Podcasts about Politburo

In this explosive segment, the host dives deep into the revelations buried in Jake Tapper and Alex Thompson's reporting about the Biden administration. The discussion uncovers that the true scandal wasn't Biden's mental state—but rather who was truly wielding power behind the scenes. With unelected aides and family members allegedly making critical decisions without cabinet consultation, and damning claims about FBI censorship and a Hunter Biden money laundering cover-up, this episode lays out the disturbing portrait of a White House controlled by what insiders dubbed "The Politburo." Featuring quotes, whistleblower testimony, and suppressed findings, this analysis suggests the American presidency may have been compromised by a small circle of unelected and

The media hid Joe's decline to cover up the real secret: who was actually running the country. They called themselves the Politburo, and for 4 years, the country was essentially run by the Chinese Communist Party. (Please subscribe & share) Sources: https://nypost.com/2025/05/25/us-news/the-politburo-members-who-were-really-the-biden-white-house-according-to-original-sin/ IRS Whistleblowers interview: https://x.com/elonmusk/status/1851277287221817514 https://nypost.com/2025/05/25/opinion/fbi-agents-who-covered-up-hunter-bidens-laptop-in-2020-must-not-get-away-with-it/ https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-10652127/Hunter-Biden-helped-secure-millions-funding-military-biotech-research-program-Ukraine.html https://nypost.com/2025/02/26/media/fired-cbs-news-reporter-catherine-herridge-reveals-photos-of-files-on-hunter-biden-covid-origins-seized-by-network/

In this explosive episode, Tim and Lee dive into jaw-dropping revelations from Jake Tapper's new book and a bombshell New York Post report alleging that Hunter Biden and a small inner circle were the real power behind the White House during Joe Biden's presidency. Dubbed the "Politburo," this group allegedly made key decisions as Biden's cognitive health declined. The episode examines how the FBI helped suppress the Hunter Biden laptop story, concealed money laundering allegations, and possibly enabled this quiet transfer of power. With newly unredacted FBI chat logs, insider sources, and fierce media censorship exposed, this episode raises serious questions about corruption, accountability, and who was really in charge of America.

In this explosive episode, Tim and Lee dive into jaw-dropping revelations from Jake Tapper's new book and a bombshell New York Post report alleging that Hunter Biden and a small inner circle were the real power behind the White House during Joe Biden's presidency. Dubbed the "Politburo," this group allegedly made key decisions as Biden's cognitive health declined. The episode examines how the FBI helped suppress the Hunter Biden laptop story, concealed money laundering allegations, and possibly enabled this quiet transfer of power. With newly unredacted FBI chat logs, insider sources, and fierce media censorship exposed, this episode raises serious questions about corruption, accountability, and who was really in charge of America.

In this bombshell episode, the hosts uncover explosive claims that Hunter Biden wasn't just a bystander — he was a key player in the so-called “Politburo” allegedly running the White House. Drawing from recent reports by the New York Post and Axios, they name the five central figures said to wield real power — including Hunter and First Lady Jill Biden — amid growing concerns over Joe Biden's mental decline. The segment also dives into shocking revelations from newly unredacted FBI texts showing agents knew Hunter's laptop was part of a criminal money laundering case — even as they urged social media platforms to censor the story in 2020. With ties to China, Russia, and Ukraine in play, the episode raises alarming questions about corruption, censorship, and national security. Buckle up — this is just the beginning.

In this jam-packed Tuesday edition of The Daily Herold, Jon Herold dives into a whirlwind of hot-button stories, headlined by bombshell revelations about President Biden's cognitive decline and the unelected inner circle, dubbed the “Politburo”, allegedly running the White House. Herold breaks down the implications for constitutional authority, elder abuse allegations, and the legitimacy of Biden-era policies signed with an auto-pen. Trump's latest moves also dominate the show, from his pardon of Sheriff Scott Jenkins to threats of defunding California over trans athletes, nuking Harvard's federal contracts, and tightening student visa protocols via social media vetting. Jon adds his own firebrand critique of foreign student priorities and bloated education spending. Other stories include Trump Media's $2.5B Bitcoin treasury plan, the FBI reopening high-profile cases (like the Supreme Court leak and the J6 pipe bomber), and RFK Jr. axing COVID vaccine guidance for healthy children and pregnant women. Herold also warns of AI's existential risk, revisits the Amazonian tribe suing over porn allegations, and roasts a viral Starbucks meltdown. As always, it's equal parts humor, outrage, and sharp analysis, wrapped in Herold's signature no-nonsense delivery.

China is ruled by a Communist Party of 100 million members, a giant pyramid with President Xi Jinping and the Politburo at the top. Yet its economy, the second largest in the world, largely thrives on private enterprise and integration with global capitalism. So what does it mean to be a Chinese Communist today? And what does China under Xi aim to achieve on the international stage? In this episode, historians Sergey Radchenko and Enrico Fardella peel away opaque layers of ideology to get to the heart of China's 21st-century outlook.

Explosive allegations regarding who was running the country during Joe Biden's presidency, border czar Tom Homan speaks to Mary Margaret Olohan on why he needs more money, and the Supreme Court sides with a Maine legislator who was speaking out about transgender policies. Get the facts first with Morning Wire.Good Ranchers: Visit goodranchers.com and use code WIRE for an exclusive offer.Vanta: Get $1,000 off Vanta at vanta.com/morningwire.Balance of Nature: Go to balanceofnature.com and use promo code WIRE for 35% off your first order as a preferred customer PLUS get a free bottle of Fiber and Spice.

Jim is back and opens Wednesday's 3 Martini Lunch by sharing the saga of a big oak tree that landed on his house over the weekend—and who he blames for it. Then Jim and Greg dig into a victory for free speech and common sense at the U.S. Supreme Court, the good and the frustrating parts of the GOP's Big Beautiful Bill, and more insight on who was really running the country while Biden was supposedly president.First, after Jim details the unnerving tree incident, they cheer the U.S. Supreme Court for ending the punishment aimed at Maine state lawmaker Laurel Libby. Democrats barred her from debating or voting after she posted a photo of a male athlete winning a girls' sporting event on Facebook. But while the court got it right, Jim explains why he's still alarmed by the verdict.Next, they dig into the good, the bad, and the uncertainty surrounding the GOP's Big Beautiful Bill to make the 2017 Trump tax cuts permanent and add many other provisions. There is a lot to like in the bill but there is also some disappointment concerning the tax code and what blue state Republicans want to include before supporting the legislation.Finally, they wince as the new book on Joe Biden's cognitive decline reveals the figures who were really running the country while Biden infirmities got worse and worse. And Jim stresses that none of these supposedly breathtaking revelations are actually news. It's just that some reporters and political operatives are confirming what we already knew now that there's no political benefit to covering for Biden.Please visit our great sponsors:It's free, online, and easy to start—no strings attached. Enroll in Understanding Capitalism with Hillsdale College. Visit https://hillsdale.edu/MartiniThis podcast is sponsored by BetterHelp. We're all better with help. Visit https://BetterHelp.com/3ML to get 10% off your first month.

Cette semaine, pas de cinéma, nouvelle exploration de l'univers d'un écrivain par son Verbe et la musique, c'est la mixtake numéro 53 de la maison de la rédaction, spéciale William Burroughs.L'écrivain né de la fusion des esprits et de la pensée de la Beat Generation était un poète-machine, le cerveau dérivant dans l'Interzone, narrateur des mondes spéculatifs, explorateur des formes et inventeur d'une nouvelle littérature, qui pense, agit et déchire les univers visibles pour, non révéler, mais faire advenir l'invisible.Il s'appelait William Seward Burroughs, humble praticien du métier de scribe – Sergent Major de l'Escadron Shakespeare pendant la guerre dont personne ne sait rien sauf ceux qui y ont participé, quand toute la cabine à chiottes était sur le point de sauter. (12 avril 1997 – Ultimes Paroles)Cette mixtake a été orchestrée par El Comandante, avec l'indispensable savante contribution de Friedrich Marlenstahl, membre de la branche Service Action du Politburo du Front Gauche de l'Art.01 Prégénérique / William's Welcome (Dead City Radio)02 Extrait / Burroughs: The Movie (Howard Brookner)03 Marianne Faithfull & Master Musicians of Joujouka / My Only Friend04 WSB / Spare Ass Annie05 WSB & Gus Van Sant / Word Is Virus06 Extrait / Drugstore Cowboy07 Brion Gysin, Frederic Cousseau, Yann Le Ker, Ramuntcho Matta / Junk08 BFY / Burroughs Called The Law09 Dave Ball, Genisis P. Orrigde, WSB / Dream10 The Total Taste Is Here / News Cut-Up Choral Section Backwards11 Laurie Anderson / Sharkey's Night12 Maurice Dantec / la place de Burroughs13 WSB - Inching / Is This Machine Recording ( Nothing Here Now But The Recordings)14 Brion Gysin / Kick15 WSB / No More Stalins, No More Hitler16 Beastianity / The Hatred That Pleasure Brings17 Naked Lunch's Trailer18 Howard Shore &  Ornette Coleman / Naked Lunch19 Tom Waits / Tain't No Sin (from the muscial fable The Black Rider - The Casting of the Magic Bullets)20 Bomb The Bass / 5ml Barrel21 Joy Division / Interzone22 WSB / Words of Advice for Young People"Dans ces autres professions, vous pouvez toujours faire semblant. Par contre, si vous écrivez sans y croire, vous ne produirez que de la merde. Le métier a beaucoup d'inconvénients ? Bien sûr, vous pouvez sortir d'une villa aux Bahamas en chevauchant un requin blanc ou vous pouvez passer vingt ans à écrire Le Grand Livre que personne ne pourra lire. James Joyce a écrit quelques unes des meilleures pages de prose en littérature - Les Morts, Les Gens de Dublin - mais pouvait-il en rester là et se cantonner à des histoires délicieuses à propos des Catholiques irlandais malheureux ? Si ça avait été le cas, le monde l'aurait récompensé en lui accordant le prix Nobel. Maintenant personne n'a jamais dit à un docteur : "Ecoute, toubib, tes opérations du cul sont vraiment extra, beaucoup de tantouzes te sont reconnaissantes de pouvoir continuer à se faire enculer mais faudrait qu'tu trouves quelque chose de nouveau" -. Naturellement, il n'a pas à trouver quelque chose. C'est toujours le même bon vieux cul. Mais un écrivain doit produire du neuf, ou il doit standardiser son produit - l'un ou l'autre. Ainsi je pourrais standardiser le produit Peter Pan-Pédé-Garçon Sauvage, et en sortir un tous les ans comme la série des Tarzan ; ou bien je pourrais écrire un Finnegans Wake. Aussi, j'ai cette idée au sujet d'un privé et des Cités de la nuit rouge. Quien sabe ?" (WSB "Le temps des assassins")

On today's show Andrew and Bill take stock of the trade war one month after “Liberation Day.” Topics include: Domestic messaging on “struggle” and external promises to never kneel down, the risks facing the PRC as US tariffs threaten to compound overcapacity controversies and invite heightened scrutiny around the world, Week 3 of speculation on whether the US and China are negotiating on trade, and why talk of a resolution and return to the March status quo seems increasingly unrealistic. At the end: The April Politburo meeting reflects both caution and confidence, a study session on AI spells bad news for Nvidia, thoughts on Apple's story in China as the company tries to relocate US iPhone assembly to India, and Netflix gets the last laugh 15 years after being rebuffed by PRC censors.

S&P Futures have reversed course and are now trading flat to higher this morning. Global trade talks and earnings announcements are in focus today. Inconsistent messaging from the White House remains a key source of volatility for the markets. On Wednesday, Treasury Secretary Bessent outlined hopes for a "big deal" with China, yet Chinese officials have said that no trade takes are underway. China's Politburo meeting is scheduled for late this month. On the economic front, report on Jobless Claims, Durable Goods and Existing Home Sales are set for release today. Earnings reports have been coming in better than initial expectations, forward guidance remains a concern. After the bell today, GOOG, TMUS, GILD, & INTC are scheduled to report.

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durée : 00:02:47 - Les Échos d'ailleurs - par : David Baverez - Énorme scoop en ce jour de Noël: les “Échos de Chine” ont réussi à se procurer, en exclusivité pour vous, la lettre au Père Noël du Politburo chinois - qui regroupe les 24 plus hauts dignitaires du pays. On y demande des nuages... Écoutez attentivement, vous allez voir, c'est fort instructif !

Last time we spoke about the Fujian Rebellion of 1933. In the midst of political turmoil, the 19th Route Army, once vital in campaigns for Chiang Kai-shek, found itself at odds with his leadership during Japan's invasion of Shanghai in 1932. Facing internal rebellion and external threats, Chiang Kai-Shek prioritized fighting the Communists over the Japanese. The 19th Route Army, disillusioned, resisted both Japan and the CCP but ultimately faced betrayal when Chiang Kai-Shek forced them into civil conflict in Fujian, deepening divisions within China. In 1933, Chiang Kai-shek faced opposition for his appeasement of Japan, leading the 19th Route Army, frustrated by his inaction, to plot a coup. Under Chen Mingshu's leadership, they sought alliances against Chiang Kai-Shek but struggled amid civil war pressures and Red Army conflicts. On November 20, they declared the People's Revolutionary Government in Fuzhou, aiming to unify against Japanese aggression. However, lack of support led to rapid failure; by January 1934, Chiang's forces crushed the rebellion, and its leaders fled, marking the end of the Fujian Revolution.   #130 The Long March Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As we saw 2 episodes ago, the CCP had been taken over by the 28 Bolsheviks and Otto Braun who initiated a dramatic offensive strategy for the Red Army. Unfortunately this also came during the 5th encirclement campaign. This resulted in repeated defeats for the Red Army and the gradual shrinking of the Soviet area. In April 1934, the Central Red Army engaged in a decisive battle against the Nationalist Army in Guangchang, Jiangxi Province, suffering severe losses and now faced a critical situation. As the NRA's grip tightened, the Red Army and the Central Committee of the CCP sought new strategies. With offensive tactics no longer feasible, the Red Army considered alternative approaches to navigate its current challenges. One overarching strategy involved co-opting the NRA by harnessing nationalistic sentiment to form a united front against the Japanese. The leadership of the Red Army hoped that by identifying a common enemy, they could temporarily alleviate the conflict with the KMT. In July 1934, they attempted to implement this strategy by deploying the Seventh Red Army Corps to western Fujian to join the 10th Red Army, commanded by Su Yu. This combined force was labeled the Anti-Japanese Vanguard Column to attract Nationalist support; however, the propaganda effort failed. The NRA subsequently obliterated the Red Army Column, resulting in the death or execution of most of its members. Approximately 800 survivors escaped and regrouped as a guerrilla unit under Su Yu, continuing to fight independently until the establishment of the Second United Front in 1937. Another breakout occurred on July 23, 1934, when the 6th Red Army Corps, operating from the Hunan-Guangdong border, traversed Hunan and joined forces with the Third Red Army, forming the Second Front Red Army, led by He Long, on October 22, 1934. It is uncertain whether either operation impacted the KMT. The escalating costs and ongoing casualties placed a heavy burden on the Red Army, complicating its ability to maintain its position. A secure new location was essential for the Red Army to reorganize, resupply, and recruit personnel. In August 1934, Bo Gu and Otto Braun secretly decided to abandon the Jiangxi Soviet. Their initial plan was to head southwest towards Hunan, seeking friendlier territory and aiming to connect with the 2nd Front Red Army. While the precise whereabouts of the 2nd Front Red Army were unclear, the leadership considered Hunan the most probable destination and devised a route to reach it. Meanwhile, the rest of the Red Army intensified its recruitment efforts, raised funds, and gathered supplies. On the night of October 10, 1934, the leadership of the Red Army issued marching orders to the 1st Front Red Army, which advanced southwest in two columns, consisting of the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 8th, and 9th Red Army Corps. The total strength of this force was about 87,000 soldiers. Many of these soldiers were unaware that it would be their final sight of the Jiangxi Soviet, as most believed they were simply executing another maneuver to outflank the KMT and strike at its rear. A contingent of 16,000 troops, including several wounded soldiers like their leader Chen Yi, remained in Ruijin to defend against and delay the KMT forces, providing the First Front Red Army with the necessary time to depart unnoticed. Thus, began what has famously been called the Long March. The first few days of the Long March were relatively calm. The Red Army steered clear of significant confrontations with the NRA forces and easily maneuvered through a gap in the encirclement. Previously, Zhou Enlai had brokered a truce with the Guangdong and Guangxi warlords involved in the Extermination campaign, allowing the Red Army safe passage through the region. Meanwhile, the Red Army troops remaining in Ruijin fiercely resisted the NRA, effectively masking the fact that the main force had already departed. Until November 8, Nationalist newspapers claimed that the Red Army was nearly annihilated. The 1st Front Red Army traveled at night, using small trails to evade detection and attacks from the air. The troop formation included the 1st and 9th Red Army Corps on the left flank, the 3rd and 8th Red Army Corps on the right, with leadership and logistical units positioned in the center, while the 5th Red Army Corps provided rear guard support. The Red Army employed porters to transport heavy equipment, such as printing presses, X-ray machines, and currency. Additional porters carried litters for the wounded and key leaders. During this period, several Red Army leaders, including Zhou Enlai, were unwell or injured, while others, like Mao Zedong, rested in litters during the day after long nights of planning. By mid-November 1934, the NRA learned that the Red Army had broken free from their encirclement and was heading westward, prompting them to pursue. Observing the Red Army's movements, Chiang Kai-shek and the NRA leadership inferred that southern Hunan was likely their destination, so they deployed troops accordingly. The Red Army advanced rapidly to the west, aiming to cross the Xiang River before the NRA could catch up. On November 27, 1934, the Red Army reached Daoxian and launched an assault on the NRA blockhouses guarding the Xiang River crossings. They quickly overran these defenses and began moving troops across the river. However, the central column of the Red Army, hindered by heavy equipment and injured soldiers, fell behind the main force. On November 28, the NRA struck the rear elements of the Red Army before they could reach the river. For 5 days, the Red Army engaged in a fierce rear guard action, trying to disengage from the NRA and successfully cross the river. By December 2, 1934, all Red Army units had successfully crossed the Xiang River, albeit at a significant cost. The Red Army lost over two divisions from the 3rd and 5th Red Army Corps, leaving just over 30,000 soldiers remaining in their ranks. Furthermore, much of the Army's heavy equipment and supplies were abandoned along the way to lighten their load. After the Red Army crossed the Xiang River, it continued to evade direct confrontations with the NRA. The challenging battle at the Xiang River had a profound impact on the Red Army, leading to a rise in desertions as soldiers recognized that the movement had turned into an exodus from Jiangxi. Many porters responsible for transporting heavy equipment also began to leave during the night, especially while navigating the difficult, muddy trails in the mountains. The Red Army made several attempts to head north to join He Long and the 2nd Front Red Army, but each time, they found their routes blocked by the NRA. As a result, they altered their plans and headed west toward Guizhou, aiming to reach Sichuan and connect with the 4th Front Red Army to establish a new Soviet. Upon arriving in Liping, Guizhou province, the Red Army leadership decided on December 18th to advance north toward Zunyi in pursuit of their goal in Sichuan. Initially, Guiyang, the provincial capital, was the intended destination, but it had been fortified with seven NRA divisions. In contrast, Zunyi appeared to be a more feasible target as the second-largest city in the province, defended only by local Guizhou forces. On January 1st, 1935, the Red Army began its march toward Zunyi, crossing the Wu River under heavy fire from Guizhou provincial troops. Within three days, they successfully crossed the river and continued toward Zunyi. On January 7, the Red Army launched an attack on Zunyi, which fell two days later. Following the capture of the city, the Red Army initiated a recruitment drive, adding 30,000 new recruits to its ranks. To enhance its mobility, they buried or abandoned much of their heavy equipment. The Red Army had originally planned to remain in the area for an extended period to refit, reorganize, and bolster their forces. The staff of the Central Cadre Unit's Red Army Medical School seized the opportunity to conduct a week-long course on basic first aid for soldiers. However, local conditions hindered any long-term presence. The area's primary crop was opium, useful for barter but inadequate for sustaining the Red Army. Additionally, the city's position along a river bend restricted the Red Army's escape routes in the event of an NRA attack. Given these challenges, Communist leadership convened a conference to deliberate on their military strategy. The conference held on January 15th, 1935, marked a pivotal moment in Communist history. In attendance were Politburo members, including Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Chen Yun, Zhou Enlai, Luo Fu, and Bo Gu, along with Liu Bocheng, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, Nie Rongzhen, Peng Dehuai, and Otto Braun. The primary focus of the meeting was the unsuccessful military strategy employed during the 5th Extermination Campaign. Bo Gu and Zhou Enlai opened the discussion, both acknowledging their mistakes and accepting responsibility for the failures. Mao Zedong followed with a sharp critique of the strategy's use of "short, swift thrusts" and the lack of cooperation with the Fujian 19th route NRA Army. The conference continued for three more days, during which much of the Red Army leadership criticized Bo Gu and Otto Braun's approach, aligning themselves with Mao. By the end of the meeting, key leaders of the CCP and Red Army had distanced themselves from the 28 Bolsheviks, effectively making Mao Zedong the de facto leader of the CCP, despite not being formally elected to any new position at Zunyi. A significant change was the disbanding of the triumvirate leadership of Bo Gu, Otto Braun, and Zhou Enlai. Zhu De and Zhou Enlai were assigned to lead the Red Army, which then moved towards Sichuan to connect with the 4th Front Red Army. Departing Zunyi, the Red Army comprised four army corps: the 1st, 3rd, 5th and 9th Red Army Corps, although all were considerably smaller than before. The total strength of the 1st Front Red Army was approximately 35,000 soldiers. The army advanced north through Tongzi, gathering gold and opium to procure food and supplies for the journey. The 1st Army Corps, led by Lin Biao, took the lead in searching for a route to cross the Yangtze River. While attempting to secure a crossing near Chishui, the remainder of the Red Army engaged in a fierce battle with a Sichuan NRA force near Tucheng. The fighting escalated to such a degree that Mao Zedong ordered Lin Biao and his corps to return and assist. Ultimately, on January 29th, 1935, the Red Army lost contact with the enemy and abandoned its plan to cross the Yangtze River, instead retreating west to Zhaxi in Yunnan province to evade NRA forces. However, this provided only a temporary reprieve, as more NRA troops moved west into Sichuan, covering all potential crossing points along the Yangtze. Faced with limited options, Mao proposed an audacious plan on February 7th: the Red Army would split into separate columns and head back east into Guizhou to mislead the NRA, then reunite and proceed southwest into Yunnan to find a safer crossing point over the Yangtze. Executing this plan, the Red Army conducted a series of feints, diversionary attacks, and deception operations to confuse NRA leadership, as well as some of its own ranks. Mao Zedong aimed to create an opening for the Red Army to escape into Yunnan and cross the Yangtze in the Jinsha River area. The Red Army began moving east, achieving victories over the NRA, such as at Loushan Pass, where they captured about a division's worth of personnel and equipment. They continued eastward, seizing the city of Maotai and acquiring additional gold and opium for trade. In March 1935, Mao was appointed as the political commissar of the Red Army, with Zhu De serving as the commander-in-chief. His leadership role was further solidified when he was included in the triumvirate Military Council alongside Zhou Enlai and Wang Jiaxiang. Mao Zedong then initiated a deception operation, sending the 9th Red Army Corps north as a feint toward the Yangtze River, intending to reinforce NRA intelligence assessments. Chiang believed that these erratic movements indicated the Red Army was preparing for a decisive battle. Consequently, he relocated his NRA headquarters to Guiyang and deployed nearly all of Guizhou's NRA forces to the Yangtze area to encircle and eliminate the Red Army. This deployment inadvertently opened a north-south corridor in Guizhou, allowing the Red Army to move south towards Guiyang, which was now vulnerable due to the concentration of NRA forces along the Yangtze. Capitalizing on these fears, Mao sent additional Red Army units toward the provincial capital. In response, Chiang hurriedly redirected NRA forces from Yunnan to bolster defenses in Guiyang, thus creating yet another escape route for the Red Army. The Red Army swiftly exploited this corridor and advanced into Yunnan. They employed a similar feint tactic as used in Guiyang, deploying units from the 1st Red Army Corps to threaten Kunming. With the main Yunnan forces still occupied in Guiyang, the Yunnan government was forced to reallocate its frontier and militia troops to defend the capital, thus opening one final corridor for the Red Army to escape through a crossing at the Jinsha River. By April 1935, the Red Army had executed one of its most daring maneuvers, evading the NRA forces by making a sweeping maneuver into Yunnan. Despite this strategy, the Red Army still needed to cross the Yangtze River. One section of the river, known as the Jinsha River, flows from Tibet through Yunnan to Sichuan and offered excellent crossing points for the Red Army. On April 29th, Mao Zedong identified three crossing locations. The 1st Red Army Corps was assigned to cross in the north at Longjie, while the 3rd Red Army Corps would cross in the center at Hongmen. The Central Cadre Unit was designated to use the southern crossing point at Jiaopingdu. Meanwhile, the Fifth and Ninth Army Corps were tasked with rear guard operations and would cross at the nearest crossing point. Although the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps struggled to secure their crossing locations, the Central Cadre Unit successfully acquired seven boats, established security on both riverbanks, and commenced a ferrying operation that would last nine days. Consequently, the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps abandoned their original crossing points and moved to Jiaopingdu. The 3rd Red Army Corps crossed on May 7th, followed by the 1st Red Army Corps the next day. The 5th Red Army Corps maintained its rear guard before quickly crossing at Jiaopingdu on May 9th. Upon reaching Sichuan, the weary Red Army troops began to contemplate their next steps. After nearly nine months of travel, with minimal rest and significant losses, the Red Army's numbers had dwindled to around 25,000 soldiers, with much of their heavy equipment abandoned along their retreat route. They attempted to seize Huili but were met with fierce resistance from the 24th NRA Division. Outside the city, Red Army leaders held a conference on May 12th and resolved to continue north through Sichuan, aiming to cross the Dadu River to join forces with the 4th Front Red Army. As the Red Army advanced through the territory of the Yi minority, they faced hostility from the Yi people, who harbored animosity toward the Han and attacked straggling Red Army soldiers, stealing their weapons and clothing and leaving many to perish. Fortunately, Liu Bocheng and his vanguard unit from the 1st Red Army Corps negotiated a truce with the Yi, securing safe passage in exchange for promises of equal land rights and treatment after the war. On May 23rd, the Red Army reached Anshunchang along the Dadu River. Their initial attempts to cross by ferry were thwarted by strong NRA defenses on the opposite bank, and they only managed to secure three boats, which were insufficient for a crossing. On May 27th, Red Army leaders decided to take a calculated risk and dispatched troops northward to seize Luding Bridge. This iron-chain suspension bridge, located along a challenging trail through the mountain passes, crossed the Dadu River. In a remarkable act of bravery, the 4th Regiment of the 2nd Division, 1st Red Army Corps, led by Yang Chengwu, marched nearly 100 miles in under 3 days to secure the bridge. Despite facing a defending NRA brigade on sheer cliffs, the 4 Regiment acted swiftly and captured the bridge amid constant gunfire, with only 18 of the 22 men who launched the final assault surviving. Their sacrifice allowed the Red Army to evade the main KMT force and successfully cross the Dadu River, ultimately establishing themselves in Hualingping for refitting operations. However, the challenges for the Red Army persisted even after crossing the Dadu. They were still unaware of the 4th Front Red Army's location, with one possible area being directly north behind the Jiajin Mountains. To avoid detection from NRA forces or ambushes by Tibetans, Mao opted for a central walking trail through the Jiajin Mountains rather than the more accessible eastern and western routes. For many survivors of the Long March, the leg through the Jiajin Mountains proved to be the most arduous and challenging segment. The Red Army soldiers faced hunger, cold, thirst, avalanches, and the high altitude as they attempted to traverse the snow-capped peaks with little more than the clothes on their backs. On June 12th, the first units of the Red Army arrived at Danwei, located at the northern foot of the Jiajin Mountains. By June 14th, the remaining soldiers descended from the mountains and linked up with Li Xiannian, a liaison officer from the 4th Front Red Army. Approximately 10,000 soldiers endured the harsh conditions and made it down the mountain. Thankfully, they rejoined their fellow Red Army comrades, allowing them to take a much-needed rest. On June 18, 1935, the 1st and 4th Front Red Armies finally connected at Lianghekou. The Fourth Front Red Army fared significantly better than its counterpart, having originated from the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Soviet before relocating to the Shaanxi-Sichuan border and settling in northwest Sichuan in March 1935. Their forces numbered nearly 80,000, surpassing the 1st Front Red Army. Some soldiers from the 1st Front looked on with admiration and envy at the robust condition of the 4th Front soldiers and their horses. On June 26th, the leadership of both armies convened to discuss their future movements. Mao Zedong proposed advancing north to Gansu, then heading east toward Ningxia, with the ultimate goal of reaching Mongolia to establish communication with the Soviet Union. Conversely, Zhang Guotao suggested moving west to Xinjiang, aiming to connect with the Soviet Union via the Central Asian Republics. Beneath these military discussions lay political maneuvering as both Mao Zedong and Zhang Guotao sought to assert dominance over the Red Army. Ultimately, both sides maintained cordial relations and established a unified strategy and command. The Red Army was set to advance north to southern Gansu to establish a Soviet presence in the border areas. Zhang Guotao was appointed vice-chairman of the Military Council. By June 30, the 1st Front Red Army had moved into the Grasslands, with Zhang Guotao and the 4th Front Red Army following a day later. The meeting at Lianghekou did not resolve the political tensions between the factions led by Zhang Guotao and Mao Zedong, and these conflicts intensified over time. While Zhang Guotao continued to advocate for a westward movement toward Xinjiang, he also sought to recruit key leaders from the 1st Front Red Army to support his cause, but to no avail. Mao Zedong remained steadfast in his commitment to the agreed plan to proceed to Gansu and took measures to prevent any subversion from Zhang Guotao's camp. Tensions escalated during a conference at Maoergai on August 6th. The Red Army had arrived at Maoergai the previous day to rest and reorganize. According to one account, Mao Zedong held the meeting in the neighboring town of Shawo, securing the location ahead of Zhang Guotao arrival. As the sole representative from the 4th Front Red Army on the Politburo and Central Committee, Zhang Guotao intended to introduce additional representatives to enhance his influence, but they were unable to bypass security. This infuriated Zhang Guotao, highlighting the political maneuvering at play. Another account claims the meeting took place at Zhang Guotao's 11th Red Army Division headquarters, with his loyal soldiers ensuring that Mao Zdong could not undermine him. Regardless, no agreements were reached during this meeting. A second meeting was held on August 20th at Maoergai, resulting in a negotiated settlement. The Red Army remained under the command of Zhu De but was divided into two columns. The Right Column included the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps, led by Lin Biao and Peng Dehuai, respectively, and also incorporated the 13th and 3th Red Armies from the 4th Front. Mao, Zhou Enlai, Bo Gu, and Otto Braun traveled with the Right Column. The Left Column comprised the remainder of the 4th Front Army, along with the 5th and 9th Red Army Corps, and was led by Zhang Guotao and Liu Bocheng, with Zhu De accompanying them. Both columns would advance north while skirting the Grasslands, with the Left Column heading toward Aba and the Right Column toward Baxi. Once the plan was finalized, they began their movement into the Grasslands on August 23rd. In the Grasslands, the Red Army encountered conditions as challenging as those in the mountains. This region was home to a minority population, and the Tibetan locals were just as hostile as the Yi had been, attacking and killing many stragglers. Food sources were scarce, and many Red Army soldiers were unfamiliar with edible plant species. Water supplies were also limited, as most sources were stagnant and contaminated. The soldiers ended up consuming wheat kernels, which severely upset their digestive systems. The trailing units faced even greater difficulties, as the vanguard troops turned the dirt paths into muddy pits, leaving little food for foraging. The Right Column reached Baxi on August 27th, suffering heavy losses during the week-long trek; the 3rd Red Army Corps alone lost 400 soldiers. The Left Column progressed more slowly and arrived in Aba about a week later. Once they exited the Grasslands, the Red Army faced another internal struggle that threatened their retreat. On September 3rd, Zhang Guotao sent a wireless message to Mao Zedong and the Right Column, stating that his forces were stationed at Aba and that the White River, north of Aba, was impassable. Mao Zedong urged Zhang Guotao to adhere to the Maoergai decision and even offered additional troops to assist in crossing the river, which Zhang Guotao politely declined. On September 9th, Mao Zedong learned of a secret message Zhang Guotao had sent to his aide in the Right Column. Zhang Guotao wanted the Right Column to move back south through the Grasslands to reunite the two columns and convene a meeting to discuss a new strategy, indicating an intention to initiate an intraparty power struggle. Fearing that Zhang Guotao would use his superior numbers to impose his strategy on the Red Army, the 1st and 3rd Red Army Corps quietly departed Baxi and continued north to Gansu. This approximately 8,000-strong force arrived at Ejie and held an emergency conference. The Red Army reorganized its forces as the Anti-Japanese Vanguard Force to garner support from the local population. They also issued a “Resolution Concerning the Mistakes of Comrade Zhang Guotao,” reprimanding his actions without expelling him from the Communist Party. On September 14th, the Red Army continued north and captured the Lazikou Pass, defeating two of Zhang Guotao's forces as he and his 4th Front Army moved south toward Chengdu. Zhang Guotao was furious upon discovering that Mao Zdong and his loyal Red Army troops had left without notice, but he chose not to pursue them and instead redirected his troops toward Chengdu. The 4th Front Red Army achieved initial victories in October 1935 against the NRA at Baoxing and Tianquan, coming within sixty miles of the Sichuan provincial capital. In response to this threat, Chiang Kai-shek dispatched over 80 NRA regiments to defend Chengdu. The NRA launched a counteroffensive at Baizhang, inflicting heavy losses on the Fourth Front Red Army, which retreated in disarray back to Ganzi in western Sichuan province, where they would remain until they linked up with the 2nd Front Army in June 1936. As the 4th Front Army moved south toward Sichuan, the Red Army completed the final stage of its arduous journey. On September 21st, 1935, Mao Zedong and the Anti-Japanese Vanguard arrived in Hadapu, a Han city in Gansu province. The soldiers rejoiced at being among their own ethnic group and took a few days to rest. During their stay, Mao Zedong and other leaders of the Red Army learned that a Soviet force, led by Liu Zhidan, a friend of Mao Zedong, was present in northern Shaanxi, supporting the 25th and 26th Red Armies. 10 days later, the Anti-Japanese Vanguard left Hadapu and swiftly moved west to avoid the NRA's Muslim cavalry units, aiming to connect with their allied units in Shaanxi. On October 19, 1935, Mao Zedong joined forces with the 25th and 26th Red Armies and settled near Wuqi. The remnants of the 1st Front Red Army had completed their year-long, 6,000-mile journey with approximately 4,000 soldiers. Once they reached the relative safety of Shaanxi, the Red Army reverted to its traditional strategy of political mobilization to gather resources, recruit new members, and propagate the communist revolution. On February 5th, 1936, the 1st Front Red Army moved east to carry out political mobilization efforts. Over the following two months, the Red Army defeated seven provincial divisions, capturing more than 4,000 soldiers. They also recruited 8,000 new members, raised $300,000 in revenue, and added 20 counties in Shanxi to their new Soviet. In May, the 1st Front Army advanced westward for a two-month operation, acquiring over 2,000 rifles and 400 horses, thereby expanding the Soviet's reach into Gansu and Ningxia. However, these efforts were ultimately thwarted by NRA forces, compelling the Red Army to relocate from Wuqi to Bao'an in June 1936. In October 1936, the 2nd and 4th Front Armies finally reached Bao'an, marking the completion of the Long March for the Red Army. With all three units reunited, the Red Army War College reopened in Dengjiaqiao, with Liu Bocheng eventually returning to lead it. Additionally, the Red Army military school began training in Tai'erwan. From 1934 to 1936, the Red Army evaded annihilation through a combination of courage, determination, and fortunate circumstances. Enduring harsh conditions and traversing some of China's most challenging terrain to escape the NRA and provincial forces, the Red Army demonstrated remarkable resilience. Mao Zedong skillfully navigated the political landscape within the Red Army, emerging as its supreme leader. The Communists also capitalized on the challenges facing the NRA and KMT leadership. The Red Army effectively utilized Chiang Kai-Sheks inability to exert full control over his subordinate warlords and their military units to avoid unnecessary confrontations. Upon reaching Shaanxi in late 1935, the survivors of the Long March were not only battle-hardened by their experiences but also carried valuable lessons learned from previous campaigns. In the relative security of the new Soviet, the Red Army expanded its ranks and resumed training and mobilization efforts. The Red Army had survived its greatest challenge to date and was poised to develop into the professional military force that would ultimately defeat the NRA and overthrow the KMT government. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Thus not only did the Red Army escape death at the hands of the NRA, but the experience of the Long March would actually contribute to the downfall of the NRA. Mao Zedong had emerged a top figure in the CCP and now would oversee it and the Red Army's future development until the ultimate clash with Chiang Kai-Shek for the future of China.

The Central Committee turns out to support centralized leadership. Also, the Comintern publishes Mao's obituary.Further reading:Pang Xianzhi and Jin Chongji, Mao Zedong: A Biography, vol. 1: 1893-1949Stuart Schram, ed., Mao's Road to Power, vol. 3: From the Jinggangshan to the Establishment of the Jiangxi Soviets, July 1927-December 1930Joseph Fewsmith, Forging Leninism in China: Mao and the Remaking of the Chinese Communist Party, 1927–1934Mao Zedong nianpu, 1893-1937 (毛泽东年谱)Chen Jian, Zhou Enlai: A LifeZhou Enlai, Selected Works of Zhou Enlai, vol. 1Some names from this episode:Chen Yi, replaced Mao as secretary of the Front CommitteeXiang Zhongfa, General secretary of the CPZhou Enlai, head of the Organization Department of the Central Committee Li Lisan, Leading CommunistLiu Angong, special envoy sent by Party Center to the Fourth Red ArmySupport the show

Europe was the main focus yesterday with rate cuts from both the European Central Bank and the Swiss National Bank. The ECB mulled a 50 basis point cut but delivered 25 bps. The SNB, however, led by its new chief Martin Schlegel, surprised markets, announcing a half a percentage point cut. In the US, a raft of data didn't convince the markets and they closed lower ahead of the Fed meeting next week where the bet is still on for a 25 bps rate cut. Asian markets were uninspired by the outcome of the Chinese Central Economic Working Conference. Richard Tang, Head of Research Hong Kong, supplies the details of this meeting as well as sharing his thoughts on adopting an offensive/defensive stance when it comes to the Chinese equity market.00:00 Introduction by Helen Freer (Investment Writing)00:30 Markets wrap-up by Bernadette Anderko (Investment Writing)05:56 China's Politburo meeting: Richard Tang (Head of Research Hong Kong)12:31 Closing remarks by Helen Freer (Investment Writing)Would you like to support this show? Please leave us a review and star rating on Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.

On today's show Andrew and Bill begin with the latest messaging from Beijing on efforts to stimulate the economy in 2025 and beyond. Topics include: Politburo language that echoes 2008, muted reactions from the mainland markets, why the ultimate policy decisions may not be made until the PRC has more clarity on Trump's intentions, and more. From there: Nvidia finds itself at the center of an antitrust probe, while the PRC restrictions on critical minerals are broader than initially thought, and drone components are now also being restricted from export to the US and Europe. At the end: Reviewing last Friday's verdict from the DC Circuit in TikTok v. Garland, and charting the next steps for TikTok and the Trump administration as January 19th approaches and TikTok faces a ban in the United States.

Featuring:Stephanie Leung, Chief Investment Officer at StashAwayApple: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bloomberg-daybreak-asia/id1663863437Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/0Ccfge70zthAgVfm0NVw1bTuneIn: https://tunein.com/podcasts/Asian-Talk/Bloomberg-Daybreak-Asia-Edition-p247557/?lang=es-esSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Investors have their eyes on Treasury yields following Monday's losses fueled partly by a yield rally. Rates could stay in focus ahead of Treasury auctions and CPI later this week.Here is Schwab's early look at the markets for Tuesday, December 10th: Major indexes begin the day licking their wounds and watching the bond market after moderate losses Monday to start a week dominated by U.S. inflation data and central bank meetings. Stocks finished near their lows yesterday, potentially putting the market in a weak spot on the charts as Tuesday dawns.Treasury yields rose across much of the curve Monday amid worries about tomorrow's Consumer Price Index (CPI) data and reaffirmation by President-elect Trump that he stands by his tariff and deportation policies, which the market see as inflationary.  Adding to pressure on bonds, which move the opposite direction of yields, was The New York Federal Reserve's November consumer inflation expectations for the year ahead climbing to 3% from 2.9% in October. That followed year-ahead inflation expectations jumping to 2.9% from 2.6% in Friday's University of Michigan's preliminary December consumer sentiment report, the highest in six months. "CPI & PPI loom large this week, and markets will be fixated on this inflation data," said Joe Mazzola, head trading and derivatives strategist at Schwab.Besides CPI, tomorrow brings a rate decision from the Bank of Canada followed by Thursday's expected rate cut by the European Central Bank (ECB). The CPI data and Thursday's Producer Price Index (PPI) could have a large impact on the U.S. rate outlook, but the Fed is seen almost certainly lowering rates when it gathers next week. Tech stumbled to start the week after driving last week's rally to record highs. The softness surfaced after China announced an anti-trust investigation into Nvidia (NVDA), which weighed on Nvidia and most other semiconductor stocks. Tech may find itself under more pressure today after Oracle (ORCL) disappointed late Monday with earnings that missed analysts' average estimate. Revenue came in as expected, dominated by AI-driven cloud performance, but shares fell 7% in pre-market trading. While Nvidia and semiconductors weighed on tech yesterday thanks partly to Beijing, not all the China news was bearish. China's Politburo shifted to looser monetary policy and promised more stimulus. This gave U.S.-listed Chinese stocks a boost and appeared to help U.S. gold mining and European luxury goods makers that might benefit from increased Chinese demand. Apple (AAPL), with a large presence in the Chinese market, registered a new all-time high Monday.  As of late Monday, traders saw an 86% chance rates will fall 25 basis points at the conclusion of the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) meeting December 17–18 and a 14% chance of no move, based on the CME FedWatch Tool. It's unlikely the Fed would want to rock the boat by pausing next week with the market primed for a cut. But the central bank might deliver a so-called "hawkish trim," meaning it could lower rates and also express caution in its updated projections and Fed Chairman Jerome Powell's press conference. Heading into Tuesday, the question is whether Wall Street sees any "buy the dip" action after Monday's washout. The worst performing S&P 500 sector yesterday was mega-cap dominated communication services, while only the defensive health care sector made any gains.The S&P 500® index (SPX) fell 37.42 points (0.61%) Monday to 6,052.85; the Dow Jones Industrial Average®($DJI) slipped 240.59 points (0.54%) to 44,401.93; and the Nasdaq Composite®($COMP) fell 123.08 points (0.62%) to 19,736.69.Important DisclosuresInformation on this site is for general informational purposes only and should not be considered individualized recommendations or personalized investment advice. The type of securities and investment strategies mentioned may not be suitable for everyone. Each investor needs to review a security transaction for his or her own particular situation. All expressions of opinion are subject to change without notice in reaction to shifting market, economic and geo-political conditions.Data contained herein from third-party providers is obtained from what are considered reliable sources. However, its accuracy, completeness or reliability cannot be guaranteed.All corporate names are for illustrative purposes only and are not a recommendation, offer to sell, or a solicitation of an offer to buy any security.Investing involves risk, including loss of principal.Past performance is no guarantee of future results.The Schwab Center for Financial Research is a division of Charles Schwab & Co., Inc.Apple Podcasts and the Apple logo are trademarks of Apple Inc., registered in the U.S. and other countries.Google Podcasts and the Google Podcasts logo are trademarks of Google LLC.Spotify and the Spotify logo are registered trademarks of Spotify AB.(1124-0130)

APAC stocks were mostly firmer following a negative Wall Street lead but with APAC players reacting to China easing its overall monetary policy stance.G10 FX was mostly flat, whilst the AUD was hit on a dovish hold by the RBA, Yuan saw gains.RBA maintained its cash rate at 4.35% as expected and suggested the Board is gaining some confidence that inflation is moving sustainably towards target.European equity futures are indicative of a lower cash open with the Euro Stoxx 50 future -0.5% after cash closed +0.2% on Monday.Looking ahead, highlights include German Final CPI, Norwegian CPI, US Unit Labor Costs Revision, EIA STEO, Supply from UK and US.Read the full report covering Equities, Forex, Fixed Income, Commodites and more on Newsquawk

European bourses initially gained, taking impetus from positive commentary via the Chinese Politburo; upside which has since faded. US equity futures are mixed.China's Politburo says next year must seek progress while maintaining stability; China's fiscal policy to be more proactive next year. Monetary policy is to be moderately loose, via Xinhua.Dollar is at incremental session lows; Antipodeans benefit from the positive sentiment, whilst havens lag.Bonds were initially weighed on from the Politburo read-out, but now off worst levels; USTs a touch lower whilst European paper is slightly higher.Commodities benefit from the risk tone sparked by the positive commentary from the Chinese Politburo.Looking ahead, US Employment Trends, US Wholesale Sales, NY Fed SCE, Commentary from BoE's Ramsden, EZ finance ministers' meeting, Earnings from Oracle.Read the full report covering Equities, Forex, Fixed Income, Commodites and more on Newsquawk

On today's show Andrew and Bill return from the holiday break with reactions to the latest round updates to the US export controls on semiconductors. Topics include: Why some think the updates are weaker than they should've been, takeaways from the past two years of chip controls, TikTok's new hopes, and whether the U.S. has now passed the peak of tough-on-China policies. From there: The suspension of Admiral Miao Hua, member of the Central Military Commission and director of the Political Work Department of the PLA, reports (and denials) that Defense Minister Dong Jun is under investigation, and thoughts on the way into the CEWC after November comes and goes without a public announcement of a Politburo meeting. At the end: Trump threatens 100% tariffs over a BRICS currency that does not yet exist, Beijing continues to guess at Trump's objectives with tariff policy, the latest on the US telecommunications hack, and good news for unfairly maligned grandmothers in the PRC.

A.M. Edition for Dec. 3. Ukraine's president shifts his rhetoric about what it would take to end the war with Russia, but the WSJ's Laurence Norman says NATO is unlikely to offer Kyiv what it wants. Plus, a judge rejects Elon Musk's multi-billion dollar Tesla pay package for a second time. And the WSJ's Chun Han Wong explains how China's Politburo is prescribing fewer meetings and less busywork to save the economy. Luke Vargas hosts. Sign up for the WSJ's free What's News newsletter. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Kurdish community in Australia is set to engage with Australian parliamentarians regarding the challenges encountered by the Kurds and the Kurdish regions, with particular emphasis on the situation in Iran. In this context, we discussed the meeting with Salah Pourasad, a representative of the KDPI in Australia, who will also provide insights into the absence of Khalid Azizi, member of the Central Committee and Politburo. - Civata Kurdên Australya dê bi parlementerên Australya re li ser pirsgirêkên li pêş Kurdan û navçeyên Kurdistanê re bicivin û danûstendin dê bi giranî li ser Îranê were kirin. Em derbarê civînê bi nûnerê HDKI Selah Pûresed re diaxafin ku ew her weha ronahiyekê li ser nehatina endamê komîteya navendî yê mektebî sîyasî HDKI li Ewropa Xalid Ezîzî jî dide me.

Send us a textIn over a thousand years of Russian history only one man can lay claim as having been elected directly from the people. His name was Boris Yeltsin. He is the man who pushed the Soviet Union over the cliff and then became the leader of the fledgling Russian Federation. He stood on a tank in defiance of a coup that was trying to seize control of the nation from the President of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev, and while that coup failed to topple Gorbachev, it in effect, stripped all the power away from the USSR President and all the real bonds of the republics that held it together. By the end of 1991, the various republics of the old Soviet Union had declared themselves independent and Yeltsin got together with their leaders of those republics to form a new Federation, leaving Gorbachev and the Soviet Congress with no real country to rule. The Politburo would meet one last time to debate the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This all occurred as one man rose to power in the Russia and it would be him who would lead Russia up until the start of the 21st century . In this episode we look back at him, Boris Yeltsin, and how he rose to the position of President and how he did as the new nations leader.  Questions or comments at , Randalrgw1@aol.com , https://twitter.com/randal_wallace , and http://www.randalwallace.com/Please Leave us a review at wherever you get your podcastsThanks for listening!!

Jianggan Li, Founder & CEO of Momentum Works, and Jeremy Au discussed: 1. US$1.1 Trillion Monetary Stimulus: Jianggan and Jeremy examined China's recent monetary measures (equivalent to 6% of nominal GDP) boosting consumer confidence and stabilizing the housing and stock markets. The Politburo launched a $114 billion lending pool to support stock buybacks by asset managers and insurers, lowered the policy interest rate by 0.2% and reduced mortgage interest rates by 0.5%. They speculated that fiscal stimulus, including broader consumption voucher programs like the $72 million initiative in Shanghai, is likely to follow. These efforts are intended to stabilize China's real estate market and restore confidence after a prolonged period of economic slowdown. 2. Temu & Shein vs. USA De Minimis Tariffs: They focused on the de minimis rule, which currently allows imports under $800 to enter the US tariff-free. Jianggan explained how Chinese platforms like Temu (Pinduoduo) and Shein have benefited from this loophole by shipping small goods directly to American consumers. The Biden administration's efforts to close this loophole will harm low-income American consumers, reducing welfare benefits by $12-14 billion USD. Chinese exporters, particularly smaller ones, may also face challenges, though large platforms are adapting by increasing inventory stored in the US to mitigate this new tariff. 3. YouTube & Shopee Anti-TikTok Shop Alliance: They discussed China's growing influence on Southeast Asia's cross-border trade, with Vietnam emerging as a key hub for Chinese companies. Warehouses along the Vietnam-China border are facilitating live-stream sales directly to Vietnamese consumers. Additionally, the conversation touched on YouTube's partnership with Shopee, which is seen as a strategic move to counter TikTok Shop. This partnership is expected to expand across Southeast Asia, with Indonesia positioned as a critical battleground in the e-commerce space. Jeremy and Jianggan also touched on other relevant topics, including the impact of US interest rate cuts on global markets, the role of the Chinese Yuan in export competitiveness, and Vietnam's strategy to navigating the USA-China rivalry. Watch, listen or read the full insight at https://www.bravesea.com/blog/china-monetary-stimulus Nonton, dengar atau baca wawasan lengkapnya di https://www.bravesea.com/blog/china-monetary-stimulus-id 观看、收听或阅读全文，请访问 https://www.bravesea.com/blog/china-monetary-stimulus-cn Xem, nghe hoặc đọc toàn bộ thông tin chi tiết tại https://www.bravesea.com/blog/china-monetary-stimulus-vn Get transcripts, startup resources & community discussions at www.bravesea.com WhatsApp: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VakR55X6BIElUEvkN02e TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@jeremyau Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/jeremyauz Twitter: https://twitter.com/jeremyau LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/bravesea English: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Bahasa Indonesia: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Chinese: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Vietnamese: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Learn more about Nika.eco! Reach out to info@nika.eco if you are a geospatial data scientist or climate researcher who is interested to partner on a pilot or research opportunities

Morgan Stanley's chief economists take stock of a resilient global economy that has weathered a recent period of market volatility, in Part I of our two-part roundtable.----- Transcript -----Seth Carpenter: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Seth Carpenter, Morgan Stanley's Global Chief Economist. And on this special episode of the podcast, we'll hold our third roundtable discussion focusing on Morgan Stanley's global economic outlook as we enter the final quarter of 2024.I am joined today by our economics team from three regions.Chetan Ahya: I'm Chetan Ahya, Chief Asia Economist.Jens Eisenschmidt: I'm Jens Eisenschmidt, Chief Europe Economist.Diego Anzoategui: I'm Diego Anzoategui from the US Economics team.It's Monday, October 7th at 10 am in New York.Jens Eisenschmidt: And 3 pm in London.Seth Carpenter: I have to say, a lot has happened since the last time we held this roundtable. To say the very least, we've had volatility in financial markets. But on balance, I kind of have to say the global economy has more or less performed the way we expected.The US economy is cruising towards a soft landing. The labor market maybe is a touch softer than we expected, but consumer spending has remained resilient. In Asia, Japan's reflation story is largely intact, while China is still confronting that debt deflation cycle that we've talked about. And in Europe, the tepid growth we had envisioned -- well, it's continuing. Inflation is falling, but the ECB seems to be accelerating its rate cuts. So, let's get into the details.Diego, I'm going to start with you and the US. The Fed cut interest rates in September for the first time this cycle, and they cut by 50 basis points instead of the 25 basis points that some people -- including us -- were expecting. So, the big question for you is, where does the Fed go from here?Diego Anzoategui: So, we are looking for a string of 25 basis point cuts from the Fed as long as labor markets hold up. Inflation has come down notably and we expect a normalization of interest rates ahead. But, of course, we might be wrong again. Labor markets might cool too much, and in that case, one or two additional 50 basis point cuts might happen again.Seth Carpenter: So, either the Fed glides into the soft landing or they pick up the pace and they cut faster.So, Jens, let me turn to you and pivot to Europe. You recently changed your forecast for the ECB, and you're now looking for a rate cut in October. And that's following two cuts already that the ECB has done. So, what prompted your change? Is it like what Diego said about a softer outcome prompting a faster pace of cuts. What's likely to happen next for the ECB?Jens Eisenschmidt: That's right. We changed our ECB call. And to understand why we have to go back to September. So already at the September meeting the ECB president, Lagarde, made clear in the press conference that the bank was a little bit less concerned about structurally high services inflation that is forecast to be persistently high still for some time to come -- mainly because there was more conviction that wages would come down eventually.And so, they could really focus a little bit more, give a bit more attention to the growth side of things. Just as a reminder, the Fed has a dual mandate. So, it's growth and inflation. The ECB only has inflation. So basically, if the ECB wants to act on growth, it needs to be sure that inflation is under control. And then since September what happened is that literally every single indicator, leading indicator, for inflation was negative. We had lower oil prices, we had a stronger euro, and of course, also weaker activity in terms of the PMIs pointing to a cooling of the ongoing recovery.So, all of that led us to revise our inflation forecast, and that means that ECB will very likely already be a target mid next year. That should lead to an acceleration of the rate cut cycle. And then it's only a question, will it be already in October or in December? And here comes the September inflation print in, which was softer in particular on the core or on the services component than expected. And we think that has tilted the balance; or will tilt the balance in favor of an October rate cut.So, what we see now is October, December, January, March -- 25 basis points rate cuts by the ECB leading to a rate of 250. Then this being close to neutral, they will slow down again, quarterly rate cut pace. So, June, September, December, 25 basis points each -- leading to a final rate end of next year at 175.Seth Carpenter: Okay, got it. So, inflation has come down in most developed market economies. Central banks are starting to cut. For the Fed, there's an open question about how much strength the labor market still has and whether or not they need to do 50 basis points or 25.But I have to say, Chetan -- and I'm going to come to you because -- in Asia, we saw a lot of market turmoil in August, and that was partly prompted by the rate hike of the BoJ. So, here's a developed market economy central bank that's not cutting. In fact, they're starting to raise interest rates. So, what happened there? And what do you think happens with the BoJ going forward?Chetan Ahya: Well, Seth, in our base case, we do expect BoJ to hike by another 25 basis points in January next year. And as regards to your question on what happened in terms of the volatility that we saw in the month of August? Essentially, as the BoJ took up its first rate hike, there was a lot of concern that BoJ will go in a consecutive manner, taking up successive rate hikes. But at the end of the day, what we saw was, BoJ realizing that there is a clear endogeneity between financial conditions and their reaction function. And as that communication was clearly laid out, we saw markets calming down. And now going forward, what we think BoJ will be watching will be the data on inflation and wages.We think they would be waiting to see what happens to the inflation data in the month of November and October, i.e., whether there is a clear, rise in services inflation, which has been running at around 1.3 per cent. And they would want to see that wage pass through to services inflation is continuing.And then secondly, they will want to see what is happening to the wage expectations from the workers in the next round of spring wage negotiations. The demand from workers will be clear by the end of this year, so sometime in December. And therefore, we think BoJ will look at that information and then take up a rate hike in the month of January next year.Seth Carpenter: Okay, so if I step back for a second, even if there are a few parts of the puzzle that still need to fall into place, it sounds to me like you're saying the Japan reflation story is still intact. Is that fair?Chetan Ahya: That's right. We think that, you know, the comment from the prime minister that came out a few days back; he's very clear that he wants to see a situation where Japan gets rid of deflation. So, we think that the policymakers are fully lined up to ensure that the reflation story remains intact.Seth Carpenter: That's super helpful and it just absolutely contrasts with what we've been saying about China, where they have sort of the opposite story. There's been a debt deflation cycle that you and the Chinese team have really been highlighting for a long time now, talking about the challenges for policy.We did get some news out of Beijing in terms of policy stimulus. Could you and break down for us what happened there and whether or not you think that's enough to really shift China's trajectory away from this debt deflation cycle?Chetan Ahya: Yes, Seth, so essentially, we got three things from Chinese policy makers. Number one, they took up big monetary policy easing. Number two, they announced a package to support the equity markets. And number three, they announced some measures to support the property market.Now we think that these measures are a positive and particularly the property market measures will be helpful. But in terms of real impediment for China's reflation story, we think that the key need of the hour is to take up aggressive fiscal easing to boost consumption. Monetary policy easing is helpful, but it's not really the key impediment to the reflation path.Seth Carpenter: All right, so if I wanted to see the glass as half full, I would say, look at this! Beijing policymakers have turned the corners. They're acknowledging that there's some policy impetus that needs to be put into place. But if I wanted to see the glass as half empty, I could take away from what you just said, that there just needs to be more, maybe fiscal stimulus to directly promote household spending.Is that that fair?Chetan Ahya: That's absolutely right. What's happening in China is that there has been a big structural adjustment in the property sector because now the total population is declining. And so therefore there is a big demand hole that is being left by the weakness in housing sector.Ideally, what they should be doing, as I was mentioning earlier, [is] that they should be taking a big fiscal easing to support consumption spending. But so far what we've been seeing is that they've been trying to fill that demand hole with more supply in form of investment in manufacturing and infrastructure sector.And unfortunately, that's been actually making the deflation challenge more complex. So going forward, we think that, you know, we should be watching out what they do in terms of fiscal stimulus. There was a comment in the Politburo statement that they will take up fiscal easing. We suspect that the timing of that fiscal policy announcement could be by end of this month alongside National People's Congress meeting. And so, what will be the size of fiscal stimulus will be important to watch as well.Currently, we think it could be one to two trillion RMB. But in our work that we did in terms of what is the scale of fiscal stimulus that is needed to boost consumption, we estimate that it should be somewhere around a 10 trillion RMB spread over two years.Seth Carpenter: Got it. Thanks, Chetan. Super helpful.Gentlemen, I have to say, we might have to stop here for the day. But tomorrow, I want to get [to] another topic, which is to say, the upcoming US election. It's got huge implications for the macroeconomy in the US and around the world. And I think we're going to have to touch on it. But for now, we'll end the conversation here.And thank you, the listeners, for listening. If you enjoy this show, please leave us a review wherever you listen to the podcast and share Thoughts on the Market with a friend or colleague today.

Our Chief China Economist Robin Xing and Chief China Equity Strategist Laura Wang discuss how markets have responded to rate cuts and commitments to government spending, and what they could mean over the long term.----- Transcript -----Laura Wang: Welcome to Thoughts on the Market. I'm Laura Wang, Morgan Stanley's Chief China Equity Strategist. Robin Xing: And I'm Robin Xing, Morgan Stanley's Chief China Economist.Laura Wang: All eyes have been on China this past week, and today we'll discuss why recent news from China's policymakers have commanded the attention of global markets.It's Thursday, October the 3rd, at 4pm in Hong Kong.So, Robin, China has been wrestling with the triple macro challenge of debt deflation and demographics -- what we call the three Ds -- for some time now. Last week, China's central bank, PBOC, announced a stimulus package that exceeded market expectations. And then later in the week, top China Communist Party officials, known as the Politburo, focused their monthly meeting on economics, which is not their usual practice.This meeting was a positive surprise to both us and the market. Let's start with the PBOCs easing package. For listeners who haven't been following China's economy closely, what's our current view on China's economy and can you walk us through the policy measures that the central bank introduced?Robin Xing: China's economy has been struggling lately and that's pushed the Beijing to pivot approach. Over the last 18 months, they have tried smaller, reactive measures. But now, they are doing something much bigger. On September 24, the People's Bank of China, PBOC, made a bold move, cutting interest rates and introducing new tools to support the stock market.Now, these cuts might sound small, just 20 basis points, but they are pretty rare in China. They also cut the reserve requirement ratio, which is a fancy way of saying banks can lend more money by 50 basis points. And for the first time, the central bank gave forward guidance, signaling even more cuts could come by year end.On top of that, the PBOC launched two big programs, a 500 billion yuan fund to help investors buy stocks, and a 300 billion yuan program to help companies buy back their own shares. These moves gave a much-needed boost to both the markets and consumer confidence.Laura Wang: And how about the Politburo meeting that came on the heels of the PBOC announcement? What exactly did it focus on?Robin Xing: The Politburo meeting was a rather critical moment. Normally, they don't even talk about the economy in September. But this year was different. It really signaled how urgent things have become.They made it clear they are ready to spend more. The government is pledging to increase public spending because other parts of the economy, like corporates and consumers, are holding back. There is also a big focus on the housing market, which has been in decline since 2021. They are promising to stop that slide, and it's the strongest commitment we have seen so far.Laura Wang: So, given everything we've seen from the PBOC and the Politburo, do you think this is a ‘whatever it takes moment' to address the macro challenges facing China's economy?Robin Xing: Not quite, but it's close. We are seeing the start of what's going to be a bumpy recovery. The deflation problem, where prices are falling and people are not spending, is complicated.Beijing seems open to trying different approaches, but fixing the deeper issues -- like the struggling housing market and the local government debt -- it's going to take a lot. In fact, we think China might need to spend about 1-1.5 trillion dollars over the next two years to really turn things around.Right now, the measures they have announced are smaller than that. That's because these are new policies. And they still need to build consensus and work out the details. So, while this isn't a ‘whatever it takes moment' yet the mindset has definitely shifted in that direction.Laura Wang: In this case, what are the next steps you are monitoring for China's policymaker and how long will the various measures take to implement?Robin Xing: We expect to see a supplementary budget of 1-2 trillion yuan announced at the upcoming NPC Standing Committee meeting in late October. This budget should focus on boosting consumer spending, increasing social welfare, and helping local governments managing their debt. We will likely see more monetary easing too.As well as tweaks to the Housing Inventory Buy Back program. These steps should help the economy grow slightly faster, possibly hitting a 5 per cent quarter on quarter growth over the next two quarters, compared to the 3 per cent we have seen recently.Looking ahead, we will get more clues at the December Central Economic Work Conference. That's when we might see the first signs of plans to use central government funds to tackle housing and local government debt issues. The full details could come in March 2025. If things don't improve quickly, and especially if social unrest starts to rise, Beijing may have to act even more aggressively.We are keeping an eye on our social dynamics indicator, which tracks how people feel about jobs, welfare and income. If that dips further, it could push the government to ramp up stimulus measures.Laura, turning it over to you. How are stock markets reacting to all this policy signaling from China?Laura Wang: I would say to say that the market has responded very enthusiastically is an understatement. I'll give you some numbers.On the first day of the PBOC announcement, the Shanghai Composite Index, as well as the Hong Kong Market Hang Seng Index, were both up by more than 4 per cent in one single day. Then with the further boost from the surprise Politburo meeting -- by now, both the Shanghai Composite Index and the Hang Seng Index have already been up by more than 21 per cent in just one week's time.Robin Xing: Within the China stock market, which sectors and industries do you think will most benefit from the shift in policy?Laura Wang: There are a few ways to position to benefit from this major market condition change. We have a list of companies that we believe will directly benefit from the PBOC market stabilization funding, given the funding's low cost compared to these companies implied re-rating opportunity, just by tapping into the funding and enhancing their shareholder returns.For the potential reflationary fiscal efforts suggested by the Politburo meeting, as more details come out, I think sectors with good exposure to reflation, particularly the private consumption, will benefit the most -- given their still relatively low valuation, large market cap and high liquidity.Robin Xing: Finally, Laura, what are your expectations for the markets in China and outside of China for the next few weeks and months?Laura Wang: Clearly this rally so far is reflecting significant sentiment improvement and capitals that are willing to take a leap of faith and preposition for physical reflationary efforts ramp up. If the government can deliver these measures in a timely fashion, and more importantly, on top of that, communicate their commitment to winning this uphill battle against deflation, I think further valuation re-rating is quite possible for both the Asia market and the Hong Kong market by another 10 to 20 per cent.To go beyond that level, we need to see clear signs of a corporate earnings growth reacceleration, which would require incrementally more easing to come along in the next few months. We should also monitor the housing market inventory level very closely because any earlier completion of this inventory digestion could suggest less drag on demand investment.Obviously, there are still a lot of moving parts and it's still a very much evolving story from here. Robin, thanks for taking the time to talk.Robin Xing: Great speaking with you, Laura.Laura Wang: And thanks for listening. If you enjoy Thoughts on the Market, please leave us a review wherever you listen and share the podcast with a friend or colleague today.

L'annonce imminente de mesures de mesures de relance économique en Chine qui a provoqué une vague d'optimisme sur les marchés financiers, particulièrement bénéfique pour les géants français du luxe. Cette nouvelle a eu un impact significatif sur la fortune de Bernard Arnault, PDG de LVMH. Après une période de déclin, l'action LVMH a ainsi connu une hausse spectaculaire de près de 7% en une seule journée. Cette remontée intervient après une chute continue qui avait vu le titre passer de 872 à 590 euros en six mois. En conséquence, la fortune de Bernard Arnault, qui avait diminué de 28 milliards de dollars selon Bloomberg, a rebondi de 12,6 milliards de dollars en une journée d'après Forbes. Je vous l'ai dit, ce revirement est attribué aux anticipations concernant la Chine. Le président Xi Jinping et le Politburo auraient décidé de stimuler l'économie chinoise, notamment dans les secteurs bancaire et immobilier, avec l'objectif d'atteindre une croissance de 5% en 2024. Et ces mesures sont perçues comme une opportunité majeure pour l'industrie du luxe, la Chine représentant 16% des dépenses mondiales du secteur en 2023. L'impact de cette annonce s'est fait ressentir sur l'ensemble du secteur du luxe et des spiritueux. Kering, Hermès, Pernod Ricard et Rémy Cointreau ont tous enregistré des hausses significatives de leurs actions. Cette réaction du marché souligne à quel point le secteur du luxe avait souffert des inquiétudes liées au ralentissement économique chinois. Les analystes notent que ces nouvelles sont particulièrement bienvenues dans un contexte où les perspectives de ventes pour le second semestre 2024 étaient jusqu'alors pessimistes, avec une prévision de baisse de 1% selon Bank of America. Cette situation illustre l'interdépendance entre l'économie chinoise et l'industrie du luxe française, montrant comment des décisions politiques en Chine peuvent avoir des répercussions immédiates sur la valeur des entreprises et la fortune des milliardaires en France. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

OK, cette fois, Pékin a l'air de vouloir se retrousser les manches pour relancer son économie chevrotante. Après l'annonce d'une série de mesures un peu plus musclées que d'habitude mardi, les autorités ont l'air de vouloir enfoncer le clou avec de nouvelles initiatives. Les marchés financiers devraient continuer à surfer cette vague qui devenait presque inespérée. On va détailler tout ça, après un crochet par la séquence nostalgie personnelle du jour.

Politburo da China prometeu medidas para fazer com que o mercado imobiliário “pare de cair” .

The Forum on China–Africa Cooperation, or FOCAC, was established in 2000 as a platform for facilitating multilateral cooperation between the People's Republic of China and countries in Africa. A FOCAC summit is held every three years and is the occasion to issue joint declarations and a three-year China-Africa program plan. The 2024 FOCAC took place in Beijing from September 4th to September 6th under the theme “Joining Hands to Advance Modernization and Build a High-Level China-Africa Community with a Shared Future.” Heads of state and delegations from 53 African countries attended the forum, which made it the largest diplomatic event held by China this year.To discuss the recent FOCAC meeting and Chinese interests in Africa, host Bonnie Glaser is joined by Mr. Paul Nantulya who is Research Associate at the Africa Center for Strategic Studies at National Defense University. His research interests center on African security issues, and China-Afro-Asia engagements.   Timestamps[00:00] Start[01:38] History of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation [03:56] FOCAC and Chinese Interests in Africa [06:46] Africa in China's Hierarchy of Relationships[10:28] Sino-American Competition in the Global South [13:20] Takeaways from the Recent FOCAC Summit[18:27] Chinese Military Assistance in Africa[24:27] FOCAC Engagement with Non-Governmental Entities [27:52] African Perceptions of the Efficacy of FOCAC

വിവിധ പ്രാദേശിക പ്രസ്ഥാനങ്ങളുടേയും ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങളുടേയും ഒരു കൂട്ടായ്മയുടെ സ്വഭാവം ഇന്ത്യയിൽ ശക്തിപ്രാപിച്ചുവരുന്ന പ്രതിപക്ഷത്തിന് തീർച്ചയായും ഉണ്ട്. അത്തരമൊരു കൂട്ടായ്മയെ ഇണക്കുന്ന കണ്ണിയായി വർത്തിക്കാൻ ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തിനും അതിന്റെ നേതാവായ യെച്ചൂരിയ്ക്കുമായിരിക്കും കഴിയുക. . Sitaram Yechury, an Indian Marxist politician, holds the position of General Secretary within the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and has been a member of the CPI(M)'s Politburo since 1992. He represented West Bengal in the Rajya Sabha as a Member of Parliament from 2005 to 2017.

Most observers of China's relations with the world maintain that China's foreign policy started becoming more assertive beginning in the 2010s. The label “wolf warrior diplomacy” was coined by Western media to describe the aggressive language used by Chinese diplomats. The term “wolf warrior” comes from the title of the Chinese action film Wolf Warrior 2 and describes a more combative approach used by many Chinese diplomats, especially in social media and in interviews.Explanations for China's increased diplomatic assertiveness vary, ranging from rising military and economic might to the personal leadership style of General Secretary Xi Jinping. A recently published book titled “China's Rising Foreign Ministry,” investigates the role of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in shaping and implementing Chinese foreign policy. In the words of a Southeast Asian diplomat who was interviewed by the book's author, “China has a bigger international influence in the last five years—and it is the PRC foreign ministry that is pushing and driving it" (114).Host Bonnie Glaser is joined by the book's author Dylan Loh Ming Hui, Assistant Professor of Public Policy and Global Affairs at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. His research focuses on Chinese foreign policy, Southeast Asian regionalism, and Asian conceptions of the international order.  Timestamps[01:57] What questions was the book seeking to address? [04:29] What do observers get wrong about China's foreign ministry? [08:22] China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Policy Formulation[13:30] Characteristics of Chinese Diplomacy in Southeast Asia[16:50] Relationship Between the Chinese MFA and PLA [20:10] The Role of the International Liaison Department[22:22] Interview Example from Dylan's Publication[25:04] Policy Implications and Lessons to be Learned[28:43] Changes Since the Publication of the Book[32:15] Predictions for the Future of the China MFA

In this monthly China update, our experts discuss their key takeaways from China's Third Plenum and Politburo meeting. They also analyse the effect of recent surprise rate cuts, and the so-called “cash for clunkers” program in boosting consumption. They also discuss the Chinese equity market in the context of an ongoing sector rotation in US tech stocks, strengthening of the Japanese Yen, as well as latest developments in the US-China chip war.This episode is presented by Richard Tang, China Strategist and Head of Research Hong Kong at Julius Baer, with Hong Hao, Partner and Chief Economist at GROW Investment Group.

On today's show Andrew and Bill begin with a programming note for the next few weeks and various questions for the next few months of the Biden Administration. Topics include: A meeting between Secretary of State of Anthony Blinken and Wang Yi, more threats of escalating sanctions if the PRC supports Russian war efforts, what Kamala Harris China policies might look like, and whether the Commerce Department will take action on connected vehicles before November. From there: Rumors of Huawei's demise were greatly exaggerated, and why sanctions may have focused PRC energy without achieving their intended goal. At the end: Quick reactions to Tuesday's Politburo meeting, some very cautious optimism at Second Thomas Shoal, and surveying the PRC swimming controversy that came to light in April and continues to percolate this week in Paris.

Tell us what you think about the pod!The passing of the Communist Party's general secretary has the makings of a watershed for modern Vietnam - yet the public domain is distinctly unruffled.  To talk through the reactions and implications of the unfolding transition, we reach out to the writer and podcaster of Vietnam Weekly, Mike Tatarski.  Spoiler: unknowns abound.  And in Indonesia: Erin and Kevin consider a bevy of Prabowo-oriented appointments, the military's yen for business and the pitfalls of zoomorphic forms in palace architecture.For a free trial of Reformasi newsletter, go to reformasi.infoRead Erin's newsletter Dari Mulut Ke Mulut here: https://darimulut.beehiiv.com/To read about Vietnam Weekly, go here: https://vietnamweekly.substack.com/

A palace coup refers to a sudden and decisive change in leadership, typically involving the overthrow of an existing leader or ruling group, orchestrated by individuals within the same organization, government, or ruling class. This type of coup is usually non-violent and occurs without widespread public involvement, focusing instead on maneuvering and power plays among elites close to the seat of power.Key characteristics of a palace coup include:Internal Power Struggle: It involves insiders, such as government officials, military leaders, or royal family members, who use their proximity to the leader to execute the coup.Secrecy and Speed: Palace coups are often planned and executed swiftly and secretly to avoid resistance and ensure the element of surprise.Minimal Public Involvement: Unlike mass uprisings or military coups that may involve broad segments of society, palace coups are typically confined to a small group of elites.Control of Key Assets: The conspirators usually gain control of crucial assets like the military, police, or communications to consolidate power quickly.Examples of palace coups include:The 1964 ousting of Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev by his own Politburo members.The removal of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981 by members of his own military and government.In essence, a palace coup is an elite-driven power shift, marked by its internal nature and limited scope of confrontation​.In this episode we take a look at the shocking and sudden removal of Joe Biden by the elite powerbrokers within the Democractic party and things currently stand as of now.(commercial at 8:20)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:

A palace coup refers to a sudden and decisive change in leadership, typically involving the overthrow of an existing leader or ruling group, orchestrated by individuals within the same organization, government, or ruling class. This type of coup is usually non-violent and occurs without widespread public involvement, focusing instead on maneuvering and power plays among elites close to the seat of power.Key characteristics of a palace coup include:Internal Power Struggle: It involves insiders, such as government officials, military leaders, or royal family members, who use their proximity to the leader to execute the coup.Secrecy and Speed: Palace coups are often planned and executed swiftly and secretly to avoid resistance and ensure the element of surprise.Minimal Public Involvement: Unlike mass uprisings or military coups that may involve broad segments of society, palace coups are typically confined to a small group of elites.Control of Key Assets: The conspirators usually gain control of crucial assets like the military, police, or communications to consolidate power quickly.Examples of palace coups include:The 1964 ousting of Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev by his own Politburo members.The removal of Egyptian President Anwar Sadat in 1981 by members of his own military and government.In essence, a palace coup is an elite-driven power shift, marked by its internal nature and limited scope of confrontation​.In this episode we take a look at the shocking and sudden removal of Joe Biden by the elite powerbrokers within the Democractic party and things currently stand as of now.(commercial at 8:20)to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:REVEALED: The cunning ploy devious Democrats used to sabotage Biden's campaign and their bombshell threat if he didn't drop out of race | Daily Mail OnlineBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

S&P Futures are positive this morning ahead of Fed Chairman Jerome appearance this morning in front of congress. AAPL & Microsoft are said to be relinquishes their roles on Open AI's board in an effort to avoid scrutiny for regulators. Inflation data out of China indicates a weak demand picture, next week there is a major meeting of the Politburo, and a stimulus announcement is expected. In Europe, markets are higher with travel stocks seeing positive action. Oil prices just turned lower, likely due to the economic data out of China. OPEC monthly report and stockpile data from the EIA are due out this morning.

Revirement à Wall Street qui a choisi de voter pour Trump alors que les patrons américains s'étaient détournés de Trump lors de l'invasion du Capitole par les partisans de l'ex-président. La pression continue de monter sur Joe Biden pour qu'il se retire de la course à la présidentielle. Certains donateurs ont suspendu donc leurs donations et d'autres essayent de pousser Biden gentiment, poliment mais fermement vers la sortie. Mais pour certains de ses proches, comme les anciens présidents Bill Clinton et Barack Obama, seul Dieu peut l'empêcher de concourir pour la Maison Blanche. Pendant ce temps, très clairement, les milieux d'affaires ont fait leur choix en faveur de Donald Trump. C'est étonnant car la plupart des grands patrons de Wall Street et de la Silicon Valley se sont éloignés de Donald Trump suite à la tentative de coup d'État du Capitole le 6 janvier 2021. Est-Ce à dire que ces patrons ont une mémoire de poisson rouge ou pire encore, qu'ils n'ont aucune morale ? Eh bien, la réponse de ce changement d'attitude est beaucoup plus simple que cela. A lire les déclarations des uns et des autres dans la presse américaine, c'est clairement pour des raisons économiques qu'ils ont tourné casaque… Mots-Clés : Dommage, direct, télévision, hébété, hagard, président sortant, États-Unis, image, pays, extérieur, vieillard, Politburo, défilés militaires, place Rouge, Moscou, dynamique, société, puissance économique, santé publique, première puissance, monde, jeunesse, malbouffe, service militaire, problème, obésité, toxicomanie, déficience mentale, intérêts, voter, secteur bancaire, administration, tatillon, business, globalement, milieux économiques, dérive budgétaire, endettement, excessif, dérapage, inflation, crise financière, dollar, monnaie, reine, mondial, conflit, Ukraine, coûteux, mémoire, Afghanistan, esprit, campus, raison, soutien, intérêt, soleil, preuve, France, bourse de Paris, gains, doute, capacité, gouvernement, mesures, booster, taux d'intérêt français, hausse, finance, Jean-Luc Mélenchon. --- La chronique économique d'Amid Faljaoui, tous les jours à 8h30 et à 17h30. Merci pour votre écoute Pour écouter Classic 21 à tout moment : www.rtbf.be/classic21 Retrouvez tous les épisodes de La chronique économique sur notre plateforme Auvio.be : https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/802 Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.

Doc 1: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, A Student Demonstration of Sorts in Tiananmen Square (11/21/85) Doc 2: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Government Arrests Student Demonstrators (11/25/85) Doc 3: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, More Student Demonstrations (12/23/85) Doc 4: From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Student Demonstrations Update (12/24/86) Doc 5: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 1-87, China: Student Demonstrations (01/02/87) Doc 6: IPAC Daily Intelligence Summary 10-87, China: Hu Yaobang Resigns (01/17/87) Doc 7: Memorandum of Conversation, [George Bush] Meeting with Wan Li, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Member of the Politburo, People's Republic of China (05/23/89) Doc 8: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/0289, China: Stalemate Continues Doc 9: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/03/89, China: Police Use Tear Gas on Crowds Doc 10: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 27: Martial Law with Chinese Characteristics (06/03/89) Doc 11: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 28: Ten to Fifteen Thousand Armed Troops Stopped at City Perimeter by Human and Bus Barricades (06/03/89) Doc 12: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, and All Diplomatic and Consular Posts, TFCHO1: SITREP 1, 1700 EDT (06/03/89) Doc 13: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/04/89, China: Troops Open Fire Doc 14: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 32 (06/04/89) Doc 15: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 33 (06/04/89) Doc 16: Cable, From: Department of State, Wash DC, To: U.S. Embassy Beijing, China Task Force Situation Report No. 3 (06/04/89) Doc 17: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/05/89, China: After the Bloodbath Doc 18: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 35 (06/05/89) Doc 19: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/06/89, China: Descent into Chaos Doc 20: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 37 (06/06/89) Doc 21: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/07/89, China: Tense Standoff Continues Doc 22: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01--SITREP No. 38 (06/07/89) Doc 23: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/9/89, China: Uneasy Calm Doc 24: Department of State Intelligence Brief, "Current Situation in China: Background and Prospects" (Ca. 06/10/89) Doc 25: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/10/89, China: Mixed Signals on Purge Doc 26: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, SITREP No. 49, (06/11/89) Doc 27: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/14/89, China: Back to Business, But Crackdown Continues Doc 28: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/15/89, China: Accusation over Fang Lizhi Doc 29: Secretary of State's Morning Summary for 06/21/89, China: Swift Justice Doc 30: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, Eyewitness Account of June 4 PLA Tank Crushing 11 Students and Related Early Morning Events in Tiananmen Square (06/22/89) Doc 31: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, What Happened on the Night of June 3/4? (06/22/89) Doc 32: Cable, From: U.S. Embassy Beijing, To: Department of State, Wash DC, TFCH01: SITREP No. 65 (06/27/89) Doc 33: State Department document entitled "Themes" (06/29/89) Doc 34: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "Status Report on Situation in China as of 07/ 26/89" Doc 35: State Department Bureau of Intelligence and Research, "China: Aftermath of the Crisis" (07/27/89) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

China's rate of economic growth has slowed markedly in recent years. According to Chinese government statistics, the economy grew by 5.2% in 2023. There are numerous challenges: weak consumer confidence, mounting local government debt, and a real estate market that used to fuel the economy, but is now in a prolonged downturn.Many economists, including some in China, advocate that the government stimulate consumer spending. It is clear, however, that Xi Jinping is pursuing a different strategy. And this was quite clear when Chinese Premier Li Qiang delivered the Government Work Report last March.Host Bonnie Glaser is joined by Tanner Greer, who argued in a recent article published in Foreign Policy and in his blog, The Scholar's Stage, that Xi Jinping and the Politburo believe that science and technology are the answer to China's problems. To quote from the article: “the central task of the Chinese state is to build an industrial and scientific system capable of pushing humanity to new technological frontiers.” Tanner is the director of the Center for Strategic Translation. As a journalist and researcher, his writing focuses on world politics and history.  Timestamps[01:43] Historical Narrative Informing China's Belief in Techno-Industrial Policy[03:47] How does China's own history fit into this narrative?[06:36] Evidence that Xi Jinping Believes in a Technological Revolution[09:37] How does China assess the global balance of power?[12:26] Three Premises Behind China's Techno-Industrial Drive[14:08] Influence of Intensifying US-China Technology Competition[17:12] Acceleration of New Quality Productive Forces[19:32] Skepticism of China's Strategy[26:43] Chinese Intellectuals Writing on Techno-Industrial Policy

PUTIN'S NEW POLITBURO by The Charles T. McDowell Center for Global Studies and Atlantic Council's Eurasia Center

In this monthly China update, our experts examine the factors that drove the recent rally in the Hong Kong stock markets and the outlook ahead for the Chinese economy following encouraging PMI trends. They also look ahead to the upcoming Politburo meeting, and weigh the consequences of a stronger and weaker Chinese Yuan.This episode is presented by Richard Tang, China Strategist and Head Research Hong Kong at Julius Baer with Hong Hao, Partner and Chief Economist at GROW Investment Group.

This week on the Mark Levin Show, President Biden is the ringmaster and the crook, not Hunter Biden, and has spent his entire life as a liar. Biden has his Politburo running the government and pushing our country over the edge, while the “Never Trumpers” are helping him along while claiming to be Constitutionalists. The Democrat party must be effectively dismantled and neutered, or else their anti-American agenda will be implemented to the point of being permanent. Also, a private jet carrying Wagner group bosses was shot out of the sky with a missile, killing all passengers on board. This is exactly how Vladimir Putin takes out his opponents, and this was to be expected after they had marched on Moscow with 10,000 troops. Putin is a former KGB assassin, and this is right out of their playbook. After the first GOP Presidential debate, Vivek Ramaswamy is the toughest to unravel because he is essentially a blank slate with little to no record to back what he claims he will do. We can't have someone who says they will lead a revolution if they have never stepped on the playing field, because talk can only get you so far. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On Monday's Mark Levin Show, Democrat party Marxists and Republicans, either wittingly or unwittingly helping them, are destroying the Constitution and law and order while pretending to be defending it. They are taking a Civil War amendment intended for Confederate officers, specifically Section 3 of the 14th Amendment, and applying it to Donald Trump in order to prevent him from holding office. If Trump can get through this phalanx of 100 indictments in 3 jurisdictions led by Democrat prosecutors and become the GOP nominee or President, anyone who continues to discredit him will be disenfranchising tens of millions of voters and that is unacceptable. President Biden is the ringmaster and the crook, not Hunter Biden, and has spent his entire life as a liar. Biden has his Politburo running the government and pushing our country over the edge, while the “Never Trumpers” are helping him along while claiming to be Constitutionalists. Also, the exploitation by leftists of the horrific fires in Hawaii is sickening, calling it a climate change disaster when it was an electrical fire caused by an accident. It had absolutely nothing to do with climate change. Later, Mark speaks with author and columnist Sebastian Gorka about the importance of supporting Israel as an ally and keeping dangerous nations in the Middle East under control. Finally, Mark is joined by journalist Julie Kelly to discuss the example of the weaponization of the DOJ by overcharging anyone involved in January 6th to destroy them. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices