative style extends the famine; he illustrates the unimaginable suffering of 45 million victims through all-too-imaginable stories of individuals who watched their closest family perish or were driven to heinous acts through hunger and desperation. It is not a happy story, but it is one that everyone should know well—especially given that, unlike the Soviet Empire or the Nazi Third Reich, the People’s Republic of China exists today under the same ruling party. Frank Dikötter is an eminent historian of modern China. He has published a dozen books including the recent “People’s Trilogy,” which have changed the way we think about China under Mao Zedong. Mao’s Great Famine won the Samuel Johnson prize for nonfiction in 2011. Dr. Dikötter is Chair of Humanities in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Hong Kong and Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution. Krzysztof Odyniec is a historian of the Early Modern Spanish Empire specializing on culture, diplomacy, and travel. He completed his PhD in 2017 at UC Berkeley and he is currently writing a book on the first resident ambassadors in Habsburg Spain. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

IMP: Liu Shaoqi is Liu 'Shao-Chi' - NOT Liu 'Shao-Kwee'. Apologies for the mispronunciation! Love me anyway? Episode 6: Sino-Soviet Talks Part 2, continues the story from where we left off last time. The Chinese communists launch their final great offensive of the civil war against the Nationalists from April 1949, as Stalin watches his old strategy crumble. Faced with the emergence of a dominant Chinese Communist Party, rather than the divided Chinese state that he desired, how would Stalin respond?In the event, he welcomed Mao's ally Liu Shaoqi to Moscow in summer 1949 to talk through some important issues, and pave the way for a deeper friendship between the two communist regimes. Even at this stage, with both parties harbouring great and conflicting ambitions, success or alliance were by no means certain outcomes. Much, it seemed, still needed to be done.*******Music used:'Cotton Eye Joe' by Elmo Newcomer, a 1948 song which can be found here:https://www.loc.gov/item/lomaxbib000040/Want to grab yourself some quality, stylish head/ear phones and get 15% off? Use the code WDF to avail of this special offer and start your listening journey with When Diplomacy Fails like never before! See: https://www.sudio.com/eu/Want to support this podcast in other ways, as we meander through the Korean War? Check out the following links to our social media, website, source materials and Patreon below.Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/WhenDiplomacyFailsPodcast/Facebook group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/1856652614380207Twitter: https://twitter.com/?lang=enSupport us financially on Patreon and access an ad-free episodes ($2 per month) and an hour of extra content ($5 per month): https://www.patreon.com/WhenDiplomacyFailsVisit the website: http://www.wdfpodcast.com/Visit the blog: http://www.wdfpodcast.com/thevassalstate/Look at our sources: http://www.wdfpodcast.com/source-materials/Remember spreading the word by telling a history friend about us is still the most effective way to spread the history love! Thanksss :D See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Anyuan was a town of coal miners. It was a place where local secret societies held power, where rebellion and violence were part of the life of local laborers, and where the Chinese Communist revolution was experienced especially early and particularly intensely. In her meticulously researched and elegantly narrated new book, Elizabeth J. Perry explores the significance of Anyuan both as a cornerstone of Mao’s revolutionary mobilization efforts, and as an emblem that was appropriated and re-appropriated by different groups with different agendas after Mao’s death. Anyuan: Mining China’s Revolutionary Tradition (University of California Press, 2012) carefully traces how Communist leaders deployed a range of cultural tropes and resources in the service of political persuasion. As a result of a sustained and successful effort at cultural positioning in Anyuan via the visual, verbal, ritual, and performance arts, Communist leaders like the charismatic Li Lisan and the disciplined Liu Shaoqi translated the social resources and labor infrastructure of China’s “Little Moscow” into an engine of revolution. Perry takes readers into the classrooms, textbooks, and discussion groups that helped make this possible. She also chronicles the changing significance of Anyuan in the context of the transformation of the Chinese Communist revolution from a proletarian to a peasant movement, exploring the very different roles that militarization and violence played in this new revolutionary environment, and the later role of Anyuan as an emblem variously wielded by authors, painters, filmmakers, and others who constructed very different versions of a revolutionary tradition. It is a book well worth reading, both as a window into a crucial period and space of Chinese history and as a model of careful narrative argument. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Bored with language study but fascinated by Chinese politics, in 1967 Richard Baum "borrows" a set of secret Chinese Communist Party documents that Taiwan intelligence had somehow brought to Taipei. These materials revealed the fierce struggle waged between 1962 and 1965 over the direction of the party-state's Socialist Education campaign. Through the documents, Baum shows how Mao Zedong was pushing for a focus on class struggle, while his opponents, namely Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, were trying to keep the movement focused on rooting out official corruption. Working with another graduate student, Frederick Teiwes, Baum documented the ideological purity/effective performance battle at the center of the CCP that had eventually caused Mao to launch the Cultural Revolution in 1966. This is just one of the stories that distinguished political scientist Baum shared in an engaging presentation at USC on April 1, 2010. Discussing his just published, China Watcher: Confessions of a Peking Tom, Baum also detailed a three-decade long rivalry with Michel Oksenberg which included a pointed limerick and a verbal brawl at the profession's annual conference. The scholar also sweated through a Marine inspection of his luggage and inadvertently leaked information about the president's 1989 plan to meet China's leading dissident.

Bored with language study but fascinated by Chinese politics, in 1967 Richard Baum "borrows" a set of secret Chinese Communist Party documents that Taiwan intelligence had somehow brought to Taipei. These materials revealed the fierce struggle waged between 1962 and 1965 over the direction of the party-state's Socialist Education campaign. Through the documents, Baum shows how Mao Zedong was pushing for a focus on class struggle, while his opponents, namely Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, were trying to keep the movement focused on rooting out official corruption. Working with another graduate student, Frederick Teiwes, Baum documented the ideological purity/effective performance battle at the center of the CCP that had eventually caused Mao to launch the Cultural Revolution in 1966. This is just one of the stories that distinguished political scientist Baum shared in an engaging presentation at USC on April 1, 2010. Discussing his just published, China Watcher: Confessions of a Peking Tom, Baum also detailed a three-decade long rivalry with Michel Oksenberg which included a pointed limerick and a verbal brawl at the profession's annual conference. The scholar also sweated through a Marine inspection of his luggage and inadvertently leaked information about the president's 1989 plan to meet China's leading dissident.

This time we continue on with our overview of the great leader Deng Xiaoping. We pick up in 1937 with the invasion by Japan, the civil war, and the founding of the PRC. We examine Deng's achievements all the way up to 1952, the year he left the Southwest Bureau and returned to Beijing to serve as Vice Premier and to take the lead, with Mao, Zhou, Liu Shaoqi, and others in building the PRC from the ground up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices