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3. Octavian utilizes his sister, Octavia, as a diplomatic tool and source of intelligence after she marries Antony to seal a peace treaty. While Antony governs the East from Athens, Octavian faces internal challenges in Rome, including the Senateand Sextus Pompey's naval blockades. Octavian relies on his brilliant friend, Marcus Agrippa, a logistical genius who builds a new navy to defeat Pompey. Meanwhile, Antony's reputation suffers after a disastrous campaign against Parthia, where he loses 25% of his army. Conversely, Octavian gains prestige through military victories and wounds sustained in the Illyrian war. (3)
3. Copley identifies the U.S. Constitution as a "de facto crown" providing stability, though it has become dangerously "frozen". He observes that the United States is approaching the 250-year average lifespan of empires, causing internal divisions over the Constitution's validity. Furthermore, he argues that a noble state relies on a "belief in beliefs," where leadership is imbued with mysticism. This continuity allows a monarch to serve as an ideal representative. Conversely, modern republics increasingly favor short-term, transactional democracy over durable values, leading to a breakdown in the rules of the nation-state. (3)1901 OLD HOUSE
SHOW SCHEDULE THE JOHN BATCHELOR 3-20-2-261939 OKLAHOMA1. California's Wildlife Bridge and the Homeless Crisis Guest: Jeff Bliss Summary: Jeff Bliss discusses the $100 million "Butterfly Bridge" in Agoura Hills, which is significantly over budget. He also details the "homeless industrial complex" in Los Angeles, including allegations of signature fraud and billions in missing funds. (2)2. The Billionaire Tax and California's Fiscal Deficit Guest: Jeff Bliss Summary: Bliss explores the proposed billionaire tax and the resulting exodus of capital to Florida and Texas. He examines Governor Newsom's national popularity despite a massive state budget deficit and local criticism of his leadership. (3)3. The Global Energy Crisis and Ground War Strategy Guest: Professor Richard Epstein Summary: Richard Epstein warns of a global energy crisis triggered by the Iran war, criticizing Europe's reliance on green energy. He argues that ground troops are necessary to sustain victory and hold military territory effectively. (4)4. UN Credibility and the Laws of Warfare Guest: Professor Richard Epstein Summary: Epstein critiques the UN Secretary-General for accusing Israel and the US of war crimes. He argues the UN lacks credibility and maintains that infrastructure remains a legitimate military target during times of war. (5)5. Lancaster's Pastry Economy and Infrastructure Progress Guest: Jim McTague Summary: Jim McTague observes Lancaster County's resilient economy, where residents seek "instant gratification" through French pastries during wartime. He also notes steady progress on local infrastructure projects, including a high-security data center. (6)6. Italian Judicial Reform and Tourism in Mantua Guest: Lorenzo Fiori Summary: Lorenzo Fiori explains a constitutional referendum regarding the separation of careers for magistrates and prosecutors. He also provides a travel guide to historic Mantua, recommending its medieval architecture, artichoke pasta, and regional wine. (7)7. Sector Optimism: Petroleum vs. the Housing Slump Guest: Gene Marks Summary: Gene Marks reports boom times for petroleum equipment manufacturers despite rising energy costs. Conversely, he notes that residential construction and home furnishings are struggling due to high interest rates and low buyer demand. (8)8. C-Corporation Tax Strategies and Microsoft AI Agents Guest: Gene Marks Summary: Gene Marks advises retiring entrepreneurs on converting businesses to C-corporations to avoid capital gains taxes. He also introduces Microsoft's new AI agents, which function like digital employees to automate routine administrative tasks. (9)9. Thomas Paine's Crisis and the Fabian Strategy Guest: Ed Larson Summary: Ed Larson details Thomas Paine's "American Crisis," which revitalized the patriot cause. He explains George Washington's "Fabian strategy" of tactical retreats to wear down the British army while their atrocities fueled local resistance. (10)10. Abigail Adams and the Limits of Equality Guest: Ed Larson Summary: This segment highlights Abigail Adams' plea to "remember the ladies" in the new code of laws. Ed Larson discusses how her husband, John Adams, dismissed these early calls for gender and racial equality. (11)11. Washington's Moral Victory at Trenton and Princeton Guest: Ed Larson Summary: Larson recounts Washington's daring crossing of the Delaware during a nor'easter. These victories at Trenton and Princeton provided a critical moral boost for the Continental Army, forcing the British out of West Jersey. (12)12. The Signing of Sovereignty and Revolutionary Dissent Guest: Ed Larson Summary: Details the signing of the Declaration of Independence and the adoption of radical state constitutions asserting that people alone are sovereign. Larson also explores honorable dissent through the perspective of wealthy planter John Dickinson. (13)13. WHO Nuclear Threat Warnings and Reactor Vulnerability Guest: Henry Sokolski Summary: Henry Sokolski analyzes World Health Organization preparations for a "worst-case scenario" nuclear incident. He highlights the vulnerability of regional power reactors to drone strikes and the resulting risks of large-scale radiological releases. (14)14. The Kharg Island Gambit and Vietnam Parallels Guest: Henry Sokolski Summary: Sokolski discusses reports that the US is considering an invasion of Iran's Kharg Island to reopen the Strait of Hormuz. He draws historical parallels to the initial 1965 escalation of the Vietnam War. (15)15. SpaceX Starship Milestones and Artemis Safety Risks Guest: Bob Zimmerman Summary: Reports on the upcoming 12th Starship test flight and Rocket Lab's military contracts. Zimmerman criticizes NASA's Artemis program for bypassing safety steps and risking lives with untested heat shields and life support. (16)16. Lunar Water Scarcity and Asteroid Ryugu Findings Guest: Bob Zimmerman Summary: Reviews scientific data suggesting significantly less water ice on the lunar South Pole than expected. Zimmerman also discusses the discovery of DNA building blocks on asteroid Ryugu and the ongoing sun dynamo mystery. (17)
In this quick but powerful shiur on Vayakhel-Pekudei, Rabbi Aryeh Wolbe shares an insight from Rabbi Yaakov Nagel (Senior Rabbi of Heimish of Houston) about the unique double-sided drapes (Yeri'ot) in the Mishkan. While most embroidery (Ma'asei Choshev) was identical on both sides, one special curtain at the entrance to the Kodesh HaKodashim (Holy of Holies) featured a completely different image on the inner side—yet no human ever saw it. The Kohen Gadol entered once a year, performed the Yom Kippur service, and exited backward, never turning to view the inner curtain. So why invest in an unseen design?Rabbi Wolbe explains: It teaches that Hashem's perspective often differs radically from ours. We may undervalue a mitzvah (thinking it's "small") or ourselves (feeling unworthy or limited), but Hashem sees infinite worth. A simple act—holding back lashon hara, a quiet prayer, a moment of restraint—may earn unimaginable reward in heaven. Conversely, we sometimes overestimate our deeds. The hidden curtain reminds us: some mitzvot and personal potentials are visible only to Hashem, whose valuation transcends human sight. This applies especially to parenting: parents must reflect children's true greatness and potential (like the mirrors of last week's shiur), seeing beyond their self-doubt to ignite confidence and growth—just as Hashem sees our hidden light._____________This Podcast Series is Generously Underwritten by Peter & Becky BotvinRecorded at TORCH Centre in the Levin Family Studios (B) to a live audience on March 17, 2026, in Houston, Texas.Released as Podcast on March 18, 2026_____________Listen, Subscribe & Share: Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/jewish-inspiration-podcast-rabbi-aryeh-wolbe/id1476610783Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/4r0KfjMzmCNQbiNaZBCSU7) to stay inspired! Share your questions at aw@torchweb.org or visit torchweb.org for more Torah content. _____________About the Host:Rabbi Aryeh Wolbe, Director of TORCH in Houston, brings decades of Torah scholarship to guide listeners in applying Jewish wisdom to daily life. To directly send your questions, comments, and feedback, please email: awolbe@torchweb.org_____________Support Our Mission:Our Mission is Connecting Jews & Judaism. Help us spread Judaism globally by sponsoring an episode at torchweb.org.Your support makes a HUGE difference!_____________Listen MoreOther podcasts by Rabbi Aryeh Wolbe: NEW!! Hey Rabbi! Podcast: https://heyrabbi.transistor.fm/episodesPrayer Podcast: https://prayerpodcast.transistor.fm/episodesJewish Inspiration Podcast: https://inspiration.transistor.fm/episodesParsha Review Podcast: https://parsha.transistor.fm/episodesLiving Jewishly Podcast: https://jewishly.transistor.fm/episodesThinking Talmudist Podcast: https://talmud.transistor.fm/episodesUnboxing Judaism Podcast: https://unboxing.transistor.fm/episodesRabbi Aryeh Wolbe Podcast Collection: https://collection.transistor.fm/episodesFor a full listing of podcasts available by TORCH at http://podcast.torchweb.org_____________Keywords:#JewishInspiration, #Mussar, #MasterClass, #Flattery, #Chanufa, #Honor, #BadInfluence, #IntentionalLiving, #PositiveEnvironment, #DeleteTheApp, #ShalomBayit ★ Support this podcast ★
The Texas Longhorns men's basketball team managed to find its way into the NCAA Tournament, but they still need to win a game to find its way into the field of 64. They will face off against the NC State Wolfpack, a team they beat at the start of the season in the Maui Invitational. Can they depend on the offense they had early in the season, or will they crash out in the First Four? Conversely, the Texas women locked up a No. 1 seed and actually await the winner of a First Four matchup. They have an opportunity to play the first two weeks of the tournament in the state of Texas, hosting the first weekend and then travelling to Fort Worth for the second set of games.
The Texas Longhorns men's basketball team managed to find its way into the NCAA Tournament, but they still need to win a game to find its way into the field of 64. They will face off against the NC State Wolfpack, a team they beat at the start of the season in the Maui Invitational. Can they depend on the offense they had early in the season, or will they crash out in the First Four? Conversely, the Texas women locked up a No. 1 seed and actually await the winner of a First Four matchup. They have an opportunity to play the first two weeks of the tournament in the state of Texas, hosting the first weekend and then travelling to Fort Worth for the second set of games. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In this episode of EY Sustainability Matters, David Rae, EY Global Lead for Technology, AI and Innovation at EY Climate Change and Sustainability Services, explores the complex intersection of artificial intelligence (AI) and nature. The host poses the question: Can technology solve the nature loss crisis, or will its resource-heavy footprint only accelerate the problem? Hear industry voices and activists debate whether AI is a necessary tool for nature's survival and offer holistic views on the risks and opportunities ahead, drawing on a hypothetical debate from The EY AI x Sustainability Exchange: from big questions to real solutions, where activists were asked to take opposing sides of the argument. Gilad Goren of the Nature Tech Collective argues that reversing nature loss is impossible without AI, which is essential for de-risking private sector investment and closing the nature finance gap. We also hear how companies, such as SAP, IBM, Treefera and others, are leveraging real-time data to track deforestation and optimize crop yields in hard-to-abate sectors. Conversely, activists Livia Pagoto and Fred Werner highlight the "shadow effect" — the skyrocketing energy and water demands of massive data centers. The conversation also explores ethical governance, questioning whether potentially biased algorithms can ever replicate human care required to protect the environment. AI is already accelerating nature protection, from monitoring deforestation and biodiversity to improving climate risk assessment, supply‑chain transparency and renewable energy optimization. However, AI's rapid growth is resource‑intensive, driving significant increases in energy and water use, and raising concerns about scalability, equity and environmental impact. Progress requires collective action, combining human wisdom, inclusive governance, Indigenous knowledge and responsible innovation, to ensure that AI strengthens — rather than replaces — our relationship with nature. @2026 Ernst & Young LLP
3. Joseph Ellis, *The Cause: The American Revolution and Its Discontents, 1773 to 1783*. This narrative explores the tension between conservative and radical leadership, featuring John Dickinson, whose "Letters from a Farmer" framed the colonial constitutional position even as he hesitated to cross the "abyss" into war. Conversely, John Adams viewed continued trust in George III as "delusional" and advocated for an immediate end to the British connection. The text also critiques the "myth of the militia," noting that while amateurs were formidable behind defenses at Bunker Hill, their costly "victory" misled many into believing virtuous amateurs could easily defeat professional soldiers, a delusion that persisted for years. (3)1820 JEFFERSON FRANKLIN
Last time we spoke about the Soviet-Japanese neutrality pact. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major clash along the Halha River, where Soviet-Mongolian forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeated Japan's Kwantung Army. Zhukov's offensive, launched on August 20, involved intense artillery, bombers, and encirclement tactics, annihilating the Japanese 23rd Division and exposing weaknesses in Japanese mechanized warfare. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders and deterring further northern expansion. Stalin navigated negotiations with Britain, France, and Germany to avoid a two-front war, ultimately signing the German-Soviet pact on August 23, which secured Soviet neutrality in Europe while addressing eastern threats. Post-Nomonhan, Soviet-Japanese relations warmed rapidly: fishing disputes were resolved, ambassadors exchanged, and the Chinese Eastern Railway sale finalized. By 1941, a neutrality pact was concluded, allowing Japan to pivot southward toward China and Southeast Asia. #193 The Chiang-Wang Divide Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After that lengthy mini series covering the battle of Khalkin Gol, we need to venture back into the second sino-japanese war, however like many other colossal events….well a lot was going on simultaneously. I wanted to take an episode to talk about the beginning of something known as the Reorganized National Government of the Republic of China, or much shorter, the Wang Jingwei Regime. It's been quite some time since we spoke about this character and he is a large part of the second sino-japanese war. After the fall of Tianjin and Beiping, the government offices in Nanjing entered their annual summer recess. All of GMD's senior leadership, from Chiang Kai-shek down to Wang Jingwei, gathered on Mount Lu, a picturesque resort in northern Jiangxi, south of the Yangtze, famed for cliffs, clouds, and summer villas. Although Chiang had visited Mount Lu every summer, this was the first occasion that nearly the entire central government assembled there. Analysts suspected the gathering was a deliberate move to relocate government functions inland in the event of total war. Dozens of the nation's leading intellectuals were invited to Mount Lu to discuss strategies for countering Japan's ambitions. The forum was scheduled to begin on July 15 and to last twenty-seven days in three phases. The bridge incident caught them off guard. Unlike Manchuria, Beiping had long been the nation's capital, and the shock added urgency to the proceedings. When the forum, chaired by Wang, finally opened on July 16, speculation ran as to whether this signaled another regional conflict or the onset of full-scale war. The media pressed for a resolute stance of resistance from the government. To dispel the mounting confusion and perhaps his own indecision, Chiang delivered a solemn speech on July 17, declaring that if the incident could not be resolved peacefully, China would face the "crucial juncture" of national survival and would consider military action; if war began, every Chinese person, from every corner of the country and from every walk of life, would have to sacrifice all to defend the nation. Chiang's Mount Lu Speech was now commonly regarded as the moment when China publicly proclaimed its firm commitment to resistance. Contemporary observers, however, did not take Chiang's stance at face value. Tao Xisheng, a Peking University law professor who had been invited, recalled that after the speech, people gathered in Hu Shi's room to discuss whether a peace option remained. Chiang left the mountain on July 20, leaving Wang to chair the conference. The discussions continued upon their return to Nanjing, where a National Defense Conference was organized in mid-August. It was also Tao's first encounter with Wang Jingwei. A "peace faction," largely composed of civil officials and intellectuals, began to take shape around Wang, favoring diplomatic solutions over costly and potentially ineffective military action. During this period, both Chiang and Wang publicly called for resistance, while both harbored hopes for a peaceful solution. Yet their emphases differed. On July 29, Wang Jingwei delivered a radio address from Nanjing titled "The Critical Juncture," echoing Chiang's slogan. He likewise asserted that after repeated concessions and retreats, the critical juncture had come for China to rise against Japan. It would be a harsh form of resistance, since a weak nation had no alternative but to sacrifice every citizen's life and scorch every inch of land. Yet toward the end, Wang's speech took on an ironic turn. He stated, "The so-called resistance demands sacrificing the whole land and the whole nation to resist the invader. If there is no weakness in the world, then there is also no strength. Once we have completed the sacrifice, we also realize the purpose of resistance. We hail 'the critical juncture'! We hail 'sacrifice'!" The sentiment sounded almost satirical, revealing his doubt about the meaning of total sacrifice. The hope for containment was crushed by Japan's ongoing advances. On November 12, Shanghai fell. Chiang's gamble produced about 187,200 Chinese casualties, including roughly 30,000 officers trained to German standards. Japanese casualties were estimated at a third to a half of the Chinese losses, still making it their deadliest single battle to date. The battered Japanese Imperial Army and Navy, long convinced of their invincibility, were consumed by vengeful bloodlust. The army swept from Shanghai toward Nanjing, leaving a trail of murder, rape, arson, and plunder across China's heartland. With the fall of Nanjing looming, the central government announced on November 20 that it would relocate to Chongqing, a city upriver on the Yangtze protected by sheer cliffs. Plans for Chongqing as a reserve capital had already begun in 1935, with Hankou as the midway station. To preserve elite troops for the future while saving face, Nanjing was entrusted to General Tang Shengzhi and his roughly one hundred thousand largely inexperienced soldiers. Nanjing fell on December 13. Despite this victory, Japan's hopes of ending the China Incident within three months were dashed. The carnage produced by the war, especially the Rape of Nanjing, left a profound moral stain on humanity. A mass exodus from the coastal provinces toward the hinterland began. People fled by boats, trains, buses, rickshaws, and wheelbarrows. Universities, factories, and ordinary households were moved halfway across China, step by step. The nation resolved to persevere, even in distant mountains and deserts if necessary. In Sichuan alone, government relief agencies officially registered about 9.2 million refugees during the war years. Chiang Kai-shek, after paying respects at Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum, flew to Mount Lu with Song Meiling. The so-called Second Couple chose a more modest path: like most refugees, the Wang family traveled upriver along the Yangtze. On November 21, they left Nanjing, abandoning a recently renovated suburban home and thirty years of collected books. Coincidentally, the ship carrying Wang Jingwei from Nanjing to Wuhan was SS Yongsui, the former SS Zhongshan that had escorted Sun Yat-sen to safety and witnessed Wang's ascent and subsequent downfall from power. Ironically renamed "Yong-sui," the ship's new title meant "peace," while the compound term suijing denoted a policy of appeasement. This symbolism—Wang being carried away from Nanjing by a ship named "Eternal Peace"—foreshadowed his eventual return to the city as a champion of a "peace movement." After the Mount Lu Forum, Hu Shi and Tao Xisheng could not return to Beiping, now under Japanese occupation. They joined the government in Nanjing. Beginning in mid-August, Japanese bombers began attacking Nanjing. Air power—an unprecedented weapon of mass destruction—humbled and awed a Chinese public largely unfamiliar with airborne warfare. By striking a target that did not serve its immediate interests, Japan demonstrated its world-class military might and employed psychological warfare against the Chinese government and people. Because Zhou Fohai's villa at Xiliuwan had a fortified cellar suitable as an air-raid shelter, a group of like-minded intellectuals and civil servants sought refuge there. They preferred a peaceful approach to the conflict, subscribing to the idea of trading space for time—building China's industrial and military capabilities before confronting Japan. Tao Xisheng and Mei Siping, old allies of Zhou Fohai, lived in his house. Another frequent guest was Luo Junqiang, an ex-communist. The former CCP leader Chen Duxiu, recently released from prison, joined their gatherings a few times. Gao Zongwu hosted another meeting site. Hu Shi, as a guest himself, jokingly called this circle the "Low-Key Club" (Didiao julebu), a label that underscored their pragmatic defiance of the government's high-flown rhetoric urging all-out resistance. Many members of this group would later become central figures in a conspiracy known as the "peace movement," with Wang Jingwei as its leader and emblem. As Gerald Bunker noted, the peace scheme did not originate with Wang but with certain associates of Chiang, elements in Japanese military intelligence, and members of liberal-minded Japanese political circles who were linked to Konoe. Zhou Fohai belonged to the Chiang-loyalist CC faction, named for Chen Guofu and Chen Lifu. Zhou believed that resistance under current conditions was suicidal. He sought to influence Chiang through people around him, including Wang Jingwei, whom he found impressionable and began visiting at Wang's salon. Gao Zongwu, head of the Foreign Ministry's Asian Department, felt sidelined by Chiang's uncompromising stance. They shared the sense that Chiang might be willing to talk but feared the price, perhaps his own leadership. They were dismayed by the lack of a long-range war plan beyond capitulation. Their view was that China's battlefield losses would worsen the terms of any settlement, and that the war's outcome seemed to benefit Soviet Russia and undermine the GMD more than China itself. The rapid collapses of Shanghai and then Nanjing vindicated their pessimism. Chiang's autocratic decision-making only deepened their dissatisfaction. They feared China was again at risk of foreign conquest from which it might not recover. Wang Jingwei became the focal point for these disaffected individuals, drawn by his pacifist leanings, intellectual temperament, and preference for consensus-building. After the government relocated to Hankou, he lent guidance to the Literature and Art Research Society (Yiwen yanjiu hui), a propagandist body led by Zhou Fohai and Tao Xisheng. Its purpose was to steer public opinion on issues like the war of resistance and anticommunism, and to advocate a stance that the government must preserve both peace and war as options. Many believed it to be Wang's private organization; in truth, Chiang supported its activities. For much of 1938, Chiang's belligerent anti-Japanese rhetoric and Wang's conciliatory push were two sides of the GMD's broader strategy. Among the society's regional branches, the Hong Kong chapter flourished under Mei Siping and Lin Baisheng. In addition to editing South China Daily News, Lin established Azure Books and the International Compilation and Translation Society (Guoji bianyishe) as primary propaganda organs. Ironically, Mei Siping had himself been a radical during the 1919 student protests, when he helped set fire to the deputy foreign minister's house in protest of perceived capitulation to Japan. Wang Jingwei also actively engaged in international efforts to broker peace between Japan and China, including Trautmann's mediation by the German ambassador. Since the outbreak of war, various Western powers had contemplated serving as mediators, but none succeeded. Nazi Germany, aligned with Japan in an anti-Soviet partnership, emerged as China's most likely ally because it did not want Japan to squander its strength in China or compel China to seek Soviet help. Conversely, Japan's interest lay in prolonging the war or achieving a swift settlement. Ambassador Trautmann met with Wang Jingwei multiple times from October 31 to early November 1937 to confirm China's preference for peace before negotiating with Japan. The proposal Trautmann carried to Chiang Kai-shek on November 5 proposed terms including autonomy for Inner Mongolia, a larger demilitarized zone in North China, an expanded cease-fire around Shanghai, a halt to anti-Japanese movements, an anti-communist alliance, reduced tariffs on Japanese goods, and protection of foreign interests in China. Although Japan did not specify territorial gains, these terms deviated significantly from Chiang's demand to restore pre–Marco Polo Bridge status. After Shanghai fell, Chiang's rigidity softened. On December 5, at Hankou, the National Defense Conference agreed to begin peace negotiations based on Trautmann's terms, a decision Chiang approved. But it was too late: Nanjing fell on December 13, and a provisional Beiping government led by Wang Kemin was established, signaling Japan's growing support for regional separatism. On December 24, Japan issued an ultimatum for a harsher deal to be accepted by January 10. In response, Chiang resigned as chairman of the Executive Yuan on January 1, 1938, and was succeeded by his brother-in-law Kong Xiangxi. Chiang declared that death in defeat was preferable to death in disgrace and refused to yield under coercion. The Konoe Cabinet announced on January 16 that Japan would not negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek. Trautmann's mediation had failed. After Konoe's announcement, mediation became even more precarious, as it placed the already deadly, no-win situation between the two nations in deeper jeopardy. Secret contacts between the two governments persisted through multiple channels—sometimes at the direction of their own leaders, other times at the initiative of a cadre of officials and quasi-official figures of dubious legitimacy. Many of these covert efforts were steered by Chiang himself. In late 1937, Wang Jingwei even sent Chen Gongbo to Rome to explore the possibility of Italian mediation between China and Japan. After meetings with Mussolini and Foreign Minister Ciano, Chen concluded that Italy had no genuine goodwill toward China and favored Japan. His conversations with other Western leaders (Belgium, France, Britain, and the United States) proved equally fruitless. In diaries, Zhou Fohai and Chen Kewen recorded a pervasive mood of pessimism among Hankou and Chongqing's national government factions. Although direct champions of negotiating with Japan were few, many voices insisted that China was on the brink of collapse while secretly hoping peace talks would begin soon. Gao Zongwu's mission emerged from this tense atmosphere. With Konoe's cabinet refusing to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek, many regarded Wang as the best candidate to carry forward a diplomatic solution. Yet Wang remained convinced of his loyalty to Chiang and to Chiang's policy. The Italian ambassador visited Wuhan to offer mediation between Wang and the Japanese government, an invitation Wang declined. Tang Shaoyi's daughter traveled to Wuhan to convey Tokyo's negotiation intent, but was similarly turned away. Even Chen Bijun, then in Hong Kong, urged Wang to join her and start peace negotiations; he again declined. Tao Xisheng remembered a quiet night when Wang confided in him: "This time I will cooperate with Mr. Chiang until the very end, regardless of how the war unfolds." His stance did not change when Gao Zongwu reported that the Imperial Japanese Army General Staff Office wanted him to head the peace talks. Gao Zongwu's bid was brokered by Dong Daoning, head of the Japan Affairs Section in the Foreign Ministry. Shortly after Konoe's statement, Dong traveled to Shanghai to meet Nishi Yoshiaki, representative of Mantetsu, and Matsumoto Shigeharu, a Dōmei News Agency journalist. Nishi and Matsumoto then introduced Dong to Kagesa Sadaaki, head of the Strategy and Tactics Department in the General Staff Office. Kagesa introduced Dong to Deputy Director Tada Hayao and colleagues Ishiwara Kanji and Imai Takeo, who agreed that a peaceful resolution to the China crisis aligned with Japan's interests. It would be inaccurate to paint these figures as pacifists: Ishiwara, who helped build Manchukuo, also recognized that further incursions into China could jeopardize Japan's hard-won gains. They proposed a temporary resignation by Chiang to spare Konoe from having to retract his refusal to negotiate, thereby allowing Wang to lead the talks. In short, the scheme aimed to save face for Konoe. Dong returned to Hong Kong and delivered the proposal to Gao Zongwu, who had been stationed there since February under Chiang's orders to oversee intelligence and liaison with Japan. Luo Junqiang, Gao's contact, testified that Gao was paid monthly from Chiang's secret military fund. Gao went back to Hankou twice, on April 2 and May 30. On the second trip, he personally conveyed Japan's terms to Chiang. Gao later admitted that Chiang never gave him explicit instructions, but rather cultivated an impression of tacit approval. At no point did Gao view the deal as Chiang's betrayal. As long as Chiang retained control of the military, Wang's leadership could only be nominal and temporary. Unbeknownst to Wang, Gao's personal ties to Chiang remained hidden from him; he learned of them only through Zhou Fohai. Startled, he handed the information to Chiang Kai-shek and told Tao Xisheng: "I cannot broker peace with Japan alone. I will not deceive Mr. Chiang." Given Tao's later departure from Wang's circle to rejoin Chiang, Tao's recollection could be trusted. Two months later, Wang left Chongqing to pursue a peace settlement. A key factor may have been persistent lobbying by Zhou, Gao, Mei, Tao, and especially his wife Chen Bijun. Luo Junqiang recalled that Kong Xiangxi objected that Gao acted without him, prompting Chiang to order Gao to halt his covert efforts, an order Gao ignored. Gao and Mei Siping continued to press for a deal. Gao even spent three weeks in Japan in July, holding extensive talks with Kagesa Sadaaki and Imai Takeo. Their discussions produced the first substantive articulation of the Wang peace movement as a Sino-Japanese plot to end the "China incident." On November 26, Mei flew from Hong Kong to Chongqing with a draft of Japan's terms and Konoe's planned announcement. The proposal stated that the Japanese army would withdraw completely within two years once peace was reached, but it demanded that China formally recognize Manchukuo. Wang was to leave Chongqing for Kunming by December 5, then proceed to Hanoi. Upon Japan receiving news of his arrival in Hanoi, the telegram would reveal the peace terms. This pivotal moment threw Wang into intense inner turmoil. Zhou Fohai visited Wang daily, and Wang delayed decisively each time, much to Zhou's frustration. Ultimately, it seemed that Chen Bijun rendered the final judgment on Wang's behalf. As in earlier episodes, Wang found himself trapped by an idealized image of himself held by family, followers, and loyalists, seen by them as a larger-than-life figure who must undertake a mission too grand to fail. Yet Wang's stance was not purely involuntary. As Imai Takeo noted, he fundamentally disagreed with Chiang's strategy of resistance. The so-called scorched-earth approach caused immense suffering. Three episodes stood out: the 1938 Yellow River flood, ordered by Chiang to impede Japan's advance, which destroyed dikes and displaced millions, yielding devastating agricultural and humanitarian consequences; the subsequent epidemics and famine that followed, producing about two million refugees and up to nine hundred thousand deaths, while failing to stop the Japanese advance toward Wuhan (which fell in October); and the Changsha fire, ignited in the early hours of November 13, which killed nearly thirty thousand people and devastated most of the city. These events sharpened Wang's doubts about Chiang's defense strategy, especially its reckless execution and cruelty. By late November, Wang began to openly challenge Chiang's approach, delivering a series of speeches advocating his own war-weariness and preference for limiting resistance to preserve national strength for future counterstrikes. He argued that guerrilla warfare burdened the people and wasted national resources that could be saved for a later, more effective defense. He urged soldiers to exercise judgment and listen to their consciences, and he attributed much of the civilian suffering to the Communists; nonetheless, with General von Falkenhausen, Chiang's German adviser, now urging a shift toward smaller-unit mobile warfare, Wang's critique of Chiang's strategy took on a more pointed, risksome tone. If resistance equaled total sacrifice, Wang was not prepared to endorse it. As Margherita Zanasi noted, Wang Jingwei and Chen Gongbo had long shared a vision of a self-consciously anti-imperial "national economy", the belief that China's economy had not yet achieved genuine nation-power and that compromising with the foe might be necessary to save the national economy. Wang and Zhou also worried that continuing resistance would strengthen the Communists and that genuine international aid would not arrive, at least not soon. After Nazi Germany occupied Czechoslovakia, Wang briefly hoped for the formation of an antifascist democratic alliance. Yet the Munich Agreement disappointed him. Viewing Western democracies as culturally imperialist, he doubted they would jeopardize their relations with Japan, another imperial power, on China's behalf. This view was reinforced by Zhou Fohai and other China specialists who had recently joined Wang's circle; they argued that China would fall unless the international situation shifted dramatically. Their forecast would prove accurate only after Pearl Harbor. In the end, Wang longed for decisive action. He had been sidelined since the government's move to Wuhan. At the GMD Provisional National Congress in Hankou (March 29–April 1), the party resolved to restore Chiang Kai-shek to near-total control by reasserting the authoritarian zongcai system. The Congress also established the People's Political Council as a nominal nod to democracy, but it remained largely consultative. Wang was elected deputy director and chairman of the council, yet he clearly resented the position. Jiang Tingfu described Wang's Hankou mood as "somewhat resentful," recognizing the role as largely ceremonial. More optimistic observers attributed his dismay to the return of dictatorship, and he likely felt increasingly useless. Since the Mukden Incident, Wang had prioritized party unity and been content to play a secondary role to Chiang, but inaction did not fit his sense of historical purpose. It was Zhou Fohai who urged Wang to risk his reputation for a greater cause, presenting a calculated nudge to someone susceptible to idealism. A longing to find meaning through action may have finally pushed him toward a fateful decision. As Chen Bijun bluntly told Long Yun, her husband "was merely an empty shell in Chongqing and could contribute nothing to the country; thus he wanted to change his surroundings." Wang considered staying abroad as a serious option amid the Hanoi uncertainty. Gao Zongwu had previously told Japanese negotiators that if Konoe's stance did not satisfy Wang, he might head to France. Chongqing echoed this possibility. On December 29, Ambassador Guo Taiqi, acting on Chiang's orders, telegraphed Wang suggesting he go to Europe "to take a break." It would have offered a graceful exit. Kagesa recommended Hanoi as Wang Jingwei's midway station because, as a French colony, it offered a relatively safe environment. Only the French were armed there, and several members of the extended Wang family had grown up in France, enabling them to communicate with the colonial authorities. After Wang departed for Hanoi, Long Yun hesitated for weeks. On December 20, he telegraphed Chiang, saying Wang had paused in Kunming on the way to Hanoi to seek medical treatment. Knowing this was untrue, Chiang replied on December 27 with a stern warning about Japan's unreliability, a message that appeared to have persuaded Long. A day later, Long urged leniency for Wang. Following Wang's publication of the "yan telegram," public anger likely pushed Long toward a final decision. On January 6, he informed Chiang of a letter from Wang delivered by Chen Changzu, and he noted that the Wangs were considering the French option, but recommended allowing Wang to return to Chongqing to show leniency and to enable surveillance. Chiang replied two days later that Wang would be better off going to Europe. The extended Wang family resided in two Western-style mansions at 25 and 27 Rue Riz Marché, surrounded by high walls. On February 15, Chongqing's envoy Gu Zhengding brought their passports to Hanoi. Accounts differed on what happened next. One version had Wang offering to travel abroad if Chongqing accepted his proposal to start peace talks; if Chongqing remained indecisive, he would return to voice his dissent. Another version claimed Gu's primary task was to bring Wang back to Chongqing, which Wang declined, preferring France. Although the French option was gaining favor, the Wang circle continued to explore other avenues. In early 1939, secret contacts with the Japanese government persisted, though not always in a coordinated way. Chiang's intelligence advised that the Wang group was forming networks in Shanghai and especially Hong Kong, with Gao Zongwu playing a central role. On February 1, Gao returned from Hong Kong and stayed for five days, finding Wang in a despondent mood. Wang asked Gao to pass along a few letters to Japanese leaders urging the creation of a unified Chinese government to earn the Chinese people's understanding and trust. Wang believed his actions would serve the best interests of both China and Japan. On March 18, the Japanese consulate in Hong Kong informed Gao that funding for the Wang group would come from China's customs revenues that Japan had seized. Meanwhile, Chiang Kai-shek sensed a shift in the war's direction. On February 10, Japan seized Hainan, China's southernmost major island. The next day, Chiang held a press conference describing the development as "the Mukden Incident of the Pacific." He warned that Japan's ambitions could threaten British and French colonial interests and U.S. maritime supremacy. Gao Zongwu read the speech and concluded that Chiang's outlook had brightened. For three months, the Wang circle met frequently to weigh options. The prominent writer and scholar Zhou Zuoren, who had already accepted a collaborationist post as head of the Beiping library, warned Tao Xisheng, saying "Don't do it," signaling his misgivings about collaborating with Japan based on his reading of Japanese politics. As Zhou observed, many young Japanese militarists did not even respect General Ugaki, let alone a foreign leader. Then the assassination of Zeng Zhongming, Wang's secretary and protégé, abruptly altered the meaning of Wang's mission. The Wang group was deeply unsettled by Zeng Zhongming's assassination. The event came as a shock. On March 20, Gu Zhengding's second Hanoi visit concluded. Allegedly Gu delivered passports and funds for a European excursion. On a bright spring day, the entire Wang family enjoyed a lighthearted outing to Three Peaches Beach, only to be halted by a French officer who warned they were being followed. During their afternoon rest, a man posing as a painter, sent by the landlord to measure rooms for payment, appeared at the door and was turned away when he insisted on entering every room. More than twenty people in the household, none were armed. Since January, Hanoi had been a hive of BIS activity. The ringleader was Chen Gongshu, a veteran operative under spymaster Dai Li, though Chen's recollections clashed with those of other witnesses, leaving the exact sequence unclear. Chen claimed their role was intelligence and surveillance until March 19, when an unsigned telegram from Dai Li ordered, "Severest punishment to the traitor Wang Jingwei, immediately!" The mission supposedly shifted. The Wang family was followed the next day but evaded capture in traffic, prompting a raid on the house. Reports varied: some said Wang resided on the second floor of No. 27; others suggested he lived in No. 25, with No. 27 used for day guests. The force entered the courtyard, forced open the door to Wang's room, and a getaway car waited outside. Chen, in the car, heard gunshots: initial shots toward a downstairs figure, then three shots through a bedroom door hacked open with an axe, aimed at a figure beneath the bed, believed to be Wang Jingwei. The team drove off after four to five minutes. Vietnamese police soon detained three killers who lingered in the courtyard and even listened in on a hospital call. Chen didn't realize the target had been misidentified until the next afternoon. Some BIS records suggested Wang and Zeng Zhongming had swapped bedrooms that night, a detail Chen doubted. Chen did not mention a painter's earlier visit. There were competing accounts of the event with their numerous inconsistencies that fueled conspiracy theories. Jin Xiongbai outlined three possibilities: (1) the killers killed the "wrong person" as a warning to Wang Jingwei; (2) they killed Zeng to provoke Wang toward collaboration; or (3) the episode was always part of a broader Chiang-Wang collaboration plan. In any case, Dai Li showed unusual leniency toward Chen Gongshu, who was never punished and later led the Shanghai station. After Dai Li's agent Li Shiqun was captured in 1941, Li not only spared Chen's life but recruited him on a double-agent basis for the remainder of the war, with Chen retiring to Taiwan. Chiang Kai-shek never discussed the case publicly or in his diary, and his silence was perhaps the strongest indication that he ordered the killing. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Wang Jingwei, once a key figure in China's resistance against Japan, grew disillusioned with Chiang Kai-shek's scorched-earth tactics during the Second Sino-Japanese War. Amid devastating events like the Yellow River flood and Changsha fire, which caused immense civilian suffering, Wang joined a peace faction advocating negotiation. Secret talks with Japanese officials led to his defection in 1938. He fled Chongqing to Hanoi, where an assassination attempt, likely ordered by Chiang, killed his secretary Zeng Zhongming instead.
6. Queens of Britain: Cooperation and Resistance (11)Southon compares two female leaders in Roman Britain: Cartimandua and Boudica. Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes, chose to collaborate with Rome, maintaining power for decades by bringing Roman luxuries like wine and spices to her people. Conversely, Boudicaled a violent but short-lived rebellionagainst Roman tyranny. While the historian Tacitus portrayed Boudica as a stoic figure of honor who died by her own hand, modern British schools often view her as a symbol of national resistanceto continental rule and Britishexceptionalism. (12)
3. Cline examines the varying fates of Egypt and emerging Levantine groups after the collapse. Egypt is described as "merely coping," struggling with internal anarchy and a delayed reaction to regional droughts while retreating from its previous international prominence. Conversely, the power vacuum allowed smaller entities like the Israelites and Philistines to flourish. Cline discusses the archaeological debate regarding whether the Israelites were local highland dwellers who transformed or external migrants. He also identifies the Philistines as part of the Sea Peoples, noting recent DNA evidence from Ashkelon that confirms their mixed ancestry and Mediterranean origins. (3)
You've been asking for it, it's time to go over every Latin country in South America, seen through the eyes of somebody who has barely been there! A lot of Westerners are looking for a proper Plan B, but have no idea where to start. VP does his best to give you the straight beef on what to expect as far as weather, food, and dating go in as many countries as we can cover. Recommended Crypto Trading Platform (And Bonus Eligibility) - https://nononsenseforex.com/cryptocurrencies/best-crypto-trading-platform/ For Decentralized Crypto Trading (US Citizens Can Join) - https://nononsenseforex.com/decentralized-trading-platform/ Blueberry Markets Blog (Top FX Broker) - https://nononsenseforex.com/uncategorized/blueberry-markets-review-my-top-broker-for-2019/ Get a Discount On Any Trading View Package - https://www.tradingview.com/?aff_id=159841 The Blog Has Moved to My New Free Substack - https://thecontrarianinvestorblog.substack.com/p/what-to-expect-and-what-not-to?r=16orow Follow VP on Twitter https://twitter.com/This_Is_VP4X Check out my Forex trading material too! https://nononsenseforex.com/ The host of this podcast is not a licensed financial advisor, and nothing heard on this podcast should be taken as financial advice. Do your own research and understand all financial decisions and the results therein are yours and yours alone. The host is not responsible for the actions of their sponsors and/or affiliates. Conversely, views expressed on this podcast are that of the host only and may not reflect the views of any companies mentioned. Trading Forex involves risk. Losses can exceed deposits. We are not taking requests for episode topics at this time. Thank you for understanding.
Read OnlineJesus addressed this parable to those who were convinced of their own righteousness and despised everyone else. “Two people went up to the temple area to pray; one was a Pharisee and the other was a tax collector…” Luke 18:9–10Humility is a beautiful virtue. Even the most public sinner, like a tax collector, shines brightly with God's grace when his heart is purified by humility. On the other hand, pride is an ugly vice. When pride is present in someone's life, the soul is incapable of reflecting God's pure and beautiful light.Today's parable of the Pharisee and the tax collector, who both go to the temple to pray, teaches us that true holiness comes from within. The interior virtues of the soul allow God's radiance to shine outwardly. When humility and repentance fill a person's heart, the soul reflects God's grace.We may all encounter people who seem to radiate God's grace, peace, and joy. Conversely, we may meet others who radiate judgment, self-righteousness, and condemnation. While we must avoid judging others, we cannot help but be inspired by the genuine humility of those whose lives are marked by grace. For example, even if we forget the exact words of Saint Mother Teresa's many speeches, her radiant charity, fueled by humility, is unforgettable.The Pharisees were known for their meticulous observance of the external requirements of the Law of Moses. However, their scrupulous adherence to these laws often blinded them to the deeper virtues that God desires. They became focused on appearances, missing the heart of the matter: humility and love of God.Praying in the temple is a good and pious act. Both the Pharisee and the tax collector did this. However, prayer that is distorted by self-righteousness, pride, and arrogance cannot rise to God as true prayer. Only when prayer is guided by humility and an awareness of our need for God's mercy does it become a channel of grace.The tax collector was humble because he recognized his sinfulness and his need for God's mercy. He prayed, “O God, be merciful to me, a sinner.” The Pharisee, blinded by pride, could not see his own need for God's forgiveness and instead praised himself for his external observances. The tax collector's humility opened him to divine wisdom, while the Pharisee's pride left him in spiritual blindness. Humility is wise; pride is foolish.Reflect today on how you approach prayer. Are you wise in your prayer? Do you, like the tax collector, acknowledge your need for God's mercy? Pray the tax collector's prayer with sincerity and depth: “O God, be merciful to me, a sinner.” If you find yourself thinking, “I'm not that bad of a sinner,” then your prayer is more like that of the Pharisee. Don't shy away from the truth. Humbly confess your weaknesses and sins before God. He is merciful. Acknowledge your complete dependence on His grace. Only then, like the tax collector, will you go home justified before God.Most merciful God, have mercy on me, a sinner. I need You. I need Your forgiveness. By Your grace, help me to see my sins clearly, confess them, and experience the joy of redemption. Fill me with humility, dear Lord, so that I may know the truth of myself and, through Your wisdom, be set free. Jesus, I trust in You.Source: Free RSS feed from catholic-daily-reflections.com — Copyright © 2026 My Catholic Life! Inc. All rights reserved. This content is provided solely for personal, non-commercial use. Redistribution, republication, or commercial use — including use within apps with advertising — is strictly prohibited without written permission.
https://teachhoops.com/ The rise of national and regional youth basketball rankings for players as young as fourth or fifth grade is one of the most polarizing developments in the sport. On the "helpful" side, rankings can provide exposure and validation for elite talents who might otherwise be overlooked, especially those in rural areas. They can also serve as a "benchmark" for players, sparking a competitive fire to work harder. However, at the youth level, these lists are often "Projection-Based Guesswork." A player who is "ranked" at age 11 is often simply the child who hit their growth spurt early or has matured physically faster than their peers. By the time they reach high school, the "late bloomers" often catch up, rendering those early rankings irrelevant. The primary danger of early rankings is the creation of a "Fixed Mindset" and the "Arrival Fallacy." When a 12-year-old is told they are "Top 50 in the Nation," they often stop seeking the "hard coaching" that builds long-term success. They begin to play for the "highlight reel" rather than the "win," leading to the "Deterioration of Fundamentals." Instead of learning how to move without the ball or set a proper screen, they focus on isolation plays that will look good on social media. Conversely, players who aren't ranked often feel "defeated" before they've even reached puberty, leading to premature burnout and a loss of "Trust Equity" in the developmental process. As a coach or parent, you must master the "Art of the Filter." Use rankings as a "conversation starter," not a "conclusion." If a player is ranked, challenge them to prove they are the hardest worker in the gym, not just the most talented. If they aren't ranked, use it as fuel for their "underdog" mentality. Utilize TeachHoops member calls to "audit" your program's culture: are you celebrating "national status," or are you celebrating the "Zero-Talent" metrics like floor dives and box-outs? By prioritizing "Rep Density" and Skill Acquisition over "digital clout," you ensure that your athletes are building a foundation that will actually hold up when the college scouts start watching for real in 11th grade. Youth basketball rankings, AAU rankings, basketball player development, coaching philosophy, youth sports burnout, exposure in basketball, high school basketball, basketball IQ, coach development, team culture, growth mindset in sports, athletic leadership, basketball mentorship, ranking systems, youth basketball trends, coach unplugged, teach hoops, basketball success, mental toughness, scouting youth basketball, basketball fundamentals. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
If your wearable device knows your cortisol level, your heart rate, and the ambient light in your dining room, should it also choose the perfect wine for you? The Romans raved about Falernian. The Georgians were fermenting in clay vessels eight thousand years ago. Could AI finally let us taste what they were drinking? Conversely, can AI write an accurate tasting note for wine still in the bottle before a single human lifts the glass? When every appellation is covered, every vintage scored, and every back label written by an algorithm, what is a wine writer actually for? You're going to discover the stories and tips that answer those questions in this episode of the Unreserved Wine Talk podcast. I'm going solo rather than interviewing a guest, as I'd like to share these thoughts that have been on my mind. You can find the wines we discussed at https://www.nataliemaclean.com/winepicks. Highlights What first drew Sarah toward Champagne, and why did the region capture her imagination so strongly early in her wine journey? How does Champagne's chalk soil influence vine behavior and the overall character of the wines produced there? Why does the concept of terroir in Champagne depend as much on blending decisions as on vineyard origin? How do reserve wines shape the consistency and identity of non-vintage Champagne? What role does dosage play in balancing acidity and texture in finished Champagne? Why do some producers choose to eliminate dosage entirely, and what stylistic risks does that decision create? How does extended lees aging transform both aroma and texture in traditional method sparkling wines? Why has grower Champagne gained so much attention over the past two decades? How do small grower producers approach vineyard expression differently from the large Champagne houses? What tasting clues help distinguish Champagne made primarily from Chardonnay, Pinot Noir, or Meunier? Why do many Champagne producers still rely on blending across villages rather than highlighting single vineyards? How does the Champagne region continue adapting to climate change while preserving its traditional style? Why does Champagne remain one of the few wine regions where blending is considered the highest expression of craftsmanship? To learn more, visit https://www.nataliemaclean.com/380.
Scripture declares, "The fear of the Lord prolongs days" (Proverbs 10:27). But what does that actually mean? In a culture that equates fear with anxiety or dread, the Bible presents the fear of the Lord as reverent awe, holy submission, and covenantal obedience. It is not terror — it is alignment. And according to Scripture, alignment with God brings protection, wisdom, stability, and longevity. In this teaching, Joseph Mattera explores how the fear of the Lord guards our decisions, restrains destructive impulses, and positions us to live under divine favor. Many shortened lives are not accidental — they are the fruit of ignoring God's boundaries. Conversely, reverence produces wisdom, and wisdom produces life. If you desire not merely to exist but to live a sustained, fruitful life under God's blessing, this episode will challenge you to rediscover the transformative power of the fear of the Lord.
Is the "move to the center" vs. "lean left" debate a false choice?Following recent election cycles, the dominant advice for Democrats has been to moderate their cultural messaging and pivot to the middle—a strategy championed by the October 2025 Deciding to Win report. Conversely, many argue the party should double down on a bold, progressive populist agenda to mobilize the base.In this episode, we challenge this entire left-versus-center framework with Frank A. Spring, Chief of Research at Altum Insight and Managing Partner at Undaunted Ventures.Through deep qualitative research, Frank discovered that voters are "politically heterodox"—they don't fit into the neat ideological boxes we've built for them. We explore why the real crisis isn't "ideological excess," but "narrative confusion." Voters might know the party is "for diversity," but they often don't know what a Democratic vision of governance actually feels like for their daily lives.Text me your feedback and leave your contact info if you'd like a reply (this is a one-way text). Thanks, DavidSupport the showShow Notes:https://outrageoverload.net/ Contact me, David Beckemeyer by email outrageoverload@gmail.com. Follow the show on Instagram @OutrageOverload. We are also on Facebook /OutrageOverload. Check out our Subtstack https://outrageoverload.substack.comHOTLINE: 925-552-7885Got a Question, comment or just thoughts you'd like to share? Call the O2 hotline and leave a message and you could be featured in an upcoming episodeIf you would like to help the show, you can contribute here. Tell everyone you know about the show. That's the best way to support it.Rate and Review the show on Podchaser: https://www.podchaser.com/OutrageOverload Also check out our companion podcasts, This Week in Outrage and Outrage Science Bites. Intro music and outro music by Michael Ramir C.Many thanks to my co-editor and co-director, Austin Chen. Outrage Overload, a Conners Institute podcast, ...
Pricing for Profits: Your Voiceover Pricing Strategy Voiceover Pricing Strategy BOSSes, Anne Ganguzza and Tom Dheere (The VO Strategist) tackle the often-intimidating world of money. Whether you are setting rates for your very first gig or deciding when to give yourself a "raise" after a decade in the booth, having a clear voiceover pricing strategy is vital. This episode explores the power of industry standards like the GVAA rate guide, the psychology of "perceived value," and why the highest-paying clients are often the easiest to work with. Chapter Summaries: The Industry Benchmarks (01:43) Tom establishes the two core pillars of voiceover rates: SAG-AFTRA Collectively Bargained Agreements (CBAs) and the Global Voice Acting Academy (GVAA) Rate Guide. While the union sets the floor for broadcast work, the GVAA has become the non-union industry standard. The hosts emphasize that even new talent should aim for these benchmarks because clients pay for the voice, not the years on a resume. The "Confidence Workaround" (10:52) For talent who feel "timid" about quoting high numbers, Tom shares his secret weapon: The Screenshot Strategy. When a client won't provide a budget, Tom provides a quote based on the GVAA guide and includes a link or screenshot. This shifts the "blame" from the actor to the industry standard, instantly boosting professional authority. The Low-Budget Paradox (16:08) Anne and Tom discuss a hard truth: the lower the price, the higher the stress. Clients who undervalue voiceover typically demand more retakes and have more "nitpicky" tendencies. Conversely, high-budget clients understand the value of collaboration and are generally more pleasant and professional to work with. When and How to Raise Your Rates (18:37) Raising your rates doesn't require a public announcement. The hosts recommend a "sneak-in" approach: incrementing rates on a project-by-project basis or with new clients. They suggest two primary triggers for a raise: your skills have demonstrably improved (you are "better" at the craft), or the cost of living/business overhead has increased. Direct Marketing vs. Pay-to-Play (30:01) While pay-to-play sites (Voice123, Voices.com) often set the budget for you, direct marketing requires you to lead the negotiation dance. The hosts argue that a balanced voiceover pricing strategy uses all lead generation tools—agents, casting sites, and direct outreach—to ensure a steady flow of diverse opportunities. Negotiation as a Skill (13:28) Before rate guides existed, actors had to be "tough" negotiators. Anne encourages talent to ask clients, "Does this fit within your budget?" as a simple way to open an honest dialogue without burning bridges. Remember, a "no" from a client isn't a failure—it's just one data point in a long-term career marathon. Top 10 Takeaways for Voice Actors: Use the GVAA Guide: It is the "gold standard" for non-union rates. Keep it open whenever you are quoting a project. Price for Quality: Don't undercharge just to get the job. A low price often signals low quality or lack of professionalism to the buyer. Ask for the Budget First: Always ask the client for their budget before providing a quote to avoid leaving money on the table. Leverage the "Confidence Workaround": Use screenshots of industry rate guides to justify your quotes and relieve personal anxiety. Identify Perceived Value: If you have branded yourself well and provide a premium product, you can strategically charge above the minimums. Avoid the Race to the Bottom: Under-cutting your peers on low-budget sites doesn't build a sustainable career; it only attracts high-stress clients. Raise Rates Incrementally: Don't announce a general price hike. Slip small increases into your next quotes as your experience grows. Differentiate B2B vs. B2C: VO is a Business-to-Business industry. Treat your clients as professional partners, not retail consumers. Strategic Volume Discounts: Only consider lower rates if a client guarantees a high volume of consistent work (but get it in writing). The Power of "No": Being willing to walk away from a bad deal is the ultimate sign of a VO Boss.
This episode explores the mysterious world of The Shadow, a hero with hypnotic powers, as he investigates a series of murders at a sanitarium. Discover how suspense, sound symbolism, and clever detective work intertwine in this thrilling dramatization.Most people underestimate the power of their own mind — and that's a deadly mistake. In this gripping episode, the Shadow reveals a chilling tale of murder, mystery, and mind control, illustrating how one man's hypnotic secret can make him vanish from view and manipulate reality itself. This story isn't just entertainment; it's a masterclass in psychological influence that could change how you see the world — and yourself.You'll discover how hypnotic power in the Orient gave Lamont Cranston (the Shadow) an almost supernatural edge, enabling him to cloud men's minds—and how that same tactic can be used to defend or deceive. The episode explores the subtle art of suggestion, the eerie sounds and minor keys that evoke fear at night, and a complex conspiracy involving inheritance schemes, murder plots, and mind games. This isn't just a detective story; it's a chilling look at the darker side of influence and its potential to shape what we believe is real.We break down the story's core frameworks: the hypnotic oboe-like instrument the killer used to hypnotize snakes, the disguise of the masked murderer, and the ingenious methods to uncover hidden truths. You'll also learn how fear, sound, and suggestion can be harnessed—skills useful for anyone interested in psychology, security, or understanding the unseen forces at play in our minds and environments.Why does this matter? Because the real danger lies in what we don't see or understand. Ignoring the influence of suggestion or the subtle signals that manipulate perception leaves us vulnerable. Conversely, mastering these insights opens a new realm of control—whether to protect yourself, solve complex mysteries, or influence outcomes in your own life.This episode is perfect for mystery lovers, psychology enthusiasts, and anyone fascinated by the unseen power of the mind. If you've ever wondered how some people seem to manipulate reality, or how fear is engineered through sound and suggestion, you'll want to hear this compelling story. It's a thrilling reminder that sometimes, the most invisible forces shape our world more than we realize.[The Shadow's] creator, Walter B. Gibson, crafted timeless tales of intrigue and influence that continue to resonate. This story on the hypnotic minor key and the mysterious killer mask showcases the Shadow's genius—an enduring symbol of the unseen battles happening all around us.Prepare to be captivated by a story that blends suspense, psychology, and the art of deception. Hit play and discover how one man's secrets could unlock the dark corners of your mind—and perhaps, teach you to see the invisible forces shaping your reality.The Shadow, mystery, hypnotic powers, sanitarium, detective story, suspense, sound symbolism, murder investigation
It's hard to know how severe these global conflicts are compared to where they might be in the future. But the chances of escalation and further conflict is huge. How to prepare? How to invest? Fortunes have been made here, but you need to know what to do, where to go, and how to behave differently than your fellow man. Recommended Crypto Trading Platform (And Bonus Eligibility) - https://nononsenseforex.com/cryptocurrencies/best-crypto-trading-platform/ For Decentralized Crypto Trading (US Citizens Can Join) - https://nononsenseforex.com/decentralized-trading-platform/ Blueberry Markets Blog (Top FX Broker) - https://nononsenseforex.com/uncategorized/blueberry-markets-review-my-top-broker-for-2019/ Get a Discount On Any Trading View Package - https://www.tradingview.com/?aff_id=159841 The Blog Has Moved to My New Free Substack - https://thecontrarianinvestorblog.substack.com/p/what-to-expect-and-what-not-to?r=16orow Follow VP on Twitter https://twitter.com/This_Is_VP4X Check out my Forex trading material too! https://nononsenseforex.com/ The host of this podcast is not a licensed financial advisor, and nothing heard on this podcast should be taken as financial advice. Do your own research and understand all financial decisions and the results therein are yours and yours alone. The host is not responsible for the actions of their sponsors and/or affiliates. Conversely, views expressed on this podcast are that of the host only and may not reflect the views of any companies mentioned. Trading Forex involves risk. Losses can exceed deposits. We are not taking requests for episode topics at this time. Thank you for understanding.
A massive shift in the AI market triggered by OpenAI's controversial decision to partner with the U.S. Department of Defense. This move led to a 295% surge in ChatGPT uninstalls, as users grew concerned over ethics, surveillance, and the platform's pivot away from its original nonprofit roots. Conversely, Anthropic's Claude has become the primary beneficiary of this exodus by positioning itself as a principled alternative that refuses military contracts. To capitalize on this momentum, Anthropic introduced tools allowing users to import their chat histories, helping the app reach the top of the App Store. While the government has labeled Anthropic a supply chain risk for its stance, the public appears to be prioritizing data ethics and trust over OpenAI's scale. This conflict highlights a growing schism in the tech industry between companies pursuing national security profits and those maintaining strict ethical boundaries.Earn money while chatting with strangers. https://dashboard.babel.audio/sign-up?referrer=vVDO6yebQQK4LiZ8SQV2Nw.7Q3oJEnZ&referrerName=William
David McKnight discusses the allocation of $1M if he had it to invest in 2026. David sees a taxable brokerage account as the least efficient investment account you could possibly own – since it's taxed every year and it's exposed to both short- and long-term capital gains. While this type of account is liquid and can serve as an excellent emergency fund, it's the most tax-unfriendly of all the investment alternatives. The goal, says David, isn't to grow wealth within this type of account, rather to use it as a funding source to systematically build multiple tax-free income streams for retirement. Roth IRAs, which can be funded for a combined $17,200 per year (for your and your spouse's Roth IRA) is the first place David believes the money should go. Next, you should aim at maxing out your Roth 401(k)s – which is $24,500 a person for people under 50 and $32,500 per person. David explains how you can convert taxable money into tax-free money without triggering a massive taxable event and without disrupting your lifestyle. 70% total U.S. stock market index fund, 30% total international stock market index fund is the only allocation you'll ever need, says David. Having to properly structure and fully fund an indexed universal life policy (IUL) is the most misunderstood piece of the strategy discussed by David. The idea is to see an IUL as a way to grow a portion of the $1M portfolio safely and productively, and not to use it as an investment replacement or stock alternative… Historically, IULs have grown 5-7% in net fees over time – with zero stock market risks. The goal of day one of retirement is to have 3-5 years of living expenses sitting in your IUL's cash value, tax-free. This is your volatility buffer. According to a recent Ernst & Young study, the strategy discussed in this episode provides far more income, a far greater likelihood that your money will last through life expectancy and far more money to the next generation compared to the investment-only approach. Suze Orman recommends the exact same strategy but with a difference: Instead of using an IUL she suggests using a savings account that has rock bottom taxable rates of return. However, an IUL is a more effective tool, as it grows far more productively as tax-free, protects your principal, and the death benefit can double as long-term care protection. David's strategy doesn't include bonds as an IUL is safer: No sequence of returns risk early in retirement, not being forced to sell stocks in a down market. "I generally don't ever recommend bonds. There are far better instruments that are safer, more productive, and more tax-efficient tools, with IUL being one of them", illustrates David. Many experts expect tax rates to rise dramatically by 2035 to pay interest on the national debt, bail out Social Security, and bail out Medicare and Medicaid. When that happens, you just don't want to be sitting on a massive taxable account..! The goal is to shift as much as possible from the $1M portfolio into tax-free accounts before 2035 – you want to have them in your Roth IRAs, Roth 401(k)s, and IUL cash value. Conversely, you only want about six months' worth of living expenses sitting in your taxable account. Mentioned in this episode: David's new book, available now for pre-order: The Secret Order of Millionaires David's national bestselling book: The Guru Gap: How America's Financial Gurus Are Leading You Astray, and How to Get Back on Track Tax-Free Income for Life: A Step-by-Step Plan for a Secure Retirement by David McKnight DavidMcKnight.com DavidMcKnightBooks.com PowerOfZero.com (free video series) @mcknightandco on Twitter @davidcmcknight on Instagram David McKnight on YouTube Get David's Tax-free Tool Kit at taxfreetoolkit.com Dave Ramsey Ernst & Young Suze Orman
What is inappropriate ambition for a follower of Jesus? Conversely, is there any ambition that can be appropriate in a believer's life? Brett answers these questions in this brief message from Jeremiah 45.5.
China is on alert as a fresh wave of rain and snow is expected over the next three days, potentially causing travel and tourism disruptions following the Spring Festival holiday. While less widespread and intense than recent weather events, the precipitation warrants attention.气象部门发出预警，预计未来三天我国将迎来新一波雨雪天气，可能导致春节假期结束后交通和旅游出现中断。虽然此次过程的强度和影响范围不及之前，但仍需引起注意。On Sunday, significant snowfall affected Shanxi, Hebei and Henan provinces, while heavy rains drenched much of southern China. The National Meteorological Center forecasts an eastward shift in snowfall, bringing light to moderate accumulations to the Inner Mongolia autonomous region, eastern and northern North China, most of Northeast China and the northern Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. Inner Mongolia and Heilongjiang province may experience heavy snow and localized blizzards.3月1日，山西、河北和河南等地出现显著降雪，与此同时，强降雨影响了南方大部地区。中央气象台预计，降雪区域将向东移动，内蒙古自治区、华北中东部、东北地区大部和新疆维吾尔自治区北部等地将迎来小到中雪，累计降雪量一般有1～3毫米。其中，内蒙古和黑龙江等地局地可能出现大雪或暴雪。Simultaneously, South China is bracing for heavy rainfall, with moderate to heavy precipitation expected in the southern provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, Hainan, the Guangxi Zhuang autonomous region and Taiwan. Localized downpours and possible thunderstorms are also anticipated.与此同时，华南地区将迎来强降雨，预计福建、广东、海南、广西壮族自治区和台湾等南方省份将有中到大雨。局地可能出现暴雨和雷暴天气。Offshore, strong winds will affect eastern sea areas due to an intensifying cyclone entering the sea near Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces. On Tuesday, gusts reaching 24.5 meters per second are predicted for the Yellow Sea, East China Sea, Taiwan Strait and parts of the South China Sea.在近海区域，由于入海气旋加强，江苏和浙江附近海域将出现大风。周二，预计黄海、东海、台湾海峡和南海部分海域将出现阵风达每秒24.5米的大风。Despite these localized events, forecasters predict no large-scale rain or snow across China this week, with precipitation expected to be scattered and generally light.预报员指出，尽管有这些局地天气事件，但预计本周全国范围内不会出现大范围的雨雪天气，降水总体较为分散，强度一般。However, persistent rain in eastern Southwest China will create slippery roads and reduce visibility, requiring public vigilance during travel.然而，我国西南地区东部持续的阴雨天气将导致道路湿滑和能见度降低，公众出行需注意安全。Northern China will experience a brief warming trend before a cold front arrives on Wednesday and Thursday. Conversely, the south will cool down, providing relief from recent warmth. Daytime highs in Haikou, Hainan, are expected to drop to 20 C by Wednesday.北方地区在周三和周四冷空气到来之前将经历短暂的回暖过程。与之相对，南方地区将迎来降温，使近日的回温天气得到缓解。到周三时，海南海口的白天最高气温预计将降至20摄氏度。In addition, most of China's northern winter wheat region is projected to experience near-average temperatures and 10 to 30 millimeters of rainfall over the next 10 days, which will improve soil moisture and aid the resurgence of winter wheat growth, according to agricultural forecasts.此外，农业气象预报显示，未来10天，我国北方冬麦区大部气温接近常年同期，降水量有10～30毫米。降水将有效改善土壤墒情，利于冬小麦返青生长。The Yangtze River Delta, South China and Southwest China are expected to see near-average or slightly above-average temperatures with 10 to 50 mm of precipitation, benefiting reservoir storage and providing water for spring planting, it added.预报还指出，长江中下游、华南及西南地区南部等地气温接近常年同期或偏高，降水量有10～50毫米，利于增加库塘蓄水和保障春播用水。precipitation /prɪˌsɪpɪˈteɪʃən/降水drench /drentʃ/湿透，浸透National Meteorological Center /ˈnæʃənəl ˌmiːtiərəˈlɒdʒɪkəl ˈsentər/ 中央气象台localized blizzards /ˈləʊkəlaɪzd ˈblɪzədz/局地暴雪downpour /ˈdaʊnpɔː/倾盆大雨，暴雨cyclone /ˈsaɪkləʊn/气旋gust /gʌst/一阵强风，阵风vigilance /ˈvɪdʒɪləns/警惕，警戒resurgence /rɪˈsɜːdʒəns/复苏，再现
Being a fan can be a truly exhilarating experience. The highs of a championship win can lift not only a fan base, but an entire city, into a great mood. Conversely, the lows can be just as emotionally traumatic. In this episode, we explore some of the players who helped cause that pain. Throughout Pittsburgh sports history, there have been certain players responsible for more than their share of losses — whether through total domination or by saving their best performances for the biggest moments. These are the players we always remember for dealing our hometown teams their most painful defeats.REWIND is a series of our favorite Pittsburgh Sports Memories episodes that we will be dropping in between new episodesGet our Steelers-Ravens book here! E-Book | HardcoverConnect with the show:Visit us on the webFollow us on FacebookFollow us on Instagram
In this episode, featuring a webinar we ran this week, Tara Elie and Dr James Mannion explore a question that many school leaders are quietly wrestling with: Why do so many behaviour initiatives fail to deliver sustained change? Across the system, the signals are hard to ignore – rising suspensions, internal removals, persistent absence, staff exhaustion, and a growing sense that behaviour reform is absorbing huge energy without always shifting underlying patterns. In this conversation, we argue that two critical ideas are largely missing from the behaviour debate: - The psychology of mattering - Implementation and improvement science When combined, these lenses offer a more systemic, more hopeful way forward. Part 1: The psychology of mattering Tara introduces the concept of mattering, drawing on the work of Morris Rosenberg and contemporary positive psychology. Mattering has two components: feeling valued, and adding value. We explore: - The difference between mattering and self-esteem - What staff mattering looks like in practice - What “anti-mattering” feels like in schools - The emotional and behavioural consequences of quiet disengagement - Why belonging is an outcome of mattering – not the target itself We discuss how staff who feel unseen, unheard or replaceable may withdraw effort, reduce collaboration, and disengage in subtle but powerful ways. Conversely, when staff feel significant and influential, resilience, agency and motivation follow. The same applies to students. Part 2: Why behaviour reform so often stalls James explores a sobering question: What proportion of school improvement initiatives actually improve outcomes in a sustained way? We examine two core reasons change efforts frequently falter: - Teachers and leaders are rarely taught how to implement change effectively - Schools default to top-down, “black box” leadership models We unpack the risks of: - Compliance cultures - Groupthink - ‘Us and them' dynamics - Initiative fatigue And we introduce a more transparent alternative: the slice team – a representative cross-section of the school community that improves decision-making and strengthens buy-in. Root cause analysis: looking beneath the surface We then turn to a practical example. A widely cited statistic suggests that seven minutes out of every thirty are lost to low-level disruption. Rather than treating this as a behaviour problem alone, we demonstrate how to conduct a root cause analysis: - Identifying the trunk (the presenting issue) - Mapping the consequences - Investigating the roots across physical, emotional, relational, cognitive, behavioural and navigational domains The key insight: the same visible behaviour can arise from very different root systems. Behaviour reform without diagnosis is guesswork. Key ideas explored: - Mattering as a driver of culture - Anti-mattering and quiet withdrawal - Why belonging runs downstream of mattering - Black box vs glass box leadership - Slice teams as a mechanism for distributed ownership - Root cause analysis in school improvement - Why policy launch is not implementation - Habit change and “tight but loose” planning If behaviour is live in your context We are currently offering 20-minute Behaviour Strategy Calls for school leaders who would value a structured diagnostic conversation about behaviour, mattering and implementation. You can book here: https://calendly.com/rethinkingjames/chat-with-tara-james Further resources Download the Rethinking Behaviour guide - https://www.makingchangestick.co/rethinking-behaviour-free-guide Explore implementation science tools from Making Change Stick - https://www.makingchangestick.co
Question of Ethics: A Conversation on Courts and EthicsMarch 4th, 2026Courts stand at a crossroads between tradition andnecessity. On the one hand, we are guardians of legal boundaries, carefully distinguishing who may practice law and what constitutes legal advice. On the other hand, we are confronted with an undeniable reality: in many locationsaround our country, people with legal problems never reach the courthouse door, often because:DistanceThey live miles away from the courthouse or even any legal helpAffordabilityThey cannot afford to get the legal help they need RecognitionThey do not even see their problem as “legal” or the courthouse as a place that can help. As unmet legal needs grow, our community is asking courtsto do more, to do things differently, with fewer resources, and with fewer assumptions about how justice is accessed. These questions invite us to wrestle with uncomfortable issues. If non-attorney legal advocates are helping close critical legal gaps in selected areas around the country, is the currentlimitation on giving legal advice (Canon 1.7) still appropriate? Conversely, do some areas of law require stricter boundaries to protect the public?Can we continue to rely on courthouse-centered models, ormust courts extend their presence into the community in more sustained and meaningful ways? And as front-line staff increasingly become the first, and sometimes the only point of contact, how do we responsibly navigate that thin line between providing helpful information and giving permissible legal advice?Finally, this discussion challenges us to think about thefuture of the court's workforce itself. Expanding non-attorney legal advisors raises questions not only about service delivery, but about professional identity, training, liability, and career development within the courts.Are we prepared to redefine roles, invest in training newskills, and accept a more flexible vision of how we as court leaders serve the public? The answers to these questions may shape not just access to justice, but the very role of courts in the communities we serve.In this episode, we examine the expanding roles of non-attorney advocacy and community-based services. We look at the evolving role of court staff to meet people where they are. We ask the question can we reimagine access to justice? Today's PanelMaggie Humm Executive Director of the Alaska Legal Services Corporation in Anchorage.Sarah Carver Co-director of the Alaska Legal Services Corporation's Community Justice Workers Resource Center.Creadell Webb Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Officer for the 1st Judicial District Court, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania,Liz Rambo Trial Court Administrator for the Lane County Circuit Court, in Eugene, Oregon Access the episode by going to the NACM website podcast link: https://www.nacmnet.org/podcastsBecome part of the Conversation. Submit your comments and questions to: ethics@nacmnet.orgJoin the Question of Ethics Conversation held after the Subcommittee meetings every fourth Thursday of the month at 2:00 pm ET.
Most law students and practitioners stumble over the complex world of spousal support—also known as alimony—where logic collides with human emotion. What if you could decode the hidden frameworks that determine whether support is awarded, for how long, and on what basis? In this episode of "Best in the World," we peel back the layers of family law's most misunderstood terrain to reveal the secrets behind support law's biggest debates.This isn't about reading statutes. It's about understanding the fundamental distinction: property division is a final, retrospective process, while spousal support is an ongoing, flexible obligation. Property division celebrates the past—who owns what—generally final with little room for modification. Support, by contrast, is about the future needs of a spouse, adjusting to life's unpredictable shifts: job loss, health issues, or new relationships. Recognizing this critical difference is the first step for any law student aiming to master family law.We break down the core support typologies—pendente lite, rehabilitative, permanent, and reimbursement support—each serving a distinct policy purpose and dictating different durations and modifiability. Want a temporary safety net during the divorce process? Pendente lite support is your answer. Need a structured pathway back to independence? Rehabilitative support, grounded in the Gavron warning, requires the supported spouse to actively pursue self-sufficiency. Facing long-term incapacity or age? The overwhelming trend leans against indefinite alimony, with many states capping or phasing out permanent support, reflecting a modern push toward clean breaks.Key to support analysis are the well-known but often misunderstood factors: the length of the marriage, standard of living during the union, and the economic contributions—monetary or non-monetary. Imputed income becomes critical when a high-earning spouse intentionally underemploys or quits a lucrative career to shirk obligations, triggering courts to treat potential earnings as actual income. Similarly, contributions that aren't monetary—childcare, homemaking—are now credited as vital support pillars, influencing property shares and alimony awards.Among the episode's most compelling insights is the ongoing debate over the professional degree dilemma. Unlike traditional property, degrees are generally not considered assets—yet their immense future income potential makes them a de facto kind of property in some states. Landmark cases like Gram v. Gram in Colorado established a hard line against calling degrees property, citing transferability as a key criterion. But states like New Jersey—with Mahoney v. Mahoney—have innovatively remedied this gap with reimbursements, allowing courts to order support that refunds the spouse's investment in education, akin to a business investment gone awry.The episode also reveals modern shifts away from life-long alimony, especially permanent or indefinite awards, exemplified by recent reforms in Florida. Now, legislatures favor formulas or caps, reflecting a broader move towards ending lifelong dependency—though this raises societal questions about fairness, especially for those who sacrificed careers decades ago under old social contracts.Understanding fault is equally crucial. Today's courts emphasize economic need over morality—cheating spouses can still receive alimony unless their misconduct directly dissipated marital assets. Conversely, cohabitation—living with a new partner—can trigger automatic termination or require courts to scrutinize financial interdependence. This social evolution underscores a legal landscape striving for fairness, transparency, and long-term sustainability.Tax considerations have also transformed. Prior to 2019, payers enjoyed tax deductions; payees paid income tax on support. After the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, support has become tax-neutral—less tax benefit for payers, more pressure on negotiation leverage.
Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance. #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2. On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack. Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure.
Record Numbers Shatter Post-Pandemic Expectations Six years after the pandemic first disrupted American life, a troubling trend emerges across rural Virginia. The Blue Ridge Area Food Bank now serves approximately 180,000 people every month—a staggering 39,000 more than the pandemic's peak. Les Sinclair, the organization's Communications and PR Manager, reveals this sobering reality during a recent conversation on The Valley Today with host Janet Michael. Initially, food bank officials believed the pandemic would represent the worst crisis they'd ever face. When government assistance programs temporarily lifted many families out of poverty, demand dropped slightly to around 141,000 monthly visits. However, this optimism proved short-lived. "We thought the numbers would never go up beyond the pandemic max," Les explains. "That just didn't pan out." Instead, inflation took hold with devastating consequences. While prices soared across every sector, wages failed to keep pace. Consequently, more working families find themselves unable to afford basic necessities, forcing them to seek food assistance for the first time in their lives. A Massive Rural Footprint The Blue Ridge Area Food Bank operates across an impressive territory that spans 25 counties and eight cities throughout Virginia. Stretching from Winchester and Frederick County in the north to beyond Lynchburg and Bedford County in the south, the organization covers approximately 12,000 square miles—roughly the size of Maryland or one-third of Virginia's total area. To manage this vast region effectively, the food bank maintains four strategic warehouse locations. Their headquarters sits in Verona, just outside Staunton, while additional distribution centers operate in Winchester, Charlottesville, and Lynchburg. Notably, the Winchester facility alone serves Frederick, Clarke, Fauquier, Warren, Shenandoah, Page, and Rappahannock Counties, including the densely populated Loudoun County. Moreover, the organization represents a groundbreaking experiment in food banking. When founded in 1981, most food banks concentrated on urban areas where dense populations made distribution easier. The Blue Ridge Area Food Bank, however, pioneered rural food distribution—a critical distinction since nine out of ten food-insecure Americans live in rural communities rather than urban centers. The Partnership Model That Makes It Work The food bank functions as a sophisticated logistics operation, partnering with Feeding America nationally and hundreds of local food pantries regionally. Les compares their role to a Walmart warehouse, buying food by the truckload and storing massive quantities. Meanwhile, local pantries like Winchester CCAP serve as the "customer-facing" locations, directly distributing food to families in need. This partnership proves essential for reaching scattered rural populations. "We couldn't do what we do without them," Les emphasizes. "They couldn't do what they do without us." Furthermore, the organization sources food from diverse channels. Retail grocers contribute 36% of donations through partner pickup programs, where pantries collect excess inventory directly from stores like Food Lion, Kroger, and Giant. Additionally, the USDA provides government-purchased food from American farmers, while large manufacturers donate products with misprinted labels or excess inventory. Local and regional farmers also contribute fresh produce to the network. The Grocery Store Challenge Recently, however, the retail partnership faced unexpected pressure. During October and November, and again during winter snowstorms, consumers cleared grocery store shelves completely. When stores have no excess inventory, they have nothing left to donate. Compounding this challenge, grocery chains have become remarkably efficient at predicting demand. Using AI technology, they now anticipate that shoppers will buy strawberry Pop-Tarts before storms and adjust inventory accordingly. While this efficiency benefits retailers and consumers, it reduces the surplus available for food banks. Simultaneously, USDA food supplies have dropped 30% year-over-year, forcing the food bank to purchase more food directly. Although they cannot fully replace the high-quality proteins and vegetables the government typically provides, they continue prioritizing nutritious options for their partner pantries. Shattering Misconceptions About Food Pantry Users Perhaps the most persistent myth surrounding food insecurity involves who actually needs assistance. Many people assume food pantry visitors are simply lazy and should "get a job." The reality, however, tells a dramatically different story. Most people seeking food assistance are working. They're trying to improve their lives but living on financial margins so thin that a single unexpected expense creates crisis. In fact, more than a quarter of the food bank's guests visit only once per year—they simply need help getting over a temporary hump. Les shares the story of a convenience store worker who injured her wrist on the job. Unable to work while waiting for workers' compensation, she has zero income and cares for a paralyzed son. She's not lazy—she's injured, uninsured temporarily, and desperately trying to survive until she can return to work. Even when workers' compensation arrives, it typically covers only 70% of regular wages and takes considerable time to process. For families living paycheck to paycheck, missing even one payment creates cascading financial disasters. The Government Shutdown Ripple Effect Currently, partial government shutdowns compound these challenges. Federal workers, particularly TSA agents, continue reporting to work without paychecks. They still pay for childcare, gas, and other necessities, but many receive payment only monthly—making it extraordinarily difficult to stretch resources from one paycheck to the next. Contrary to popular belief, landlords cannot always wait patiently for delayed rent payments. Many landlords depend on rental income to pay their own mortgages. When a tenant misses a $2,000 rent payment, the landlord must still cover their mortgage. Moreover, the economic impact extends far beyond government employees. When federal workers stop dining out, restaurants lose business. Wait staff lose tips. Restaurant owners order less food from suppliers like Sysco. Truck drivers haul fewer loads. The entire economic system suffers. Sarah Cohen of Route 11 Chips experienced this firsthand. During COVID and government shutdowns, her sales to DC cafes plummeted because federal workers weren't coming to the office for lunch. These ripple effects reach deep into Virginia's economy, affecting businesses and workers far from the capital. The Impossible Choice: Heat or Eat Winter brings particularly cruel dilemmas for struggling families. Les recently spoke with William, a roofer injured on the job who lives in a mobile home with his dog, Cocoa. Unable to afford heating, William and Cocoa "just sort of curl up" together while he waits for surgeries that will allow him to return to work. Another woman caring for three disabled grandchildren faces $400 monthly electric bills. With both she and her husband experiencing serious health issues and the children's parents out of the picture, they constantly struggle with the impossible choice between heating their home and feeding their family. These aren't isolated cases. Across the food bank's service area, families regularly face this devastating decision. When $600 heating bills arrive after cold snaps, many choose to keep the lights on and visit food pantries to feed their families. Food as Medicine: A Holistic Approach The Blue Ridge Area Food Bank takes a progressive stance on nutrition, viewing food as medicine rather than mere sustenance. They prioritize fresh produce, which comprised 30% of their distribution last year, because they understand that proper nutrition helps people thrive. Nutritious food keeps medical bills down across entire communities. Children pay better attention in school when properly nourished. People can manage chronic illnesses and diseases through better nutrition. Conversely, when families can only afford high-calorie processed foods, they face increased health risks despite consuming adequate calories—debunking the myth that overweight individuals cannot be food insecure. Additionally, access to food reduces stress, which itself functions as a health intervention. When people live on the edge of a financial cliff, they cannot make good long-term decisions. They're too focused on simply not falling. However, when food security removes one major stressor, families can step back from that precipice and begin making better choices for their futures. Quality Food for Everyone Another common misconception suggests that food bank offerings are somehow subpar. In reality, the food distributed through this network maintains high-quality standards. While well-meaning donors sometimes contribute items like ramen noodles during food drives, the bulk of distributed food comes from retail grocers, USDA programs, and direct purchases of nutritious items. The food bank specifically prioritizes produce because people crave fresh fruits and vegetables. Although produce represents one of the most expensive food categories—often making it a luxury for families on tight budgets—the organization believes everyone deserves access to healthy, nutritious food regardless of their economic circumstances. How Communities Can Help Fortunately, community members have multiple ways to support this critical mission. Volunteering provides valuable assistance, and notably, many food bank guests themselves volunteer, giving back to the community that supported them during difficult times. Financial donations prove particularly effective. Just $1 helps provide more than three meals, meaning $10 supplies a month of meals for someone in need, while $100 provides 300 meals. The food bank's purchasing power and logistics expertise amplify every dollar donated. Beyond time and money, advocacy matters tremendously. Currently, the Federation of Virginia Food Banks—representing all seven food banks across the state—works to promote "food as medicine" initiatives with the state legislature. Community members can support these efforts through the food bank's website at BRAFB.org/actnow or BRAFB.org/getinvolved. Finally, social media engagement amplifies the message. Following the food bank's social media accounts, resharing posts, and commenting helps spread awareness that hunger relief remains an urgent community need. Finding Help When You Need It For individuals and families currently struggling with food insecurity, Les offers an important message: "You're not alone, and we are here with you. We are here to walk with you through this challenge in your life." The food bank's website features an easy-to-use food finder tool. Visitors to BRAFB.org can click "Find Food," enter their address, and immediately see all nearby pantries with contact information, open hours, and everything needed to access food quickly. Alternatively, Virginians can call 211 for phone-based assistance connecting them with local resources. A Community Responsibility As this conversation reveals, food insecurity affects far more people than most realize—one in nine people across the food bank's service area. These aren't strangers or statistics; they're neighbors, coworkers, and community members facing temporary crises that could happen to anyone. The Blue Ridge Area Food Bank stands ready to help, but they cannot do it alone. Through partnerships with local pantries, support from community donors and volunteers, and advocacy for systemic solutions, the organization continues fighting to ensure everyone has enough to eat. In Janet Michael's words, it's "a responsibility I do not take lightly"—and neither should any of us.
In this episode of the DecaMillionaire Decoded podcast, host Justin Goodbread is joined by Dan Romer, a multifaceted leader who serves as a pastor, business owner, husband, and father of seven. They discuss how a leader's internal character and spiritual alignment are the true drivers of external business success and personal freedom. Dan explains that if a business owner sows shortcuts, dishonesty, or ego, the harvest will eventually reflect those choices. Conversely, sowing discipline and spiritual obedience leads to divine order and financial acceleration. WWW: Goshenites.com LinkedIn: Dan Romer YouTube: Dan Romer Instagram: @dan_romer_ Learn more about Relentless Value Coaching: https://www.justingoodbread.com/coaching/
Tax Refunds and the Consumer Spending Boost There is encouraging news on the tax front. Tax refunds for 2026 are already running approximately $3 billion ahead of last year, reflecting a 17% increase driven in part by recent tax legislation. While that growth rate is slightly below earlier projections, it remains strong and meaningful. Historically, refund season begins to accelerate in late February and continues through May. Current data show this year's refunds are already tracking ahead of prior years, suggesting that a meaningful influx of cash into households is just beginning. Why does this matter for investors? Consumer spending is a major engine of the U.S. economy and a key contributor to corporate revenue and profit growth. With interest rates trending lower and refunds rising, more money in consumers' pockets could translate into stronger spending. Increased spending supports corporate profitability, which in turn underpins stock market performance. We are monitoring refund trends closely, as they may provide an important tailwind for economic growth and equities in the months ahead. The Supreme Court Ruling and the Future of Tariffs Tariff policy shifted dramatically following a recent Supreme Court ruling regarding the administration's use of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEPA). While IEPA has traditionally been used for sanctions and embargoes, it had been applied in this case to implement tariffs. The Court ruled that using IEPA in this way was unconstitutional. Importantly, the decision does not eliminate the executive branch's authority to impose tariffs. Congress has granted tariff powers through other established mechanisms. In response to the ruling, the administration moved quickly to replace IEPA-based tariffs with alternative authorities, including Section 122 for a broad 15% tariff framework, as well as Sections 301 and 232 for more targeted, country- and industry-specific tariffs. Existing tariffs on industries such as steel and aluminum, as well as tariffs imposed on China beginning in 2018 under Section 301, remain in place. The ruling also raises questions about roughly $130 billion in tariffs previously collected under IEPA. Corporations are expected to pursue litigation seeking refunds, a process that could take months or even years to resolve. While companies may fight aggressively for those funds, consumers should not expect direct reimbursement for tariff-related price increases on retail goods. For markets, the key takeaway is that while the legal pathway has changed, the overall revenue expectations from tariffs are projected to remain similar. However, the structure has become more complex, and policy developments in this area will continue to warrant close attention. Earnings Growth: The Market's Lifeblood Amid political noise and policy debates, it is important to remember that corporate earnings ultimately drive market performance. With approximately 75% of companies reporting, revenue growth is coming in at roughly 8.5%, exceeding earlier expectations of 6% to 7.5%. Even more impressive is earnings growth, currently tracking around 13.5%, well above prior projections in the 7.5% to 9% range. Strong earnings help justify elevated market valuations. When companies deliver accelerating profits, investors are often willing to pay higher multiples. However, rising earnings also bring rising expectations. Current projections call for approximately 14% earnings growth in 2026 and 15% in 2027, ambitious targets that will require sustained economic strength. Markets often react not just to results, but to the gap between expectations and reality. A solid 10% earnings growth rate could disappoint if investors expected 15%. Conversely, modest expectations that are exceeded can support continued market gains. That is why we monitor both present results and forward-looking projections. Managing expectations is just as important as measuring performance. Greg Powell, CIMA® President and CEO Wealth Consultant Email Greg Powell here Bobby Norman, CFP®, AIF®, CEPA® Managing Director Wealth Consultant Email Bobby Norman here Trey Booth, CFA®, AIF® Chief Investment Officer Wealth Consultant Email Trey Booth here Ty Miller, AIF® Vice President Wealth Consultant Email Ty Miller here Fi Plan Partners is an independent investment firm in Birmingham, AL, with a team of professionals serving clients across the nation through financial planning, wealth management and business consulting. The team at Fi Plan Partners creates strategies in the best interest of their clients using fee based investing. The opinions voiced in this material are for general information only and are not intended to provide specific advice or recommendations for any individual. All performance referenced is historical and is no guarantee of future results. All indices are unmanaged and may not be invested into directly. Economic forecasts set forth in this presentation may not develop as predicted. No strategy can ensure success or protect against a loss. Stock investing involves risk including potential loss of principal. Securities and advisory services offered through LPL Financial, Member FINRA/SIPC and a registered investment advisor.The post Tariffs, Taxes, and Earnings, Oh My! first appeared on Fi Plan Partners.
People are freaking out these days, and they're about to freak out even more. We are in the early days of the 4th Turning, and you aint seen nothing yet. If you're ever going to make good decisions in a time of crisis, you need to set the table NOW so these events don't affect you much, and you can keep your heads about you when it comes time to make critical moves. I do feel like I've done a good job of this, and I share how I've done it, here in Episode 244. Recommended Crypto Trading Platform (And Bonus Eligibility) - https://nononsenseforex.com/cryptocurrencies/best-crypto-trading-platform/ For Decentralized Crypto Trading (US Citizens Can Join) - https://nononsenseforex.com/decentralized-trading-platform/ Blueberry Markets Blog (Top FX Broker) - https://nononsenseforex.com/uncategorized/blueberry-markets-review-my-top-broker-for-2019/ Get a Discount On Any Trading View Package - https://www.tradingview.com/?aff_id=159841 The Blog Has Moved to My New Free Substack - https://thecontrarianinvestorblog.substack.com/p/what-to-expect-and-what-not-to?r=16orow Follow VP on Twitter https://twitter.com/This_Is_VP4X Check out my Forex trading material too! https://nononsenseforex.com/ The host of this podcast is not a licensed financial advisor, and nothing heard on this podcast should be taken as financial advice. Do your own research and understand all financial decisions and the results therein are yours and yours alone. The host is not responsible for the actions of their sponsors and/or affiliates. Conversely, views expressed on this podcast are that of the host only and may not reflect the views of any companies mentioned. Trading Forex involves risk. Losses can exceed deposits. We are not taking requests for episode topics at this time. Thank you for understanding.
Garth Heckman The David Alliance TDAgiantSlayer@Gmail.com Proverbs 3: 31 Don't envy violent people or copy their ways. 32 Such wicked people are detestable to the Lord, but he offers his friendship to the godly. 33 The Lord curses the house of the wicked, but he blesses the home of the upright. 34 The Lord mocks the mockers but is gracious to the humble.[c] Proverbs 3:31–34 serves as the "sharp turn" at the end of a chapter famous for its beautiful imagery of wisdom as a "tree of life." While the earlier verses focus on the internal benefits of wisdom—peace, long life, and favor—these final verses pivot to how we should view others, specifically those who seem to get ahead through ruthlessness. The Biblical Context Chapter 3 is a fatherly discourse intended to guide a young person through the complexities of social and spiritual life. At this point in the text, the author is contrasting two very different lifestyles: the covenant-keeper (the righteous) and the covenant-breaker (the wicked/scoffer). Verse 31: The Trap of Envy "Do not envy a violent man and do not choose any of his ways." The Background: In the ancient world (much like today), it was easy to look at the "strongman"—the person who used force, intimidation, or exploitation—and admire their results. They often gained wealth and power quickly. The Wisdom: Wisdom warns that "success" built on violence or oppression is a mirage. To "choose his ways" is to adopt a mindset that people are tools to be used rather than neighbors to be loved. Verse 32: The Divine Reaction "For the devious man is an abomination to the Lord, but He is intimate with the upright." The Contrast: The word "devious" refers to someone who is crooked or slippery in their dealings. The Reward: The "upright" receive something far more valuable than the spoils of violence: intimacy with God. The Hebrew word used here for "intimacy" (sôd) refers to a confidential, friendly conversation or a secret counsel. While the wicked get "stuff," the righteous get "God's ear." Verse 33: The Home and the Heart "The curse of the Lord is on the house of the wicked, but He blesses the dwelling of the righteous." The Scope: This verse suggests that the consequences of our character leak into our environment. A "house" in the biblical sense isn't just the architecture; it's the lineage, the family, and the legacy. The Reality: The wicked may have a mansion, but it carries a "curse" (instability and spiritual decay), while even a humble "dwelling" of the righteous is a place of divine favor. Verse 34: The Law of Reciprocity "Toward the scorners he is scornful, but to the humble he gives favor." The Principle: This is one of the most famous verses in the Old Testament, later quoted by both James (4:6) and Peter (1 Peter 5:5). The Mechanics: God mirrors the attitude of the heart. If you are a "scorner" (someone who thinks they are above the rules and looks down on others), you will eventually find yourself looking up at a God who opposes you. Conversely, "favor" (grace) is a gift that flows to the lowest point—the humble. Summary Table Verse The Human Action The Divine Response 31 Envy/Violence (Warning) Avoid these paths 32 Deviousness vs. Uprightness Abomination vs. Intimacy 33 Wickedness vs. Righteousness Curse vs. Blessing 34 Scorn vs. Humility Scorn vs. Favor/Grace Modern Application The "background" of these verses is essentially a reality check. They remind us that character is more than just personal morality; it is a social and spiritual trajectory. We are encouraged not to be "gaslit" by the visible success of the ruthless, but to value the quiet, steady blessing of walking in integrity. Would you like me to look into the original Hebrew meanings of any specific words in these verses to give you a deeper look?
The comparison between Tesla's vision-only approach and Waymo's use of LIDAR highlights a fundamental disagreement in self-driving philosophy. Tesla relies exclusively on visual cameras, while Waymo utilizes LIDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) as a primary sensor to map the vehicle's surroundings.The sources provide the following insights into how these two systems compare:Technical Philosophy and Sensor Suite• Tesla (Vision-Only): Tesla's strategy is based on the belief that vision is the only necessary input for self-driving, similar to how the human nervous system functions. However, critics in the sources argue that Tesla has "blown what could have been a data advantage" by refusing to use additional sensors like LIDAR.• Waymo (LIDAR-based): Waymo's system is often viewed as "far superior" in its current state because LIDAR provides precise depth and spatial data that cameras alone may struggle to replicate.Safety and Performance Records• Crash Rates: Reports indicate that Tesla's robotaxis have a crash rate approximately four times higher than human drivers, based on data from Austin where the fleet logged four crashes in four months. Conversely, some users suggest that Waymo operates with fewer accidents than human drivers.• Reliability: User experiences with Waymo are frequently described as "almost flawless" or working "pretty flawlessly" in cities like San Francisco and Austin. In contrast, Tesla's system is described by some as "lagging on roads" and currently under investigation for incidents, such as those involving railroads.Current Limitations• Waymo's Weaknesses: Despite its perceived superiority, Waymo still faces challenges. Users have noted that the vehicles can struggle in heavy rain or become confused by temporary road closures for events. Additionally, some reports suggest Waymo may rely on remote operators in other countries to assist the vehicles.• Tesla's Weaknesses: Critics argue that it is impossible to compete with LIDAR using only visual cameras. Further, there are reports that Tesla's "driverless" tests still involve human safety monitors following the robotaxis in trailing cars.The Debate on "Vision-Only"While some argue that a vision-only system will "never ever" be as good as LIDAR, others suggest that technology may eventually advance to a point where vision is sufficient. However, the current consensus among the provided sources is that LIDAR provides a level of safety and reliability that Tesla's camera-based system has yet to achieve
JCO PO author Dr. Foldi at UPMC Hillman Cancer Center and University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine shares insights into the JCO PO article, "Personalized Circulating Tumor DNA Testing for Detection of Progression and Treatment Response Monitoring in Patients With Metastatic Invasive Lobular Carcinoma of the Breast." Host Dr. Rafeh Naqash and Dr. Foldi discuss how serial ctDNA testing in patients with mILC is feasible and may enable personalized surveillance and real-time therapeutic monitoring. TRANSCRIPT Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Hello, and welcome to JCO Precision Oncology Conversations, where we bring you engaging conversations with authors of clinically relevant and highly significant JCO PO articles. I am your host, Dr. Rafeh Naqash, podcast editor for JCO Precision Oncology and Associate Professor at the OU Health Stephenson Cancer Center at the University of Oklahoma. Today, we are thrilled to be joined by Dr. Julia Foldi, Assistant Professor of Medicine in the Division of Hematology-Oncology at University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine and the Magee-Womens Hospital of the UPMC. She is also the lead and corresponding author of the JCO Precision Oncology article entitled "Personalized Circulating Tumor DNA Testing for Detection of Progression and Treatment Response Monitoring in Patients with Metastatic Invasive Lobular Carcinoma of the Breast." At the time of this recording, our guest's disclosures will be linked in the transcript. Julia, welcome to our podcast, and thank you for joining us today. Dr. Julia Foldi: Thank you so much for having me. It is a pleasure. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Again, your manuscript and project address a few interesting things, so we will start with the basics, since we have a broad audience that comprises trainees, community oncologists, and obviously precision medicine experts as well. So, let us start with invasive lobular breast carcinoma. I have been out of fellowship for several years now, and I do not know much about invasive lobular carcinoma. Could you tell us what it is, what some of the genomic characteristics are, why it is different, and why it is important to have a different way to understand disease biology and track disease status with this type of breast cancer? Dr. Julia Foldi: Yes, thank you for that question. It is really important to frame this study. So, lobular breast cancers, which we shorten to ILC, are the second most common histologic subtype of breast cancer after ductal breast cancers. ILC makes up about 10 to 15 percent of all breast cancers, so it is relatively rare, but in the big scheme of things, because breast cancer is so common, this represents actually over 40,000 new diagnoses a year in the US of lobular breast cancers. What is unique about ILC is it is characterized by loss of an adhesion molecule, E-cadherin. It is encoded by the CDH1 gene. What it does is these tumors tend to form discohesive, single-file patterns and infiltrate into the tumor stroma, as opposed to ductal cancers, which generally form more cohesive masses. As we generally explain to patients, ductal cancers tend to form lumps, while lobular cancers often are not palpable because they infiltrate into the stroma. This creates several challenges, particularly when it comes to imaging. In the diagnostic setting, we know that mammograms and ultrasounds have less sensitivity to detect lobular versus ductal breast cancer. When it comes to the metastatic setting, conventional imaging techniques like CT scans have less sensitivity to detect lobular lesions often. One other unique characteristic of ILC is that these tumors tend to have lower proliferation rates. Because our glucose-based PET scans depend on glucose uptake of proliferating cells, often these tumors also are not avid on conventional FDG-PET scans. It is a challenge for us to monitor these patients as they go through treatment. If you think about the metastatic setting, we start a new treatment, we image people every three to four cycles, about every three months, and we combine the imaging results with clinical assessment and tumor markers to decide if the treatment is working. But if your imaging is not reliable, sometimes even at diagnosis, to really detect these tumors, then really, how are we following these patients? This is really the unique challenge in the metastatic setting in patients with lobular breast cancer: we cannot rely on the imaging to tell if patients are responding to treatment. This is where liquid biopsies are really, really important, and as the field is growing up and we have better and better technologies, lobular breast cancer is going to be a field where they are going to play an important role. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Thank you for that easy-to-understand background. The second aspect that I would like to have some context on, to help the audience understand why you did what you did, is ctDNA, tumor informed and non-informed. Could you tell us what these subtypes of liquid biopsies are and why you chose a tumor informed assay for your study? Dr. Julia Foldi: Yes, it is really important to understand these differences. As you mentioned, there are two main platforms for liquid biopsy assays, circulating tumor DNA assays. I think what is more commonly used in the metastatic setting are non-tumor informed assays, or agnostic assays. These are generally next-generation sequencing-based assays that a lot of companies offer, like Guardant, Tempus, Caris, and FoundationOne. These do not require tumor tissue; they just require a blood sample, a plasma sample, essentially. The next-generation sequencing is done on cell-free DNA that is extracted from the plasma, and it is looking for any cell-free DNA and essentially, figuring out what part of the cell-free DNA comes from the tumor is done through a bioinformatics approach. Most of these assays are panel tests for cancer-associated mutations that we know either have therapeutic significance or biologic significance. So, the results we receive from these tests generally read out specific mutations in oncogenic genes, or sometimes things like fusions where we have specific targeted drugs. Some of the newer assays can also read out tumor fraction; for example, the newest generation Guardant assay that is methylation-based, they can also quantify tumor fraction. But the disadvantage of the tumor agnostic approach is that it is a little bit less sensitive. Opposed to that, we have our tumor informed tests, and these require tumor tissue. Essentially, the tumor is sequenced; this can either be whole exome or whole genome sequencing. The newer generation assays are now using whole genome sequencing of the tumor tissue, and a personalized, patient-specific panel of alterations is essentially barcoded on that tumor tissue. This can be either structural variants or it can be mutations, but generally, these are not driver mutations, but sort of things that are present in the tumor tissue that tend to stay unchanged over time. For each particular patient, a personalized assay, if you want to call it a fingerprint or barcode, is created, and then that is what then is used to test the plasma sample. Essentially, you are looking for that specific cancer in the blood, that barcode or fingerprint in the blood. Because of this, this is a much more sensitive way of looking for ctDNA, and obviously, this detects only that particular tumor that was sequenced originally. So, it is much more sensitive and specific to that tumor that was sequenced. You can argue for both approaches in different settings. We use them in different settings because they give us different information. The tumor agnostic approach gives us mutations, which can be used to determine what the next best therapy to use is, while the tumor informed assay is more sensitive, but it is not going to give us information on therapeutic targets. However, it is quantified, and we can follow it over time to see how it changes. We think that it is going to tell us how patients respond to treatment because we see our circulating tumor DNA levels rise and fall as the cancer burden increases or decreases. We decided to use the tumor informed approach in this particular study because we were really interested in how to determine if patients are having response to treatment versus if they are going to progress on their treatment, more so than looking for specific mutations. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: When you think about these tumor informed assays and you think about barcoding the mutations on the original tumor that you try to track or follow in subsequent blood samples, plasma samples, in your experience, if you have done it in non-lobular cancers, do you think shedding from the tumor has something to do with what you capture or how much you capture? Dr. Julia Foldi: Absolutely. I think there are multiple factors that go into whether someone has detectable ctDNA or not, and that has to do with the type of cancer, the location, right, where is the metastatic site? This is something that we do not fully understand yet: what are tumors that shed more versus not? There is also clearance of ctDNA, and so how fast that clearance occurs is also something that will affect what you can detect in the blood. ctDNA is very short-lived, only has a half-life of hours, and so you can imagine that if there is little shedding and a lot of excretion, then you are not going to be detecting a lot of it. In general, in the metastatic setting, we see that we can detect ctDNA in a lot of cases, especially when patients are progressing on treatment, because we imagine their tumor burden is higher at that point. Even with the non-tumor informed assays, we detect a lot of ctDNA. Part of this study was to actually assess: what is the proportion of patients where we can have this information? Because if we are only going to be able to detect ctDNA in less than 50 percent of patients, then it is not going to be a useful method to follow them with. Because this field is new and we have not been using a lot of tumor informed assays in the metastatic setting, we did not really know what to expect when we set out to look at this. We did not know what was going to be the baseline detection rate in this patient population, so that was one of the first things that we wanted to answer. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Excellent. Now going to this manuscript in particular, what was the research question, what was the patient population, and what was the strategy that you used to investigate some of these questions? Dr. Julia Foldi: So, we partnered with Natera, and the reason was that their Signatera tumor-informed assay was the first personalized, tumor-informed, really an MRD assay, minimal residual disease detection assay. It has been around the longest and has been pretty widely used commercially already, even though some of our data is still lacking. but we know that people are using this in the real world. We wanted to gather some real-world data specifically in lobular patients. So, we asked Natera to look at their database of commercial Signatera testing and look for patients with stage 4 lobular breast cancer. The information all comes from the submitting physicians sending in pathologic reports and clinical notes, and so they have that information from the requisitions essentially that are sent in by the ordering physician. We found 66 patients who were on first-line or close to first-line endocrine-based therapies for their metastatic lobular breast cancer and had serial collections of Signatera tests. The way we defined baseline was that the first Signatera had to be sent within three months of starting treatment. So, it is not truly baseline, but again, this is a limitation of looking at real-world data is that you are not always going to get the best time point that you need. We had over 350 samples from those 66 patients, again longitudinal ctDNA samples, and our first question was what is the baseline detection rate using this tumor informed assay? Then, most importantly, what is the concordance between changes in ctDNA and clinical response to treatment? That is defined by essentially radiologic response to treatment. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Interesting. So, what were some of your observations in terms of ctDNA dynamics, whether baseline levels made a difference, whether subsequent levels at different time points made a difference, or subsequent levels at, let us say, cycle three made a difference? Were there any specific trends that you saw? Dr. Julia Foldi: So, first, at baseline, 95 percent of patients had detectable ctDNA, which is, I think, a really important data point because it tells us that this can be a really useful test. If we can detect it in almost all patients before they start treatment, we are going to be able to follow this longitudinally. And again, these were not true baseline samples. So, I think if we look really at baseline before starting treatment, almost all patients will have detectable ctDNA in the metastatic setting. The second important thing we saw was that disease progression correlated very well with increase in ctDNA. So, in most patients who had disease progression by imaging, we saw increase in ctDNA. Conversely, in most patients who had clinical benefit from their treatment, so they had a response or stable disease, we saw decrease in ctDNA levels. It seems that what we call molecular response based on ctDNA is tracking very nicely along with the radiographic response. So, those were really the two main observations. Again, this is a small cohort, limited by its real-world nature and the time points that ctDNA assay was sent was obviously not mandated. This is a real-world data set, and so we could not really look at specific time points like you asked about, let us say, cycle three of therapy, right? We did not have all of the right time points for all of the patients. But what we were able to do was to graph out some specific patient scenarios to illustrate how changes in ctDNA correlate with imaging response. I can talk a little bit about that. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: That was going to be my question. Did you see patients who had serial monitoring using the tumor informed ctDNA assay where the assay became positive a few months before the imaging? Did you have any of those kinds of observations? Dr. Julia Foldi: Yes, so I think this is where the field is going: are we able to use this technology to maybe detect progression before it becomes clinically apparent? Of course, there are lots of questions about: does that really matter? But it seems like, based on some of the patient scenarios that we present in the paper, that this testing can do that. So, we had a specific scenario, and this is illustrated in a figure in the paper, really showing the treatment as well as the changes in ctDNA, tumor markers, and also radiographic response. So, this particular patient was on first-line endocrine therapy and CDK4/6 inhibitor with palbociclib. Initially, she had a low-level detectable ctDNA. It became undetectable during treatment, and the patient had a couple of serial ctDNA assays that were negative, so undetectable. And then we started, after about seven months on this combination therapy, the ctDNA levels started rising. She actually had three serial ctDNA assays with increasing level of ctDNA before she even had any imaging tests. And then around the time that the ctDNA peaked, this patient had radiographic evidence of progression. There was also an NGS-based assay sent to look for specific mutations at that point. The patient was found to have an ESR1 mutation, which is very common in this patient population. She was switched to a novel oral SERD, elacestrant, and the ctDNA fell again to undetectable within the first couple months of being on elacestrant. And then a very similar thing happened: while she was on this second-line therapy, she had three serial negative ctDNA assays, and then the fourth one was positive. This was two months before the patient had a scan that showed progression again. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: And Julia, like you mentioned, this is a small sample size, limited number of patients, in this case, one patient case scenario, but provides insights into other important aspects around escalation or de-escalation of therapy where perhaps ctDNA could be used as an integral biomarker rather than an exploratory biomarker. What are some of your thoughts around that and how is the breast cancer space? I know like in GI and bladder cancer, there has been a significant uptrend in MRD assessments for therapeutic decision making. What is happening in the breast cancer space? Dr. Julia Foldi: So, super interesting. I think this is where a lot of our different fields are going. In the breast cancer space, so far, I have seen a lot of escalation attempts. It is not even necessarily in this particular setting where we are looking at dynamics of ctDNA, but in the breast cancer world, of course, we have a lot of data on resistance mutations. I mentioned ESR1 mutation in a particular patient in our study. ESR1 mutations are very common in patients with ER-positive breast cancer who are on long-term endocrine therapy, and ESR1 mutations confer resistance to aromatase inhibitors. So, that is an area that there has been a lot of interest in trying to detect ESR1 mutations earlier and switching therapy early. So, this was the basis of the SERENA-6 trial, which was presented last year at ASCO and created a lot of excitement. This was a trial where patients had non-tumor-informed NGS-based Guardant assay sent every three to six months while they were on first-line endocrine therapy with a CDK4/6 inhibitor. If they had an ESR1 mutation detected, they were randomized to either continue the same endocrine therapy or switch to an oral SERD. The trial showed that the population of patients who switched to the oral SERD did better in terms of progression-free survival than those who stayed on their original endocrine therapy. There are a lot of questions about how to use this in routine practice. Of course, it is not trivial to be sending a ctDNA assay every three to six months. The rate of detection of these mutations was relatively low in that study; again, the incidence increases in later lines of therapy. So, there are a lot of questions about whether we should be doing this in all of our first-line patients. The other question is, even the patients who stayed on their original endocrine therapy were able to stay on that for another nine months. So, there is this question of: are we switching patients too early to a new line of therapy by having this escalation approach? So, there are a lot of questions about this. As far as I know, at least in our practice, we are not using this approach just yet to escalate therapy. Time will tell how this all pans out. But I think what is even more interesting is the de-escalation question, and I think that is where tumor informed assays like Signatera and the data that our study generated can be applied. Actually, our plan is to generate some prospective data in the lobular breast cancer population, and I have an ongoing study to do that, to really be able to tease out the early ctDNA dynamics as patients first start on endocrine therapy. So, this is patients who are newly diagnosed, they are just starting on their first-line endocrine therapy, and measure, with sensitive assays, measure ctDNA dynamics in the first few months of therapy. In those patients who have a really robust response, that is where I think we can really think about de-escalation. In the patients whose ctDNA goes to undetectable after just a few weeks of therapy with just an endocrine agent, they might not even need a CDK4/6 inhibitor in their first-line treatment. So, that is an area where we are very interested in our group, and I know that other groups are looking at this too, to try to de-escalate therapy in patients who clear their ctDNA early on. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Thank you so much. Well, lots of questions, but at the same time, progress comes through questions asked, and your project is one of those which is asking an interesting question in a rarer cancer and perhaps will lead to subsequent improvement in how we monitor these individuals and how we escalate or de-escalate therapy. Hopefully, we will get to see more of what you are working on in subsequent submissions to JCO Precision Oncology and perhaps talk more about it in a couple of years and see how the space and field is moving. Thanks again for sharing your insights. I do want to take one to two quick minutes talking about you as an investigator, Julia. If you could speak to your career pathway, your journey, the pathway to mentorship, the pathway to being a mentor, and how things have shaped for you in your personal professional growth. Dr. Julia Foldi: Sure, yeah, that is great. Thank you. So, I had a little bit of an unconventional path to clinical medicine. I actually thought I was going to be a basic scientist when I first started out. I got a PhD in Immunology right out of college and was studying not even anything cancer-related. I was studying macrophage signaling in inflammatory diseases, but I was in New York City. This was right around the time that the first checkpoint inhibitors were approved. Actually, some of my friends from my PhD program worked in Jim Allison's lab, who was the basic scientist responsible for ipilimumab. So, I got to kind of first-hand experience the excitement around bringing something from the lab into the clinic that actually changed really the course of oncology. And so, I got very excited about oncology and clinical medicine. So, I decided to kind of switch gears from there and I went back to medical school after finishing my PhD and got my MD at NYU. I knew I wanted to do oncology, so I did a research track residency and fellowship combined at Yale. I started working early on with the breast cancer team there. At the time, Lajos Pusztai was the head of translational research there at Yale, and I started working with him early in my residency and then through my fellowship. I worked on several trials with him, including a neoadjuvant checkpoint inhibitor trial in triple-negative breast cancer patients. During my last year in fellowship, I received a Conquer Cancer Young Investigator Award to study estrogen receptor heterogeneity using spatial transcriptomics in this subset of breast cancers that have intermediate estrogen receptor expression. From there, I joined the faculty at the University of Pittsburgh in 2022. So, I have been there about almost four years at this point. My interests really shifted slowly from triple-negative breast cancers towards ER-positive breast cancers. When I arrived in Pittsburgh, I started working very closely with some basic and translational researchers here who are very interested in estrogen signaling and mechanisms of resistance to endocrine therapy, and there is a large group here interested in lobular breast cancers. During my training, I was not super aware even that lobular breast cancer was a unique subtype of breast cancers, and that is, I think, changing a little bit. There is a lot more awareness in the breast cancer clinical and research community about ILC being a unique subtype, but it is not even really part of our training in fellowship, which we are trying to change. But I have become a lot more aware of this because of the research team here and through that, I have become really interested also on the clinical side. And so, we do have a Lobular Breast Cancer Research Center of Excellence here at the University of Pittsburgh and UPMC, and I am the leader on the clinical side. We have a really great team of basic and translational researchers looking at different aspects of lobular breast cancers, and some of the work that I am doing is related to this particular manuscript we discussed and the next steps, as I mentioned, a prospective study of early ctDNA dynamics in lobular patients. I also did some more clinical research work in collaboration with the NSABP looking at long-term outcomes of patients with lobular versus ductal breast cancers in some of their older trials. And so, that is, in a nutshell, a little bit about how I got here and how I became interested in ILC. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: Well, thank you for sharing those personal insights and personal journey. I am sure it will inspire other trainees, fellows, and perhaps junior faculty in trying to find their niche. The path, as you mentioned, is not always straight; it often tends to be convoluted. And then finding an area that you are interested in, taking things forward, and being persistent is often what matters. Dr. Julia Foldi: Thank you so much for having me. It was great. Dr. Rafeh Naqash: It was great chatting with you. And thank you for listening to JCO Precision Oncology Conversations. Don't forget to give us a rating or review, and be sure to subscribe so you never miss an episode. You can find all ASCO shows at asco.org/podcasts. The purpose of this podcast is to educate and to inform. This is not a substitute for professional medical care and is not intended for use in the diagnosis or treatment of individual conditions. Guests on this podcast express their own opinions, experience, and conclusions. Guest statements on the podcast do not express the opinions of ASCO. The mention of any product, service, organization, activity, or therapy should not be construed as an ASCO endorsement.
What was God thinking when He created marriage? Marriage is God's genius method for transforming us into Christ-likeness. Men have a deep-seated need to be believed in and respected by their wives—a need they cannot meet themselves. Conversely, women need to be cherished above all else, to know they never have to compete for their husband's affection with hobbies, careers, or even good things. When we stop chasing marital bliss as a feeling and embrace marriage as a crucible for becoming more like Jesus, we discover that the very friction we resist is actually God's tool for our sanctification. Pastor Jim Wiegand continues in week three of our new series; "Hands Open, Full of Expectation".
A sermon preached by Rev. Wanda Bynum-Duckett with Foundry UMC January 18, 2026. “Piece Us Together” series. Isaiah 61: 1-8 [a]The spirit of the Lord God is upon me, because the Lord has anointed me; He has sent me to bring good news to the afflicted, to bind up the brokenhearted, To proclaim liberty to the captives, release to the prisoners, 2 To announce a year of favor from the Lord and a day of vindication by our God; To comfort all who mourn; 3 to place on those who mourn in Zion a diadem instead of ashes, To give them oil of gladness instead of mourning, a glorious mantle instead of a faint spirit. They will be called oaks of justice, the planting of the Lord to show his glory. 4 They shall rebuild the ancient ruins, the former wastes they shall raise up And restore the desolate cities, devastations of generation upon generation. 5 Strangers shall stand ready to pasture your flocks, foreigners shall be your farmers and vinedressers. 6 [b]You yourselves shall be called “Priests of the Lord,” “Ministers of our God” you shall be called. You shall eat the wealth of the nations and in their riches you will boast. 7 Because their shame was twofold[c] and disgrace was proclaimed their portion, They will possess twofold in their own land; everlasting joy shall be theirs. As your pastor has been leading you in the brilliance of a sermon series entitled Piece Us Together, I've been wrestling with the notion that life is to a great extent a series of choices…pieces, deposits, decisions made by us (and others connected to us) that when congruent, consistent and courageously aligned with God's Spirit, can not only be called good choices, but can bear the designation of GOD CHOICES. We know those moments when the Spirit speaks and we actually listen, and we do or resist doing or saying a thing, moving in a certain direction or keeping still, and we know in our knower that it wasn't us, it was GOD. Some choices we know we can't take credit for. We didn't have enough information or wisdom or fortitude on our own and yet sometimes you just know: that was God's leading - even ordaining - a particular path or decision. So my wrestling isn't about whether those kinds of choices are possible, it's more about how we might more intentionally posture ourselves to make them. What are the foundational pieces, the underlying preparation for making God choices? In some situations, seasons, and circumstances, it can be difficult to know what good is, let alone where GOD is. Especially when it seems like everyone is screaming and streaming their rightness, even assigning to it the name and the will of GOD, how do we individually and collectively choose rightly, even GODLY. I picked up this little knick-knack at a thrift store in Greenville, North Carolina – my mother's hometown – and it simply says, “Make good choices.” So I chose to buy it for a whopping 99 cents. I believe that purchase was a God choice because ever since, this statement, this mantra that has become so popular, has had me wrestling. It sounds good, but it also raises a challenge: how do we know? Hindsight can sometimes be 20/20, sometimes we can look back with satisfaction and say that was a good choice, or we can look back with regret and say this or that was a bad move, but how do we really know the ultimate goodness of a choice, with our limited retroactive vision, and with a future yet unfolding before us? Sometimes options are so plentiful that the gift of choice (God's free will) feels like a burden. And yet for some, life is such that options are few and choices become a luxury. Sometimes the choice is between what we might call two evils, and the struggle is to discern which is less so. Like a choice of whether to steal or starve, or a choice of whether to go to work and risk being kidnapped from a parking lot or staying home and facing the certainty of no income at all. And every morning when my daughter sends my seven-year-old grandson and my 13-year-old granddaughter to school with lunch, and a kiss, and a prayer that no shooter, no bully, no weapon formed against them will prosper, she also sends them off with these words: Make good choices. And so it is from pre-K to reWirement…how do we know which is which? Some decisions are negligible like sushi or soul food, and God bless you if you have access to both. Some choices are weightier and defining of the trajectory of not only our own lives, but the lives of others… like ballot choices. Anybody rethinking these days how much every vote matters? Consider choices like whether to respond to the sign our unhoused sibling is holding at the traffic light, or to roll up our car windows when we dare to drive through that neighborhood…that is if we even dare choose to drive through that neighborhood. After all, that's what beltways are for, right? To avoid the discourse and dilemmas of Samaria? The bible gives us some help, doesn't it? Choose ye this day who you will serve. (Joshua 24:15) Spoiler alert, choose GOD! Seek ye first the Kingdom of God, and God's righteousness. (Matthew 6:33) The bible helps us to know that, God's word is a lamp unto our feet, and a light unto our pathway (Psalm 119:105), and meanwhile there are some people who believe - or at least say - that they are following a path illumined by God's word even as they CHOOSE to be, or to follow a path that looks more like darkness than light. The bible is helpful in many ways, even as it lets us know that there is a way that seems right to a man, or a woman or a human, but its end is not life, but death. (Proverbs 14:12) To put it more simply, just because we place a cross on a path, a way, or a choice, does not mean it's a GOD choice, because our nation's history tells us that some have carried their crosses and others have burned them. The bible helps us with our discernment, but it does not take away the need for that discernment. The scriptures give us examples of heroes and sheroes and they-roes whose choices are stamped with God's approval. Conversely, but equally as helpful, the bible also offers us examples of choices that we can see from our pews were not God choices. Choices like: Barrabas over Jesus, to wash our hands amidst the bloodshed in our communities, and to entertain the conversation of a snake. Yet in the moment, in the mission field, on our jobs - if we are so blessed in this administration to have and keep a job - and even in the church, we have struggled (often with the best of intentions) to make the good choice, the GOD choice. Good people are also capable of bad choices. So how do we know, and even when we know, how do we move in the direction of what we know is good and what is GOD? This Human Relations Sunday, on the eve of a day when we honor the life, work, and ministry of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, JR, it's a good time to have this conversation. Because the pieces, the choices, the decisions, the moves that Dr. King made, we can look at now and say that they were good, and even that they were GOD, but can we also agree that were hard, and they did not reflect the usual metrics of success. They were not financial choices that led to wealth. They were not safe choices that led to longevity. They were not choices that led to comfort for him or his family. As a young scholar and theologian out of Boston University, the world was Dr. King's oyster. He spoke well, he married well, he could have lived well by most standards even for the time, with the cushion of education, and perhaps some ability to escape the ravages and brutality of life as a black man in the Jim Crow south, or – if he chose - the more liberal and more subtly racist north. But like so many other freedom fighters, peacemakers, and GOD-choosers, King chose differently. He used his gifts and his anointing, not to live a successful life but, to live and ultimately give a life that was good. How and why did he choose as he chose, live as he lived, and die as he died. With four fatherless children, a weeping widow, bomb threats from his enemies, and the voices of his friends saying wait for justice to arrive slowly, when the scripture calls for it to roll down like mighty waters. What's the framework for such a life? Where's the groundwork and the foundation for making those kinds of God choices? And, considering where we are now, some might even argue what's the point? Because the task of evil is to overwhelm us, and numb us so that we give up and give in. But we are those who understand that only light confounds darkness and only love drives out hate. (Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s 1957 sermon entitled Loving Your Enemies) We are those who must keep the work of Dr. King and other GOD-choosers from unraveling, because it's becoming quite clear that the very fabric of our nation is really more loosely stitched together than we realized, and the fuller we get of ourselves, the more likely we are to come apart at the very (s.e.e.m.s.). Well, this morning I want to offer a few ideas for your consideration as we seek to piece together our choices, our contributions to a tapestry of goodness and God-ness. These ideas do not form a magic bullet, or fast-working formula, but offer a bit of profiling of two prophetic God choosers: Dr. King and the Prophet Isaiah. In our scripture reading, Isaiah is making a profound declaration that I would imagine sounded a bit grandiose, perhaps even arrogant or delusional for Isaiah to declare, “the Spirit of the LORD is upon ME.” But Friends, this is not mere self-confidence. Isaiah is not pontificating his own opinions or positioning himself for re-election. He is not operating under the advisement of any renegade dictator, partisan pundit, or complacent church. This is not ego, or hubris. This is clarity of call. Isaiah is clear from whom his call comes, and he is clear about those to whom he is called. We have all perhaps witnessed the reduction of the work of prophecy to fortune telling, and sometimes misguided proclamations wrapped in boldness of the flesh. But the real work of prophecy lies in the clearly motivated execution of a call that comes from God to speak and act with truth and justice. Isaiah has seen the Lord high and lifted up. (Isaiah 6:1) He has heard the Lord's call and answered, Here I Am, send me. (Isaiah 6:8) And out of this connection and experience with God comes clarity! It's the kind of clarity that Dr. King testified to, declaring, “I've been to the mountaintop…I just want to do God's will.” (Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, JR.'s 1968 speech, I've Been to the Mountaintop) And the good news for us is that clarity of call and the capacity to see GOD is not limited to a pulpit, or an appointment, or a title. It is the God-given opportunity for all of us who purport to be God's people to discover, discern and be deployed for the mission from whom and to whom we are called. You want to see Jesus? Look in the eyes of your neighbor. You want to see the Lord? Recognize that we are all made in God's image. You want to have a mountaintop experience? Spend some time in the valley with those who are hurting and get some clarity! Maybe that's what my little plaque is trying to say. Maybe choices become a whole lot easier and godlier when we have clarity about who is calling us and why. We may feel inadequate, like Isaiah did when he was first called. We may face opposition from our peers and elders as Dr. King did. But clarity will help us show up anyhow, even if its stammering like Moses, running like Jonah, wrestling like Jacob, weeping at a tomb like Mary or Coretta, staying seated like Rosa, speaking out like Father Oscar Romero, running for office like Kamala, speaking truth to power like Jasmine, singing like Mahalia and our choir today, speaking on NPR like Ginger, and marching like Martin. Afraid? Yes, sometimes. Called? Absolutely! God is compelling us to offer our piece to the work for such a time as this, whether our call is to teach, or speak, or organize, or march or pray or sing or write, or cook a meal, or wipe a tear, or serve in the church and in the community. Know that separation of church and state does not require us to be isolated or silenced or detached from the world. The church is a place of worship and equipping; the church is no place to hide. And the good news is that the anointing - the clear call to make God choices - is not only for those we call Reverend, or Doctor, or prophet, or priest, but the book of Joel helps us to know that GOD pours out God's spirit on ALL FLESH! (Joel 2:28), to dream like Martin, and to proclaim like Isaiah a new and hopeful reality of rebuilt ruins, restored cities and everlasting joy. The powerful thing about clarity of call is that it grounds us with the ability to make GOD choices. It is the foundational YES that makes everything else clearer. Listen to the clarity of Isaiah's call. He's not anointed just to be anointed, but it is to bring good news in bad times, to bind up the wounds of the hurting, to comfort those who mourn. Praise God that the call is a call of hope, of captives set free and chains broken. The audacity, the unmitigated gall and the amazing and dangerous opportunity for GOD-choosers like Isaiah, like Martin, like all of us to participate in a holy exchange of beauty for ashes, oil for tears, and the bible says a glorious mantle instead of a faint spirit. Secondly, foundational to the capacity to make God choices is consciousness of context: knowing what the people and the times call for, with the bible in one hand, media device in the other. Isaiah was well aware of the self-indulgence and wickedness of the powerful, and the turning away of Judah's collective heart from God. Dr. King may have been studying in Boston, but he was preparing for Selma, Birmingham, Memphis and Washington. He was well-versed in the dehumanization of Jim Crow, the economic echoes of chattel slavery, and the need for change. There was an urgency that called him to a movement and a moment. Our call - and the choices that flow from that call- likewise connect to our time and context in pivotal moments where our choices matter in ways that lead to life or death, both literally and figuratively. These are Kairos moments, not mere hours on a clock or dates on a calendar, but these are times for decisions and God-inspired choices when we need to know the difference between being disrespectful, and having one's life disrespected and taken too soon. These are times when we need to call out the difference between feigned self-defense and excessive and homicidal force. These are times when our immigrant siblings are experiencing the similarly motivated and equally evil kidnapping that once populated the slave trade around the globe. These are times and moments when hard-fought liberties are being dismantled, when fear rules the day, and politics plague the culture. These are the times that ought to try our souls and inform and inspire our choices…like whether to speak up or opt out of the conversation, to step up or to stand by as we take steps back to parts of our history of which we ought to be ashamed. This is the context in which we must choose to love our neighbors, all of them…locally, globally, radically and unapologetically. Not me first, but Humanity first. Love first. Justice First. Peace first. This is not merely a time to reminisce about Isaiah's call, or to romanticize about Martin's dream. This is not Isaiah's Judah or Martin's south. Although the parallels with the past are present, and the pieces are connected for sure, this is our time, and these choices are on US! And finally, to make GOD choices, not only would we do well to be grounded by clarity of call, and consciousness of context, but we also need courage beyond consequences. Every choice comes with some consequence. Even, and especially GOD choices. Sometimes those consequences look like discouragement, isolation, ridicule, black-listing, or even danger. Neither the clarity of our call, nor the consciousness of our context, exempt us from the need for courage. Isaiah's courage called him to speak truth to fou kings over his lifetime, and we know that even the subtlest of pleas for justice and mercy to leadership that is not so inclined can have major consequences. Martin advocated and demonstrated for peace - not violence - as the way to bring about change and it earned him a Nobel Peace Prize. But he didn't live to see his children pick up the mantle for justice, or his birthday become a national holiday, or a black man become President of the United States. Are we not tired of Good dying young? But death does not have the final say, nor does hatred, nor does violence, and - the sacred text reminds us - nor do kings or kingdoms. (Daniel 2:44) I heard a song that I believe says, Every storm runs out of rain. Every lie runs out of gas. There is a GOD who chose us, who chose love, who chose the cup of Calvary so that we might choose to be clear, and conscious, and courageous as well. That God has the final say. Jesus, Emmanuel, God with us, chose to weep, walk, heal and speak truth in perilous times. And one Sabbath day he stood in the synagogue to teach, and he found the words of the prophet Isaiah and said, the Spirit of the Lord is upon ME! Because GOD has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor, to proclaim freedom for the prisoners, and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free, to proclaim the year of the Lord's favor.” (Luke 4:18-19) Then Jesus rolled up the scroll, gave it back to the attendant (the word is now in our hands), and the people stared at him. The audacity, the unmitigated gall! Isn't this just Joseph's son. Didn't they know that God uses and chooses those others deem unlikely and even unworthy? Our Jesus declared, TODAY…. this scripture is fulfilled in your hearing.” My friends TODAY is the time to live and to choose in alignment with the fulfilment of the gospel of peace. TODAY is not just to reminisce, or to recite the speeches and choices of the prophets of old, but TODAY is the time for making GOD choices of our own, to answer the call God has on our lives, to do and bring our piece to the work. And we too shall be called priests of the Lord, ministers of our God, and everlasting joy will be our witness, because God is not just good. God is GOD! God bless you.
Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Nomohan incident. On the fringes of Manchuria, the ghosts of Changkufeng lingered. It was August 1938 when Soviet and Japanese forces locked in a brutal standoff over a disputed hill, claiming thousands of lives before a fragile ceasefire redrew the lines. Japan, humiliated yet defiant, withdrew, but the Kwantung Army seethed with resentment. As winter thawed into 1939, tensions simmered along the Halha River, a serpentine boundary between Manchukuo and Mongolia. Major Tsuji Masanobu, a cunning tactician driven by gekokujo's fire, drafted Order 1488: a mandate empowering local commanders to annihilate intruders, even luring them across borders. Kwantung's leaders, bonded by past battles, endorsed it, ignoring Tokyo's cautions amid the grinding China War. By May, the spark ignited. Mongolian patrols crossed the river, clashing with Manchukuoan cavalry near Nomonhan's sandy hills. General Komatsubara, ever meticulous, unleashed forces to "destroy" them, bombing west-bank outposts and pursuing retreats. Soviets, bound by pact, rushed reinforcements, their tanks rumbling toward the fray. What began as skirmishes ballooned into an undeclared war. #189 General Zhukov Arrives at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Though Kwantung Army prided itself as an elite arm of the Imperial Japanese Army, the 23rd Division, formed less than a year prior, was still raw and unseasoned, lacking the polish and spirit typical of its parent force. From General Michitaro Komatsubara downward, the staff suffered a collective dearth of combat experience. Intelligence officer Major Yoshiyasu Suzuki, a cavalryman, had no prior intel background. While senior regimental commanders were military academy veterans, most company and platoon leaders were fresh reservists or academy graduates with just one or two years under their belts. Upon arriving in Manchukuo in August 1938, the division found its Hailar base incomplete, housing only half its troops; the rest scattered across sites. Full assembly at Hailar occurred in November, but harsh winter weather curtailed large-scale drills. Commanders had scant time to build rapport. This inexperience, inadequate training, and poor cohesion would prove costly at Nomonhan. Japan's army held steady at 17 divisions from 1930 to 1937, but the escalating China conflict spurred seven new divisions in 1938 and nine in 1939. Resource strains from China left many under-equipped, with the 23rd, stationed in a presumed quiet sector, low on priorities. Unlike older "rectangular" divisions with four infantry regiments, the 23rd was a modern "triangular" setup featuring the 64th, 71st, and 72nd. Materiel gaps were glaring. The flat, open terrain screamed for tanks, yet the division relied on a truck-equipped transport regiment and a reconnaissance regiment with lightly armored "tankettes" armed only with machine guns. Mobility suffered: infantry marched the final 50 miles from Hailar to Nomonhan. Artillery was mostly horse-drawn, including 24 outdated Type 38 75-mm guns from 1907, the army's oldest, unique to this division. Each infantry regiment got four 37-mm rapid-fire guns and four 1908-era 75-mm mountain guns. The artillery regiment added 12 120-mm howitzers, all high-angle, short-range pieces ill-suited for flatlands or anti-tank roles. Antitank capabilities were dire: beyond rapid-fire guns, options boiled down to demolition charges and Molotov cocktails, demanding suicidal "human bullet" tactics in open terrain, a fatal flaw against armor. The division's saving grace lay in its soldiers, primarily from Kyushu, Japan's southernmost main island, long famed for hardy warriors. These men embodied resilience, bravery, loyalty, and honor, offsetting some training and gear deficits. Combat at Nomonhan ramped up gradually, with Japanese-Manchukuoan forces initially outnumbering Soviet-Mongolian foes. Soviets faced severe supply hurdles: their nearest rail at Borzya sat 400 miles west of the Halha River, requiring truck hauls over rough, exposed terrain prone to air strikes. Conversely, Hailar was 200 miles from Nomonhan, with the Handagai railhead just 50 miles away, linked by three dirt roads. These advantages, plus Europe's brewing Polish crisis, likely reassured Army General Staff and Kwantung Army Headquarters that Moscow would avoid escalation. Nonetheless, Komatsubara, with KwAHQ's nod, chose force to quash the Nomonhan flare-up. On May 20, Japanese scouts spotted a Soviet infantry battalion and armor near Tamsag Bulak. Komatsubara opted to "nip the incident in the bud," assembling a potent strike force under Colonel Takemitsu Yamagata of the 64th Infantry Regiment. The Yamagata detachment included the 3rd Battalion, roughly four companies, 800 men, a regimental gun company, three 75-mm mountain guns, four 37-mm rapid-fires, three truck companies, and Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma's reconnaissance group, 220 men, one tankette, two sedans, 12 trucks. Bolstered by 450 local Manchukuoan troops, the 2,000-strong unit was tasked with annihilating all enemy east of the Halha. The assault was set for May 22–23. No sooner had General Komatsubara finalized this plan than he received a message from KwAHQ: "In settling the affair Kwantung Army has definite plans, as follows: For the time being Manchukuoan Army troops will keep an eye on the Outer Mongolians operating near Nomonhan and will try to lure them onto Manchukuoan territory. Japanese forces at Hailar [23rd Division] will maintain surveillance over the situation. Upon verification of a border violation by the bulk of the Outer Mongolian forces, Kwantung Army will dispatch troops, contact the enemy, and annihilate him within friendly territory. According to this outlook it can be expected that enemy units will occupy border regions for a considerable period; but this is permissible from the overall strategic point of view". At this juncture, Kwantung Army Headquarters advocated tactical caution to secure a more conclusive outcome. Yet, General Michitaro Komatsubara had already issued orders for Colonel Takemitsu Yamagata's assault. Komatsubara radioed Hsinking that retracting would be "undignified," resenting KwAHQ's encroachment on his authority much as KwAHQ chafed at Army General Staff interference. Still, "out of deference to Kwantung Army's feelings," he delayed to May 27 to 28. Soviet air units from the 57th Corps conducted ineffective sorties over the Halha River from May 17 to 21. Novice pilots in outdated I 15 biplanes suffered heavily: at least 9, possibly up to 17, fighters and scouts downed. Defense Commissar Kliment Voroshilov halted air ops, aiding Japanese surprise. Yamagata massed at Kanchuerhmiao, 40 miles north of Nomonhan, sending patrols southward. Scouts spotted a bridge over the Halha near its Holsten junction, plus 2 enemy groups of ~200 each east of the Halha on either Holsten side and a small MPR outpost less than a mile west of Nomonhan. Yamagata aimed to trap and destroy these east of the river: Azuma's 220 man unit would drive south along the east bank to the bridge, blocking retreat. The 4 infantry companies and Manchukuoan troops, with artillery, would attack from the west toward enemy pockets, herding them riverward into Azuma's trap. Post destruction, mop up any west bank foes near the river clear MPR soil swiftly. This intricate plan suited early MPR foes but overlooked Soviet units spotted at Tamsag Bulak on May 20, a glaring oversight by Komatsubara and Yamagata. Predawn on May 28, Yamagata advanced from Kanchuerhmiao. Azuma detached southward to the bridge. Unbeknownst, it was guarded by Soviet infantry, engineers, armored cars, and a 76 mm self propelled artillery battery—not just MPR cavalry. Soviets detected Azuma pre dawn but missed Yamagata's main force; surprise was mutual. Soviet MPR core: Major A E Bykov's battalion roughly 1000 men with 3 motorized infantry companies, 16 BA 6 armored cars, 4 76 mm self propelled guns, engineers, and a 5 armored car recon platoon. The 6th MPR Cavalry Division roughly 1250 men had 2 small regiments, 4 76 mm guns, armored cars, and a training company. Bykov arrayed north to south: 2 Soviet infantry on flanks, MPR cavalry center, unorthodox, as cavalry suits flanks. Spread over 10 miles parallel to but east of the Halha, 1 mile west of Nomonhan. Reserves: 1 infantry company, engineers, and artillery west of the river near the bridge; Shoaaiibuu's guns also west to avoid sand. Japanese held initial edges in numbers and surprise, especially versus MPR cavalry. Offsets: Yamagata split into 5 weaker units; radios failed early, hampering coordination; Soviets dominated firepower with self propelled guns, 4 MPR pieces, and BA 6s, armored fighters with 45 mm turret guns, half track capable, 27 mph speed, but thin 9 mm armor vulnerable to close heavy machine guns. Morning of May 28, Yamagata's infantry struck Soviet MPR near Nomonhan, routing lightly armed MPR cavalry and forcing Soviet retreats toward the Halha. Shoaaiibuu rushed his training company forward; Japanese overran his post, killing him and most staff. As combat neared the river, Soviet artillery and armored cars slowed Yamagata. He redirected to a low hill miles east of the Halha with dug in Soviets—failing to notify Azuma. Bykov regrouped 1 to 2 miles east of the Halha Holsten junction, holding firm. By late morning, Yamagata stalled, digging in against Soviet barrages. Azuma, radio silent due to faults, neared the bridge to find robust Soviet defenses. Artillery commander Lieutenant Yu Vakhtin shifted his 4 76 mm guns east to block seizure. Azuma lacked artillery or anti tank tools, unable to advance. With Yamagata bogged down, Azuma became encircled, the encirclers encircled. Runners reached Yamagata, but his dispersed units couldn't rally or breakthrough. By noon, Azuma faced infantry and cavalry from the east, bombardments from west (both Halha sides). Dismounted cavalry dug sandy defenses. Azuma could have broken out but held per mission, awaiting Yamagata, unaware of the plan shift. Pressure mounted: Major I M Remizov's full 149th Regiment recent Tamsag Bulak arrivals trucked in, tilting odds. Resupply failed; ammo dwindled. Post dusk slackening: A major urged withdrawal; Azuma refused, deeming retreat shameful without orders, a Japanese army hallmark, where "retreat" was taboo, replaced by euphemisms like "advance in a different direction." Unauthorized pullback meant execution. Dawn May 29: Fiercer Soviet barrage, 122 mm howitzers, field guns, mortars, armored cars collapsed trenches. An incendiary hit Azuma's sedan, igniting trucks with wounded and ammo. By late afternoon, Soviets closed to 50 yards on 3 fronts; armored cars breached rear. Survivors fought desperately. Between 6:00 and 7:00 p.m., Azuma led 24 men in a banzai charge, cut down by machine guns. A wounded medical lieutenant ordered escapes; 4 succeeded. Rest killed or captured. Komatsubara belatedly reinforced Yamagata on May 29 with artillery, anti tank guns, and fresh infantry. Sources claim Major Tsuji arrived, rebuked Yamagata for inaction, and spurred corpse recovery over 3 nights, yielding ~200 bodies, including Azuma's. Yamagata withdrew to Kanchuerhmiao, unable to oust foes. Ironically, Remizov mistook recovery truck lights for attacks, briefly pulling back west on May 30. By June 3, discovering the exit, Soviet MPR reoccupied the zone. Japanese blamed: (1) poor planning/recon by Komatsubara and Yamagata, (2) comms failures, (3) Azuma's heavy weapon lack. Losses: ~200 Azuma dead, plus 159 killed, 119 wounded, 12 missing from main force, total 500, 25% of detachment. Soviets praised Vakhtin for thwarting pincers. Claims: Bykov 60 to 70 casualties; TASS 40 killed, 70 wounded total Soviet/MPR. Recent Russian: 138 killed, 198 wounded. MPR cavalry hit hard by Japanese and friendly fire. Soviet media silent until June 26; KwAHQ censored, possibly misleading Tokyo. May 30: Kwantung Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai assured AGS of avoiding prolongation via heavy frontier blows, downplaying Soviet buildup and escalation. He requested river crossing gear urgently. This hinted at Halha invasion (even per Japanese borders: MPR soil). AGS's General Gun Hashimoto affirmed trust in localization: Soviets' vexations manageable, chastisement easy. Colonel Masazumi Inada's section assessed May 31: 1. USSR avoids expansion. 2. Trust Kwantung localization. 3. Intervene on provocative acts like deep MPR air strikes. Phase 1 ended: Kwantung called it mutual win loss, but inaccurate, Azuma destroyed, heavy tolls, remorse gnawing Komatsubara. On June 1, 1939, an urgent summons from Moscow pulled the young deputy commander of the Byelorussian Military District from Minsk to meet Defense Commissar Marshal Kliment Voroshilov. He boarded the first train with no evident concern, even as the army purges faded into memory. This rising cavalry- and tank-expert, Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov, would later help defend Moscow in 1941, triumph at Stalingrad and Kursk, and march to Berlin as a Hero of the Soviet Union.Born in 1896 to a poor family headed by a cobbler, Zhukov joined the Imperial Army in 1915 as a cavalryman. Of average height but sturdy build, he excelled in horsemanship and earned the Cross of St. George and noncommissioned status for bravery in 1916. After the October Revolution, he joined the Red Army and the Bolshevik Party, fighting in the Civil War from 1918 to 1921. His proletarian roots, tactical skill, and ambition propelled him: command of a regiment by 1923, a division by 1931. An early advocate of tanks, he survived the purges, impressing superiors as a results-driven leader and playing a key role in his assignment to Mongolia. In Voroshilov's office on June 2, Zhukov learned of recent clashes. Ordered to fly east, assess the situation, and assume command if needed, he soon met acting deputy chief Ivan Smorodinov, who urged candid reports. Europe's war clouds and rising tensions with Japan concerned the Kremlin. Hours later, Zhukov and his staff flew east. Arriving June 5 at Tamsag Bulak (57th Corps HQ), Zhukov met the staff and found Corps Commander Nikolai Feklenko and most aides clueless; only Regimental Commissar M. S. Nikishev had visited the front. Zhukov toured with Nikishev that afternoon and was impressed by his grasp. By day's end, Zhukov bluntly reported: this is not a simple border incident; the Japanese are likely to escalate; the 57th Corps is inadequate. He suggested holding the eastern Halha bridgehead until reinforcements could enable a counteroffensive, and he criticized Feklenko. Moscow replied on June 6: relieve Feklenko; appoint Zhukov. Reinforcements arrived: the 36th Mechanized Infantry Division; the 7th, 8th, and 9th Mechanized Brigades; the 11th Tank Brigade; the 8th MPR Cavalry Division; a heavy artillery regiment; an air wing of more than 100 aircraft, including 21 pilots who had earned renown in the Spanish Civil War. The force was redesignated as the First Army Group. In June, these forces surged toward Tamsag Bulak, eighty miles west of Halha. However, General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division and the Kwantung Army Headquarters missed the buildup and the leadership change, an intelligence failure born of carelessness and hubris and echoing May's Azuma disaster, with grave battlefield consequences. Early June remained relatively quiet: the Soviet MPR expanded the east-bank perimeter modestly; there was no major Japanese response. KwAHQ's Commander General Kenkichi Ueda, hoping for a quick closure, toured the Fourth Army from May 31 to June 18. Calm broke on June 19. Komatsubara reported two Soviet strikes inside Manchukuo: 15 planes hit Arshan, inflicting casualties on men and horses; 30 aircraft set fire to 100 petroleum barrels near Kanchuerhmiao. In fact, the raids were less dramatic than described: not on Kanchuerhmiao town (a 3,000-person settlement, 40 miles northwest of Nomonhan) but on a supply dump 12 miles south of it. "Arshan" referred to a small village near the border, near Arshanmiao, a Manchukuoan cavalry depot, not a major railhead at Harlun Arshan 100 miles southeast. The raids were strafing runs rather than bombs. Possibly retaliation for May 15's Japanese raid on the MPR Outpost 7 (two killed, 15 wounded) or a response to Zhukov's bridgehead push. Voroshilov authorized the action; motive remained unclear. Nonetheless, KwAHQ, unused to air attacks after dominating skies in Manchuria, Shanghai (1932), and China, was agitated. The situation resembled a jolt akin to the 1973 North Vietnamese strike on U.S. bases in Thailand: not unprovoked, but shocking. Midday June 19, the Operations Staff met. Major Masanobu Tsuji urged swift reprisal; Colonel Masao Terada urged delay in light of the Tientsin crisis (the new Japanese blockade near Peking). Tsuji argued that firmness at Nomonhan would impress Britain; inaction would invite deeper Soviet bombardments or invasion. He swayed Chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and others, including Terada. They drafted a briefing: the situation was grave; passivity risked a larger invasion and eroded British respect for Japanese might. After two hours of joint talks, most KwAHQ members supported a strong action. Tsuji drafted a major Halha crossing plan to destroy Soviet MPR forces. Hattori and Terada pressed the plan to Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai, an expert on Manchukuo affairs but not operations; he deferred to Deputy General Otozaburo Yano, who was absent. They argued urgency; Isogai noted delays in AGS approval. The pair contended for local Kwantung prerogative, citing the 1937 Amur cancellation; AGS would likely veto. Under pressure, Isogai assented, pending Ueda's approval. Ueda approved but insisted that the 23rd Division lead, not the 7th. Hattori noted the 7th's superiority (four regiments in a "square" arrangement versus the 23rd's three regiments, with May unreliability). Ueda prioritized Komatsubara's honor: assigning another division would imply distrust; "I'd rather die." The plan passed on June 19, an example of gekokujo in action. The plan called for reinforcing the 23rd with: the 2nd Air Group (180 aircraft, Lieutenant General Tetsuji Gigi); the Yasuoka Detachment (Lieutenant General Masaomi Yasuoka: two tank regiments, motorized artillery, and the 26th Infantry of the 7th). Total strength: roughly 15,000 men, 120 guns, 70 tanks, 180 aircraft. KwAHQ estimated the enemy at about 1,000 infantry, 10 artillery pieces, and about 12 armored vehicles, expecting a quick victory. Reconnaissance to Halha was curtailed to avoid alerting the Soviets. Confidence ran high, even as intel warned otherwise. Not all leaders were convinced: the 23rd's ordnance colonel reportedly committed suicide over "awful equipment." An attaché, Colonel Akio Doi, warned of growing Soviet buildup, but operations dismissed the concern. In reality, Zhukov's force comprised about 12,500 men, 109 guns, 186 tanks, 266 armored cars, and more than 100 aircraft, offset by the Soviets' armor advantage. The plan echoed Yamagata's failed May 28 initiative: the 23rd main body would seize the Fui Heights (11 miles north of Halha's Holsten junction), cross by pontoon, and sweep south along the west bank toward the Soviet bridge. Yasuoka would push southeast of Halha to trap and destroy the enemy at the junction. On June 20, Tsuji briefed Komatsubara at Hailar, expressing Ueda's trust while pressing to redeem May's failures. Limited pontoon capacity would not support armor; the operation would be vulnerable to air power. Tsuji's reconnaissance detected Soviet air presence at Tamsag Bulak, prompting a preemptive strike and another plan adjustment. KwAHQ informed Tokyo of the offensive in vague terms (citing raids but withholding air details). Even this caused debate; Minister Seishiro Itagaki supported Ueda's stance, favoring a limited operation to ease nerves. Tokyo concurred, unaware of the air plans. Fearing a veto on the Tamsag Bulak raid (nearly 100 miles behind MPR lines), KwAHQ shielded details from the Soviets and Tokyo. A June 29–30 ground attack was prepared; orders were relayed by courier. The leak reached Tokyo on June 24. Deputy Chief General Tetsuzo Nakajima telegrammed three points: 1) AGS policy to contain the conflict and avoid West MPR air attacks; 2) bombing risks escalation; 3) sending Lieutenant Colonel Yadoru Arisue on June 25 for liaison. Polite Japanese diplomatic phrasing allowed Operations to interpret the message as a suggestion. To preempt Arisue's explicit orders, Tsuji urged secrecy from Ueda, Isogai, and Yano, and an advanced raid to June 27. Arisue arrived after the raid on Tamsag Bulak and Bain Tumen (deeper into MPR territory, now near Choibalsan). The Raid resulted in approximately 120 Japanese planes surprising the Soviets, grounding and destroying aircraft and scrambling their defense. Tsuji, flying in a bomber, claimed 25 aircraft destroyed on the ground and about 100 in the air. Official tallies reported 98 destroyed and 51 damaged; ground kills estimated at 50 to 60 at Bain Tumen. Japanese losses were relatively light: one bomber, two fighters, one scout; seven dead. Another Japanese bomber was shot down over MPR, but the crew was rescued. The raid secured air superiority for July. Moscow raged over the losses and the perceived failure to warn in time. In the purge era, blame fell on suspected spies and traitors; Deputy Mongolian Commander Luvsandonoi and ex-57th Deputy A. M. Kushchev were accused, arrested, and sent to Moscow. Luvsandonoi was executed; Kushchev received a four-year sentence, later rising to major general and Hero. KwAHQ celebrated; Operations notified AGS by radio. Colonel Masazumi Inada rebuked: "You damned idiot! What do you think the true meaning of this little success is?" A withering reprimand followed. Stunned but unrepentant, KwAHQ soon received Tokyo's formal reprimand: "Report was received today regarding bombing of Outer Mongolian territory by your air units… . Since this action is in fundamental disagreement with policy which we understood your army was taking to settle incident, it is extremely regretted that advance notice of your intent was not received. Needless to say, this matter is attended with such farreaching consequences that it can by no means be left to your unilateral decision. Hereafter, existing policy will be definitely and strictly observed. It is requested that air attack program be discontinued immediately" By Order of the Chief of Staff By this time, Kwantung Army staff officers stood in high dudgeon. Tsuji later wrote that "tremendous combat results were achieved by carrying out dangerous operations at the risk of our lives. It is perfectly clear that we were carrying out an act of retaliation. What kind of General Staff ignores the psychology of the front lines and tramples on their feelings?" Tsuji drafted a caustic reply, which Kwantung Army commanders sent back to Tokyo, apparently without Ueda or other senior KwAHQ officers' knowledge: "There appear to be certain differences between the Army General Staff and this Army in evaluating the battlefield situation and the measures to be adopted. It is requested that the handling of trivial border-area matters be entrusted to this Army." That sarcastic note from KwAHQ left a deep impression at AGS, which felt something had to be done to restore discipline and order. When General Nakajima informed the Throne about the air raid, the emperor rebuked him and asked who would assume responsibility for the unauthorized attack. Nakajima replied that military operations were ongoing, but that appropriate measures would be taken after this phase ended. Inada sent Terada a telegram implying that the Kwantung Army staff officers responsible would be sacked in due course. Inada pressed to have Tsuji ousted from Kwantung Army immediately, but personnel matters went through the Army Ministry, and Army Minister Itagaki, who knew Tsuji personally, defended him. Tokyo recognized that the situation was delicate; since 1932, Kwantung Army had operated under an Imperial Order to "defend Manchukuo," a broad mandate. Opinions differed in AGS about how best to curb Kwantung Army's operational prerogatives. One idea was to secure Imperial sanction for a new directive limiting Kwantung Army's autonomous combat actions to no more than one regiment. Several other plans circulated. In the meantime, Kwantung Army needed tighter control. On June 29, AGS issued firm instructions to KwAHQ: Directives: a) Kwantung Army is responsible for local settlement of border disputes. b) Areas where the border is disputed, or where defense is tactically unfeasible, need not be defended. Orders: c) Ground combat will be limited to the border region between Manchukuo and Outer Mongolia east of Lake Buir Nor. d) Enemy bases will not be attacked from the air. With this heated exchange of messages, the relationship between Kwantung Army and AGS reached a critical moment. Tsuji called it the "breaking point" between Hsinking and Tokyo. According to Colonel Inada, after this "air raid squabble," gekokujo became much more pronounced in Hsinking, especially within Kwantung Army's Operations Section, which "ceased making meaningful reports" to the AGS Operations Section, which he headed. At KwAHQ, the controversy and the perception of AGS interference in local affairs hardened the resolve of wavering staff officers to move decisively against the USSR. Thereafter, Kwantung Army officers as a group rejected the General Staff's policy of moderation in the Nomonhan incident. Tsuji characterized the conflict between Kwantung Army and the General Staff as the classic clash between combat officers and "desk jockeys." In his view, AGS advocated a policy of not invading enemy territory even if one's own territory was invaded, while Kwantung Army's policy was not to allow invasion. Describing the mindset of the Kwantung Army (and his own) toward the USSR in this border dispute, Tsuji invoked the samurai warrior's warning: "Do not step any closer or I shall be forced to cut you down." Tsuji argued that Kwantung Army had to act firmly at Nomonhan to avoid a larger war later. He also stressed the importance, shared by him and his colleagues, of Kwantung Army maintaining its dignity, which he believed was threatened by both enemy actions and the General Staff. In this emotionally charged atmosphere, the Kwantung Army launched its July offensive. The success of the 2nd Air Group's attack on Tamsag Bulak further inflated KwAHQ's confidence in the upcoming offensive. Although aerial reconnaissance had been intentionally limited to avoid alarming or forewarning the enemy, some scout missions were flown. The scouts reported numerous tank emplacements under construction, though most reports noted few tanks; a single report of large numbers of tanks was downplayed at headquarters. What drew major attention at KwAHQ were reports of large numbers of trucks leaving the front daily and streaming westward into the Mongolian interior. This was interpreted as evidence of a Soviet pullback from forward positions, suggesting the enemy might sense the imminent assault. Orders were issued to speed up final preparations for the assault before Soviet forces could withdraw from the area where the Japanese "meat cleaver" would soon dismember them. What the Japanese scouts had actually observed was not a Soviet withdrawal, but part of a massive truck shuttle that General Grigori Shtern, now commander of Soviet Forces in the Far East, organized to support Zhukov. Each night, Soviet trucks, from distant MPR railway depots to Tamsag Bulak and the combat zone, moved eastward with lights dimmed, carrying supplies and reinforcements. By day, the trucks returned westward for fresh loads. It was these returning trucks, mostly empty, that the Japanese scouts sighted. The Kwantung interpretation of this mass westbound traffic was a serious error, though understandable. The Soviet side was largely ignorant of Japanese preparations, partly because the June 27 air raid had disrupted Soviet air operations, including reconnaissance. In late June, the 23rd Division and Yasuoka's tank force moved from Hailar and Chiangchunmiao toward Nomonhan. A mix of military and civilian vehicles pressed into service, but there was still insufficient motorized transport to move all troops and equipment at once. Most infantry marched the 120 miles to the combat zone, under a hot sun, carrying eighty-pound loads. They arrived after four to six days with little time to recover before the scheduled assault. With Komatsubara's combined force of about 15,000 men, 120 guns, and 70 tanks poised to attack, Kwantung Army estimated Soviet-MPR strength near Nomonhan and the Halha River at about 1,000 men, perhaps ten anti-aircraft guns, ten artillery pieces, and several dozen tanks. In reality, Japanese air activity, especially the big raid of June 27, had put the Soviets on alert. Zhukov suspected a ground attack might occur, though nothing as audacious as a large-scale crossing of the Halha was anticipated. During the night of July 1, Zhukov moved his 11th Tank Brigade, 7th Mechanized Brigade, and 24th Mechanized Infantry Regiment (36th Division) from their staging area near Tamsag Bulak to positions just west of the Halha River. Powerful forces on both sides were being marshaled with little knowledge of the enemy's disposition. As the sun scorched the Mongolian steppes, the stage was set for a clash that would echo through history. General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, bolstered by Yasuoka's armored might and the skies commanded by Gigi's air group, crept toward the Halha River like a predator in the night. Fifteen thousand Japanese warriors, their boots heavy with dust and resolve, prepared to cross the disputed waters and crush what they believed was a faltering foe. Little did they know, Zhukov's reinforcements, tanks rumbling like thunder, mechanized brigades poised in the shadows, had transformed the frontier into a fortress of steel. Miscalculations piled like sand dunes: Japanese scouts mistook supply convoys for retreats, while Soviet eyes, blinded by the June raid, underestimated the impending storm. Kwantung's gekokujo spirit burned bright, defying Tokyo's cautions, as both sides hurtled toward a brutal reckoning. What began as border skirmishes now threatened to erupt into full-scale war, testing the mettle of empires on the edge. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Patrols in May led to failed Japanese offensives, like Colonel Yamagata's disastrous assault and the Azuma detachment's annihilation. Tensions rose with air raids, including Japan's June strike on Soviet bases. By July, misjudged intelligence set the stage for a major confrontation, testing imperial ambitions amid global war clouds.
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Thank you to our sponsors! Figure Crypto Tax Girl Are bitcoiners underestimating the quantum threat to Bitcoin? That's the question Castle Island Ventures Partner Nic Carter has posed with some recent posts gauging the views of several leading Bitcoin developers on quantum computing. To help answer the question, Unchained reached out to Ethereum Foundation Researcher Justin Drake and Michigan University Professor Chris Peikert. In this episode, Justin and Chris, who is one of the foremost experts on lattice cryptography, break down the quantum computing threat to crypto and the potential timelines. Justin theorizes that Bitcoin developers may not be incentivized to talk about the quantum computing risk while still saying that a number of smart people are already taking it seriously and that may be enough. Conversely, Chris highlights the constraints that come with uncertainty around risks and timelines. Listen to find out what they conclude. Plus, could AI do crypto in before quantum computers? Guests: Justin Drake, Researcher at the Ethereum Foundation Chris Peikert, Professor, Computer Science and Engineering, University of Michigan Links: Ethereum and Optimism Lay the Groundwork for a Post-Quantum Future Q-Day Is Imminent. Can Bitcoin Survive the Quantum Threat? Solana Deploys Post-Quantum Signatures on Testnet Cracking Bitcoin Encryption Is Getting Much Easier, Google Says Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Garth Heckman The David Alliance TDAgiantSlayer@Gmail.com Would you rather game: Would you rather put your hand in a blender with lemon juice or kneel on a drill bit in salt water? Would you rather have a billion dollars and be the fattest ugliest person in the world, or be poor the rest of your life but be absolutely ravishingly beautiful? Proverbs 15:16 Better is a little with the fear of the Lord Than great treasure, and turmoil with the treasure. 17 Better is a portion of vegetables where there is love, Than a fattened ox served with hatred. Proverbs 15:16–17 offers a profound "this is better than that" comparison, focusing on the relationship between material wealth, spiritual peace, and emotional health. Here are the verses for reference: 16 Better is a little with the fear of the Lord than great treasure and trouble with it. 17 Better is a dinner of herbs where love is than a fattened ox and hatred with it. The Philosophy of "Better Than" These verses belong to a category of wisdom literature known as comparative proverbs. They don't argue that being poor is inherently superior to being rich; rather, they argue that the quality of your inner life and relationships is the true multiplier of your happiness. Verse 16: The Spiritual Math "Better is a little with the fear of the Lord than great treasure and trouble with it.” I had the profound privilege of working for some of the richest people in the world when I was just 18. They had it all, everything, there was no want in their life… and they were miserable! The Component of Peace: The "fear of the Lord" in Proverbs refers to a deep reverence and alignment with divine wisdom. This creates a psychological and spiritual foundation of security. The Hidden Cost of Wealth: The "trouble" mentioned often refers to the anxiety, ethical compromises, or sleepless nights that can accompany amassing wealth without a moral compass. The more stuff you have the more stuff you have to take care of, watch over, worry about, The Takeaway: $Small Assets + High Peace > Large Assets + High Stress$. It's an argument for contentment over accumulation. Verse 17: The Social Climate "Better is a dinner of herbs where love is than a fattened ox and hatred with it." The Dinner of Herbs: In the ancient world, a meal of herbs (vegetables) was the "budget" option—the food of the commoner or the poor. The Fattened Ox: This represents the height of luxury—a "choice cut" reserved for royalty or major celebrations. The Emotional Environment: This verse points out that our physical environment is secondary to our emotional environment. A feast tastes like ash if you are eating it with someone you despise, or who despises you. Conversely, the simplest meal is elevated by genuine connection. Why This Matters Today In a modern context, these verses act as a warning against "the grind" at the expense of everything else. They remind us of two things: Wealth cannot buy a quiet conscience. If the pursuit of "treasure" creates "trouble" (broken integrity, legal issues, or chronic anxiety), the treasure is actually a net loss. Relationships are the ultimate seasoning. We often spend our lives trying to provide the "fattened ox" for our families, but these verses suggest that our families would much rather have "herbs" and a present, loving version of us.
There is a unique and powerful dynamic at work in God's kingdom. It appears to operate in tandem to our behavior and thoughts. If we forgive, we are forgiven. Conversely, if we don't forgive, neither are we forgiven. Our nature is to hold judgement over another, yet we then are judged. To reconcile is to bring freedom, to return the scale to a place of equilibrium. There's only one way - to let go and keep no records of wrong.Daylight Meditations is a daily podcast from CFO North America. Please visit CFONorthAmerica.org to learn more about our retreats, and online courses. If you are encouraged by this podcast, please consider supporting us. Contributors: Michelle DeChant, Nancy Holland, and Adam Maddock
https://teachhoops.com/ Teachhoops.com WintheSeason.com CoachingYouthHoops.com https://forms.gle/kQ8zyxgfqwUA3ChU7 Coach Collins Coaching Store Check out. [Teachhoops.com](https://teachhoops.com/) 14 day Free Trial Youth Basketball Coaches Podcast Apple link: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/coaching-youth-hoops/id1619185302 Spotify link: https://open.spotify.com/show/0g8yYhAfztndxT1FZ4OI3A Funnel Down Defense Podcast https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/funnel-down-defense/id1593734011 Want More Funnel Down Defense https://coachcollins.podia.com/funnel-down-defense [Facebook Group . Basketball Coaches](https://www.facebook.com/groups/basketballcoaches/) [Facebook Group . Basketball Drills](https://www.facebook.com/groups/321590381624013/) Want to Get a Question Answered? [ Leave a Question here](https://www.speakpipe.com/Teachhoops) Check out our other podcast [High School Hoops ](https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/high-school-hoops-coaching-high-school-basketball/id1441192866) Teaching shot selection is one of the most challenging aspects of coaching because it requires a player to balance individual confidence with collective offensive efficiency. A "good shot" isn't just about the distance from the hoop; it's about the context of the game, the time on the shot clock, and the specific skill set of the player taking it. To improve your team's decision-making, establish a "Green, Yellow, Red" light system that clearly defines which shots are acceptable for each individual athlete. By creating these boundaries, you remove the ambiguity that often leads to hesitation or forced "heat-check" heaves, ensuring that every possession results in a high-percentage look that fits your team's identity. Effective shot selection instruction must transition from the whiteboard to "Games-Based" drills where players are rewarded for making the right read under pressure. Instead of just charting makes and misses during practice, start charting "Shot Quality." If a player takes a contested, off-balance jumper with 20 seconds on the shot clock, it should be marked as a "loss" even if the ball goes in. Conversely, an open, rhythm three-pointer from a designated shooter should be celebrated as a "win" regardless of the outcome. This shift in focus teaches players to value "the process" over the result, building a mental framework where they understand that great teams don't just take the first shot available—they work to find the best shot available. Finally, utilize film study to reinforce these lessons. Sitting down with a player to watch a montage of their shots allows them to see the floor from a coach's perspective, noticing the open teammate they missed or the defender they failed to read. Use these sessions to discuss "Time and Score" management—the difference between a shot you take when you're up ten versus a shot you take when you're down two. When players understand the why behind shot selection, they develop a higher Basketball IQ and a sense of accountability to their teammates. This level of maturity is what allows a program to thrive in the postseason, where one disciplined decision often determines the difference between a win and a loss. Basketball shot selection, coaching basketball, offensive efficiency, basketball IQ, player development, high school basketball, youth basketball, basketball shooting drills, shooting percentage, basketball decision making, coach development, team culture, basketball strategy, basketball tactics, basketball film study, shooting mechanics, basketball offense, basketball coaching tips, game management, basketball skills, shot quality, basketball practice, mental toughness, offensive spacing, coach unplugged, teach hoops, basketball success, shooting zones, basketball mentorship, basketball scoring. SEO Keywords Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Understanding your client relationships is more crucial than ever in today's fast-paced business environment. The Annual Client Audit is a powerful tool that can help you gain clarity on your client base, enhance your business relationships, and ultimately drive growth. In this episode, Brian Thompson focuses on how a thoughtful client audit can transform your business. He emphasizes that this process is not about hastily cutting ties with clients but rather about thoughtfully evaluating client relationships to enhance business growth and personal well-being with a simple three-step process. The Importance of a Client Audit The concept of an Annual Client Audit may seem uncomfortable at first, but it can lead to significant positive changes in your business. Brian shares a compelling story about a client who went from burnout to a newfound clarity and joy in his work, and even an increase in revenue through higher charges to those valuable clients. Not all revenue is created equal. Some clients energize you, while others leave you questioning your business decisions. Identifying your Ideal Clients Every client interaction teaches you something valuable. Brian encourages business owners to reflect on their client relationships by asking key questions: Who energizes you? Who pays on time? Who respects your boundaries? Conversely, who causes anxiety when they reach out? This reflection is crucial for defining your ideal client and shaping your marketing strategy. A Simple Three-Step Process for Your Client Audit To conduct an effective Annual Client Audit, Brian outlines a straightforward three-step process: Make a List: Document every client you've worked with over the past year. Score: Rate each client on a scale from one to five based on criteria such as revenue, energy drain, alignment with your mission, ease of communication, enjoyment of the work, and whether they are worth the effort. Categorize: Group clients into three categories - Core Clients (those you would clone), Neutral Clients (acceptable but not ideal), and Drain Clients (high maintenance and misaligned). This structured approach allows you to make informed decisions about which clients to keep, develop, or let go, ultimately leading to a more fulfilling business. Your action step to understanding your client base Set aside 30-60 minutes and go through the Annual Client Audit process. Use it to reset your client relationships and start the year with clarity and confidence. If you've already done your year-end financial review, this is your next step to align your time and energy with your vision. Resources + Links Free Client Audit Spreadsheet template Newsletter Sign Up Follow Brian Thompson Online: Instagram, Facebook, LinkedIn, X, Forbes Follow & review the podcast: on Spotify and Apple Podcasts About Brian and the Mission Driven Business Podcast Brian Thompson, JD/CFP®, is a tax attorney and Certified Financial Planner® who specializes in providing comprehensive financial planning to LGBTQ+ entrepreneurs who run mission-driven businesses. The Mission Driven Business podcast was born out of his passion for helping social entrepreneurs create businesses with purpose and profit. On the podcast, Brian talks with diverse entrepreneurs and the people who support them. Listeners hear stories of experiences, strength, and hope and get practical advice to help them build businesses that might just change the world, too.
Last time we spoke about The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow. Following the brutal 1938 capture of Wuhan, Japanese forces aimed to solidify their hold by launching an offensive against Chinese troops in the 5th War Zone, a rugged natural fortress in northern Hubei and southern Henan. Under General Yasuji Okamura, the 11th Army deployed three divisions and cavalry in a pincer assault starting May 1, 1939, targeting Suixian and Zaoyang to crush Nationalist resistance and secure flanks. Chinese commander Li Zongren, leveraging terrain like the Dabie and Tongbai Mountains, orchestrated defenses with over 200,000 troops, including Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group. By May 23, they recaptured Suixian and Zaoyang, forcing a Japanese withdrawal with heavy losses, over 13,000 Japanese casualties versus 25,000 Chinese, restoring pre-battle lines. Shifting south, Japan targeted Shantou in Guangdong to sever supply lines from Hong Kong. In a massive June 21 amphibious assault, the 21st Army overwhelmed thin Chinese defenses, capturing the port and Chao'an despite guerrilla resistance led by Zhang Fakui. Though losses mounted, Japan tightened its blockade, straining China's war effort amid ongoing attrition. #188 From Changkufeng to Nomonhan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Well hello again, and yes you all have probably guessed we are taking another detour. Do not worry I hope to shorten this one a bit more so than what became a sort of mini series on the battle of Changkufeng or Battle of Lake Khasan. What we are about to jump into is known in the west as the battle of khalkin Gol, by the Japanese the Nomohan incident. But first I need to sort of set the table up so to say. So back on August 10th, 1938 the Litvinov-Shigemitsu agreement established a joint border commission tasked with redemarcating the disputed boundary between the Soviet Union and Japanese-controlled Manchukuo. However, this commission never achieved a mutually agreeable definition of the border in the contested area. In reality, the outcome was decided well before the group's inaugural meeting. Mere hours after the cease-fire took effect on the afternoon of August 11, General Grigory Shtern convened with a regimental commander from Japan's 19th Division to coordinate the disengagement of forces. With the conflict deemed "honorably" concluded, Japan's Imperial General Headquarters mandated the swift withdrawal of all Japanese troops to the west bank of the Tumen River. By the night of August 13, as the final Japanese soldier crossed the river, it effectively became the de facto border. Soviet forces promptly reoccupied Changkufeng Hill and the adjacent heights—a move that would carry unexpected and profound repercussions. Authoritative Japanese military analyses suggest that if negotiations in Moscow had dragged on for just one more day, the 19th Division would likely have been dislodged from Changkufeng and its surrounding elevations. Undoubtedly, General Shtern's infantry breathed a sigh of relief as the bloodshed ceased. Yet, one can't help but question why Moscow opted for a cease-fire at a juncture when Soviet troops were on the cusp of total battlefield triumph. Perhaps Kremlin leaders deemed it wiser to settle for a substantial gain, roughly three-quarters of their objectives, rather than risk everything. After all, Japan had mobilized threatening forces in eastern Manchuria, and the Imperial Army had a history of impulsive, unpredictable aggression. Moreover, amid the escalating crisis over Czechoslovakia, Moscow may have been wary of provoking a broader Asian conflict. Another theory posits that Soviet high command was misinformed about the ground situation. Reports of capturing a small segment of Changkufeng's crest might have been misinterpreted as control over the entire ridge, or an imminent full takeover before midnight on August 10. The unexpected phone call from Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to the Japanese embassy that night—proposing a one-kilometer Japanese retreat in exchange for a cease-fire along existing lines—hints at communication breakdowns between Shtern's headquarters and the Kremlin. Ironically, such lapses may have preserved Japanese military honor, allowing the 19th Division's evacuation through diplomacy rather than defeat. Both sides endured severe losses. Initial Japanese press reports claimed 158 killed and 740 wounded. However, the 19th Division's medical logs reveal a grimmer toll: 526 dead and 914 injured, totaling 1,440 casualties. The true figure may have climbed higher, possibly to 1,500–2,000. Following the armistice, the Soviet news agency TASS reported 236 Red Army fatalities and 611 wounded. Given Shtern's uphill assaults across open terrain against entrenched positions, these numbers seem understated. Attackers in such scenarios typically suffered two to three times the defenders' losses, suggesting Soviet casualties ranged from 3,000 to 5,000. This aligns with a Soviet Military Council investigation on August 31, 1938, which documented 408 killed and 2,807 wounded. Japanese estimates placed Soviet losses even higher, at 4,500–7,000. Not all victims perished in combat. Marshal Vasily Blyukher, a decorated Soviet commander, former warlord of the Far East, and Central Committee candidate, was summoned to Moscow in August 1938. Relieved of duty in September and arrested with his family in October, he faced charges of inadequate preparation against Japanese aggression and harboring "enemies of the people" within his ranks. On November 9, 1938, Blyukher died during interrogation a euphemism for torture-induced death.Other innocents suffered as well. In the wake of the fighting, Soviet authorities deported hundreds of thousands of Korean rice farmers from the Ussuri region to Kazakhstan, aiming to eradicate Korean settlements that Japanese spies had allegedly exploited. The Changkufeng clash indirectly hampered Japan's Wuhan offensive, a massive push to subdue China. The influx of troops and supplies for this campaign was briefly disrupted by the border flare-up. Notably, Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group, slated for Wuhan, was retained due to the Soviet threat. Chiang Kai-shek's drastic measure, breaching the Yellow River dikes to flood Japanese advance routes—further delayed the assault. By October 25, 1938, when Japanese forces captured Hankow, Chiang had relocated his capital to distant Chungking. Paradoxically, Wuhan's fall cut rail links from Canton inland, heightening Chiang's reliance on Soviet aid routed overland and by air from Central Asia. Japan secured a tactical win but missed the decisive blow; Chinese resistance persisted, pinning down a million Japanese troops in occupation duties. What was the true significance of Changkufeng? For General Koiso Suetaka and the 19th Division, it evoked a mix of bitterness and pride. Those eager for combat got their share, though not on their terms. To veterans mourning fallen comrades on those desolate slopes, it might have felt like senseless tragedy. Yet, they fought valiantly under dire conditions, holding firm until a retreat that blended humiliation with imperial praise, a bittersweet inheritance. For the Red Army, it marked a crucial trial of resolve amid Stalin's purges. While Shtern's forces didn't shine brilliantly, they acquitted themselves well in adversity. The U.S. military attaché in Moscow observed that any purge-related inefficiencies had been surmounted, praising the Red Army's valor, reliability, and equipment. His counterpart in China, Colonel Joseph Stilwell, put it bluntly: the Soviets "appeared to advantage," urging skeptics to rethink notions of a weakened Red Army. Yet, by World War II's eve, many British, French, German, and Japanese leaders still dismissed it as a "paper tiger." Soviet leaders appeared content, promoting Shtern to command the Transbaikal Military District and colonel general by 1940, while honoring "Heroes of Lake Khasan" with medals. In a fiery November 7, 1938, speech, Marshal Kliment Voroshilov warned that future incursions would prompt strikes deep into enemy territory. Tokyo's views diverged sharply. Many in the military and government saw it as a stain on Imperial Army prestige, especially Kwantung Army, humiliated on Manchukuo soil it swore to protect. Colonel Masanobu Tsuji Inada, however, framed it as a successful reconnaissance, confirming Soviet border defense without broader aggression, allowing the Wuhan push to proceed safely. Critics, including Major General Gun Hashimoto and historians, questioned this. They argued IGHQ lacked contingency plans for a massive Soviet response, especially with Wuhan preparations underway since June. One expert warned Japan had "played with fire," risking Manchuria and Korea if escalation occurred. Yet, Japanese commanders gleaned few lessons, downplaying Soviet materiel superiority and maintaining disdain for Red Army prowess. The 19th Division's stand against outnumbered odds reinforced this hubris, as did tolerance for local insubordination—attitudes that would prove costly. The Kremlin, conversely, learned Japan remained unpredictable despite its China quagmire. But for Emperor Hirohito's intervention, the conflict might have ballooned. Amid purges and the Czech crisis, Stalin likely viewed it as a reminder of eastern vulnerabilities, especially with Munich advancing German threats westward. Both sides toyed with peril. Moderation won in Tokyo, but Kwantung Army seethed. On August 11, Premier Fumimaro Konoye noted the need for caution. Kwantung, however, pushed for and secured control of the disputed salient from Chosen Army by October 8, 1938. Even winter's chill couldn't quench their vengeful fire, setting the stage for future confrontations. A quick look at the regional map reveals how Manchukuo and the Mongolian People's Republic each jut into the other's territory like protruding salients. These bulges could be seen as aggressive thrusts into enemy land, yet they also risked encirclement and absorption by the opposing empire. A northward push from western Manchuria through Mongolia could sever the MPR and Soviet Far East from the USSR's heartland. Conversely, a pincer movement from Mongolia and the Soviet Maritime Province might envelop and isolate Manchukuo. This dynamic highlights the frontier's strategic volatility in the 1930s. One particularly tense sector was the broad Mongolian salient extending about 150 miles eastward into west-central Manchukuo. There, in mid-1939, Soviet-Japanese tensions erupted into major combat. Known to the Japanese as the Nomonhan Incident and to the Soviets and Mongolians as the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, this clash dwarfed the earlier Changkufeng affair in scale, duration, and impact. Spanning four months and claiming 30,000 to 50,000 casualties, it amounted to a small undeclared war, the modern era's first limited conflict between great powers. The Mongolian salient features vast, semiarid plains of sandy grassland, gently rolling terrain dotted with sparse scrub pines and low shrubs. The climate is unforgivingly continental: May brings hot days and freezing nights, while July and August see daytime highs exceeding 38°C (100°F in American units), with cool evenings. Swarms of mosquitoes and massive horseflies necessitate netting in summer. Rainfall is scarce, but dense morning fogs are common in August. Come September, temperatures plummet, with heavy snows by October and midwinter lows dipping to –34°C. This blend of North African aridity and North Dakotan winters supports only sparse populations, mainly two related but distinct Mongol tribes. The Buriat (or Barga) Mongols migrated into the Nomonhan area from the northwest in the late 17th to early 18th centuries, likely fleeing Russian expansion after the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk. Organized by Manchu emperors between 1732 and 1735, they settled east of the river they called Khalkhin Gol (Mongolian for "river"), in lands that would later become Manchukuo. The Khalkha Mongols, named for the word meaning "barrier" or "shield," traditionally guarded the Mongol Empire's northern frontiers. Their territories lay west of the Buriats, in what would become the MPR. For centuries, these tribes herded livestock across sands, river crossings, and desert paths, largely oblivious to any formal borders. For hundreds of years, the line dividing the Mongolian salient from western Manchuria was a hazy administrative divide within the Qing Empire. In the 20th century, Russia's detachment of Outer Mongolia and Japan's seizure of Manchuria transformed this vague boundary into a frontline between rival powers. The Nomonhan Incident ignited over this contested border. Near the salient's northeastern edge, the river, called Khalkhin Gol by Mongols and Soviets, and Halha by Manchurians and Japanese, flows northwest into Lake Buir Nor. The core dispute: Was the river, as Japan asserted, the historic boundary between Manchukuo and the MPR? Soviet and MPR officials insisted the line ran parallel to and 10–12 miles east of the river, claiming the intervening strip. Japan cited no fewer than 18 maps, from Chinese and Japanese sources, to support the river as the border, a logical choice in such barren terrain, where it served as the sole natural divider. Yet, Soviets and Mongolians countered with evidence like a 1919 Chinese postal atlas and maps from Japanese and Manchukuoan agencies (1919–1934). Unbeknownst to combatants, in July 1939, China's military attaché in Moscow shared a 1934 General Staff map with his American counterpart, showing the border east of the river. Postwar Japanese studies of 18th-century Chinese records confirm that in 1734, the Qing emperor set a boundary between Buriat and Khalkha Mongols east of the river, passing through the hamlet of Nomonhan—as the Soviets claimed. However, Kwantung Army Headquarters dismissed this as non-binding, viewing it as an internal Qing affair without Russian involvement. Two former Kwantung Army officers offer a pragmatic explanation: From 1931 to 1935, when Soviet forces in the Far East were weak, Japanese and Manchukuoan authorities imposed the river as the de facto border, with MPR acquiescence. By the mid- to late 1930s, as Soviet strength grew, Japan refused to yield, while Mongolians and Soviets rejected the river line, sparking clashes. In 1935, Kwantung Army revised its maps to align with the river claim. From late that year, the Lake Buir Nor–Halha sector saw frequent skirmishes between Manchukuoan and MPR patrols. Until mid-1938, frontier defense in northwestern Manchukuo fell to the 8th Border Garrison Unit , based near Hailar. This 7,000-man force, spread thin, lacked mobility, training, and, in Kwantung Army's eyes, combat readiness. That summer, the newly formed 23rd Division, under Kwantung Army, took station at Hailar, absorbing the 8th BGU under its command, led by Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara. At 52, Komatsubara was a premier Russian specialist in the Imperial Army, with stints as military attaché in the USSR and head of Kwantung's Special Services Agency in Harbin. Standing 5'7" with a sturdy build, glasses, and a small mustache, he was detail-oriented, keeping meticulous diaries, writing lengthy letters, and composing poetry, though he lacked combat experience. Before departing Tokyo in July 1938, Komatsubara received briefings from Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations Section chief. Amid planning for Changkufeng, Inada urged calm on the Manchukuo-MPR border given China's ongoing campaigns. Guidelines: Ignore minor incidents, prioritize intelligence on Soviet forces east of Lake Baikal, and study operations against the Soviet Far East's western sector. Familiar with the region from his Harbin days, Komatsubara adopted a low-key approach. Neither impulsive nor aggressive, he kept the green 23rd Division near Hailar, delegating patrols to the 8th BGU. An autumn incident underscores his restraint. On November 1, 1938, an 8th BGU patrol was ambushed by MPR forces. Per Japanese accounts, the three-man team, led by a lieutenant, strayed too close to the border and was attacked 50 meters inside Manchukuo. The lieutenant escaped, but his men died. Komatsubara sent an infantry company to secure the site but forbade retaliation. He pursued body recovery diplomatically, protested to MPR and Soviet officials, and disciplined his officers: garrison leaders got five days' confinement for poor troop training, the lieutenant thirty days. Despite this caution, pressures at AGS and KwAHQ were mounting, poised to thrust the 23rd Division into fierce battle. Modern militaries routinely develop contingency plans against potential adversaries, and the mere existence of such strategies doesn't inherently signal aggressive intentions. That said, shifts in Japan's operational planning vis-à-vis the Soviet Union may have inadvertently fueled the Nomonhan Incident. From 1934 to 1938, Japanese war scenarios emphasized a massive surprise assault in the Ussuri River region, paired with defensive holding actions in northwestern Manchuria. However, between mid-1938 and early 1939, a clandestine joint task force from the Army General Staff and Kwantung Army's Operations Departments crafted a bold new blueprint. This revised strategy proposed containing Soviet forces in the east and north while unleashing a full-scale offensive from Hailar, advancing west-northwest toward Chita and ultimately Lake Baikal. The goal: sever the Transbaikal Soviet Far East from the USSR's core. Dubbed Plan Eight-B, it gained Kwantung Army's endorsement in March 1939. Key architects—Colonels Takushiro Hattori and Masao Terada, along with Major Takeharu Shimanuki—were reassigned from AGS to Kwantung Army Headquarters to oversee implementation. The plan anticipated a five-year buildup before execution, with Hattori assuming the role of chief operations staff officer. A map review exposes a glaring vulnerability in Plan Eight-B: the Japanese advance would leave its southern flank exposed to Soviet counterstrikes from the Mongolian salient. By spring 1939, KwAHQ likely began perceiving this protrusion as a strategic liability. Notably, at the outbreak of Nomonhan hostilities, no detailed operational contingencies for the area had been formalized. Concurrently, Japan initiated plans for a vital railroad linking Harlun Arshan to Hailar. While its direct tie to Plan Eight-B remains unclear, the route skirted perilously close to the Halha River, potentially heightening KwAHQ's focus on the disputed Mongolian salient. In early 1939, the 23rd Division intensified reconnaissance patrols near the river. Around this time, General Grigory Shtern, freshly appointed commander of Soviet Far Eastern forces, issued a public warning that Japan was gearing up for an assault on the Mongolian People's Republic. As Plan Eight-B took shape and railroad proposals advanced, KwAHQ issued a strikingly confrontational set of guidelines for frontier troops. These directives are often cited as a catalyst for the Nomonhan clash, forging a chain linking the 1937 Amur River incident, the 1938 Changkufeng debacle, and the 1939 conflict.Resentment had festered at KwAHQ over perceived AGS meddling during the Amur affair, which curtailed their command autonomy. This frustration intensified at Changkufeng, where General Kamezo Suetaka's 19th Division endured heavy losses, only for the contested Manchukuoan territory to be effectively ceded. Kwantung Army lobbied successfully to wrest oversight of the Changkufeng salient from Chosen Army. In November 1938, Major Masanobu Tsuji of KwAHQ's Operations Section was sent to survey the site. The audacious officer was dismayed: Soviet forces dominated the land from the disputed ridge to the Tumen River. Tsuji undertook several winter reconnaissance missions. His final outing in March 1939 involved leading 40 men to Changkufeng's base. With rifles slung non-threateningly, they ascended to within 200 yards of Soviet lines, formed a line, and urinated in unison, eliciting amused reactions from the enemy. They then picnicked with obentos and sake, sang army tunes, and left gifts of canned meat, chocolates, and whiskey. This theatrical stunt concealed Tsuji's real aim: covert photography proving Soviet fortifications encroached on Manchukuoan soil. Tsuji was a singular figure. Born of modest means, he embodied a modern samurai ethos, channeling a sharp intellect into a frail, often ailing body through feats of extraordinary daring. A creative tactician, he thrived in intelligence ops, political scheming, aerial scouting, planning, and frontline command—excelling across a tumultuous career. Yet, flaws marred his brilliance: narrow bigotry, virulent racism, and capacity for cruelty. Ever the ambitious outsider, Tsuji wielded outsized influence via gekokujo—Japan's tradition of subordinates steering policy from below. In 1939, he was a major, but his pivotal role at Nomonhan stemmed from this dynamic. Back in Hsinking after his Changkufeng escapade, Tsuji drafted a response plan: negotiate border "rectification" with the Soviets; if talks failed, launch an attack to expel intruders. Kwantung Army adopted it. Deputy Chief of Staff Major General Otozaburo Yano flew to Tokyo with Tsuji's photos, seeking AGS approval. There, he was rebuffed—Changkufeng was deemed settled, and minor violations should be overlooked amid Tokyo's aversion to Soviet conflict. Yano's plea that leniency would invite aggression was countered by notes on Europe's tensions restraining Moscow. Yano's return sparked outrage at KwAHQ, seen as AGS thwarting their imperial duty to safeguard Manchukuo. Fury peaked in the Operations Section, setting the stage for Tsuji's drafting of stringent new frontier guidelines: "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes." The core tenet: "If Soviet troops transgress the Manchukuoan frontiers, Kwantung Army will nip their ambitions in the bud by completely destroying them." Specific directives for local commanders included: "If the enemy crosses the frontiers … annihilate him without delay, employing strength carefully built up beforehand. To accomplish our mission, it is permissible to enter Soviet territory, or to trap or lure Soviet troops into Manchukuoan territory and allow them to remain there for some time… . Where boundary lines are not clearly defined, area defense commanders will, upon their own initiative, establish boundaries and indicate them to the forward elements… . In the event of an armed clash, fight until victory is won, regardless of relative strengths or of the location of the boundaries. If the enemy violates the borders, friendly units must challenge him courageously and endeavor to triumph in their zone of action without concerning themselves about the consequences, which will be the responsibility of higher headquarters." Major Tsuji Masanobu later justified the new guidelines by pointing to the "contradictory orders" that had hamstrung frontier commanders under the old rules. They were tasked with upholding Manchukuo's territorial integrity yet forbidden from actions that might spark conflict. This, Tsuji argued, bred hesitation, as officers feared repercussions for decisive responses to incursions. The updated directives aimed to alleviate this "anxiety," empowering local leaders to act boldly without personal liability. In truth, Tsuji's "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes" were more incendiary than conciliatory. They introduced provocative measures: authorizing commanders to unilaterally define unclear boundaries, enforce them with immediate force "shoot first, ask questions later", permit pursuits into enemy territory, and even encourage luring adversaries across the line. Such tactics flouted both government policy and official army doctrine, prioritizing escalation over restraint. The proposals sparked intense debate within Kwantung Army's Operations Section. Section chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and Colonel Masao Terada outranked Tsuji, as did Major Takeharu Shimanuki, all recent transfers from the Army General Staff. Tsuji, however, boasted longer tenure at Kwantung Army Headquarters since April 1936 and in Operations since November 1937, making him the de facto veteran. Hattori and Terada hesitated to challenge the assertive major, whose reputation for intellect, persuasion, and deep knowledge of Manchuria commanded respect. In a 1960 interview, Shimanuki recalled Tsuji's dominance in discussions, where his proactive ideas often swayed the group. Unified, the section forwarded Tsuji's plan to Kwantung Army Command. Commander Lieutenant General Kenkichi Ueda consulted Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai and Vice Chief General Otozaburo Yano, seasoned leaders who should have spotted the guidelines' volatility. Yet, lingering grudges from AGS "interference" in past incidents like the Amur River and Changkufeng clouded their judgment. Ueda, Isogai, and Tsuji shared history from the 1932 Shanghai Incident: Tsuji, then a captain, led a company in the 7th Regiment under Colonel Isogai, with Yano as staff officer and Ueda commanding the 9th Division. Tsuji was wounded there, forging bonds of camaraderie. This "clique," which grew to include Hattori, Terada, and Shimanuki, amplified Tsuji's influence. Despite Isogai's initial reservations as the group's moderate voice, the guidelines won approval. Ueda issued them as Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488 on April 25, 1939, during a division commanders' conference at KwAHQ. A routine copy reached AGS in Tokyo, but no formal reply came. Preoccupied with the China War and alliance talks with Germany, AGS may have overlooked border matters. Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations head, later noted basic acceptance of Order 1488, with an informal expectation—relayed to Hattori and Terada—of prior consultation on violations. KwAHQ dismissed this as another Tokyo intrusion on their autonomy. Some Japanese analysts contend a stern AGS rejection might have prevented Nomonhan's catastrophe, though quelling Kwantung's defiance could have required mass staff reassignments, a disruptive step AGS avoided. Tsuji countered that permitting forceful action at Changkufeng would have deterred Nomonhan altogether, underscoring the interconnectedness of these clashes while implicitly critiquing the 1939 battle's location. Undeniably, Order 1488's issuance on April 25 paved the way for conflict three weeks later. Japanese records confirm that Khalkha Mongols and MPR patrols routinely crossed the Halha River—viewed by them as internal territory, 10 miles from the true border. Such crossings passed uneventfully in March and April 1939. Post-Order 1488, however, 23rd Division commander General Michitaro Komatsubara responded aggressively, setting the stage for escalation. The Nomonhan Incident ignited with a border clash on May 11–12, 1939, that rapidly spiraled into a major conflict. Over a dozen "authoritative" accounts exist, varying in viewpoint, focus, and specifics. After cross-referencing these sources, a coherent timeline emerges. On the night of May 10–11, a 20-man Mongolian People's Republic border patrol crossed eastward over the Halha River (known as Khalkhin Gol to Mongols and Soviets). About 10 miles east, atop a 150-foot sandy hill, lay the tiny hamlet of Nomonhan, a cluster of crude huts housing a few Mongol families. Just south flowed the Holsten River, merging westward into the broader Halha. By morning on May 11, Manchukuoan forces spotted the MPR patrol north of the Holsten and west of Nomonhan. In the MPR/Soviet perspective, Nomonhan Hill marked the Mongolia-Manchuria border. To Manchukuoans and Japanese, it sat 10 miles inside Manchukuo, well east of the Halha. A 40-man Manchukuoan cavalry unit repelled the Mongolians back across the river, inflicting initial casualties on both sides—the Manchukuoans drawing first blood. The MPR patrol leader exaggerated the attackers as 200 strong. The next day, May 12, a 60-man MPR force under Major P. Chogdan evicted the Manchukuoans from the disputed zone, reestablishing positions between the Halha and Nomonhan. The Manchukuoans, in turn, reported facing 700 enemies. Sporadic skirmishes and maneuvering persisted through the week. On May 13, two days post-clash, the local Manchukuoan commander alerted General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division headquarters in Hailar. Simultaneously, Major Chogdan reported to Soviet military command in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia's capital. What began as a Mongolian-Manchukuoan spat was poised to draw in Soviet and Japanese patrons. Attributing the May 10–11 violation hinges on border interpretations: both sides claimed the Halha-Nomonhan strip. Yet, most accounts concur that Manchukuoan forces initiated the fighting. Post-May 13 notifications to Moscow and Tokyo clarify the record thereafter. Midday on May 13, Komatsubara was leading a staff conference on the newly issued Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488—Major Tsuji Masanobu's aggressive border guidelines. Ironically, the first Nomonhan combat report arrived mid-discussion. Officers present recall Komatsubara deciding instantly to "destroy the invading Outer Mongolian forces" per Order 1488. That afternoon, he informed Kwantung Army Headquarters of the incident and his intent to eradicate the intruders, requesting air support and trucks. General Kenkichi Ueda, Kwantung commander, approved Komatsubara's "positive attitude," dispatching six scout planes, 40 fighters, 10 light bombers, two anti-aircraft batteries, and two motorized transport companies. Ueda added a caveat: exercise "extreme caution" to prevent escalation—a paradoxical blend of destruction and restraint, reflective of KwAHQ's fervent mood. Ueda relayed the details to Tokyo's Army General Staff, which responded that Kwantung should handle it "appropriately." Despite Kwantung's impulsive reputation, Tokyo deferred, perhaps trusting the northern strategic imbalance, eight Japanese divisions versus 30 Soviet ones from Lake Baikal to Vladivostok, would enforce prudence. This faith proved misguided. On May 14, Major Tsuji flew from KwAHQ for aerial reconnaissance over Nomonhan, spotting 20 horses but no troops. Upon landing, a fresh bullet hole in his plane confirmed lingering MPR presence east of the Halha. Tsuji briefed 23rd Division staff and reported to Ueda that the incident seemed minor. Aligning with Order 1488's spirit, Komatsubara deployed a force under Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma: an armored car company, two infantry companies, and a cavalry troop. Arriving at Nomonhan on May 15, Azuma learned most MPR forces had retreated westward across the Halha the prior night, with only token elements remaining, and those withdrawing. Undeterred, he pursued. The advance met scant resistance, as foes had crossed the river. However, Japanese light bombers struck a small MPR concentration on the west bank, Outpost Number 7, killing two and wounding 15 per MPR reports; Japanese claimed 30–40 kills. All agree: the raid targeted undisputed MPR territory. Hearing of May 15's events, Komatsubara deemed the Mongolians sufficiently rebuked and recalled Azuma to Hailar on May 16. KwAHQ concurred, closing the matter. Soviet leaders, however, saw it differently. Mid-May prompted Soviet support for the MPR under their 1936 Mutual Defense Pact. The Red Army's 57th Corps, stationed in Mongolia, faced initial disarray: Commander Nikolai Feklenko was hunting, Chief of Staff A. M. Kushchev in Ulan Ude with his ill wife. Moscow learned of clashes via international press from Japanese sources, sparking Chief of Staff Boris Shaposhnikov's furious inquiry. Feklenko and Kushchev rushed back to Ulaanbaatar, dispatching a mixed force—a battalion from the 149th Infantry Regiment (36th Division), plus light armor and artillery from the 11th Tank Brigade—to Tamsag Bulak, 80 miles west of the Halha. Led by Major A. E. Bykov, it bolstered the MPR's 6th Cavalry Division. Bykov and Cavalry Commander Colonel Shoaaiibuu inspected the site on May 15, post-Azum's departure. The cavalry arrived two days later, backed by Bykov (ordered to remain west of the river and avoid combat if possible). Some MPR troops recrossed, occupying the disputed zone. Clashes with Manchukuoan cavalry resumed and intensified. Notified of renewed hostilities, Komatsubara viewed it as defiance, a personal affront. Emboldened by Order 1488, he aimed not just to repel but to encircle and annihilate. The incident was on the verge of major expansion. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The ghosts of the Changufeng incident have come back to haunt both the USSR and Japan. Those like Tsuji Masanobu instigated yet another border clash that would erupt into a full blown battle that would set a precedent for both nations until the very end of WW2.
Guest: Jeremy Zakis. While New England freezes, Sydney enjoys mild 70°F temperatures and rain following a heatwave. Conversely, Western Australia faces Tropical Cyclone Mitchell, a Category 3 storm threatening Karrathawith high winds and storm surges. Locals prepared extensively, likely minimizing damage, though the system remains dangerous as it moves south toward Exmouth.
The Judge Jeanine Tunnel to Towers Foundation Sunday Morning Show
Joe Concha presents a populist political commentary that contrasts a thriving national economy under the Trump administration with the perceived failures of liberal governance in urban centers. He highlights historic financial milestones, such as the Dow Jones reaching 50,000, to argue that conservative fiscal policies and deregulation have successfully lowered inflation and energy costs. Conversely, Concha criticizes New York politicians for prioritizing immigrant protections over the safety of citizens during a deadly cold snap, framing the Democratic platform as out of touch with the needs of the working class. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Whether it's a sudden wild move downward, or a full on bear cycle, even real Contrarians make the same mistakes rank amateurs do. It's time to remind ourselves what we're really doing here, by going over three of the most classic mistakes we still fall for. Recommended Crypto Trading Platform (And Bonus Eligibility) - https://nononsenseforex.com/cryptocurrencies/best-crypto-trading-platform/ For Decentralized Crypto Trading (US Citizens Can Join) - https://nononsenseforex.com/decentralized-trading-platform/ Blueberry Markets Blog (Top FX Broker) - https://nononsenseforex.com/uncategorized/blueberry-markets-review-my-top-broker-for-2019/ Get a Discount On Any Trading View Package - https://www.tradingview.com/?aff_id=159841 The Blog Has Moved to My New Free Substack - https://thecontrarianinvestorblog.substack.com/p/what-to-expect-and-what-not-to?r=16orow Follow VP on Twitter https://twitter.com/This_Is_VP4X Check out my Forex trading material too! https://nononsenseforex.com/ The host of this podcast is not a licensed financial advisor, and nothing heard on this podcast should be taken as financial advice. Do your own research and understand all financial decisions and the results therein are yours and yours alone. The host is not responsible for the actions of their sponsors and/or affiliates. Conversely, views expressed on this podcast are that of the host only and may not reflect the views of any companies mentioned. Trading Forex involves risk. Losses can exceed deposits. We are not taking requests for episode topics at this time. Thank you for understanding.
Why Tackle Tops the Lions' Offseason List Senior Bowl week set the tone in Mobile. The Shrine Bowl wrapped the other night. Scott Bischoff and Russell Brown are deep in practice tape on the Detroit Lions Podcast. The conversation zeroed in on offensive tackle and how it drives every Detroit Lions decision. Offensive tackle is the biggest need for this roster. Outside of Penei Sewell, the future at left or right tackle is unclear. Decker's status is not defined. That uncertainty elevates tackle above every other position. You can patch the interior with a veteran and a younger center. Graham Glasgow remains in place. That worst case is manageable. The priority is tackle. Sewell at Left or Right: Where the Value Lives In a perfect world, you would not move what might be the best right tackle in football. Sewell fits that bill. Disrupting that matters. Yet it is easier to find a right tackle than a premium left tackle in the NFL. Sewell can be a strong left tackle. The best team-first move could be shifting him left if the rookie fits better on the right. Conversely, if pick 17 yields a true college left tackle, keep Sewell at right tackle. Let the rookie learn and possibly sit behind Decker for a half season. The player dictates the plan. The larger question remains whether you should move a foundational piece at all. Draft Board at 17 and Beyond At pick 17, a few intriguing tackles could reach Detroit. One or two at the very top likely will not. The board will decide how aggressive the Lions must be. This offensive line class looks deeper than expected. There may be fewer elite names at the top, but there is quality through the first two rounds. Options exist at 17 and again around pick 50. The further down the list you go, the more developmental tackles you can target. Interior paths also exist. The mix could include Chris Mahogany, Kate Ratlitsch, and Mills Frazier, with Graham Glasgow in the room. That flexibility allows a rookie tackle to grow while the line holds together opposite Sewell. Senior Bowl practices are on day three, technically day four of the week. Shrine Bowl work is in the books. Those sessions shape the board and the fit at tackle. A fuller recap of both events comes next week. #detroitlions #lions #detroitlionspodcast #nfl #seniorbowl #shrinebowl #pick17 #peneisewell #decker #righttackle #lefttackle #interioroffensiveline #grahamglasgow #offensivelineclass #offensivetackle #practicetape Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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