Podcasts about Deng Xiaoping

How does China's economic model work? Political economist Ben Norton explains the ideas behind Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, discussing China's socialist market economy, historical development, reform process, poverty reduction, industrial policy, and more. VIDEO with charts here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6E89qUXTX-k Topics 0:00 Introduction 1:07 China has world's largest economy 3:01 China's economic development 3:54 Poverty reduction 6:56 Rising incomes 7:42 Life expectancy 8:57 Mortality rates 9:34 Reform and Opening Up 10:16 To get rich is glorious? 11:35 Deng Xiaoping's ideology 13:54 Primary stage of socialism 14:28 Chinese capitalists 15:54 Industrialization & urbanization 16:55 Birdcage economy (Chen Yun) 18:17 State ownership 19:40 State-owned enterprises (SOEs) 20:49 Grasp the large, let go of the small 22:22 Public property 23:16 SOE assets 24:14 Provincial & local governments 25:51 Golden shares in tech companies 26:54 Huawei, biggest worker-owned company 27:17 Rural cooperatives 29:09 Democracy in China? 31:40 Foreign investment in China 33:49 Global value chain 34:34 Foreign direct investment (FDI) 35:48 Industrial policy evolution 38:22 New quality productive forces 39:23 China's green energy revolution 40:24 World's manufacturing superpower 41:04 US deindustrialization & financialization 43:22 US bubble economy 44:37 China popped real estate bubble 46:50 Inequality & uneven development 48:31 Eras of the PRC 49:01 Common prosperity in New Era 49:34 Gini coefficient 50:26 Labor income vs capital income 51:48 Poverty alleviation 52:17 Wages of Chinese workers 52:44 Labor unions in China 55:19 USA funds anti-China labor groups 57:02 Marco Rubio takes over NED 57:32 Delivery workers 58:30 996 system is banned 59:23 Working hours in China 1:00:25 Imperialism & division of labor 1:03:51 AI & new cold war 1:04:45 Silicon Valley model: monopoly 1:05:43 Market competition in China 1:07:44 China opposes private monopolies 1:08:10 State planning 1:09:05 Cold War Two

Vor nicht mal 100 Jahren war China ein armes Land, heute eine Weltmacht. Das war nur möglich durch Deng Xiaoping. Wie hat er das geschafft? Und wer war er? Wer China heute verstehen will, muss Deng Xiaoping kennen. Von Rebecca Ricker (BR 2025)

We all know about the broken American Dream. But according to the American-based China scholar Minxin Pei, China's dream is equally broken. In his new book, The Broken China Dream, Pie argues that the party-centric reforms of both Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping have, by definition, revived totalitarianism. So while he does acknowledge some material achievements of the communist revolution, Pei is ultimately skeptical of its long-term benefit to the Chinese people. The party is the problem, Pei suggests. It has broken the Chinese dream. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Een slaande ruzie tussen de nieuwe premier van Japan Sanae Takaichi en het Chinese bewind van Xi Jinping zet een oud conflict op scherp. Dit raakt niet alleen de machtsverhouding in Oost-Azië, maar meteen ook de rol van de Verenigde Staten in de Stille Oceaan en die van Rusland in zijn eigen verre oosten. En omdat het uiteindelijk draait om het eiland Taiwan, raakt het ook de Europese Unie. En bovenal Nederland, als thuisbasis van ASML. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger diepen drie vragen uit: -Waarom provoceerde premier Takaichi meteen bij haar aantreden de grote buur? En waarom reageerde Trump, die 'groot respect' voor haar heeft, zo afhoudend? -Waarom sloeg Xi zo fel terug? -Welke diepe historische gevoeligheden, herinneringen en angsten maken deze explosie even begrijpelijk als riskant? *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** Het pacifisme werd Japan na 1945 opgelegd door president Harry Truman als prijs voor de terugkeer onder de 'fatsoenlijke naties'. Maar in 1972 kwam de 'Nixon Shokku'. De opening naar China door Richard Nixon leek Japan in de kou te zetten en dwong tot herijking van de geopolitieke strategie. Premier Shinzo Abe zette de deur open naar 'zelfverdediging' als agressievere houding en stelde: “Een noodsituatie rond Taiwan is een noodtoestand voor Japan." Dat zijn protegee Takaichi dit herhaalde toen zij Taiwan bezocht, alarmeerde Beijing. Haar coalitie werd direct vanuit China onder druk gezet. Maar dit gaf haar populariteit alleen maar een impuls. Het lijkt erop dat het Chinese bewind hier ook een onverwachte kans zag. Een overleg met een hoge ambtenaar uit Tokyo werd theatraal in scène gezet om hevige nationalistische en historische affecten op te jagen. Zowel militair als cultureel werd Japan in de ban gedaan. Popconcerten van JO1 werden geschrapt, toerisme opgeschort. Een herhaling van massale anti-Japan demonstraties van 2010 dreigde. De Japanse premier probeerde meteen te sussen. Xi Jinping kan deze opwinding goed gebruiken. Hij laat het volk stoom afblazen nu hij zijn nieuwe vijfjarenplan inluidt waarin hightech prioriteit heeft maar het platteland en de middenklasse moeten inleveren. En door Japan aan te pakken terwijl Trump hem schijnbaar bijvalt, laat hij Taiwan voelen dat het eiland nog verder in het isolement gedreven wordt. Deze harde aanpak is in China niet zonder reden populair. Japan overtrof na 1870 de grote buur als nieuwe, moderne wereldmacht en veroverde Taiwan en Korea. Sleutelfiguur in deze razendsnelle ontwikkeling was keizer Meiji die zijn land opengooide naar het Westen als een soort Thorbecke of Deng Xiaoping van zijn tijd. De gruwelen van Japanse agressie in China na 1930 en Mao's militaire triomf over Japan drukken een zwaar stempel op de relaties. Ten diepste is China nog steeds bevreesd voor een ambitieus Japan. Dat premier Takaichi zich als een soort beschermvrouwe van Taiwan zou profileren raakt een open zenuw. Maar tegelijkertijd kan Xi dat eiland laten nu voelen hoe het alleen staat. Het kan zich maar beter in de open armen van China storten. Zijn droom van een 'vreedzame hereniging' naar het model van Dengs greep naar Hong Kong kan zo dichterbij komen. Hij zou dan de voltooier zijn van de nationale eenheid en als heerser voorgoed de gelijke worden van Mao en Deng. *** Verder luisteren 458 - De gedroomde nieuwe wereldorde van Poetin en Xi https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/7e62cdac-bdb9-450c-af23-a7f974ec3e42 453 – 75 jaar Volksrepubliek China, waar is het feestje? https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/2268a339-e0ca-4d2a-85bd-2ec5c4b6a1ca 24 - Ties Dams over China's nieuwe keizer Xi Jinping https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/796c8734-7866-4295-b672-335e345da39e 220 - China's nieuwe culturele revolutie https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/3d52b1c2-d383-4e2c-991b-5531b6de78ae 245 - Oompje neemt de trein – de reis die China naar de 21e eeuw bracht https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8041cd16-d577-45e1-83a9-efd7676c226a 250 - Nixon in China: de week die de wereld veranderde https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/bee983d6-1372-470a-8ce9-27ea6a2d3020 225 - Nixon in China: Henry Kissinger's geheime (en hilarische) trip naar Beijing https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/cff20ade-b4b1-47a8-b554-0fccc620e096 447 - Als Trump wint staat Europa er alleen voor https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/eee9ebfb-042b-4753-b70d-a48e915b5beb 488 - Het Congres van Wenen (1814-1815) als briljant machtsspel https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/1423134d-c671-4a71-805a-1d21ab9f7de6 *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:36:16 – Deel 2 00:54:06 – Deel 3 01:20:19 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

pWotD Episode 3130: 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre Welcome to popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 182,695 views on Wednesday, 26 November 2025 our article of the day is 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre.The Tiananmen Square protests, known within China as the June Fourth Incident, were student-led demonstrations held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, China, lasting from 15 April to 4 June 1989. After weeks of unsuccessful attempts between the demonstrators and the Chinese government to find a peaceful resolution, the Chinese government deployed troops to occupy the square on the night of 3 June in what is referred to as the Tiananmen Square massacre. The events are sometimes called the '89 Democracy Movement, the Tiananmen Square Incident, or the Tiananmen uprising.The protests were precipitated by the death of pro-reform Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989 amid the backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in post-Mao China, reflecting anxieties among the people and political elite about the country's future. Common grievances at the time included inflation, corruption, limited preparedness of graduates for the new economy, and restrictions on political participation. Although they were highly disorganised and their goals varied, the students called for things like rollback of the removal of iron rice bowl jobs, greater accountability, constitutional due process, democracy, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech. Workers' protests were generally focused on inflation and the erosion of welfare. These groups united around anti-corruption demands, adjusting economic policies, and protecting social security. At the height of the protests, about one million people assembled in the square.As the protests developed, the authorities responded with both conciliatory and hardline tactics, exposing deep divisions within the party leadership. By May, a student-led hunger strike galvanised support around the country for the demonstrators, and the protests spread to some 400 cities. On 20 May, the State Council declared martial law, and as many as 300,000 troops were mobilised to Beijing. After several weeks of standoffs and violent confrontations between the army and demonstrators left many on both sides severely injured, a meeting held among the CCP's top leadership on 1 June concluded with a decision to clear the square. The troops advanced into central parts of Beijing on the city's major thoroughfares in the early morning hours of 4 June and engaged in bloody clashes with demonstrators attempting to block them, in which many people – demonstrators, bystanders, and soldiers – were killed. Estimates of the death toll vary from several hundred to several thousand, with thousands more wounded.The event had both short and long term consequences. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China, and various Western media outlets labeled the crackdown a "massacre". In the aftermath of the protests, the Chinese government suppressed other protests around China, carried out mass arrests of protesters which catalysed Operation Yellowbird, strictly controlled coverage of the events in the domestic and foreign affiliated press, and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests. The government also invested heavily into creating more effective police riot control units. More broadly, the suppression ended the political reforms which began in 1986 as well as the New Enlightenment movement, and halted the policies of liberalisation of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992. Considered a watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day. The events remain one of the most sensitive and most widely censored topics in China.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 02:38 UTC on Thursday, 27 November 2025.For the full current version of the article, see 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Kendra.

In this episode of the David Watson Podcast, I sit down with former Reuters journalist and IMF publisher Jeremy Clift, now the author of two thought-provoking sci-fi novels: “Born in Space” and “Space Vault.” We start with his life as a foreign correspondent in the 70s, 80s and 90s – Paris, Beirut, Egypt, India, China under Deng Xiaoping – what he calls “the front row of history.” From there we dig into how news used to be gathered, the craft of great writing and editing, and why trust in media has eroded in the 24-hour news and social media age. Then we move into the future: asteroid mining, the coming space economy, gene editing, AI, robots in every home, universal basic income, and the huge ethical questions around who owns life, data and even our memories. Jeremy explains how all of this feeds into his sci-fi series and why he thinks the next few decades will be truly transformational for humanity. If you like deep, nostalgic conversations that run from smoky newsrooms and outside toilets in 60s Britain to Neurolink, space vaults and sentient robots, this one's for you. What we talk about in this episode: Growing up in post-war Britain and the “you've never had it so good” generation Training as a Reuters journalist and reporting from Paris, Beirut, Egypt, India, Indonesia, China and beyond How newsrooms used to work: deadlines, teleprinters, foreign bureaus and serious editors The rise of 24-hour news and why verification and integrity became harder to protect Fake or distorted reporting, “agenda-driven” editing and why audiences now have to be their own filter Moving from Reuters to the IMF and learning the craft of book and research publishing Why asteroid mining, the moon and the space economy could upend global wealth and power Seeds, gene editing and “who owns life?” – the core themes of Space Vault AI, robots, Neurolink and grief tech: talking to digital versions of loved ones Universal basic income, surplus labour and the tension between human nature and technological change Why Jeremy chose sci-fi instead of spy thrillers – and how his reporting past shapes his fiction 0:00 Intro – why I wanted Jeremy on the podcast 0:41 Jeremy joins the show 3:41 Old order vs new order in politics and journalism 10:04 Childhood in post-war Britain and moving around with the Navy 17:06 Learning journalism at Reuters and early foreign postings 24:30 Trust, manipulation and the 24-hour news cycle 32:40 From Reuters to the IMF and into publishing 34:24 Born In Space – space labs, children and identity 39:18 Space Vault, seed banks and “who owns life?” 45:40 AI, robots, grief tech and ethics 52:05 Universal basic income and the future of work 59:44 Where to find Jeremy and his books 1:01:15 Closing thoughts Find Jeremy and his work: Website: jeremycliftebooks.com Books: “Born in Space” and “Space Vault” (available on Amazon and wider retailers) Audiobook: Born in Space on Audible, narrated by Gabrielle Gums Gordon

Whither America? It's the question that the Swedish writer Johan Norberg examines in both a recent Washington Post op-ed as well as his new book, Peak Human. What we can learn from history's great civilizations, Norberg argues, is that they decline when they turn inward, away from both the outside world and innovation. “All Sparta, no Athens”, as he puts it. So what does that tell us not only about Trump's America but also Putin's Russia and Xi's China? And what should we make of Europe, which is neither Sparta nor Athens? And when compared with China, Russia and Europe, Norberg's vision of the American future seems relatively sunny. So maybe, with or without MAGA, the 21st century really will be the American century. * MAGA doesn't fit any traditional conservative or liberal framework. It's a radical ideology built around a strongman who has no patience for democratic process, rule of law, or compromise—precisely the institutions that classical liberalism and genuine conservatism have always sought to protect.* Declining empires are the most dangerous. Russia is “all Sparta, no Athens”—a society that builds barracks rather than innovation, extracts resources rather than creates wealth, and fears any neighboring democracy that might give its own people ideas. Putin may sense this is his last chance to rearrange the world order.* China's split personality may doom its long-term prospects. Deng Xiaoping borrowed from Athens—openness, experimentation, “crossing the river by feeling the stones.” Xi Jinping has reverted to Sparta—centralized control that can build electric vehicle factories fast but stifles the strange surprises that drive real innovation.* America's saving grace may be its constitutional limits. The courts are the only branch doing their job right now, striking down unconstitutional overreach one case at a time. Republicans know there's life after Trump—and after two centuries of championing the Constitution, they can't simply throw it aside.* Europe is Rome without the military power. The EU's great idea—an open continent that experiments with different solutions—is undermined by a Mandarin class in Brussels that insists on standardizing everything. That's why great European startups keep moving to California.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Prof. Bogdan Góralczyk, jeden z najbardziej znanych polskich sinologów tłumaczy jak funkcjonuje system władzy w Chinach pod rządami Xi Jinpinga oraz dlaczego jest o wiele bardziej autokratyczny od modelu zarządzania, który wprowadził Deng Xiaoping, dzięki któremu Chiny otworzyły się na świat i dokonały wielkiego skoku cywilizacyjnego. Zdaniem naszego gościa Xi dysponuje obecnie władzą iście cesarską, co w dłuższej perspektywie okaże się dla Państwa Środka destrukcyjne. Prof. Góralczyka pytamy także o to, jaką ideologią kieruje się dzisiaj Komunistyczna Partia Chin i czy przeciętny Chińczyk wciąż wierzy w komunizm. A jeśli nie w Marksa i Lenina to w co wierzą zwykli Chińczycy? W tym kontekście nasz gość wskazuje na wszechobecny w Państwie Środka kult pieniądza. Oczywiście w naszej rozmowie nie brakuje również wątków rywalizacji chińsko-amerykańskiej. Profesor Góralczyk komentuje niedawne osobiste spotkanie Donalda Trumpa z Xi Jinpingiem, po którym stosunki na linii Waszyngton-Pekin delikatnie deeskalowały. Ale wszyscy możemy być pewni, że starcie gigantów trwa, a jego wyniku nie da się przewidzieć. Pytany o to, jak wyglądałby świat pod chińską dominacją, prof. Góralczyk uspokaja, że Chiny nigdy nie będą mocarstwem uniwersalnym, ponieważ ich język oraz kultura są wsobne i jako takie nie mają potencjału do ekspansji. Nie będzie więc Pax Sinica. Ponieważ nasz gość jest także znawcą spraw Węgierskich, w tym podkaście nie brak również kilku pytań o Viktora Orbana. Prof. Góralczyk nie wyklucza scenariusza, w którym w nadchodzących wyborach Fidesz przegrywa. Ale czy porażka wyborcza będzie oznaczała koniec władzy Orbana? Tego już nasz gość pewien wcale nie jest.

Echoes of 1919: How Underestimating the PLA After Tiananmen Created a Strategic Failure. Jim Fanell and Brad Thayer connect the current geopolitical threat posed by the PLA Navy to past strategic failures, drawing an analogy to the British Empire's "10-year rule" instituted in 1919. The US made a similar miscalculation regarding China after the brutal Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, as the US Navy and Pacific Command did not perceive any threat from the PRC. Fanell, who worked at the US Joint Intelligence Center Pacific from 1989 to 1991, confirms that intelligence focused on the Soviet threat, and China did not become a priority until around 2014 or 2015. Following Tiananmen, the US should have highlighted the Chinese Communist Party as a "sadistic monster," but instead the George H.W. Bush administration rushed to repair the relationship. Thayer emphasizes that US leaders in 1989 had a great understanding of communism's evils, but this understanding has since faded, and China is now incorrectly viewed as a capitalist state. Deng Xiaoping learned from Tiananmen and the Soviet collapse, focusing on economic reform while establishing a relationship of dependence between US business and the CCP.

Cześć! W czasach, gdy Chiny technologicznie i gospodarczo dogoniły, a miejscami nawet przegoniły Zachód, warto zadać pytanie – jak do tego doszło? Jak kraj, którego produkty jeszcze niedawno kojarzono z tandetą, stał się jednym z najbogatszych na świecie? Początek tej przemiany sięga końca lat 70., gdy przywódca Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej, Deng Xiaoping, zdecydował się przeprowadzić gruntowne reformy. Zmienił podejście do lokalnej przedsiębiorczości i zaczął luzować zasady funkcjonowania wielkich państwowych zakładów. Ich kierownicy z roku na rok otrzymywali coraz większą swobodę. Przekształceniu uległ również sektor bankowy i podatkowy, a tempo reform gwałtownie przyspieszyło na początku lat 90.W tym samym czasie zaczęły rosnąć w siłę pierwsze wielkie chińskie marki, również w branży wysokich technologii. To właśnie wtedy pojawili się tacy gracze jak Huawei i Lenovo. W najnowszym odcinku mojej serii opowiem także o ich początkach.

Grandes centros urbanos deveriam investir mais em transportes alternativos do que alargar avenidas para mais carros! Grandes centros urbanos tendem a ser projetados para pessoas ricas que têm condições de possuir carro. Numa foto espantosa de Xangai feita em 1991, multidões de ciclistas atravessam uma ponte a caminho do trabalho. Os únicos veículos motorizados visíveis são dois ônibus. Essa era a China dos anos 1990: um "Reino da Bicicleta" em que 670 milhões de pessoas possuíam bicicleta. Os governantes ainda estavam seguindo a orientação de Deng Xiaoping, que definiu a prosperidade como "uma bicicleta em cada casa". Hoje a China é o reino das rodovias de oito pistas. A maioria das megacidades de baixa e média renda pelo mundo afora abandonaram a bicicleta, mas agora precisam recuperá-la. As chamadas megacidades modernas (definidas como aglomerados de pelo menos 10 milhões de habitantes) são os maiores assentamentos humanos da história – e estão crescendo sem parar. O mundo tinha dez megacidades em 1990 e 33 em 2018; segundo as Nações Unidas, terá 43 até o ano 2030. Mais de um terço do crescimento demográfico se dará na Índia, China e Nigéria. Mais carros significarão mais congestionamentos e mais efeitos nocivos às pessoas, ao planeta e à vida urbana. Felizmente, é perfeitamente viável que esses lugares voltem a tornar-se reinos da bicicleta. [...] Muitas megacidades ainda estão em fase suficientemente inicial de seu desenvolvimento para poderem evitar o desvio equivocado em direção aos carros seguido pelas cidades europeias após a guerra. Os prefeitos deveriam estar construindo infraestrutura de recarga de e-bikes, não mais avenidas arteriais. Algumas pessoas têm medo de andar de bicicleta em cidades assoladas pelo crime. Mas muitas pessoas em outras megacidades anseiam por andar de bicicleta. Quase metade dos chineses dizem que gostariam de usar bicicleta para ir e vir do trabalho diariamente, enquanto outros 37% prefeririam ciclomotores ou motonetas. O passo seguinte, algo que já vem sendo feito em cidades de renda alta, é substituir os caminhões de entrega por bicicletas de carga. Quantas vezes um denso emaranhado de problemas tem uma solução única, barata, verde, saudável e low-tech? As cidades inteligentes vão implementar essa solução. Fonte (texto e créditos): https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2022/06/megacidades-pobres-deveriam-investir-em-postos-de-recarga-para-bikes-eletricas-nao-em-avenidas.shtml?utm_source=sharenativo&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=sharenativo Imagem (créditos): Carros parados em trânsito de Xangai, na China - Aly Song - 10 mar. 2021 / Reuters. Trilha sonora (créditos): https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4_u2Gf7c5YY. NOSTALGIAS | NATIVE AMAZING MUSIC | FLUTE COVER BY WUAUQUIKUNA |

Les Européens redoutent une nouvelle pénurie alors que Pékin s'apprête à restreindre ses exportations. Retour sur la stratégie méthodique qui a permis à la Chine de dominer un secteur vital pour l'économie mondiale. Les Vingt-Sept s'apprêtent à négocier avec la Chine sur la question des terres rares. L'Union européenne redoute une pénurie de ces métaux critiques, indispensables à la fabrication des smartphones, ordinateurs, voitures électriques ou encore équipements militaires. Et pour cause, Pékin, leader mondial incontesté du secteur, prévoit d'imposer de nouvelles restrictions à leurs exportations dans les prochaines semaines. Pour comprendre cette domination, il faut remonter trente ans en arrière. Au début des années 1990, ce sont les États-Unis qui exploitent la plus grande mine de terres rares du monde, à Mountain Pass, en Californie. La Chine, elle, dispose d'importantes réserves, mais son industrie est encore balbutiante. C'est à cette époque que le dirigeant chinois Deng Xiaoping prononce une phrase restée célèbre, « le Moyen-Orient a du pétrole, la Chine a des terres rares ». Dès lors, ces métaux sont classés parmi les ressources stratégiques du pays. Les entreprises étrangères se voient interdire l'exploitation des mines locales et les exportations sont strictement encadrées. À lire aussiL'industrie européenne bientôt confrontée à une pénurie de métaux stratégiques? Le virage du raffinage et la montée en puissance chinoise Mais Pékin ne s'est pas contentée d'extraire le minerai. Elle a compris très tôt que la clé de la puissance industrielle résidait dans la maîtrise du raffinage et du traitement chimique des terres rares — des étapes à forte valeur ajoutée que les pays occidentaux ont délaissée, jugées trop coûteuses et polluantes. Résultat, plus de trente ans plus tard, 90% du raffinage mondial des terres rares est désormais réalisé en Chine. La domination est quasi totale. Cette réussite ne doit rien au hasard. Le Parti communiste chinois a su utiliser les leviers du capitalisme d'État : soutien massif à la recherche et aux entreprises locales, consolidation du secteur en quelques géants publics et surtout, politique agressive de dumping. Chaque fois qu'un concurrent occidental tente d'ouvrir une mine, la Chine augmente sa production, fait chuter les cours et rend les projets étrangers non rentables. Une stratégie implacable qui a conduit les États-Unis et l'Europe à dépendre durablement de Pékin. Et quand certains pays occidentaux ont besoin de terres rares, la Chine peut littéralement « appuyer sur le frein ». À lire aussiFace à la Chine, les États-Unis à la recherche de métaux rares Une domination forte, mais pas sans limites Les terres rares sont au cœur de la puissance technologique mondiale. Elles entrent dans la composition des batteries, des écrans, des moteurs électriques, mais aussi des systèmes militaires. Un avion de chasse américain F-35, par exemple, nécessite plus de 400 kilos de terres rares pour sa fabrication. Détenir ces métaux est une chose, mais savoir les transformer en est une autre. C'est précisément ce savoir-faire que la Chine maîtrise mieux que quiconque. Mais cette suprématie a ses fragilités. En misant sur des prix très bas pour étouffer la concurrence, Pékin fragilise aussi ses propres entreprises. En parallèle, d'autres pays — l'Australie, le Canada, plusieurs nations africaines — disposent de gisements prometteurs et cherchent à s'organiser. Une coordination internationale, comme celle amorcée entre les États-Unis et l'Australie, pourrait à terme réduire la dépendance mondiale à la Chine. Mais cela prendra du temps. Et Pékin, elle, compte bien préserver sa longueur d'avance, fruit d'un pilotage centralisé, méthodique et calculé sur le long terme.

Vor nicht mal 100 Jahren war China ein armes Land, heute eine Weltmacht. Das war nur möglich durch Deng Xiaoping. Wie hat er das geschafft? Und wer war er? Wer China heute verstehen will, muss Deng Xiaoping kennen. Autorin: Rebecca Ricker (BR 2025)

Alors que s'est ouvert à Pékin le quatrième plénum du Parti communiste chinois, le pays fait face à une croissance en berne et à des défis économiques majeurs. Durant quatre jours, les dirigeants du parti doivent poser les bases du prochain plan quinquennal, feuille de route stratégique pour la période 2026-2030. Depuis ce lundi, les quelque 370 membres du Comité central du Parti communiste chinois sont réunis à huis clos à Pékin pour une session décisive. Ce plénum, quatrième depuis le Congrès de 2022, doit définir les grandes orientations économiques du pays. Mais l'ambiance n'est pas à l'euphorie. Les chiffres publiés dans la nuit sont mauvais - une croissance de seulement 4,8% au troisième trimestre, le rythme le plus faible depuis un an. La Chine n'est plus dans la phase d'expansion triomphante qu'elle a connue dans les années 2000. La croissance, autrefois à deux chiffres, devrait plafonner entre 5 et 6% en 2026, selon les projections officielles. Les investissements directs étrangers se sont effondrés de près de 30% en 2024, la crise immobilière continue d'asphyxier les finances locales, et le chômage des jeunes reste élevé. À cela s'ajoute la guerre commerciale relancée par Donald Trump, qui pèse lourdement sur les exportations. Dans ce contexte, Xi Jinping doit prouver que le Parti garde la main et, surtout, qu'il a un plan pour relancer la deuxième économie mondiale. Ce plénum doit poser les fondations du 15ᵉ plan quinquennal chinois, qui couvrira la période 2026-2030. À lire aussiLa guerre commerciale de Donald Trump redessine les exportations chinoises Trois axes pour relancer la machine chinoise Le premier objectif, c'est la relance de la consommation intérieure. Les Chinois épargnent beaucoup et consomment peu. Pour Pékin, il faut désormais stimuler la demande des ménages afin de soutenir une croissance plus équilibrée. Aujourd'hui, les exportations restent le principal moteur de richesse, un modèle risqué dans un contexte international incertain. Deuxième axe : la modernisation industrielle et technologique. Le Parti mise sur les secteurs stratégiques - semi-conducteurs, robotique, biotechnologie et surtout intelligence artificielle. L'idée est claire : devenir autosuffisant et sécuriser les chaînes d'approvisionnement pour faire face aux États-Unis, qui multiplient les restrictions sur les technologies sensibles. Enfin, troisième priorité : la transition écologique. Paradoxalement, Pékin est à la fois premier émetteur mondial de CO₂ et leader mondial du solaire et des batteries électriques. L'économie verte est perçue comme le nouveau moteur industriel chinois, à la fois pour des raisons environnementales et géopolitiques. Des précédents historiques et un modèle à réinventer Les plénums ont toujours joué un rôle crucial dans l'histoire économique de la Chine. Le plus célèbre reste celui de décembre 1978, où Deng Xiaoping lança la politique de la « porte ouverte » : introduction de la propriété privée, ouverture aux investissements étrangers et création des zones économiques spéciales. Ce tournant marqua l'entrée de la Chine dans l'économie mondiale, jusqu'à devenir, en quelques décennies, la deuxième puissance mondiale. Autre moment clé : le plénum du début des années 1990, qui posa les bases de la restructuration des entreprises d'État et prépara l'adhésion à l'Organisation mondiale du commerce, intervenue en 2001. Mais aujourd'hui, le modèle chinois montre ses limites. La planification, qui a fait le succès du pays, se heurte à une conjoncture plus complexe : endettement élevé, consommation en berne, démographie déclinante et rivalité stratégique avec les États-Unis. Le défi de Xi Jinping est immense : relancer la croissance sans creuser la dette, restaurer la confiance des ménages sans relâcher le contrôle du Parti, et maintenir la compétitivité industrielle sans déclencher de nouvelles guerres commerciales. Ces quatre jours de plénum seront donc scrutés de près. Car si, dans le passé, ces réunions étaient souvent synonymes de rupture et de réinvention, celle-ci pourrait bien être celle d'une Chine en mutation, cherchant un nouvel équilibre entre puissance, stabilité et modernité. À lire aussi«Plenum» du Parti communiste en Chine: Pékin se cherche un nouveau cap économique

Ons land is uniek: we hebben én Brainport én Mainport. Kenniscentra en economische clusters op wereldniveau. Opvallend is dat de huidige verkiezingscampagne de structurele, lange-termijnversterking van die kurk waarop onze welvaart drijft lijkt te negeren. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger verdiepen zich met experts in de vijf nationale zeehavens: hun kansen en de zorgen. En PG duikt in de bijzondere en zeer oude historie van deze delta van Europa. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt door de Branche Organisatie Zeehavens. En natuurlijk met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** "Wereldspelers van de industrie in onze zeehavens zijn allemaal bezig met verduurzaming. Maar de overheid moet het hen wel mogelijk maken”, zegt Boudewijn Siemons, ceo van Port of Rotterdam en voorzitter van de BOZ, de Branche Organisatie Zeehavens. De historie van die geopolitieke begint bij Augustus, imperator van Rome. PG vertelt over diens indrukwekkende vlootproject op de plek waar nu de Wijkertunnel ligt. Maar ook in de eeuwen nadien bleek deze delta cruciaal voor de Europese economie en bepaalde zij de welvaart, urbanisatie, politiek en rol van deze streken op wereldschaal. Het is een verhaal van Dorestad tot Brugge en van Amsterdam tot Vlissingen. Filips II tot Thorbecke en George Marshall. Deze streken van de mondingen van Schelde, Maas, Rijn en Eems lijken nog het meest op de reusachtige delta van de Parelrivier, maar wie is onze Deng Xiaoping? In de gesprekken met havenexperts komen die thema's heel eigentijds aan de orde. Cas König (ceo van North Sea Port) en Marco Waas (chief technology and sustainability van Nobian) schetsen de ontwikkelingen van de nauw samenwerkende havens van Gent, Terneuzen en Vlissingen in North Sea Port en die van het gespecialiseerde chloorcluster in Rotterdam. Nobian is een spil in de chemische innovatie en speelt daarom een sleutelrol in de verduurzaming en energietransitie. Uit hun verhalen zijn vele lessen te trekken voor beleidsmakers, industrie en bestuurders. Ingrid Post (programmadirecteur energietransitie Noordzeekanaalgebied) en Kees Noorman (directeur van ORAM, de grote ondernemers in de Metropoolregio Amsterdam) praten over de optelsom aan grote uitdagingen die kenmerkend is voor wereldhavens. Van de toekomst van Tata Steel tot de beveiliging tegen drones. En van de spanning tussen veel meer woningbouw en industriële productie tot complexe lokale bestuurssamenwerking en aandacht uit 'Den Haag'. Strategische industrie is voor Europa essentieel, maar tegelijkertijd moet die ook verduurzamen en lange termijn perspectief houden. Boudewijn Siemons richt de blik op heel die delta en de eeuwenoude rol als poort van Europa. Hoe houden we die vast? In elk geval is - zoals in vroeger eeuwen - de relatie en de afstemming met Antwerpen markant verbeterd. En hij benadrukt dat er geen tak van industrie in de havens is die niet intensief verduurzaamt. Maar hij waarschuwt: "We zien tekenen van de-industrialisatie.” Reuzen als Shell, BP en ExxonMobil stoppen met uitbreiden of verplaatsen zelfs delen van hun industrie naar elders. “Willen we in Europa strategische autonomie, dan moeten we beseffen dat dit niet voor niks gaat lukken”, zegt hij. "De politiek is wakker geworden, maar de samenwerking moet krachtiger." Naast ‘Project Beethoven’ voor Brainport Eindhoven, zou er voor de zeehavens een vergelijkbaar ondersteuningsprogramma moeten komen. PG heeft al een naam: Project-Händel, verwijzend naar diens Water Music! *** Verder luisteren 536 - Het Grote Energie Verkiezingsdebat https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/536-het-grote-energie-verkiezingsdebat 525 –Wat Brainport Eindhoven ons leert en hoe we onze economie nóg toekomstbestendiger kunnen maken https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/525-wat-brainport-eindhoven-ons-leert-en-hoe-we-onze-economie-n-g-toekomstbestendiger-maken 516 – Files op het elektriciteitsnet: de energietransitie dreigt slachtoffer te worden van het eigen succes https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/54ccc73e-4200-4dbc-87c8-213c70e97491 462 - Allard Castelein moet essentiële grondstoffen veiligstellen https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/1d3bdae5-949a-420a-912e-f5eb6598dfba 338 - Hoe de stikstofcrisis de energietransitie vertraagt. En: wat intussen wél met sprongen vooruitgaat https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/44ca8c95-3d97-4311-ae55-f56bc5dd165c 528 - ‘Europa, ontwaak!’ Manfred Weber en de eenzaamheid van Europa. https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/528-europa-ontwaak-manfred-weber-en-de-eenzaamheid-van-europa-en-vicepremier-vincent-van-peteghem-over-belgi-en-nederland 490 – Duitslands grote draai. Friedrich Merz, Europa en Nederland https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8bac6adf-1b0e-49f1-8a4a-8340c99c6db3 465 – De opmerkelijke overeenkomsten van Nederland en Noordrijn-Westfalen https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/4c172833-611f-43dd-ab7f-2338c2829ab8 446 - Doe wat Draghi zegt of Europa wacht een langzame doodsstrijd https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/7af41d6c-1463-4010-94df-a702f6f5cf08 497 – De krankzinnige tarievenoorlog van Donald Trump https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/6726d535-1e03-4b41-92d0-98b29876db9d 481 - Donald Trumps nieuwe idool William McKinley, ‘de tarievenkoning’ https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/018eaa63-b81a-4b17-9342-e98ee53bf516 431 - Kabinetsformatie: Handelsland Nederland staat op het spel https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8f019a55-5189-4ed9-972a-3987b4de72c6 306 - De gevoelige geopolitieke relatie met China https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/05aea6d2-35e8-4d84-9c04-db5af915ec35 245 - Oompje neemt de trein – de reis die China naar de 21e eeuw bracht https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8041cd16-d577-45e1-83a9-efd7676c226a 520 - De radicaaldemocratische erfenis van Pieter Vreede https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/520-de-radicaaldemocratische-erfenis-van-pieter-vreede 274 - Thorbecke, denker en doener https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/9fe72827-e9eb-4e1c-b370-f19c520e353a *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1: historisch verhaal door PG 00:34:15 – Deel 2: Cas König en Marco Waas 01:04:26 – Deel 3: Ingrid Post en Kees Noorman 01:22:47 – Deel 4: Boudewijn Siemons 01:36:57 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Singapore literally would not exist without the shipping industry. In 1819 the East India Company reached agreement with the local ruler to use it as a waystation for vessels carrying opium to China. Five years later, it bought the entire country for cash. Two hundred years later, it would not be much of a stretch to describe it as a powerhouse port with a small southeast Asian city-state attached. But until last month, the International Union of Marine Insurance conference had not taken place there since 2004. Even then, Singapore's standing in the maritime industries was undeniable. But at that point it remained an emerging market in marine insurance terms. As the 600-plus delegates who assembled for this year's event were told, that is clearly no longer the case. It is now the fourth-largest hull market in the world. Its share of the global hull book now stands at 7.9%, leaving it just a fraction of a percentage point behind the once-almighty Lloyd's. Nor is it the only Asian nation to see its marine insurance presence take a great leap forward. China is now writing around 12% of world hull premiums and must now be counted as a core market for H&M. It also writes 17% of cargo business, which is more than Lloyd's and the London companies markets put together. The late Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping - who died in 1997 - argued that the twenty-first century would be the Asian century. If marine insurance is anything to go by, he may have had a point. Joining David on the podcast are: Veith Huesmann, chief analyst, IUMI Sean Dalton, head of marine underwriting North America, Munich Re Alicia Leong, head of marine liabilities Asia, Markel Jun Lin, vice president, Gard

Since 1951, when Tibet was formally annexed into the People's Republic of China, Tibet has been a battleground between China's efforts to assert control and the Tibetan people's struggle to preserve their cultural and religious identity. This past August, Xi Jinping made a surprise visit to Tibet, his second since becoming China's top leader in 2012. Less than two months earlier, the Dalai Lama, now 90 years old, announced that his office, not China, would choose his successor when he passes. A few months before that, the Dalai Lama revealed in a memoir that he would reincarnate outside of China. The PRC insists that the next incarnation – the 15th Dalai Lama – will be born inside PRC territory and approved by the Chinese government. What are Beijing's interests in Tibet and how has Xi Jinping pursued them since coming to power? What is likely to occur after the Dalai Lama's passing? I'm delighted to have as my guest today Tendor Dorjee. Tendor is an adjunct assistant professor of political science at Columbia University, a senior researcher at the Tibet Action Institute, and the inaugural Stephanie G Neuman Fellow at the Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies. He recently co-authored an article in Foreign Affairs titled Beijing's Dangerous Game in Tibet”.Timestamps[00:00] Start [02:08] Beijing's Key Interests in Tibet [04:06] Xi Jinping's Approach to Tibet [07:00] Internal and External Drivers of Tibet Policy [08:08] Xi's Recent Visit to Tibet [11:34] Infrastructure Developments and Expansionism  [15:27] Beijing's Succession Plans and Tibetan Reactions to a Future Dalai Lama [20:27] Risk of Unrest and Crackdowns [25:43] Implications for Neighboring States 

On this episode of The China Desk Podcast, host Steve Yates speaks with Andrew Phelan—Australian entrepreneur, writer, and former diplomat—about the rise and transformation of China from Deng Xiaoping's reforms to Xi Jinping's wolf warrior diplomacy. Phelan shares his personal experiences living and working in China, explains how offshoring hollowed out Western industry, and warns of Beijing's strategy to “Delete America” while reshaping global rules. The discussion covers U.S.-China decoupling, Australia's pushback over COVID origins, transnational repression, and the urgent need for democracies to defend sovereignty.Watch Full-Length Interviews on Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/@ChinaDeskFNW

Book Title: Wild Ride: A Short History of the Opening and Closing of the Chinese Economy Author: Anne Stevenson Yang Headline: Deng Xiaoping's Reforms and the Rise of Red Capitalism Following Mao Zedong's death, Deng Xiaoping initiated economic reforms in 1979, driven by the need for hard currency for international travel. His solution was to create hermetically sealed export zones, like Shenzhen, to attract foreign companies and currency. This "red capitalism" led to an elite class, where Deng Xiaoping's daughter and Jiang Zemin's son, Jiang Mianheng (Mr. 10%), secured money and political power, often by taking equity in new companies. 1954

Keyu Jin is an economist specializing in China's economy, international macroeconomics, global trade imbalances, and financial policy. She is the author of The New China Playbook: Beyond Socialism and Capitalism. Thank you for listening ❤ Check out our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep477-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/keyu-jin-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback - give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA - submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ama Hiring - join our team: https://lexfridman.com/hiring Other - other ways to get in touch: https://lexfridman.com/contact EPISODE LINKS: Keyu's X: https://x.com/KeyuJin Keyu's Website: https://keyujin.com/ The New China Playbook (Book): https://amzn.to/4lpgmyK SPONSORS: To support this podcast, check out our sponsors & get discounts: Allio Capital: AI-powered investment app that uses global macroeconomic trends. Go to https://alliocapital.com/ UPLIFT Desk: Standing desks and office ergonomics. Go to https://upliftdesk.com/lex Hampton: Community for high-growth founders and CEOs. Go to https://joinhampton.com/lex Lindy: No-code AI agent builder. Go to https://go.lindy.ai/lex LMNT: Zero-sugar electrolyte drink mix. Go to https://drinkLMNT.com/lex OUTLINE: (00:00) - Introduction (00:35) - Sponsors, Comments, and Reflections (08:26) - Misconceptions about China (12:57) - Education in China (22:14) - Economic reforms of Deng Xiaoping (27:33) - Mayor economy and GDP growth race (41:20) - Growing up in China (46:58) - First time in the US (51:12) - China's government vs business sector (54:46) - Communism and capitalism (58:25) - Jack Ma (1:04:37) - China's view on innovation and copying ideas (1:11:15) - DeepSeek moment (1:15:09) - CHIPS Act (1:16:56) - Tariffs and Trade (1:29:21) - Immigration (1:34:08) - Taiwan (1:39:54) - One-child policy (1:47:51) - China's economy collapse predictions (1:52:34) - Advice for visiting China PODCAST LINKS: - Podcast Website: https://lexfridman.com/podcast - Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/2lwqZIr - Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2nEwCF8 - RSS: https://lexfridman.com/feed/podcast/ - Podcast Playlist: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrAXtmErZgOdP_8GztsuKi9nrraNbKKp4 - Clips Channel: https://www.youtube.com/lexclips

Jianggan Li, Founder of Momentum Works, joins Jeremy Au to unpack the evolving trade dynamics between China, Vietnam, and the United States. They compare Vietnam's swift concessions with China's calculated rare earth strategy, discuss the blurred lines of transshipment, and explore how Apple, Pop Mart, and Labubu reflect larger trends in global manufacturing and consumer behavior. The conversation also reveals how Chinese brands are outpacing global competitors in TikTok marketing and why luxury culture in China is undergoing a quiet transformation. 02:28 China used rare earths as a strategic trade weapon: Jianggan references a Deng Xiaoping quote from the 1980s highlighting rare earths as vital. China's long-term planning turned these materials into a key negotiation tool, influencing American industry pressure and leading to relaxed US restrictions without an official announcement. 04:56 Vietnam offered zero tariffs on US goods to secure a deal: Faced with a sudden 46 percent US tariff, Vietnam's leadership moved quickly. To Lam personally called Trump and agreed to a deal where Vietnam's exports would face 20 percent tariffs, suspected transshipped goods 40 percent, and US imports would enter Vietnam tax-free. 08:41 Vietnamese factories feel pressure from China's scale and efficiency: Mid-sized business owners in Vietnam, even those driving Porsches, admit they can't compete with China on speed and cost. The concern is especially acute for standardized products without strong local customization needs. 13:20 Transshipment rules are hard to define and even harder to enforce: A Made in Vietnam label can apply if 40 percent of value is added locally but calculating that percentage is difficult. Inputs often come from China, and enforcement depends on both accounting practices and political discretion across borders. 17:25 US criticism of Apple's China ties expands across party lines: A Daily Show clip highlights Apple training Chinese factories and hollowing out US jobs. This marks a shift in criticism from being Republican led to becoming bipartisan, with concerns about offshoring now voiced by Democrats as well. 29:22 China's middle class shifts from luxury logos to quiet quality: Before the pandemic, wealth was flaunted through bags and status goods. Post-pandemic, that has changed. Consumers now see luxury as a stupid tax and prefer high-quality domestic brands that offer better value. 34:03 Labubu's rise shows China's edge in branding and execution: Pop Mart succeeded by combining designer signings, local manufacturing, and fast restocking strategies that undercut scalpers. The brand also leveraged deep operational know-how from Douyin, giving it a major advantage on TikTok over Western brands reluctant to invest in the platform. Watch, listen or read the full insight at https://www.bravesea.com/blog/jianggan-li-tariffs-and-toys Get transcripts, startup resources & community discussions at www.bravesea.com WhatsApp: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029VakR55X6BIElUEvkN02e TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@jeremyau Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/jeremyauz Twitter: https://twitter.com/jeremyau LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/bravesea English: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Bahasa Indonesia: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Chinese: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts Vietnamese: Spotify | YouTube | Apple Podcasts

pWotD Episode 3017: 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre Welcome to popular Wiki of the Day, spotlighting Wikipedia's most visited pages, giving you a peek into what the world is curious about today.With 708,271 views on Tuesday, 5 August 2025 our article of the day is 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre.The Tiananmen Square protests, known within China as the June Fourth Incident, were student-led demonstrations held in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, China, lasting from 15 April to 4 June 1989. After weeks of unsuccessful attempts between the demonstrators and the Chinese government to find a peaceful resolution, the Chinese government deployed troops to occupy the square on the night of 3 June in what is referred to as the Tiananmen Square massacre. The events are sometimes called the '89 Democracy Movement, the Tiananmen Square Incident, or the Tiananmen uprising.The protests were precipitated by the death of pro-reform Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989 amid the backdrop of rapid economic development and social change in post-Mao China, reflecting anxieties among the people and political elite about the country's future. The reforms of the 1980s had led to a nascent market economy that benefited some people but seriously disadvantaged others, and the one-party political system also faced a challenge to its legitimacy. Common grievances at the time included inflation, corruption, limited preparedness of graduates for the new economy, and restrictions on political participation. Although they were highly disorganised and their goals varied, the students called for things like rollback of the removal of iron rice bowl jobs, greater accountability, constitutional due process, democracy, freedom of the press, and freedom of speech. Workers' protests were generally focused on inflation and the erosion of welfare. These groups united around anti-corruption demands, adjusting economic policies, and protecting social security. At the height of the protests, about one million people assembled in the square.As the protests developed, the authorities responded with both conciliatory and hardline tactics, exposing deep divisions within the party leadership. By May, a student-led hunger strike galvanised support around the country for the demonstrators, and the protests spread to some 400 cities. On 20 May, the State Council declared martial law, and as many as 300,000 troops were mobilised to Beijing.After several weeks of standoffs and violent confrontations between the army and demonstrators left many on both sides severely injured, a meeting held among the CCP's top leadership on 1 June concluded with a decision to clear the square. The troops advanced into central parts of Beijing on the city's major thoroughfares in the early morning hours of 4 June and engaged in bloody clashes with demonstrators attempting to block them, in which many people – demonstrators, bystanders, and soldiers – were killed. Estimates of the death toll vary from several hundred to several thousand, with thousands more wounded.The event had both short and long term consequences. Western countries imposed arms embargoes on China, and various Western media outlets labeled the crackdown a "massacre". In the aftermath of the protests, the Chinese government suppressed other protests around China, carried out mass arrests of protesters which catalysed Operation Yellowbird, strictly controlled coverage of the events in the domestic and foreign affiliated press, and demoted or purged officials it deemed sympathetic to the protests. The government also invested heavily into creating more effective police riot control units. More broadly, the suppression ended the political reforms begun in 1986 as well as the New Enlightenment movement, and halted the policies of liberalisation of the 1980s, which were only partly resumed after Deng Xiaoping's Southern Tour in 1992. Considered a watershed event, reaction to the protests set limits on political expression in China that have lasted up to the present day. The events remain one of the most sensitive and most widely censored topics in China.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 01:52 UTC on Wednesday, 6 August 2025.For the full current version of the article, see 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm standard Geraint.

Alors que le monde semblait dans un relatif équilibre depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l'histoire est bousculée en 1979. Des changements cruciaux, que personne n'avait vu venir, vont parcourir la planète, et leurs conséquences se font encore sentir aujourd'hui. Avec Brice Couturier, journaliste et essayiste, auteur de 1979, le grand basculement du monde, La Loupe revient sur 4 de ces grands évènements. Dans ce troisième épisode, les révolutions économiques de Margaret Thatcher et Deng Xiaoping.Retrouvez tous les détails de l'épisode ici et inscrivez-vous à notre newsletter. L'équipe : Présentation et écriture : Charlotte BarisRéalisation et montage : Jules KrotCrédits : INAMusique et habillage : Emmanuel Herschon / Studio Torrent Logo : Jérémy CambourPour nous écrire : laloupe@lexpress.fr Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

This is part two of our series with Joseph Torigian, author of the definitive biography of Xi Zhongxun. This episode traces the inner world of a man navigating power politics, exile, and reform, and the legacy he left his son, Xi Jinping. Against the backdrop of the Great Leap Forward, the Sino-Soviet split, the Cultural Revolution, and reform and opening up, we discuss… The moral dilemmas of a mid-level party cadre, What it's like to be purged, and why the party prescribes self-criticism as therapy, “Frenemies” in the CCP, Deng Xiaoping's autocratic side, and the unsung heros of the reform period, How Xi Zhongxun instilled party loyalty and other values in his son, Xi Zhongxun's return from exile and his complicated relationship with reform, How Chinese leaders think about redemption, guilt, and survival, And a bonus: Why the PRC-produced biopic of Xi Zhongxun is so disappointing — and why his life deserves the Star Wars treatment. Outro music: Teresa Teng - 小城故事 (YouTube Link) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This is part two of our series with Joseph Torigian, author of the definitive biography of Xi Zhongxun. This episode traces the inner world of a man navigating power politics, exile, and reform, and the legacy he left his son, Xi Jinping. Against the backdrop of the Great Leap Forward, the Sino-Soviet split, the Cultural Revolution, and reform and opening up, we discuss… The moral dilemmas of a mid-level party cadre, What it's like to be purged, and why the party prescribes self-criticism as therapy, “Frenemies” in the CCP, Deng Xiaoping's autocratic side, and the unsung heros of the reform period, How Xi Zhongxun instilled party loyalty and other values in his son, Xi Zhongxun's return from exile and his complicated relationship with reform, How Chinese leaders think about redemption, guilt, and survival, And a bonus: Why the PRC-produced biopic of Xi Zhongxun is so disappointing — and why his life deserves the Star Wars treatment. Outro music: Teresa Teng - 小城故事 (YouTube Link) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, we interview Andrew Phelan, a China specialist with decades of business experience, to analyze Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's week-long diplomatic visit to China. The discussion examines critical questions about Australia's economic dependence on China, security vulnerabilities, and the broader implications for Indo-Pacific stability.Phelan asserts that no country has benefited more from China's rise than Australia. Since China's opening under Deng Xiaoping in the 1980s, Australia has experienced unprecedented economic growth, with China transforming from a closed economy similar to North Korea today into Australia's largest trading partner. This relationship has fundamentally underwritten Australia's wealth and sustained economic expansion without recession.However, this prosperity comes with significant risks. Australia's economy, worth just over a trillion dollars, is dwarfed by China's economic might. Unrestricted Chinese foreign direct investment could result in Australia losing its economic independence entirely. The recent rejection of Chinese acquisition attempts highlights the tension between economic opportunity and national sovereignty.The discussion reveals concerning patterns of technology transfer, where Western corporations pursuing quarterly profits inadvertently strengthen future competitors. This short-term thinking contrasts sharply with China's long-term strategic planning and subsidies.Phelan also cites evidence of Chinese interference in Australian elections, including AI-based communications specifically targeting the Australian-Chinese community. Following the October 7 attacks in Gaza, for example, some speeches were manipulated using AI and distributed through Chinese social media platforms to influence vulnerable community members.The relationship between China and Australia's Labor Party raises additional concerns. Victoria's former Premier Daniel Andrews maintained controversial close ties with China, including signing the only standalone Belt and Road Initiative agreement by any global jurisdiction. This led to new federal legislation preventing such unilateral agreements.Australia's current defense capabilities pale compared to World War II preparations. Phelan says that today's "boutique defense force" of 60,000 personnel from a 25 million person population is nowhere near adequate for current strategic challenges.The Pentagon's AUKUS review under Elbridge Colby reflects legitimate concerns about allied preparedness. Phelan believes the best way to avoid conflict is to be as well-prepared as possible, requiring clear commitments from allies facing an increasingly assertive China.China's objective to distance the United States from its allies shows “patchy” success. While their soft power efforts remain “clumsy” and easily identifiable, institutional influence through organizations like the Australia-China Relations Institute demonstrates more subtle approaches.Xi Jinping's global initiatives represent an alternative operating system for the world, seeking to make Chinese governance models the default globally. This constitutes “an existential challenge to democratic governance”, requiring sustained engagement and strategic clarity from democratic nations.The episode reveals Australia's precarious position between economic prosperity and strategic security. As China's “continuous struggle” philosophy ensures ongoing pressure, Phelan says Australia must develop a greater strategic backbone while maintaining necessary economic relationships. The challenge extends beyond Australia to all Indo-Pacific democracies navigating similar dependencies in an increasingly complex geopolitical environment.Follow Andrew on X, @ajpheloSponsored by BowerGroupAsia

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literary-studies

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/performing-arts

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

At the start of Shakespeare's famous tragedy, King Lear promises to divide his kingdom based on his daughters' professions of love, but portions it out before hearing all of their answers. For Nan Da, this opening scene sparks a reckoning between King Lear, one of the cruelest and most confounding stories in literature, and the tragedy of Maoist and post-Maoist China. Da, who emigrated from China to the United States as a child in the 1990s, brings Shakespeare's tragedy to life on its own terms, addressing the concerns it reflects over the transition from Elizabeth I to James I with a fearsome sense of what would soon come to pass. At the same time, she uses the play as a lens to revisit the world of Maoist China--what it did to people, and what it did to storytelling. Blending literary analysis and personal history, Da begins in her childhood during Deng Xiaoping's Opening and Reform, then moves back and forth between Lear and China. In The Chinese Tragedy of King Lear (Princeton University Press, 2025), the unfinished business of Maoism and other elements of Chinese thought and culture--from Confucianism to the spectacles of Peking Opera--help elucidate the choices Shakespeare made in constructing Lear and the unbearable confusions he left behind. Nan Z. Da is associate professor of English at Johns Hopkins University. Caleb Zakarin is the Editor of the New Books Network.

In Episode 423 of Hidden Forces, Demetri Kofinas speaks with Joseph Torigian, an expert on the politics of authoritarian regimes and the Chinese Communist Party, with a particular focus on elite power struggles, civil-military relations, and grand strategy. Torigian is also the author of a widely discussed new book titled “The Party's Interests Come First,” a political biography and historical analysis of Xi Zhongxun, the father of Xi Jinping,  the leader of China and the head of the Chinese Communist Party. In the first hour, Torigian and Kofinas trace the evolution, internal contradictions, and complex dynamics of political power and succession within the Chinese Communist Party, revealing the critical role that personal networks, ideological discipline, factional struggle, and narrative have played in shaping Chinese political history and culture. They explore several critical periods in Chinese communist party history, including Mao Zedong's Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, the period of reform and opening up under Deng Xiaoping, and the post-Tiananmen period following the 1989 crackdown. In the second hour, Kofinas and Torigian focus on China's current leader, Xi Jinping, examining the political lessons he has drawn from the struggles endured by his father while exploring how those experiences have shaped his party loyalties and reinforced his commitment to restoring China's greatness and securing its position on the global stage. Subscribe to our premium content—including our premium feed, episode transcripts, and Intelligence Reports—by visiting HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you'd like to join the conversation and become a member of the Hidden Forces Genius community—with benefits like Q&A calls with guests, exclusive research and analysis, in-person events, and dinners—you can also sign up on our subscriber page at HiddenForces.io/subscribe. If you enjoyed today's episode of Hidden Forces, please support the show by: Subscribing on Apple Podcasts, YouTube, Spotify, Stitcher, SoundCloud, CastBox, or via our RSS Feed Writing us a review on Apple Podcasts & Spotify Joining our mailing list at https://hiddenforces.io/newsletter/ Producer & Host: Demetri Kofinas Editor & Engineer: Stylianos Nicolaou Subscribe and support the podcast at https://hiddenforces.io. Join the conversation on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter at @hiddenforcespod Follow Demetri on Twitter at @Kofinas Episode Recorded on 06/17/2025

The Tiananmen Square protests started in April 1989 with students protesting in favor of a proper state funeral for the popular but disgraced reformist leader, Hu Yaobang. Tensions between the Student Leaders and Chinese government escalated due to a series of missteps from the Chinese government. On June 4, 1989, army tanks rolled into the Tiananmen Square to crush the revolt via military might. 

From the Taiping and Boxer Rebellions, to the Chinese Revolution and Civil War, through the Long March and the rise of Mao Zedong, to the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, all the way to Deng's Reform and China today, Professor of East Asian and Global History Dr. Ken Hammond walk us through 200 years of Chinese history to highlight in detail how modern China was forged through centuries of class struggle, resistance, rebellion, and revolution.  After listening to this mega-episode you will have a profound, and deeply inspired, understanding of the rich modern history of China, and be much better able to understand its present and future.   This series originally aired on Guerrilla History in the Spring of 2024 Support Guerrilla History HERE Learn More, Follow, and Support Rev Left Radio HERE

Het is 45 jaar later, maar de gebeurtenissen in de wereldpolitiek van 1980 zijn verbluffend en leerzaam voor het heden. Vlak voor de cruciale NAVO-top en de daaropvolgende EU-top gaan we op bezoek in het Kremlin van toen en naar de ruige bergpassen van Afghanistan en het Vaticaan – met ook toen een nieuwe paus uit een bijzonder land. Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger over de paranoïde, dementerende leider in het Kremlin, Leonid Brezjnev. Het dagboek wat hij bijhield werd steeds leger. Zijn bewind werd verlamd door de woeste baarden van de Moedjahedien, een wegzakkende economie die olie en gas rijkdom verspilde en door angst voor een kleine, gisse kettingroker in Beijing. ***Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show!Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend een mailtje naar adverteren@dagennacht.nl en wij zoeken contact.Op sommige podcast-apps kun je niet alles lezen. De complete tekst plus linkjes en een overzicht van al onze eerdere afleveringen vind je hier***De jeugd in Moskou verveelde zich en keek jaloers naar de welvaart en vrijheden van leeftijdsgenoten elders. In het Westen maakte 'Eurosclerose' en verdeeldheid plaats voor 'één stem' en dynamiek. En een nieuwe paus riep: "Weest niet bevreesd!" In het bijzonder tegen zijn landgenoten en alle onderdrukten in het Oosten. De inval in Afghanistan in 1979 bleek direct al een rampzalige onderneming. Het kwam tot oneindig bloedvergieten, zware materiële verliezen en enorme schade aan de reputatie van de supermacht die hier in het drijfzand van de oorlog ten onder ging. Hoe kwam het tot die militaire ramp? Waarom maakte het Kremlin zo'n grote fout en waarom durfde niemand daar ermee te kappen? Brezjnev verpestte zo niet alleen zijn grote trots, de Olympische Zomerspelen in Moskou, maar ook de relatie met Washington. Afghanistan ruïneerde de herverkiezing van de Amerikaanse president Jimmy Carter, Brezjnevs droom van wereldheerschappij samen met Amerika en de faam van technologische superioriteit van de Sovjeteconomie. Vilein sloot China's Deng Xiaoping een alliantie met Amerika, Arabische landen en islamitische strijders - gefinancierd door rijke families als Bin Laden - om Moskou verder in het verderf te storten. Zelfs vazal Saddam Hoessein in Bagdad trok zich van Brezjnev niets meer aan en begon zijn eigen oorlog. Het bewind in Moskou was in verval, wereldwijd. Al in 1968 had KGB-chef Joeri Andropov gewaarschuwd dat de economie op instorten stond. Maar Brezjnev gokte liever op het gasgeld en stopte diens memorandum in de diepste la van zijn bureau. Toen Andropov hem 1982 opvolgde was het te laat, ook de chef van de geheime dienst was zwaar aan het aftakelen. Hij promootte nog jonge protegés als Gorbatsjov, Jeltsin en Poetin, maar zijn beleid stokte in repressie. Hij stierf al snel en zijn opvolger, de bureauchef van Brezjnev Konstantin Tsjernenko, was een nog korter leiderschap beschoren. De oorlog ging voort, het bloedvergieten was vreselijk, het Russische Rode Leger bleek zwak en ouderwets. Deng opende de poorten naar het Westen en China nam een finale voorsprong als nieuwe tijger van de wereldeconomie.De nieuwe Kremlinchef, Michail Gorbatsjov, kende die poorten naar het Westen. Hij had incognito rondgereisd en in Frankrijk een paradijs voor de arbeiders, welvaart, overvloed, openheid en culturele dynamiek ontdekt, waar Moskou geen idee van had. In Londen ontdekte hij een felle discussiepartner. Maggie Thatcher, met wie hij ongeremd kon bekvechten.Maar ook hij was te laat. Een nieuwe generatie westerse leiders trad aan. Van Helmut Kohl tot Ruud Lubbers en Ronald Reagan. De Europese Gemeenschap bloeide op, terwijl Moskou en de DDR het ravijn van een bankroet zagen opdoemen. De Afghaanse oorlog bleef een bloedende wond tot Gorbatsjov de aftocht blies. De paus en de Polen zorgden voor een revolutie. De Muur viel. De analogieën met vandaag zijn adembenemend. Zelfs de obsessies van de leiders in het Kremlin en hun vernedering door China lijken op elkaar. En ook hoe Europa zichzelf hervindt en een nieuwe paus ineens zijn stempel drukt. De smoezen van Sergej Lavrov om Leo XIV buiten de deur te houden zijn bijna lachwekkend herkenbaar. En Donald Trump? Die is geen Reagan of George Bush senior. Trumps lijn lijkt nog het meest op die van Richard Nixon en zelfs van Carter.***Verder lezenSergey Radchenko - To run the world (Cambridge University Press, 2024)***Verder luisteren508 – De NAVO-top in Den Haag moet de onvoorspelbare Trump vooral niet gaan vervelen486 - ‘Welkom in onze hel' Een jonge verslaggever aan het front in Oekraïne469 – Nieuwe kruisraketten in Europa? In de jaren '70 en '80 zat topdiplomaat Boudewijn van Eenennaam in het brandpunt van de besluitvorming455 - De bufferstaat als historische - maar ongewenste - oplossing voor Oekraïne434 – Vier iconische NAVO-leiders en hun lessen voor Mark Rutte413 - "Eensgezind kunnen we elke tegenstander aan." Oana Lungescu over Poetin, Trump, Rutte en 75 jaar NAVO404 - 75 jaar NAVO: in 1949 veranderde de internationale positie van Nederland voorgoed394 – Honderd jaar na zijn dood: de schrijnende actualiteit van Lenin354 - Eenzaamheid, machtsstrijd en repressie in het Russische rijk van Poetin, Stalin en tsaar Nicolaas II336 - Timothy Garton Ash: Hoe Europa zichzelf voor de derde keer opnieuw uitvindt327 - Poetin, Zelensky en wij. Een jaar na de inval258 - De kille vriendschap tussen Rusland en China257 - Het machtige Rusland als mythe: hoe 'speciale militaire operaties' een fiasco werden245 - Oompje neemt de trein – de reis die China naar de 21e eeuw bracht235 - De ondergang van de Sovjet-Unie: Gorbatsjov strijkt de rode vlag197 - De ondergang van de Sovjet-Unie: Boris Jeltsin, een tragische held163 - De ondergang van de Sovjet-Unie: hoe een wereldmacht verdampte95 - Grote speeches in tijden van crisis (deel 2) oa Deng Xiaoping93 - Hoe Gorbatsjov en het Sovjet-imperium ten onder gingen58 - PG over 70 jaar China, de Volksrepubliek van Mao, Deng en Xi***Tijdlijn00:00:00 – Deel 100:07:32 – Deel 200:36:30 – Deel 301:12:07 – Deel 401:41:22 – EindeZie het privacybeleid op https://art19.com/privacy en de privacyverklaring van Californië op https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

What can Mao Zedong teach us about Donald Trump? To find out, ChinaTalk interviewed the legendary sinologist Orville Schell, who visited China during the Cultural Revolution and is currently at the Asia Society. We discuss… Mao Zedong's psychology and political style, Similarities and differences between Mao and Trump, How Mao-era traumas reverberate in modern China, including how the Cultural Revolution has influenced the Xi family, How Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping survived the Cultural Revolution, and which of their tactics could be useful in modern America, What civil society can do to defend democracy over the next four years. Co-hosting is Alexander Boyd, associate editor at China Books Review and former ChinaTalk intern. Read Orville's article, "Trump's Cultural Revolution," here. Read the Asia Society piece on religion and political power here. Orville's crazy Asia Society event, From Pontius Pilate to Chairman Mao: Religion and Politics https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=opw9vqpPBqQ&ab_channel=AsiaSociety Book recommendations: Joseph Torigian - The Party's Interests Come First: The Life of Xi Zhongxun, Father of Xi Jinping Perry Link - The Anaconda in the Chandelier - ⁠excerpt⁠ from ChinaFile William Shirer - The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich Victor Klemperer - I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1933-1941 Outro music: Bach's Partita No. 1 for Solo Violin in B Minor, BWV 1002: VIII. Double, Gidon Kremer https://open.spotify.com/track/3x1Rdpgy6QGSlW9tItHYdm?si=20fa2051dc5d4f91 Aria from J.S. Bach Cantata 'Schwingt freudig euch empor' https://open.spotify.com/track/5pIy4Gll1YywqKX25EbbOb?si=520327db35f54201 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What can Mao Zedong teach us about Donald Trump? To find out, ChinaTalk interviewed the legendary sinologist Orville Schell, who visited China during the Cultural Revolution and is currently at the Asia Society. We discuss… Mao Zedong's psychology and political style, Similarities and differences between Mao and Trump, How Mao-era traumas reverberate in modern China, including how the Cultural Revolution has influenced the Xi family, How Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping survived the Cultural Revolution, and which of their tactics could be useful in modern America, What civil society can do to defend democracy over the next four years. Co-hosting is Alexander Boyd, associate editor at China Books Review and former ChinaTalk intern. Read Orville's article, "Trump's Cultural Revolution," here. Read the Asia Society piece on religion and political power here. Orville's crazy Asia Society event, From Pontius Pilate to Chairman Mao: Religion and Politics https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=opw9vqpPBqQ&ab_channel=AsiaSociety Book recommendations: Joseph Torigian - The Party's Interests Come First: The Life of Xi Zhongxun, Father of Xi Jinping Perry Link - The Anaconda in the Chandelier - ⁠excerpt⁠ from ChinaFile William Shirer - The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich Victor Klemperer - I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1933-1941 Outro music: Bach's Partita No. 1 for Solo Violin in B Minor, BWV 1002: VIII. Double, Gidon Kremer https://open.spotify.com/track/3x1Rdpgy6QGSlW9tItHYdm?si=20fa2051dc5d4f91 Aria from J.S. Bach Cantata 'Schwingt freudig euch empor' https://open.spotify.com/track/5pIy4Gll1YywqKX25EbbOb?si=520327db35f54201 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao are often overlooked but pivotal figures in recent Chinese history whose role in steering China through its extraordinary economic transformation in the 1990s and 2000s is overshadowed by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. This is the first in a series of podcasts about these two figures and how they created the China now ruled by Xi Jinping.*****STOP PRESS*****I only ever talk about history on this podcast but I also have another life, yes, that of aspirant fantasy author and if that's your thing you can get a copy of my debut novel The Blood of Tharta, right here:Help the podcast to continue bringing you history each weekIf you enjoy the Explaining History podcast and its many years of content and would like to help the show continue, please consider supporting it in the following ways:If you want to go ad-free, you can take out a membership hereOrYou can support the podcast via Patreon hereOr you can just say some nice things about it here Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/explaininghistory. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In 1968, Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution, asserting his control of China 15 years later, Deng Xiaoping launched the reform and opening up period, putting China on the path to becoming an economic powerhouse. But what happens in between these two critical periods of Chinese history? How does China go from Mao's Cultural Revolution to Deng's embrace of reforms? Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian together fill in this history in The Great Transformation: China's Road from Revolution to Reform (Yale University Press: 2024) Odd Arne Westad is the Elihu Professor of History and Global Affairs at Yale University. His books include The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge University Press: 2012), winner of the Bancroft Prize, and Restless Empire: China and the World since 1750 (Basic Books: 2012). Chen Jian is Distinguished Global Network Professor of History at NYU and NYU Shanghai and Hu Shih Professor of History Emeritus at Cornell University. His books include China's Road to the Korean War (Columbia University Press: 1994), Mao's China and the Cold War (The University of North Carolina Press: 2001), and Zhou Enlai: A Life (Harvard University Press: 2024). You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of The Great Transformation. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Tennessee Congressman Tim Burchett discusses the latest political maneuverings behind the scenes in Washington. Congressman Burchett shares insights on the current political landscape, the importance of American interests abroad, and the challenges faced by Congress in promoting President Trump's agenda. Clifford May, founder and president of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, discusses the troubling statistics reported by the Anti-Defamation League, the influence of universities, and the connections between radical ideologies. May sheds light on the complexities of foreign policy, including the roles of Qatar and the UN in perpetuating these issues, and the challenges faced in combating hatred on a global scale. Finally, Scott Powell, Senior Fellow at the Discovery Institute, discusses the profound impact of economic decisions on national security, particularly regarding China. Powell highlights China's economic transformation under Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping's hardline communist stance. He believes President Trump's tariffs and strategic moves could leverage China's dependency on the U.S. market. They also touch on the potential for isolating China through deals with other countries. Powell emphasizes the importance of U.S. energy independence, noting advancements in fracking technology. See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In 1968, Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution, asserting his control of China 15 years later, Deng Xiaoping launched the reform and opening up period, putting China on the path to becoming an economic powerhouse. But what happens in between these two critical periods of Chinese history? How does China go from Mao's Cultural Revolution to Deng's embrace of reforms? Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian together fill in this history in The Great Transformation: China's Road from Revolution to Reform (Yale University Press: 2024) Odd Arne Westad is the Elihu Professor of History and Global Affairs at Yale University. His books include The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge University Press: 2012), winner of the Bancroft Prize, and Restless Empire: China and the World since 1750 (Basic Books: 2012). Chen Jian is Distinguished Global Network Professor of History at NYU and NYU Shanghai and Hu Shih Professor of History Emeritus at Cornell University. His books include China's Road to the Korean War (Columbia University Press: 1994), Mao's China and the Cold War (The University of North Carolina Press: 2001), and Zhou Enlai: A Life (Harvard University Press: 2024). You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of The Great Transformation. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In 1968, Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution, asserting his control of China 15 years later, Deng Xiaoping launched the reform and opening up period, putting China on the path to becoming an economic powerhouse. But what happens in between these two critical periods of Chinese history? How does China go from Mao's Cultural Revolution to Deng's embrace of reforms? Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian together fill in this history in The Great Transformation: China's Road from Revolution to Reform (Yale University Press: 2024) Odd Arne Westad is the Elihu Professor of History and Global Affairs at Yale University. His books include The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge University Press: 2012), winner of the Bancroft Prize, and Restless Empire: China and the World since 1750 (Basic Books: 2012). Chen Jian is Distinguished Global Network Professor of History at NYU and NYU Shanghai and Hu Shih Professor of History Emeritus at Cornell University. His books include China's Road to the Korean War (Columbia University Press: 1994), Mao's China and the Cold War (The University of North Carolina Press: 2001), and Zhou Enlai: A Life (Harvard University Press: 2024). You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of The Great Transformation. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

In 1968, Mao Zedong launched the Cultural Revolution, asserting his control of China 15 years later, Deng Xiaoping launched the reform and opening up period, putting China on the path to becoming an economic powerhouse. But what happens in between these two critical periods of Chinese history? How does China go from Mao's Cultural Revolution to Deng's embrace of reforms? Odd Arne Westad and Chen Jian together fill in this history in The Great Transformation: China's Road from Revolution to Reform (Yale University Press: 2024) Odd Arne Westad is the Elihu Professor of History and Global Affairs at Yale University. His books include The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge University Press: 2012), winner of the Bancroft Prize, and Restless Empire: China and the World since 1750 (Basic Books: 2012). Chen Jian is Distinguished Global Network Professor of History at NYU and NYU Shanghai and Hu Shih Professor of History Emeritus at Cornell University. His books include China's Road to the Korean War (Columbia University Press: 1994), Mao's China and the Cold War (The University of North Carolina Press: 2001), and Zhou Enlai: A Life (Harvard University Press: 2024). You can find more reviews, excerpts, interviews, and essays at The Asian Review of Books, including its review of The Great Transformation. Follow on Twitter at @BookReviewsAsia. Nicholas Gordon is an editor for a global magazine, and a reviewer for the Asian Review of Books. He can be found on Twitter at @nickrigordon. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Before her career switch to researching environmental politics, Prof. Judith Shapiro spent a whirlwind decade teaching, writing, and living in and about China as it awakened from the Mao era. Get full access to Peking Hotel at pekinghotel.substack.com/subscribe

Danny and Derek welcome to the show Andy Liu, professor of history at Villanova, for a discussion on Trump, Xi, their respective histories, and the current trade situation between the US and China. They explore Trump's relationship with Japan in the 80s and how that helped shape his idea of trade and tariffs, the US security apparatus emboldening Trump's “dealmaking”, Xi's own background as a “nepo baby” in the transformative era of Deng Xiaoping, he and the Chinese government's effort to move China from exporting mostly cheap goods to higher-end products, the current Trump administration's actions and (lack of) communication with Beijing, and more. Subscribe now to listen to the full episode. Note: this episode was recorded in mid-March, i.e. before the latest round of tariffs. Read Andy's piece for n+1, “Back to the ‘80s?”.    Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Get access to The Backroom Exclusive episodes on Patreon: ⁠⁠⁠https://www.patreon.com/OneDime⁠In this episode of 1Dime Radio, we host Dr. Jane Hayward, a lecturer in Chinese Studies at the Lao China Institute at King's College. Dr. Hayward specializes in explaining China's political economy and misconceptions surrounding it. The conversation explores the role of state planning in China's market system, the impact of Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms, the significant shifts in labor and welfare policies, and the nuanced relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and its capitalist class. We also delve into the ideological revival under Xi Jinping and whether or not China is really transitioning to socialism. Timestamps:00:00 The Truth About Tiananmen Square03:11 Meet Dr. Jane Hayward, Scholar and YouTuber04:57 Why Schollars Aren't on YouTube11:08 China's Economic Reforms: From Communes to Market Economy15:16 The Household Responsibility System and Urban Reforms20:51 Misconceptions about China's Reforms42:04 The Role of the Hukou System in China's Economic Growth49:26 Understanding the Tiananmen Square Protests54:54 How Capitalist is China? 58:49 China's Economic Miracle: State Planning and Capitalist Discipline01:14:30 The Revival of Marxist-Leninist Rituals Under Xi Jinping01:38:33 Concluding Thoughts and Future Discussions Check out Dr. Jane Hayward's YouTube Videos:https://www.youtube.com/@janehaywardchinaFollow me on X: https://x.com/1DimeOfficialCheck out my main channel videos: https://www.youtube.com/@1DimeeOutro Music by Karl CaseyBe sure to give 1Dime Radio a 5 Star Rating if you enjoy the show!

When we talk about the making of modern China, no name looms larger than Deng Xiaoping. But despite the heavy media bias and weighty political legacy China's architect carries, he did not build modern China alone. In fact, he cannot claim sole responsibility for coming up with the most iconic ideas that shaped China's future, like Special economic zones and new systems of economics. Some of the credit belongs to a much less well known figure: Zhao Ziyang. Removed from power after clashing with the elders of the CCP over the Tiananmen Square Incident, Zhao was crucial to forming some of the ideas that would shape China in the 1980s. A reformer and open minded man, Zhao tried his best to avoid politics, but having been forced to take up a position he didn't want, had to come face to face with his beliefs, which ultimately led to his downfall. This is also a sort of 80s Chinese politics recap episode, as we didn't cover that period in the history episodes at all. Hopefully we can cover more topics from this period over time!Chapters (00:00) Introduction(03:50) Biography of Zhao Ziyang(09:13) Deng Xiaoping vs Hua Guofeng(18:35) Zhao Ziyang Thought(24:32) Social, economic and political tensions of the 1980s(32:35) The dismissal of Hu Yaobang(40:50) The events of 1989(51:50) Zhao's Downfall(55:20) Zhao's plans for the futureSeeking truth from facts translation: https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2022/01/03/hu-fuming-author-of-mind-opening-guangming-daily-commentary-practice-is-the-only-criterion-of-truth/Support the showSign up for Buzzsprout to launch your podcasting journey: https://www.buzzsprout.com/?referrer_id=162442Subscribe to the Sinobabble Newsletter: https://sinobabble.substack.com/Support Sinobabble on Buy me a Coffee: https://www.buymeacoffee.com/Sinobabblepod

In 1981 the first major series of English lessons was broadcast on Chinese television.President Deng Xiaoping had allowed private enterprise and was pursuing an era of “opening up” to the rest of the world. It followed a decade of educational turmoil when teachers had been castigated as bourgeois by the former leader Mao Zedong.Kathy Flower presented the English education programme, Follow Me, several times a week at primetime. It was watched by an estimated 500 million people keen to get a taste of the English language and observe westerners on television. Kathy Flower recalls to Josephine McDermott what it was like becoming the most famous foreign person in China.Eye-witness accounts brought to life by archive. Witness History is for those fascinated by the past. We take you to the events that have shaped our world through the eyes of the people who were there. For nine minutes every day, we take you back in time and all over the world, to examine wars, coups, scientific discoveries, cultural moments and much more. Recent episodes explore everything from football in Brazil, the history of the ‘Indian Titanic' and the invention of air fryers, to Public Enemy's Fight The Power, subway art and the political crisis in Georgia. We look at the lives of some of the most famous leaders, artists, scientists and personalities in history, including: visionary architect Antoni Gaudi and the design of the Sagrada Familia; Michael Jordan and his bespoke Nike trainers; Princess Diana at the Taj Mahal; and Görel Hanser, manager of legendary Swedish pop band Abba on the influence they've had on the music industry. You can learn all about fascinating and surprising stories, such as the time an Iraqi journalist hurled his shoes at the President of the United States in protest of America's occupation of Iraq; the creation of the Hollywood commercial that changed advertising forever; and the ascent of the first Aboriginal MP.(Photo: Kathy Flower at a book signing in China. Credit: BBC)

The EVILution of Communism Workshop, Session 4 Communism is a religious view that has evolved and adapted over the last two centuries, including right up to the present day. Understanding the developments and threats in our present world requires understanding what Communism really is, especially in its Marxist variants, and how it has developed and changed over the years. In response to this need, James Lindsay of New Discourses held a four-lecture workshop series on the EVILution of Communism in Dallas, Texas, at the start of August 2024. In this fourth and final lecture in the series, Lindsay picks up the loose threads from the previous two lectures and weaves them together to describe a new Communism for the twenty-first century, a "Communism 3.0" or "Twenty-first Century Communism." Lindsay characterizes this new model of Communism as the "Chinese model," derived from the practical implementation by former CCP leader Deng Xiaoping in the People's Republic of China, where it was tested first. Meanwhile, in the West, a parallel model was developed tracking not just with Deng Xiaoping Theory but also with the Western Marxist sensibilities of Herbert Marcuse, demanding a more "Sustainable" and "Inclusive" economy. Calling the model "Corporate" or "Corporatist" Communism, Lindsay explains how this model of Communism blends a Communist political theory and structure with a Fascist economic model of productive forces, creating the tyrannical hybrid that is intended to be the future for mankind both East, under the Chinese Communist Party, and West, under the United Nations and affiliates. This groundbreaking lecture provides a basis for completely changing the discourses around what's happening in our world today. Notes (PDF): https://newdiscourses.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/DallasWorkshop24-Evilution-of-Communism.pdf The other three lectures in this series can be found here: Lecture 1: Communism 1.0: Theoretical Communism: https://newdiscourses.com/2024/10/communism-1-0-theoretical-communism/ Lecture 2: Communism 2.0: Industrial Communism: https://newdiscourses.com/2024/11/communism-2-0-industrial-communism-james-lindsay/ Lecture 3. Communism 2.5: Social Communism: https://newdiscourses.com/2024/11/communism-2-5-social-communism/ New book! The Queering of the American Child: https://queeringbook.com/ Support New Discourses: https://newdiscourses.com/support Follow New Discourses on other platforms: https://newdiscourses.com/subscribe Follow James Lindsay: https://linktr.ee/conceptualjames © 2024 New Discourses. All rights reserved. #NewDiscourses #JamesLindsay #Communism