Podcasts about peking

Podle britského The Times aktuální sbližování Pekingu a Moskvy vypovídá o definitivním zhroucení monopolárního světa. Americké pokusy pohrozit různým zemím sankcemi za nákup ruské ropy k ničemu nepovedou – Peking se totiž ruských surovin za žádnou cenu nevzdá, domnívají se světoví experti, mezi nimi i proslulý znalec Ruska, britský historik Mark Galeotti.

Okolí čínského prezidenta Si Ťin-pchinga mluví otevřeně o tom, že je třeba vrátit se k pravověrnému leninismu. Digitalizace dnes nabízí režimu nové možnosti, jak čínské obyvatelstvo kontrolovat. „Teď už, tedy alespoň podle přesvědčení čínského vedení, má Peking nástroje, aby mohl prosadit to, co se Mao Ce-tungovi nepodařilo – tedy centrální kontrolu obyvatelstva a ekonomiky,“ upozorňuje pro Český rozhlas Plus sinolog a zakladatel projektu Sinopsis Martin Hála.

Dütmal sünd wi bi "Wi snackt Platt" bi en plattdüütsche Föhren över de Veeermastbark Peking dorbi, dorto vertellt wi Jo mehr över uns plattdüütsche Höörspeel-Reeg "Düsse Petersens", de dat vunaf Middewekenavend wedder bi NDR 90,3 to hören gifft - un wi snackt mit Helmut Hamke. De fröhere Sänger vun de Band "Speelwark" is een vun de Organisatoren vun dat Festival op Platt in Elmshorn, dat dat düssen Sünnavend wedder op den Pott-Carstens-Platz to beleven gifft. Dütmal vunaf namddags Klock 3 mit dorbi: Yared Dibaba, Norma, de Grupp Wippsteert, Henning Kothe un de Band Krakeel ut Elmshorn. Modereern deit dat Ganze Gerrit Hoss. Bavento warrt vörmiddags üm Klock 11 en plattdüütschen Gottsdeenst fiern - un vunaf Klock 2 maakt en Grupp vun Dudelsackspelers Musik. Mehr Plattdüütsch gifft dat ünner ndr.de/platt

Wer Schlafstörungen hat, kann von bestimmten Sportarten besonders profitieren. Das zeigt eine Studie aus Peking. Autorin: Nele Posthausen Von Daily Good News.

Die Zahlen sprechen eine klare Sprache: China baut bis zu 60 Prozent aller Seltenen Erden weltweit ab, bei der Verarbeitung der Rohstoffe beträgt der Anteil sogar knapp 90 Prozent. Die Folgen sind immens: Fast alle Zukunftsbranchen, aber auch die Produktion neuer Militärtechnik, hängen de facto auch vom Wohlwollen der chinesischen Staatsführung ab. Andreas Kroll, Finanzmarktanalyst und einer der wichtigsten europäischen Rohstoffhändler für Seltene Erden, erklärt mir in der aktuellen Folge des Beijing Briefing, dass das quasi-Monopol des chinesischen Staates vor allem ein Produkt jahrzehntelanger Industriepolitik ist. Der Westen hat das schmutzige Geschäft der Seltenen Erden früher nur allzu gern den Chinesen überlassen - und bezahlt nun mit einer krassen Abhängigkeit und Erpressbarkeit. Denn für mehrere der Rohstoffe hat Peking mittlerweile strikte Ausfuhrbeschränkungen eingeführt. Wer sich tiefer mit dem Thema beschäftigen möchte, dem kann ich nur wärmstes das kürzlich erschienene Buch von Andreas Kroll empfehlen, das er gemeinsam mit dem Co-Autor Andreas Pietsch verfasst hat: "Das Kokain der Industrie". Darin schildern die beiden, wie Seltene Erden zur geopolitischen Waffe wurde, und wie sich Europa von der Abhängigkeit Chinas lösen kann. Viel Spaß beim Hören!Buch: Das Kokain der IndustrieKontakt: BeijingBriefing@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Beleggers en analisten droomden van het cijferseizoen, maar ASML maakt er een kleine nachtmerrie van. Ineens durft de directie niet meer te voorspellen. Ze weten niet of ze volgend jaar nog groeien. Iets waar ze drie maanden geleden nog wél vanuit gingen. Het zorgt voor een enorme klap voor het aandeel. Ruim 11 procent eraf. ASML trekt bovendien andere tech-aandelen mee in z'n val. Deze aflevering hebben we het over die gigantische tegenvaller. En over die onzekerheid. Waar komt die onzekerheid precies vandaan en wanneer is 'ie weg? Naast ASML hebben we het ook over de tegenaanval van Europa. Volgens persbureau Bloomberg zijn de Fransen namelijk helemaal klaar met Trump en zijn dreigementen en zetten ze zwaar geschut is. Meerdere landen willen meedoen, al is een deel enorm bang voor een escalerende handelsoorlog. Een slagveld, zo is de handelsdag voor Renault het best te omschrijven. De topman vertrekt en laat het bedrijf achter met beroerde cijfers. Beleggers schrikken zo erg van die resultaten (en de vooruitblik), dat het aandeel Renault een van de ergste dagen ooit beleefd. Verder hebben we het over Jensen Huang van Nvidia, die is zich aan het inlikken in China. Scott Bessent hoeft zich dan weer niet in te likken bij president Trump. Die ligt zo goed bij hem, dat hij hem openlijk noemt als de nieuwe Fed-baas. Sluiten we af met goed nieuws. Goldman Sachs overtreft alles en iedereen. Schrijft zelfs geschiedenis!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Er hat in Theatern in Peking, Teheran, Moskau oder Paris gearbeitet. Schon mit 19 als junger Bühnenarbeiter wusste Mario Schomberg - er will mal die ganz großen Theater-Projekte realisieren. Das tut er jetzt.

Beleggers en analisten droomden van het cijferseizoen, maar ASML maakt er een kleine nachtmerrie van. Ineens durft de directie niet meer te voorspellen. Ze weten niet of ze volgend jaar nog groeien. Iets waar ze drie maanden geleden nog wél vanuit gingen. Het zorgt voor een enorme klap voor het aandeel. Ruim 11 procent eraf. ASML trekt bovendien andere tech-aandelen mee in z'n val. Deze aflevering hebben we het over die gigantische tegenvaller. En over die onzekerheid. Waar komt die onzekerheid precies vandaan en wanneer is 'ie weg? Naast ASML hebben we het ook over de tegenaanval van Europa. Volgens persbureau Bloomberg zijn de Fransen namelijk helemaal klaar met Trump en zijn dreigementen en zetten ze zwaar geschut is. Meerdere landen willen meedoen, al is een deel enorm bang voor een escalerende handelsoorlog. Een slagveld, zo is de handelsdag voor Renault het best te omschrijven. De topman vertrekt en laat het bedrijf achter met beroerde cijfers. Beleggers schrikken zo erg van die resultaten (en de vooruitblik), dat het aandeel Renault een van de ergste dagen ooit beleefd. Verder hebben we het over Jensen Huang van Nvidia, die is zich aan het inlikken in China. Scott Bessent hoeft zich dan weer niet in te likken bij president Trump. Die ligt zo goed bij hem, dat hij hem openlijk noemt als de nieuwe Fed-baas. Sluiten we af met goed nieuws. Goldman Sachs overtreft alles en iedereen. Schrijft zelfs geschiedenis!See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Einer der schärfsten Rivalen Pekings ist: Donald Trump. Doch wie blickt China auf den US-Präsidenten? Antworten liefert einer, der das Machtzentrum in Peking aus nächster Nähe kennt: Professor Zhang Weiwei, der heute zu den einflussreichsten Politikberatern der Volksrepublik zählt.

Beleggers en analisten droomden van het cijferseizoen, maar ASML maakt er een kleine nachtmerrie van. Ineens durft de directie niet meer te voorspellen. Ze weten niet of ze volgend jaar nog groeien. Iets waar ze drie maanden geleden nog wél vanuit gingen. Het zorgt voor een enorme klap voor het aandeel. Ruim 11 procent eraf. ASML trekt bovendien andere tech-aandelen mee in z'n val. Deze aflevering hebben we het over die gigantische tegenvaller. En over die onzekerheid. Waar komt die onzekerheid precies vandaan en wanneer is 'ie weg?

Der Historiker Johannes Preiser-Kapeller über den Banker Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, der reich wird, als Europa die Hölle durchlebt und arm, als die Pest kommt – auf seinen Handelsrouten. Wenn die Natur Geschichte schreibt – ein Podcast vom Pragmaticus.Das Thema:Im 14. Jahrhundert spinnen florentinische Banker ein Handelsnetz von Marokko bis Peking, das System übersteht sogar einen raschen Klimawandel. Doch dann bringt dieses Handelsnetz den Schwarzen Tod nach Europa. Hat sich der Banker Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, der mit dem Handel reich wurde, schuldig gemacht?  Urteilen Sie selbst: In der dritten Folge von Wenn die Natur Geschichte schreibt stehen Ihnen neben dem Historiker Johannes Preiser-Kapeller der Astrophysiker Rainer Arlt vom Leibnitz-Institut für Astrophysik in Potsdam und der Geograf Ulf Büntgen von der Universität Cambridge mit Indizien und Belegen zur Verfügung. Unser Guide durch die Jahrhunderte: Johannes Preiser-Kapeller ist Byzantinist und Umwelthistoriker. Er leitet in der Abteilung Byzanzforschung am Institut für Mittelalterforschung der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (ÖAW) den Forschungsbereich „Byzanz im Kontext“. Er ist Mitherausgeber des Jahrbuchs der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, der Reihe Studies in Global Migration History und Mitglied des Advisory Boards des Journal of Historical Network Research sowie der „Climate Change and History Research Initiative“ der Princeton University. Preiser-Kapeller hat mehrere Bücher über die enge Verbundenheit von Natur- und Menschheitsgeschichte geschrieben, unter anderem Die erste Ernte und der große Hunger. Klima, Pandemien und der Wandel der Alten Welt bis 500 n. Chr. und Der Lange Sommer und die Kleine Eiszeit. Klima, Pandemien und der Wandel der Alten Welt von 500 bis 1500 n. Chr. Zuletzt erschien von ihm Byzanz. Das Neue Rom und die Welt des Mittelalters.Wenn die Natur Geschichte schreibtIn vier Folgen führt uns der Byzantinist und Umwelthistoriker Johannes Preiser-Kapeller durch die Hochs und Tiefs der Jahrhunderte, angefangen bei Kaiser Justinian und dem Schreckensjahr 536, über Erik den Roten, Grönland und afrikanische Elefanten; den Bankier Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, der im 14. Jahrhundert der einen Katastrophe entkam und eine andere beschleunigte, bis zu Hong Hao, einem mutigen Beamten, der vor 1.000 Jahren mit dem Hochwasser des Gelben Flusses und den Behörden kämpfte. Wenn die Natur Geschichte schreibt ist eine Podcast-Reihe über die Macht der Natur über den Menschen und die Macht des Menschen über die Natur.CreditsEcco la primavera: Public Domain, Gespielt und aufgenommen von Tetraktys, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Landini_-_Ecco_la_primavera.oggMarkt: geophon_market_sardinien_cagliari by matthiasmorgenroth, https://freesound.org/s/786665/, License: Creative Commons 0Schrift: Public Domain, Quill and Parchment by Nickh69, https://freesound.org/s/507864/, License: Creative Commons 0Needle scratch: Vinyl Needle Skip.wav by ZeSoundResearchInc., https://freesound.org/s/117512/, License: Creative Commons 0 Rewind_cassette_tape by bienvenido69, https://freesound.org/s/545835/, License: Creative Commons 0Dies ist ein Podcast von Der Pragmaticus. Sie finden uns auch auf Instagram, Facebook, LinkedIn und X (Twitter).

Der Dolmetscher Emil Krebs lernt 63 Sprachen. Im diplomatischen Dienst ist das nützlich: In Peking vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg kann er als einziger Ausländer Mandschurisch. Als der Alles-Sprecher nach Deutschland zurück versetzt wird, weiß man nicht, wohin mit ihm.

US-Präsident Trump bestätigt, dass es zu einer Lieferung der Patriot- Abwehrsysteme an die Ukraine kommen wird │ Antrittsbesuch des deutschen Außenministers Pistorius bei seinem Amtskollegen Hegseth in Washington│ Und einen hochrangigen Besuch gibt es auch auf russischer Seite. Der russische Außenminister Lawrow trifft seinen Amtskollegen Wang Yi in Peking

Smartphones, Spielzeuge, E-Autos – fast alles ist heute "made in China". Die Megacitys und Wolkenkratzer von Peking bis Schanghai sind ein Bild dafür, wie sehr das Reich der Mitte wirtschaftlich nach den Sternen greift. Doch das Bild vom unaufhaltsamen Wirtschaftswunder hat Risse bekommen. Immobiliencrash, Überalterung, Konsumschwäche: All das bedroht die Supermacht. Wir sprechen darüber mit der Sinologin Susanne Weigelin-Schwiedrzik.

Chinas Firmen produzieren wie die Weltmeister, aber machen kaum Profite. Das Problem ist mittlerweile so offensichtlich, dass auch die Zentralregierung in Peking es immer offener anprangert. Was zu tun wäre, ist zwar allseits bekannt. Doch wirkliche Reformen wären zumindest vorübergehend schmerzhaft. In der aktuellen Folge des Beijing Briefing werfe ich einen Blick auf die Schattenseiten einer Volkswirtschaft, die im Hamsterrad steckt. Viel Spaß beim Hören!Kontakt: BeijingBriefing@gmail.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Macau–onetime Portuguese colony, now casino hotspot–has long captured the imaginations of travelers, reporters, artists and writers. The city served as the only gateway to China for centuries; then, after the rise of Hong Kong, its slightly seedier vibe made it a popular setting for books, articles and movies exploring the more criminal elements of society. Paul French joins us, once again, to talk about his new book Destination Macao (Blacksmith Books: 2024) the latest book in his Destination series. We chat about colonies and casinos, but also some of the lesser-known parts of Macau's history, like an aborted British attempt to invade Macau in 1808; furious media rumors in 1935 about Japan's interest in buying the colony, and the city's brief time as an aviation hub for the Pan Am Clipper. Paul French was born in London and lived and worked in Shanghai for many years. His book Midnight in Peking was a New York Times Bestseller and a BBC Radio 4 Book of the Week. He received the Mystery Writers' of America Edgar award for Best Fact Crime and a Crime Writers' Association (UK) Dagger award for non-fiction. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of Destination Macao. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at@nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Macau–onetime Portuguese colony, now casino hotspot–has long captured the imaginations of travelers, reporters, artists and writers. The city served as the only gateway to China for centuries; then, after the rise of Hong Kong, its slightly seedier vibe made it a popular setting for books, articles and movies exploring the more criminal elements of society. Paul French joins us, once again, to talk about his new book Destination Macao (Blacksmith Books: 2024) the latest book in his Destination series. We chat about colonies and casinos, but also some of the lesser-known parts of Macau's history, like an aborted British attempt to invade Macau in 1808; furious media rumors in 1935 about Japan's interest in buying the colony, and the city's brief time as an aviation hub for the Pan Am Clipper. Paul French was born in London and lived and worked in Shanghai for many years. His book Midnight in Peking was a New York Times Bestseller and a BBC Radio 4 Book of the Week. He received the Mystery Writers' of America Edgar award for Best Fact Crime and a Crime Writers' Association (UK) Dagger award for non-fiction. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of Destination Macao. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at@nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Macau–onetime Portuguese colony, now casino hotspot–has long captured the imaginations of travelers, reporters, artists and writers. The city served as the only gateway to China for centuries; then, after the rise of Hong Kong, its slightly seedier vibe made it a popular setting for books, articles and movies exploring the more criminal elements of society. Paul French joins us, once again, to talk about his new book Destination Macao (Blacksmith Books: 2024) the latest book in his Destination series. We chat about colonies and casinos, but also some of the lesser-known parts of Macau's history, like an aborted British attempt to invade Macau in 1808; furious media rumors in 1935 about Japan's interest in buying the colony, and the city's brief time as an aviation hub for the Pan Am Clipper. Paul French was born in London and lived and worked in Shanghai for many years. His book Midnight in Peking was a New York Times Bestseller and a BBC Radio 4 Book of the Week. He received the Mystery Writers' of America Edgar award for Best Fact Crime and a Crime Writers' Association (UK) Dagger award for non-fiction. You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of Destination Macao. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at@nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/asian-review

Die Union steht vor einer Entscheidung, die ihr politisch auf die Füße fallen könnte: Bei der Wahl zum Bundesverfassungsgericht droht Friedrich Merz, sich zwischen Linkspartei und AfD-Stimmen entscheiden zu müssen – oder aber: gar keine Zweidrittelmehrheit zu bekommen. Das politische Patt ist perfekt. Gordon Repinski analysiert die doppelte Falle, in der sich die Union selbst manövriert hat. Im 200-Sekunden-Interview fordert Heidi Reichinnek (Linke) Gespräche „unter Demokraten“ – und warnt vor der Verantwortungslosigkeit einer Kanzlerpartei, die sich ausgerechnet auf eine geheime Abstimmung verlässt, um das Gesicht zu wahren.  Dazu: Eine Laser-Attacke chinesischer Streitkräfte auf ein deutsches Bundeswehrflugzeug im Roten Meer sorgt für diplomatische Spannungen – während EU-Kommissionspräsidentin Ursula von der Leyen in Straßburg eine deutliche China-Rede hält. Hans von der Burchard ordnet ein, warum sich in Brüssel, Berlin und Peking gerade ein strategischer Konflikt entwickelt.  Zum Schluss: Sommerfest auf dem Dach des Auswärtigen Amts – neue Gastgeber, bekannte Gespräche, gleiche Kulisse. Das Berlin Playbook als Podcast gibt es morgens um 5 Uhr. Gordon Repinski und das POLITICO-Team bringen euch jeden Morgen auf den neuesten Stand in Sachen Politik — kompakt, europäisch, hintergründig. Und für alle Hauptstadt-Profis: Unser Berlin Playbook-Newsletter liefert jeden Morgen die wichtigsten Themen und Einordnungen. Hier gibt es alle Informationen und das kostenlose Playbook-Abo. Mehr von Berlin Playbook-Host und Executive Editor von POLITICO in Deutschland, Gordon Repinski, gibt es auch hier:   Instagram: @gordon.repinski | X: @GordonRepinski. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Zwischen China und Deutschland gibt es Redebedarf: Ein chinesisches Militärschiff soll laut Bundesregierung ein Bundeswehr-Flugzeug mit einem Laser geblendet haben. Der chinesische Botschafter wurde einbestellt – Peking weist alle Vorwürfe zurück.**********Ihr könnt uns auch auf diesen Kanälen folgen: TikTok und Instagram .

Ring-race deluxe i dagens program! Martin Falk om senaste tiden i Peking och vad som krävs för att vända skutan. Vi pratar Blåvitt med en Hanäs i bar über där man lyfter vikten av en lugn Fenger i truppen. Henok presenterades för Degen idag, kan han hitta lugnet i laget? Malmö med seger i CL och nyförvärv på det! Musco släpper visionen om HBK helt och bjuder på skönsång.TuttoSvenskan görs i samarbete med:TV4 Play:Se Allsvenskan via vår dunderdeal med TV4 Play! Via vårt samarbete med TV4 Play streamar du Allsvenskan, Superettan, Serie A, La Liga, Landskamper, Svenska Cupen och MYCKET annat för 249kr/mån (ord 349kr). Ni har erbjudandet här: https://www.tv4play.se/kampanj/tuttoATG:Läs om våra senaste tankar gällande spel på: https://www.atg.se/tutto.18 år gäller för spel och stödlinjen.se finns om du upplever minsta problematik med spelande.Sociala Medier:Instagram - TuttosvenskanTwitter - TuttosvenskanTikTok - Tuttosvenskan Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Das spirituelle Oberhaupt des tibetischen Buddhismus ist am 6. Juli 90 Jahre alt geworden und kündigt seine Wiedergeburt an. Doch der 14. Dalai Lama ist der Regierung in Peking ein Dorn im Auge. Zu berühmt, zu populär, zu einigend. Jetzt wittert China aber eine Chance, die Macht der spirituellen Identifikationsfigur der Tibeter zu brechen, sagt unsere China-Redaktorin Katrin Büchenbacher. Host: Marlen Oehler Gast: Katrin Büchenbacher, China-Redaktorin Katrin Büchenbacher erzählt die Geschichte auch in der [NZZ.](https://www.nzz.ch/international/dalai-lama-nachfolger-angekuendigt-doch-china-will-auch-einen-bestimmen-nzz-ld.1891732) Du willst mehr NZZ? Das sind unsere [Abo-Angebote](https://abo.nzz.ch/home/) für Print und digitale Inhalte. Informiere dich kurz, kompakt und fokussiert über das Weltgeschehen mit unserem täglichen Newsletter, dem «NZZ Briefing». Jetzt kostenlos registrieren und abonnieren unter go.nzz.ch/briefing

Geldverstrekkers hebben het afgelopen kwartaal opnieuw meer hypotheekaanvragen gekregen. Vooral starters, met name in de Randstad, deden meer aanvragen voor een lening voor het kopen van een huis. Het bedrag dat kopers lenen stijgt bovendien niet meer zo hard als voorheen, meldt Hypotheken Data Netwerk (HDN) maandag. Volgens HDN vlakt de stijging van de huizenprijzen mogelijk af. Lees: Meer hypotheken verstrekt terwijl leenbedrag minder hard stijgt Just Eat-aandeelhouders bespreken vandaag het overnamebod van €4,1 mrd door Prosus. Beleggersclubs zijn zeer kritisch over het gebrek aan transparantie rondom de hoogte van de beloningen die het Just Eat-bestuur krijgt na een succesvolle overname. De maaltijdbezorger stelt dat er ‘nog geen concrete afspraken zijn gemaakt’ en zegt om die reden nog niks over de inhoud te kunnen delen. Lees: VEB en Eumedion hekelen vaagheid over bonussen top Just Eat Takeaway China produceert van alle landen al verreweg de meeste drones. Maar voor Peking is het nog niet genoeg. Het wil met beleid gericht op de ‘low altitude economy’ de sector verder domineren. De drones worden ingezet voor bezorging, landbouw, reddingen en indrukwekkende shows. Washington maakt zich zorgen over de Chinese dominantie. Lees: Chinese dronemacht leidt tot kopzorgen in Washington Presentatie: Floyd Bonder Redactie: Floyd Bonder en Nelleke van der Heiden See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Für viele Tibeter ist der Dalai Lama die Identifikationsfigur, nicht nur in religiösen Dingen, sondern auch gegen die Übermacht Chinas in Tibet. Nun wird das geistliche Oberhaupt der tibetischen Buddhisten 90 Jahre alt. In einer Videobotschaft teilte er mit, dass eine Stiftung die Verantwortung für die Suche nach seinem Nachfolger trage. Nur die Tibeter hätten das Recht, über die Wiedergeburt des Dalai Lama zu bestimmen. Doch die hochpolitische Frage seiner Nachfolge will Peking nicht den Tibetern überlassen.

Connie Clarkson is the manager of the Kitchen Project, Auckland Council's emerging food business incubator programme. The idea of the project is to provide mentoring and advice in all aspects of setting up a food business in Tamaki Makaurau. Connie shares her delicious recipe for Peking Braised Lamb. Click here for the recipe. 

Rote Robe, verschmitztes Lächeln: so kennen ihn viele. Verehrt als spirituelles Vorbild, gilt der Dalai Lama als Botschafter des Friedens – und als Symbol seiner Heimat Tibet. Doch die Zeit ist vorbei, in der er als moralische Autorität der Weltmacht China die Stirn bieten konnte. Zu seinem 90. Geburtstag scheint die Lage der Tibeter so aussichtslos, die Kontrolle der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas über die Bergregion am Himalaya so grenzenlos wie noch nie. Sogar den Nachfolger des Dalai Lama will Peking bestimmen. Was bleibt vom Traum vom freien Tibet? Michael Risel diskutiert mit Wolfgang Grader – Vorsitzender der Tibet Initiative Deutschland; Oliver Schulz – Journalist und Autor; Prof. Dr. Kristin Shi-Kupfer – Sinologin, Universität Trier

Die Luftabwehr des Iran basierte größtenteils auf chinesischer Militärtechnologie. Für Peking waren daher nicht nur die schnelle Ausschaltung derselben und Israels „Enthauptungsschläge“ ein Schock, sondern auch die amerikanischen Angriffe mit Bunkerbomben. Ein Bericht mit Informationen aus dem Dunstkreis des Regimes.

Chinas Rückzug aus US-Staatsanleihen geht weiter. Die Bestände fallen auf ein 16-Jahres-Tief. Peking will Risiken streuen, Gold kaufen – und den Yuan stabilisieren. Doch Experten warnen: Die wahren Zahlen könnten ganz anders aussehen.

Från 2020. Peking förvandlas till ett blodbad i juni 1989. I en massaker mot den egna befolkningen krossar det styrande kommunistpartiet drömmen om demokrati i Kina. Nya avsnitt från P3 Dokumentär hittar du först i Sveriges Radio Play. Himmelska fridens torg den 4 juni 1989. Tusentals studenter befinner sig vid torget.Dessförinnan har protesterna kommit att engagera folk över hela Kina. Bara i Peking får demonstrationerna miljontals människor att bege sig ut på gatorna.Tusentals dödas när revolten slås nerHur många som dödas när revolten slås ner har i alla år förblivit okänt. Men en vanlig uppskattning är att det rör sig om tusentals. Över trettio år senare är massakern nedtystad i Kina. Censuren sätter stopp för all diskussion om händelsen.Medverkande:Lei Wang, ögonvittne och lärare som bodde granne med torget 1989.Zhou Fengsuo, ögonvittne och en av de sista studenterna att lämna torget den 4 juni.Peter Kadhammar, journalist på Expressen 1989. Var på plats och blev ögonvittne.Staffan Sonning, journalist Sveriges Radio. Var på plats.En dokumentär av: Therese Rosenvinge.Producent: Lars Truedson, Tredje Statsmakten Media.Exekutiv producent: Erik Hedtjärn.Dokumentären publicerades för första gången 2020.

De Chinese overheid is actief betrokken bij een schimmige handel, ontdekte persbureau Reuters. Lokale overheden worden zo erg gepusht om groeidoelstellingen te halen, dat ze meewerken aan het manipuleren van de verkoop van auto's. De overheid deelt zelfs subsidie uit aan die overheden, ambtenaren krijgen bonussen. Een spannend, maar vooral ook gevaarlijk verhaal. Gevaarlijk voor Europese autobedrijven. Je hoort deze aflevering waarom.Dan hoor je ook meer over Apple. Dat krijgt van diezelfde Chinese overheid subsidie. Chinezen die iPhones of iPads kopen krijgen namelijk honderden euro's van de communistische partij.Bespreken we ook de NAVO-top. Waarom doen defensie-aandelen het ineens niet goed meer? En kan president Trump daar verandering in brengen? Je hoort ook waarom hij uithaalt naar Iran én Israël. En we hebben het over Fed-baas Jerome Powell. Die moest tekst en uitleg geven voor het Amerikaanse congres. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Der US-Militärschlag gegen die iranischen Atomanlagen Fordo, Natanz und Isfahan sollte laut Trump zum Frieden führen. Während Washington auf Verhandlungen setzt, droht der Iran mit Eskalation – die Unruhe könnte Peking ausnutzen.

Trotz geopolitischer Eskalation reagierten die Märkte gelassen – vor allem, weil die Ölpreise überraschend fielen. US-Rohöl verlor über 1 %, nachdem Präsident Trump zur Preisdisziplin aufrief und Investoren keine akuten Versorgungsengpässe sehen. Markttreiber im Überblick: – US-Zinssenkungshoffnung: Fed-Gouverneurin Michelle Bowman deutet Lockerung im Juli an – Trump-Angriffe auf Iran: massive Zerstörung, aber keine unmittelbare Reaktion des Iran – Geopolitisches Risiko: Schließung der Straße von Hormus bleibt möglich – Analysten warnen vor Ölpreis über $100 – China im Fokus: US-Außenminister Rubio fordert, Peking solle auf Teheran einwirken Marktbeobachter zeigen sich optimistisch: „Solange es keine Unterbrechungen der Ölversorgung gibt, dürften die Märkte weiter zulegen“, so Jamie Cox von Harris Financial. Analyst Adam Crisafulli verweist zudem auf die schwächere militärische Position des Iran und die hohe globale Ölvorräte als dämpfende Faktoren. Risiko bleibt: Ein größerer Krieg im Nahen Osten würde nicht nur die Energiepreise, sondern auch die globalen Märkte massiv unter Druck setzen – in einem ohnehin angespannten Jahr voller geopolitischer und wirtschaftlicher Unsicherheiten. Abonniere den Podcast, um keine Folge zu verpassen! ____ Folge uns, um auf dem Laufenden zu bleiben: • X: http://fal.cn/SQtwitter • LinkedIn: http://fal.cn/SQlinkedin • Instagram: http://fal.cn/SQInstagram

Mit großer Sorge blickt Peking auf die Lage im Nahen Osten. Was, wenn das befreundete Mullah-Regime fällt? Es geht um Geopolitik im großen Stil.

Extrapodd. Kina har fördömt Israel och uttalat stöd för Iran. Hör om bandet mellan Peking och Teheran och hur Kina kan agera när konflikten i Mellanöstern eskalerar. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Medverkande: Hanna Sahlberg, Ekots Kinareporter och Moa Kärnstrand, Kinakorrespondent.Programledare: Björn DjurbergProducent: Therese Rosenvinge

Werden Sie JETZT Abonnent unserer Digitalzeitung Weltwoche Deutschland. Nur EUR 5.- im ersten Monat. https://weltwoche.de/abonnemente/Aktuelle Ausgabe von Weltwoche Deutschland: https://weltwoche.de/aktuelle-ausgabe/KOSTENLOS: Täglicher Newsletter https://weltwoche.de/newsletter/App Weltwoche Deutschland http://tosto.re/weltwochedeutschlandDie Weltwoche: Das ist die andere Sicht! Unabhängig, kritisch, gut gelaunt. Köppel aus St. Petersburg: Europäische Symbolstadt von Glanz, Pracht, Krieg, Elend, Revolution und Wiederaufstieg. Attacken auf Tino Chrupalla. Deutsche fordern Merz-Telefonat mit Putin. Nato militärisch kaum wehrfähig. Zwist zwischen Peking und BrüsselDie Weltwoche auf Social Media:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/weltwoche/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/Weltwoche TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@weltwoche Telegram: https://t.me/Die_Weltwoche Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/weltwoche Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Mjuk makt är centralt när Kina vill utmana väst och skaffa sig större svängrum på världsscenen. Hör om hur animerad film och dataspel kan bli geopolitiska verktyg för Peking. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Kina spänner inte bara hårda militära muskler för att stärka sin position. När olika länders mjuka makt rankas klättrar Kina och närmar sig USA. Vi dyker ner i den aktuella filmen Ne Zha 2, som även visats på bio i Sverige under våren. Filmen är omskriven som den mest framgångsrika animerade filmen någonsin och den första animerade filmen att generera inkomster på över 2 miljarder dollar. Med Xi Jinping har Kina växlat upp sina ambitioner för global kulturell påverkan och under parollen ”berätta Kinas historia väl” läggs stor kraft på att förändra det globala narrativet om Kina. Hör om vilka budskap som sprids och hur kulturexporten hänger samman med Pekings geo- och säkerhetspolitiska mål.Medverkande: Hanna Sahlberg, Kinareporter och Moa Kärnstrand, Kinakorrespondent.Programledare: Björn DjurbergProducent: Therese Rosenvinge

Nach gewalttätigen Protesten gegen Abschiebungen in Los Angeles hat FBI-Chef Kash Patel Ermittlungen wegen möglicher ausländischer Einflussnahme angekündigt. Besonders im Fokus: Verbindungen zur Kommunistischen Partei Chinas und deren Nähe zu US-Linksbündnissen wie der PSL und Code Pink. Auch milliardenschwere Unterstützer geraten ins Blickfeld.

Der Kanzler hat SPD-Sorgen. In Kiel startet die Aufarbeitung eines Millionen-Desasters. Und: Vage Hoffnungen auf einen Zolldeal zwischen Peking und Washington. Das ist die Lage am Donnerstagmorgen.Die Artikel zum Nachlesen: Mehr Hintergründe hier: Das Manifest der UnbelehrbarenDie ganze Geschichte hier: Wie Millionen Euro aus Schleswig-Holstein im Northvolt-Grab landetenMehr Hintergründe hier: Trump verkündet Teileinigung mit China im Handelsstreit+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

55 Prozent Einfuhrzoll auf Waren aus China, aber nur nur zehn auf US-Exporte: Was Trump über die angebliche Handels-Einigung verkündet, klingt nicht so, als hätte Peking dem wirklich zugestimmt.

"The Holy Martyrs of China were native Chinese Orthodox Christians brought up in piety at the Russian Orthodox Mission in Peking, which had been founded in 1685. During the Boxer Rebellion of 1900 against the foreign powers occupying China, native Chinese Christians were commanded by the Boxers to renounce Christianity or be tortured to death. Two hundred and twenty-two members of the Peking Mission, led by their priest Metrophanes Tsi-Chung and his family, refused to deny Christ, and were deemed worthy of a martyric death." ( Great Horologion)

Japan meldet zwei chinesische Flugzeugträger in seiner Ausschließlichen Wirtschaftszone. Xi Jinping vereinbarte zudem eine enge Zusammenarbeit mit Südkoreas neuem Präsidenten. Südkorea lud Xi zum nächsten Gipfeltreffen der Apec ein.

Kina bygger ut sin kärnvapenarsenal. Frågan om att skaffa kärnvapen är aktuell i Sydkorea och även på agendan i Japan. Står vi inför ett kärnvapenrace i Asien? Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. När Peking uppges vilja bygga ut Kinas kärnvapenarsenal i snabb takt uppstår nya spänningar i närområdet. Samtidigt som det hos USA:s allierade i Östasien väckts tvivel om de amerikanska säkerhetsgarantierna efter Trumps återkomst i Vita huset. Frågan om kärnvapen är nu högaktuell i flera länder och hotet från Kina blir en faktor som riskerar att driva på en upprustning. Hör folk på gatan i Sydkorea och hur samhällsdebatten om kärnvapen skiftat i Japan. Samtidigt har Trumps handelskrig fått rivaler att knyta nya ekonomiska band. Kan det bidra till konstruktiva samtal och att spänningar kyls ner?Medverkande: Moa Kärnstrand, Kinakorrespondent. Hanna Sahlberg, Kinareporter. Programledare: Björn DjurbergProducent: Therese Rosenvinge

Immer wieder tauchen Berichte über den Einsatz von Uiguren als Zwangsarbeiter in China auf. Neue Recherchen des SPIEGEL zeigen nun das tatsächliche Ausmaß: Uiguren werden systematisch aus ihrer Heimatprovinz Xinjiang in andere Landesteile gebracht, wo sie unter teils prekären Bedingungen arbeiten müssen. Den Betroffenen drohen willkürliche Inhaftierungen, sie stehen unter ständiger Überwachung und sind oftmals in Wohnheimen untergebracht, die sie kaum verlassen dürfen. In der aktuellen Folge des SPIEGEL-Podcasts »Acht Milliarden« spricht Host Juan Moreno mit Christoph Giesen, SPIEGEL-Korrespondent in Peking. In einer langwierigen Recherche in Kooperation mit der »New York Times« und dem Londoner »The Bureau of Investigative Journalism« fanden Giesen und seine Kollegen 75 Werke in elf Provinzen, in denen Angehörige der muslimischen Minderheit arbeiten müssen. Zu den Profiteuren zählen mutmaßlich auch deutsche Unternehmen, da sie direkt oder indirekt von dieser Form der Ausbeutung profitieren könnten. Mehr zum Thema: (S+) Der VW-Konzern wollte beweisen, dass es in seinem umstrittenen Werk in Xinjiang keine Zwangsarbeit gibt. SPIEGEL-Recherchen belegen: Der Prüfbericht enthält Mängel, die Prüfer scheinen zweifelhaft: https://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/volkswagens-bluff-mit-den-menschenrechten-fragwuerdige-fabrik-in-xinjiang-a-cf3028b4-6c27-4caf-8277-47603c650a92 (S+) Der chinesische Staat soll in Umerziehungslagern rund eine Million Uiguren interniert haben: Die Xinjiang Police Files geben diesem System nun Namen und Gesichter: https://www.spiegel.de/ausland/xinjiang-police-files-einblick-in-chinas-brutales-lagersystem-a-6e85c81a-43c5-4a7b-85ad-8c70b22179a2 Abonniert »Acht Milliarden«, um die nächste Folge nicht zu verpassen. Wir freuen uns, wenn ihr den Podcast weiterempfehlt oder uns eine Bewertung hinterlasst.+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

Am 4. Juni 1989 ging die chinesische Armee mit Panzern brutal gegen Studenten vor, die für Demokratie demonstrierten. Seither versucht Peking, „aktiv die Fakten zu zensieren“, wie US-Außenminister Rubio erinnert. Viele junge Menschen wissen nicht, was damals geschehen ist.

  Last time we spoke about China's preparations for War. In December 1936, the tension in China reached a boiling point as Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek was captured by his own commanders, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng. Disillusioned by Chiang's focus on fighting communists instead of the encroaching Japanese forces, the generals sought a unified response to Japanese aggression. After being held in Xi'an, Chiang reluctantly agreed to collaborate with the Chinese Communist Party, marking a significant shift in strategy against Japan. Amidst the rising chaos, Chiang's government reviewed historical military strategies and prepared for a prolonged conflict. However, they faced challenges, including inadequate supplies and a lack of modern equipment compared to the Japanese. By 1937, China was ill-prepared for war, with Chiang later expressing regret about their military readiness. Despite these setbacks, the alliance formed with the communists laid a foundation for a united Chinese front against the brutalities of the Sino-Japanese War that would follow.   #153 Japan Prepares for War Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So in the last episode we talked about how China was preparing itself for war, now its time for Japan. Since Japan's invasion of North China, Japanese field armies had promoted a series of autonomous zones in northern China. Officers from the Kwantung Army, skeptical of China's capacity to modernize, believed that the vast region would inevitably fragment into regional factions. This policy effectively maintained a weak and divided China, which served Japan's to defend Manchukuo. However many Japanese military leaders frequently pointed to the threat posed by the KMT's five-year plan, initiated in 1933 with assistance from German military advisors, aimed at modernizing and expanding the national army. To counter what they perceived as a Chinese threat, the field armies advocated for a preemptive war to dismantle Chiang Kai-shek's regime. Any attempt by Tokyo to alter the military's China policy faced vigorous opposition from the Kwantung Army, which, in February 1937, pushed for intensified covert actions to expel the KMT from northern China and supported a preemptive war to secure strategic areas for future operations against the Soviet Union. At a March meeting in Tokyo, staff officers from the China Garrison and Kwantung armies insisted that any concessions to China would be a grave mistake and would likely yield only temporary outcomes. In early spring 1937, Prince Konoe Fumimaro inherited a China policy fraught with competing views, however, there was consensus that China must not distract the empire from its preparations against the USSR. The end goal was clear, but the means to achieve it remained uncertain. The cabinet's approval of the "Fundamentals of National Policy" in August 1936 indicated a need for stability as the army and navy reconfigured Japan's war machine. The challenge lay in aligning long-term strategic goals with practical short-term interests in northern China without upsetting the existing balance of power. Expanding demands propelled the army's contingency planning, which had traditionally focused on safeguarding Japanese interests and the approximately 13,000 Japanese citizens residing in the region. Tokyo typically responded to serious incidents by deploying troops from homeland garrisons to address localized emergencies and then withdrawing them. However, by the mid-1930s, the growing Soviet threat to Manchukuo rendered this doctrine obsolete. Incidents in northern China gained strategic importance as they diverted resources from the Kwantung Army's preparations against the Soviet Union. Disruptions in northern China hindered access to essential raw materials necessary for army modernization and rearmament, while hostile Chinese forces threatened the Kwantung Army's strategic left flank in the event of war with the Soviets. With these considerations in mind, the army revised its operational war plans, assuming that northern China would serve as Japan's strategic rear area for operations against the USSR. In 1911 Japan's plan for general war mandated thirteen divisions to occupy southern Manchuria, capture Beijing, and subsequently occupy Zhejiang and Fujian. Limited contingency operations in northern China required two divisions to secure rail communications from Beijing to the coast. In the weeks following the 1931 Manchurian Incident, the General Staff in Tokyo drafted plans to counter a Sino-Soviet alliance, anticipating a 2 month campaign involving 15-16 divisions, with the majority engaged against the Soviet Red Army. 2 divisions were designated to secure northern China, while smaller units would monitor the Inner Mongolian front to protect Japan's western flank in Manchuria. After further refinement, the General Staff identified three contingencies for China in early 1932: maintaining the traditional mission of safeguarding Japanese interests and citizens with a standard two-division force; ensuring a secure line of communication between the Chinese capital and the sea with the China Garrison Army, which consisted of approximately 1,700 officers and men, reinforced by one division; and, in a worst-case scenario of all-out war, deploying three divisions to reinforce the Kwantung Army, along with 7 additional divisions and 3 cavalry brigades to suppress resistance in northern China and the Shandong Peninsula, while two additional divisions secured key areas in central China. Between 1932-1936, China received less attention as the General Staff focused on the Soviet military buildup in the Far East. Anxiety, stemming from the Soviet buildup in the Far East, was a pervasive concern reflected in the draft rearmament plan submitted to the throne on May 21, 1936, as part of the national budget formulation process. The army proposed countering the Soviet threat by enhancing Japanese strategic mobility in Manchukuo through the renovation and expansion of airfields, ports, roads, and rail infrastructure, and by constructing army air force arsenals, storage depots, and medical facilities. The positioning of Japanese divisions in eastern Manchuria suggested their wartime objectives, with the Kwantung Army relying on a mobile independent mixed brigade composed of armored car and mounted cavalry units stationed in Gongzhuling, central Manchuria, as its immediate response force for contingencies in northern China. Major units were not concentrated in western Manchuria, where they would be expected to deploy before any planned invasion of northern China. Nevertheless, General Staff planners remained vigilant regarding developments in China, where the resurgence of nationalism, Communist movements advancing north of the Yellow River in February 1936, and the spread of anti-Japanese sentiments across northern China raised the specter of limited military operations escalating into full-scale warfare. China's improving military capabilities would likely hinder Japanese forces from accomplishing their objectives. For example, around Shanghai, Chinese defenses were bolstered by extensive, in-depth, and permanent fortifications. In mid-September 1936, the General Staff in Tokyo issued orders to preempt significant outbreaks in northern China by repositioning a division in Manchukuo closer to the boundary. If hostilities broke out, the China Garrison Army, supported by Kwantung Army units, would launch punitive operations against Chinese forces as necessary. Higher headquarters expected local commanders to act swiftly and decisively, employing rapid maneuvers and shock tactics to address outbreaks with minimal force. Given that no alternative responses were considered, Japanese operational planning for northern China relied on an all-or-nothing approach to force deployment, even for minor incidents. Yet, the senior leadership of the army remained deeply divided over its China policy. Influenced by Ishiwara, the General Staff wanted to avoid military actions that could lead to a full-scale war with China, focusing instead on advancing the army's extensive rearmament and modernization program. In contrast, a majority of high-ranking officers in the Army Ministry and General Staff, particularly within the 2nd Operations Section and the Kwantung Army, favored forceful action against China, believing it necessary to quell rising anti-Japanese sentiments. Drawing from past experiences, these officers anticipated that the Chinese would quickly capitulate once hostilities commenced. This lack of a unified military strategy reflected broader disagreements among the army's leadership regarding operations in China. While operational planning called for the permanent occupation of large regions in northern and central China, the General Staff aimed to contain outbreaks to maintain focus on Soviet threats. There was a clear absence of long-term operational planning; instead, the army concentrated on initial battles while relegating planning for prolonged combat operations to contingent circumstances. In summary, the Japanese army preferred to avoid military force to address Chinese issues whenever feasible but was equally unwilling to concede to Chinese demands. Since 1914, Tosui Koryo or “Principles of Command” had served as the foundational doctrine for senior Japanese army commanders and staff officers engaged in combined arms warfare at the corps and army levels. The advent of new weapons, tactics, and organizational changes during World War I compelled all major military forces to reassess their existing military doctrines across strategic, operational, and tactical dimensions. In response, Japan modified the Principles of Command to blend its traditional post-Russo-Japanese War focus on the intangible factors in battle with the newest concepts of modern total war. A revision in 1918 recognized the significance of “recent great advances in materiel” for total warfare, yet it maintained that ultimate victory in battle relied on dedication, patriotism, and selfless service. In the 1920s, the General Staff's Operations Section, led by Major General Araki Sadao, who would become the leader of the Kodoha faction, had produced the most significant and impactful revision of the Principles. A staunch anti-communist and ideologue who valued the intangible elements of combat, Araki appointed Lieutenant Colonel Obata Toshishiro and Captain Suzuki Yorimichi as the principal authors of the manual's rewrite. Obata, a Soviet expert, was strongly influenced by German General Count Alfred von Schlieffen's classic theories of a “war of annihilation,” while Suzuki, the top graduate of the thirtieth Staff College class, shared Araki's focus on “spiritual” or intangible advantages in warfare. Both men were brilliant yet arrogant, working in secrecy to create a doctrine based on what Leonard Humphreys describes as “intense spiritual training” and bayonet-led assaults to counter the opponent's material superiority.  The latest version of the Principles of Command preserved the operational concept of rapid Japanese mobile offensive operations, aiming to induce a decisive battle or “kaisen” early in the campaign. It reaffirmed the sokusen sokketsu or “rapid victory' principle of rapid warfare. Attaining these goals relied exclusively on offensive action, with the army expecting commanders at all levels to press forward, defeat enemy units, and capture key territories. The troops were indoctrinated with a spirit of aggression and trained to anticipate certain victory. The emphasis on offensive action was so pronounced that Araki eliminated terms like surrender, retreat, and defense from the manual, believing they negatively affected troop morale. This aggressive mindset also infused the Sento Koryo or “Principles of Operations”, first published in 1929 as a handbook for combined arms warfare tailored for division and regimental commanders. The manual emphasized hand-to-hand combat as the culminating stage of battle, a principle regarded as unchanging in Japanese military doctrine since 1910. Senior commanders were expected to demonstrate initiative in skillfully maneuvering their units to encircle the enemy, setting the stage for climactic assaults with cold steel. Infantry was deemed the primary maneuver force, supported by artillery. To complement rapid infantry advances, the army developed light and mobile artillery. Operationally, encirclement and night attacks were vital components of victory, and even outnumbered units were expected to aggressively envelop enemy flanks. In assaults against fortified positions, units would advance under the cover of darkness, avoiding enemy artillery fire and positioning themselves for dawn attacks that combined firepower with shock action to overwhelm enemy defenses. In encounters with opposing forces, commanders would maneuver to flank the enemy, surround their units, and destroy them. If forced onto the defensive, commanders were expected to seize opportunities for decisive counterattacks to regain the initiative. These high-level operational doctrines were distilled into tactical guidelines in the January 1928 edition of the Infantry Manual or “Hohei Soten”, which saw a provisional revision in May 1937 . Both editions opened with identical introductions emphasizing the necessity for a rapid victory through the overpowering and destruction of enemy forces. Infantry was identified as the primary arm in combined arms warfare, and soldiers were taught to rely on cold steel as fundamental to their attacking spirit. The 1928 Infantry Manual underscored the commander's role in instilling a faith in certain victory or “hissho shinnen”, drawing from the glorious traditions of Japanese military history. The 1928 infantry tactics employed an extended skirmish line with four paces between soldiers. Individual initiative in combat was generally discouraged, except under exceptional circumstances, as success relied on concentrating firepower and manpower on narrow frontages to overwhelm defenders. An infantry company would create a skirmish line featuring two light machine gun squads and four rifle squads, preparing for a bayonet-driven breakthrough of enemy defenses. For the final assault, the infantry company would line up along a 150-yard front, likely facing casualties of up to 50% while breaching the enemy's main defensive line. Historical analysis reveals the shortcomings of these tactics. During World War I, armies constructed extensive, multi-layered defenses, trenches, pillboxes, and strong points, each independent yet all covered by artillery. If assaulting infantry suffered heavy losses breaching the first line, how could they successfully prosecute their assault against multiple defense lines? The 1937 revision elaborated on new tactics to overcome entrenched Soviet defenses, drafted in anticipation of arms and equipment that were either in development or production but not yet available for deployment. This became official doctrine in 1940, but as early as summer 1937, units from the China Garrison Army were field-testing these new tactics. The provisional manual adopted combat team tactics, forming an umbrella-like skirmish formation. This involved a light machine gun team at the forefront with two ammunition bearers flanking it to the rear. Behind the machine gun team were riflemen arranged in a column formation, maintaining six paces between each. The light machine gun provided cover fire as the formation closed in on the enemy for hand-to-hand combat. Increased firepower expanded the assault front to 200 yards. The combination of wider dispersion and night movement aimed to reduce losses from enemy artillery fire while the infantry advanced through successive lines of resistance. Commanders at the platoon level were responsible for leading the final assault into enemy lines, with increased tactical responsibility shifting from platoon to squad leaders, allowing for greater initiative from junior officers and non-commissioned officers. This emphasis on broader dispersal and fluidity on the battlefield required frontline infantry to exhibit aggressiveness and initiative. Contrary to popular belief, the Japanese military did not solely rely on the bayonet or an offensive spirit during engagements with Chinese forces. They effectively employed superior firepower and modern equipment within their combined arms framework, using heavy weapons and artillery to soften enemy positions before launching infantry attacks. Without such firepower, unsupported infantry attacks would have struggled to achieve their objectives. In January 1937, the Imperial Japanese Army consisted of approximately 247,000 officers and men, organized in a structure comprising seventeen standing infantry divisions, four tank regiments, and fifty-four air squadrons equipped with a total of 549 aircraft. The China Garrison Army and the Taiwan Garrison Army each included two infantry regiments, while a separate independent mixed brigade was stationed in Manchuria. Two divisions were permanently based in Korea, with four more assigned on a rotating basis to the Kwantung Army in Manchukuo. The remainder of the forces were stationed in the Japanese home islands. A substantial pool of reservists and partially trained replacements was available to mobilize, enabling the expansion of peacetime units to their wartime strength as needed. Conscription provided the primary source of enlisted manpower for the army, though a handful of young men volunteered for active duty. For conscription purposes, Japan was divided into divisional areas, which were further subdivided into regimental districts responsible for conscription, mobilization, individual activations, and veteran affairs within their jurisdictions. Typically, conscripts served with the regiment associated with their region or prefecture. However, the Imperial Guards regiments in Tokyo selected conscripts from across the nation, as did the Seventh Infantry Division, which recruited from the sparsely populated Hokkaido area and from regular army units stationed in Korea, China, and Taiwan. Draftees from Okinawa Prefecture usually served with Kyushu-based regiments. All males reaching the age of 20 underwent an army-administered pre-induction physical examination conducted between December 1 and January 30 of the following year. This evaluation classified potential conscripts into three categories: A “suitable for active duty”, B1, and B2, while others were deemed unfit for the demands of military life. In 1935, 29.7% of those examined received A classifications, while 41.2% were graded as B1 or B2. Among the 742,422 individuals eligible for conscription in 1937, approximately 170,000 were drafted, amounting to 22.9% of the cohort; this figure had remained relatively consistent since the post-Russo-Japanese War years. Within the conscripted group, 153,000 men were classified as A and an additional 17,000 as B. Conscripts served for two years of active duty, with variations based on their military specialty and any prior civilian military training. After their discharge, they were subject to a lengthy reserve obligation. In total, 470,635 individuals fell into the B category, being otherwise fit for service but excess to the army's active personnel needs. These men were assigned to the First Replacement Pool, where they underwent around 120 days of basic military training, primarily focused on small arms usage and fundamental tactics. Regular officers and NCOs led the training in their respective regimental districts. Following their initial training, the army called these replacements and reservists to active duty annually for several days of refresher training. Army leaders regarded discipline as the cornerstone of military effectiveness. Basic training emphasized the necessity of unquestioning obedience to orders at all levels. Subsequent training focused on fieldcraft, such as utilizing terrain strategically to surprise or encircle the enemy. However, training exercises often lacked diversity due to the limited maneuver areas available in Japan, leading to predictable solutions to field problems. The training regimen was rigorous, merging strict formal discipline and regulated corporal punishment with harsh informal sanctions and unregulated violence from leaders to instill unwavering compliance to orders. As an undergrad taking a course specifically on the Pacific War, it was this variable my professor argued contributed the most to the atrocities performed by the Japanese during WW2. He often described it as a giant pecking order of abuse. The most senior commanders abused, often physically their subordinates, who abused theirs, going through the ranks to the common grunts who had no one else but civilians and the enemy to peck at so to speak. Of course there were a large number of other variables at play, but to understand that you outta join my Patreon Account over at the www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel , where I made a fan favorite episode on “why the Japanese army performed so many atrocities”. In there I basically hit a big 10 reason list, well in depth, I highly recommend it! As the concept of the “Imperial Army” and the cult of the emperor gained prominence, appeals to imperial symbols and authority bolstered this unquestioning obedience to superiors, who were seen as the conduits of the emperor's will. It was during this period that the term kogun or “imperial army” gained favor over kokugun or “national army”, reflecting a deliberate effort by military authorities to forge a direct connection between the military and the imperial throne. The 1937 Japanese infantry division was structured as a square formation, with a peacetime strength established at approximately 12,000 officers and men organized into two brigades, each comprising about 4,000 personnel, formed from two infantry regiments, about 2,000 men each. The division included a field artillery regiment, an engineer regiment, and a transport battalion as organic units. Each infantry regiment was composed of three battalions, approximately 600 men each, which contained three rifle companies, 160 men each and a weapons platoon. A rifle company consisted of three rifle platoons and one light machine gun platoon. Regiments also included infantry assault gun platoons, and battalions contained a heavy machine gun company. Upon mobilization, a fourth infantry company augmented each battalion, along with reserve fillers, nearly 5,000 personnel assigned as transport and service troops, raising the authorized wartime strength of an infantry division to over 25,000 officers and men.  Reforms implemented in 1922 reduced personnel numbers in favor of new and improved weapons and equipment. Among these advancements, the 75 mm Type 90 field artillery piece, which boasted increased range and accuracy, was integrated into the forces in 1930, along with the 105 mm Type 10 howitzer and 75 mm pack mountain artillery which could be disassembled for transport using pack animals. These became standard artillery components for divisions. The emphasis on light, mobile, and smaller-caliber field artillery enabled swift deployment during fast-moving engagements. By minimizing the size of the baggage train, infantry and artillery units could quickly set up off the march formation and maneuver around enemy flanks. Army leaders further streamlined road march formations by eliminating the fourth artillery battery from each regiment, thus sacrificing some firepower for enhanced speed and mobility. Heavier artillery pieces were still used in set-piece battles where mobility was less critical. In a typical 1936 division, the field artillery regiment, equipped with Type 90 field artillery or lighter Type 94 mountain artillery, had thirty-six guns. Training focused on quality rather than quantity, reflecting the conservative doctrine of “one-round-one-hit”. Live-fire training was infrequent due to the scarcity of artillery firing ranges in Japan. Ammunition stockpiles were inadequate for anticipated operational needs; government arsenals produced over 111,000 artillery shells in 1936, which was fewer than one-tenth of the quantities specified in wartime consumption tables. Similar industrial shortcomings also hampered advancements in motorization and armor. Motorization proved costly and relied on foreign supply, presenting challenges given the inferior road networks in Manchuria, northern China, and the Soviet Far East. Military estimates suggested a need for 250,000 trucks to fully motorize the army, a goal beyond the capabilities of the nascent Japanese automotive industry, which produced fewer than 1,000 cars annually until 1933. Japanese tanks, described as “handcrafted, beautifully polished, and hoarded” by Alvin Coox, suffered from shortages similar to heavy artillery and ammunition. The army prioritized light weighing ten tons or less and medium tanks sixteen tons or less due to the necessity of deploying armor overseas, size and weight were crucial for loading and unloading from transport ships. Smaller tanks were also more suitable for the terrains of northern China and Manchuria, as they could traverse unbridged rivers using pontoons or ferries. The Japanese industrial base, however, struggled to mass-produce tanks; by 1939, factories were producing an average of only twenty-eight tanks of all models per month. Consequently, in 1937, foot soldiers remained as reliant on animal transport for mobility as their ancestors had been during the Russo-Japanese War. Despite enjoying technological and material superiority over disorganized Chinese forces, these deficiencies in heavy artillery, armor, and vehicles would prove catastrophic against more formidable opponents. Another significant factor constraining Japanese industry's capacity to produce tanks, trucks, and artillery was the 1936 decision to expand the army's air wing and homeland air defense network. This policy diverted resources, capital, and technology away from the army's ground forces. The nascent Japanese Army Air Force or “JAAF” aimed to support ground operations through reconnaissance, bombing enemy bases, and achieving air superiority. However, direct support for ground operations was limited, and Japanese military planners did not anticipate that aerial bombardment could supplement or replace artillery bombardments. The expanded air arm's strategic mission centered on executing preemptive air strikes against Soviet air bases in the Far East to thwart potential air attacks on Japan. By the mid-1930s, the army had approximately 650 aircraft, roughly 450 of which were operational. The JAAF emphasized rigorous training that prioritized quality over quantity, producing only about 750 pilots annually up until December 1941. Basic flight skills were developed through this training, while specialized tactical instruction was deferred to newly established pilot units. According to logistics doctrine, Japanese maneuver units typically operated within a 120 to 180-mile radius of a railhead to facilitate resupply and reinforcement. A field train transport unit was responsible for moving supplies daily from the railhead to a division control point for distribution. The division established a field depot to manage the transfer of supplies from field transport to company and lower-echelon units. At the depot, transport troops would hand over supplies to a combat train that ferried ammunition, rations, and equipment directly to frontline units. Horse-drawn wagons and pack animals were the primary means of transportation. Each wartime division included a transport battalion, which varied in size from approximately 2,200 to 3,700 personnel, depending on the type of division supported. The division typically carried enough supplies for one day. Upon mobilization, the logistical framework was reinforced with the addition of an ordnance unit, a field hospital, a sanitation unit, and additional field and combat trains. The size of the transport regiment grew from around 1,500 officers and men with over 300 horses to nearly 3,500 troops and more than 2,600 animals. In the battalion, one company generally transported small-arms ammunition while two companies handled artillery shells and two others carried rations; this arrangement was flexible based on operational needs. Pack horses and dray horses were assigned to each company to carry or tow infantry assault artillery, mortars, artillery ammunition, and rations. Infantry soldiers carried minimal rations, approximately two and a half pounds, primarily rice, along with tinned condiments and salt. Consequently, the field train included a field kitchen stocked with fresh vegetables, rice or bread, soy sauce, and pickles. Each evening, a forward echelon train distributed supplies received from the field transport unit to the combat unit's bivouac area. When combat seemed imminent, a section of the transport battalion would move forward to deliver essential combat supplies, ordnance, equipment, medical supplies, directly to frontline units. These units would also handle resupply, medical evacuation, and repair of ordnance and equipment once fighting commenced.  On the evening of September 18, 1936, the fifth anniversary of the Manchurian Incident, Chinese troops from the Twenty-Ninth Army clashed with Japanese soldiers from the Seventh Company's rear-guard medical unit at Fengtai. When a Japanese officer arrived on horseback, a Chinese soldier struck his horse, prompting the Chinese troops to retreat to their barracks. Major Ichiki Kiyonao, the battalion commander, ordered an emergency assembly, surrounded the Chinese encampment, and demanded that Chinese authorities surrender the aggressors immediately. To defuse the situation, Major General Kawabe Masakazu, the brigade commander and Ichiki's superior, instructed Regimental Commander Mutaguchi to resolve the incident swiftly. Mutaguchi negotiated an agreement that required the Chinese to apologize, punish those responsible, withdraw from the vicinity of the Japanese barracks, and maintain a distance of two miles. Although Mutaguchi and Ichiki wanted to disarm the Chinese forces, they ultimately complied with Kawabe's wishes and allowed the Chinese to retain their weapons “in the spirit of Bushido.” Later, the Chinese claimed the Japanese had refrained from disarming them due to their fear of the strength and influence of the 29th Army. This insult infuriated Mutaguchi, who vowed not to make any further concessions and promised to eliminate the anti-Japanese provocateurs decisively if another incident occurred. He warned his officers against allowing an “overly tolerant attitude toward the Chinese” to undermine the prestige of the imperial army and emphasized the need for swift, decisive action to prevent such incidents in the future. Tensions were further exacerbated by large-scale Japanese field exercises conducted from late October to early November. These maneuvers, the largest ever executed by Japanese forces in China, mobilized about 6,700 active-duty and reserve troops for a series of complex battle drills, night maneuvers, and tactical field problems. During these exercises, Japanese troops were quartered in Chinese homes. Although local residents were compensated for any damage caused, the exercises nonetheless heightened tensions between the two sides. The fallout from the Suiyuan Fiasco in December 1936, coupled with a tumultuous summer and fall, led to rising anti-Japanese sentiment and prompted Tokyo to caution the Kawabe brigade against actions that might escalate the already precarious situation. In March 1937, during the annual personnel assignments, Ishiwara was promoted to major general and appointed chief of the 1st Department Operations of the General Staff. However, Army Vice Minister Umezu, a hardliner regarding China and a rival of Ishiwara, successfully maneuvered the Hayashi cabinet into approving the command choices for army and navy ministers, overriding Ishiwara's proposals. General Sugiyama Hajime, another hawk on China, replaced the terminally ill General Nakamura Kotaro as army minister shortly after Nakamura's appointment and remained in that position until June 1938. Lieutenant General Imai Kiyoshi, army vice chief of staff and an Ishiwara supporter, was also battling a terminal illness that rendered him largely ineffective during his short five-month tenure from March to August 1937. Imai was expected to play a crucial role in high command because the army chief of staff, Prince Kan'in, had been appointed in 1931 as a figurehead due to internal factions preventing agreement on a candidate. Ishiwara further complicated his conciliatory approach by selecting Colonel Muto Akira, a known hardliner who believed force was the only means to resolve the Japan-China conflict, for the vital position of chief of Operations Section within the General Staff. From Kwantung Army headquarters, Commanding General Ueda Kenkichi and his chief of staff, Lieutenant General Tojo Hideki, advocated for a preemptive war against China to serve the Kwantung Army's interests. In contrast, the China Garrison Army, under Lieutenant General Tashiro and his chief of staff, adopted a more moderate stance, aligning with central headquarters' policy of restraint. The China Garrison Army estimated the 29th Army to consist of 15,000–16,000 troops, with its main strength centered around Peking and an additional 10,000 troops in the surrounding area. Starting in spring 1937, Japanese units began observing tactical indicators suggesting that the Chinese were preparing for war. These indicators included increased guard presence at Peking's gates in June, bolstering units near the Marco Polo Bridge to over two battalions, preparing new fighting positions, digging trenches and constructing concrete pillboxes near the Marco Polo Bridge, infiltrating agents into Japanese maneuver areas for intelligence on night tactical exercises, and heightened strictness among Chinese railroad guards evident since late June. Nevertheless, the Japanese commanders did not view China as a formidable opponent. They believed that Chinese armies would quickly disintegrate due to what they perceived as a lack of fighting spirit and ineffective leadership. By 1937, Japan's national policy was shifting away from the persistent and aggressive efforts of field armies to undermine Chinese political authority in northern China toward a more conciliatory stance. This shift resulted in increased tensions between field armies and the General Staff in Tokyo, leading to substantial fractures among senior officers regarding the “solution” to their so-called China problem. Those tensions broke the camels back that year.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese grossly underestimated their enemy and their own logistical capabilities. There was to say “too many cooks in the kitchen” of the Japanese military and competing visions ultimately were leading Japan and China into an official full blown war. Japan assumed they could bully China until it was so fragmented it would be a simple matter of grabbing the pieces it liked, that was not to be the case at all.   

Två kinesiska krigsfångar visas upp i Ukraina och fallet reser nya frågor om Kinas roll i kriget. Enligt president Zelenskyj krigar fler än 150 kineser på Rysslands sida. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play. Det var i april som Ukrainas president Volodymyr Zelenskyj gick ut med att två kinesiska soldater gripits vid fronten i Donetsk. Gripandet blev en världsnyhet och den ukrainska underrättelsetjänsten visade upp fångarna på en presskonferens. Fallet har på nytt aktualiserat frågan om Kinas roll i kriget och hur nära Kina egentligen samarbetar med Ryssland. Krigsfångarna själva beskriver ingående hur de rekryterades via sociala medier i Kina, samtidigt som Peking förnekar all inblandning. För Ukraina blev fallet med de kinesiska krigsfångarna ett tillfälle att öka pressen på både Kina och USA.Medverkande: Hanna Sahlberg, Kinareporter. Moa Kärnstrand, Kinakorrespondent. Lubna El-Shanti, Ukrainakorrespondent. Programledare: Björn DjurbergProducent: Therese Rosenvinge

Jörg Wuttke war langjähriger Leiter der Europäischen Handelskammer in Peking und ist heute Partner bei der DGA Group in Washington DC. Im Gespräch mit Raimund Löw analysiert er den Stand des Handelskrieges, den Donald Trump mal an- und dann wieder absagt.Hat China gewonnen, weil die Regierung in Peking hart bleibt? Soll Europa auf China zugehen, wenn sich die USA abwenden?Das Gespräch wurde am 27.05.2025 aufgenommen. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Inspired by the recent Tampopo "Food Scenes Only" episode, Dave cooks ramen live while talking about the history of the dish, how the dish has changed over time, and he answers some commonly asked questions. He finishes with some incredible bowls of ramen. You're going to want to watch this one! An Ask Dave is also answered. Watch the episode on Tampopo here: https://youtu.be/42e29MJaeOc Get Dave's Shio Tare recipe from this episode here: https://www.majordomo.com/blogs/recipes/dave-changs-shio-tare Learn about Kansui and how to make your own at home here: https://www.nytimes.com/2010/09/15/dining/15curious.html?smid=url-share Check out Dave on 'Mind of a Chef' here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ckYjZDtdXmo Learn more about Taishoken here: https://www.taishokenusa.com/about Learn about Sun Noodle here: https://sunnoodle.com/our-story/ Learn about Jiro Ramen: https://ramenbeast.substack.com/p/ramen-jiro-japans-most-infamous-food Check out the Javier Cabral episode where they talk about the holy ideal of Peking duck and a tortilla: https://youtu.be/H3f_AZF4an0 Send in your questions to askdave@majordomomedia.com. Subscribe to the show on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@thedavechangshow. Subscribe to Recipe Club on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@recipeclubofficial. Submit your favorite food moments in your favorite movies to majorfoodporn.com. Join our community Discord on majordomo.com. Host: Dave Chang Guest: Chris Ying Majordomo Media Producers: Kelsey Rearden, David Meyer, Ira Chute, and Molly O'Keeffe Spotify Producer: Felipe Guilhermino Editor: Stefano Sanchez Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Taiwans Zukunft ist mehr als ungewiss. China hat gedroht, die Insel an sein Reich anzuschliessen, wenn nötig militärisch. Käme es zu einem Anschluss oder gar zu einem Krieg, hätte dies fatale Folgen für uns alle. Einst kämpften auf dem chinesischen Festland der kommunistische Mao Zedong und der damalige Präsident Chiang Kai-shek in einem Bürgerkrieg gegeneinander. Der unterlegene Chiang Kai-shek floh im Jahr 1949 mit rund zwei Millionen Menschen auf die Insel Taiwan. Seither gibt es zwei Länder, die sich als das wahre China betrachten: Taiwan, das sich offiziell als «Republik China» bezeichnet, und die Volksrepublik China. Zuerst war Taiwan das international anerkannte China, dann wurde die Volksrepublik immer mächtiger und verdrängte Taiwan im Jahr 1971 aus den Vereinten Nationen. Für Peking gilt das Ein-China-Prinzip: Jedes Land, das mit China diplomatische Beziehungen führen und Geschäfte machen will, darf Taiwan nicht offiziell als eigenständigen Staat anerkennen. Dies führte dazu, dass Taiwan heute nur noch von dreizehn Ländern offiziell anerkannt wird. Und dies, obwohl es sich seit den Achtzigerjahren zu einem der demokratischsten und liberalsten Länder Asiens entwickelt hat. Spätestens seit dem Ukrainekrieg ist die bedrohliche Lage der Insel in den internationalen Fokus gerückt. Die Angst geht um, der chinesische Präsident Xi Jinping könnte es Putin gleichtun und den Inselstaat angreifen. In mehreren Reden hat er angekündigt, die Vereinigung mit Taiwan auf jeden Fall herbeizuführen, wenn nötig mit militärischen Mitteln. Westliche Politiker verschiedenster Länder bekunden ihre Solidarität und reisen symbolträchtig nach Taiwan. Allen voran sind es die USA, die seit Jahrzehnten als Verbündete Taiwans gelten. Jede Reise wird von immer heftigerem militärischem Säbelrasseln der Chinesen begleitet. In der Pandemie standen in vielen westlichen Ländern, vor allem in der Automobilindustrie, die Fliessbänder still. Der Grund: Chipmangel. Der Welt wurde schlagartig bewusst, wie abhängig sie von internationalen Lieferketten und vor allem von der Chipproduktion in Taiwan ist. Das Land produziert rund 60 Prozent aller weltweiten Halbleiter. Bei den hochklassigen Halbleitern sind es sogar über 90 Prozent. Halbleiter werden auch als das Öl des 21. Jahrhunderts bezeichnet. Würde die Chipproduktion Taiwans gestört, könnte die gesamte digitalisierte Welt um Jahrzehnte zurückgeworfen werden. Mit prägnanten Bildern und im Gespräch mit internationalen Experten vermittelt der Film ein Bild des Landes und der aktuellen Lage. Anhand der politischen Beziehungen der Schweiz zu Taiwan erzählt der Film, wie heikel es für die meisten Länder der Welt ist, mit Taiwan umzugehen, ohne das grosse China zu erzürnen. Der Film zeigt auch, wie gefährlich es für die Welt und deren Wirtschaft wäre, wenn China tatsächlich angreifen würde. Hätte Taiwan eine Chance, sich zu verteidigen? Würden die USA, Japan, Australien und Korea eingreifen und stünde somit der Beginn eines grossen Krieges bevor? Wie wahrscheinlich ist es, dass China tatsächlich ernst macht? Erstausstrahlung 3sat: Mittwoch, 6. Dezember 2023, 20.15 Uhr

On Today's Menu: