Political ideology of Donald Trump
Congresswoman Liz Cheney's crushing defeat in Wyoming's Republican primary on Tuesday. Plus, Alaska experiments with a new way to vote. Read more:Rep. Liz Cheney's loss on Tuesday night wasn't really a surprise — not even to her. As vice chair of the congressional committee investigating Jan. 6, she's carved a new reputation as a voice of anti-Trumpism within the Republican party. But her constituents have rejected it. Politics reporter Amber Phillips explains what Cheney's future could look like from here. And two years ago, Alaska adopted a new way of voting that seems to be gaining steam in other places across the country: ranking candidates. Experts say ranked-choice voting boosts the chances for candidates with a wider appeal. Phillips breaks down what this experimentation with a new voting system could mean.
Today's pod is a candid conversation with Nick Carmody, psychotherapist, lawyer, and Executive Board Member for the World Mental Health Coalition. Nick uses his psychology expertise to look at politics and how politics affects the personality of the country. If there's already political science, Nick believes there should be political psychology. We talk about what's going on with the Republican Party, Trumpism, and the recent search of Mar-a-lago from a psychological perspective, and we discuss about how the cult of personality has transformed individuals into a tribe who seem almost pathologically devoted to Trump and Trumpism no matter how much damage they do to themselves or the country. Guest social: Twitter: @Nick_Carmody Website: https://www.patreon.com/NickCarmody Please RATE and SUBSCRIBE so we can grow the show, open the dialogue, and inspire change moving forward! All show links here!: https://linktr.ee/politicsgirl Don't forget to send questions via email, video or audio for the ASK PG Episode to: firstname.lastname@example.org Thank you to today's sponsors! www.everlywell.com/politicsgirl www.clickup.com Code: PoliticsGirl www.thirdlove.com/politicsgirl Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Host Reed Galen is joined by Maggie Severns, an investigative and domestic policy reporter with Grid. They discuss how the Conservative Partnership Institute rose to become one of the most powerful messaging voices in the MAGA-verse, how institutional support for Trumpism continues to grow, and how seemingly unserious players like Patrick Byrne, Mike Lindell, and Cleta Mitchell can actually do a fair amount of damage. Plus, how do you get to the Marshall Islands?
These days "conservative economics" can mean anything from strict libertarianism to formless Trumpism. But what were the foundations of American conservatism? According to Oren Cass, the executive director of a think tank called American Compass, the answer is simple: family, community, and industry. He shares his mission to reclaim American conservatism and joins Nick and Goldy in a search for some common ground. This episode was originally released in December 2020. Oren Cass is the executive director of American Compass, whose mission is to restore an economic orthodoxy that emphasizes the importance of faith, community, and industry to the nation's liberty and prosperity. He is the author of ‘The Once and Future Worker: A Vision for the Renewal of Work in America'. Twitter: @oren_cass Workers of the World: https://americancompass.org/essays/workers-of-the-world The elite needs to give up its GDP fetish: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/27/opinion/us-gdp-coronavirus.html Oren Cass on the future of economics and society: https://www.manhattan-institute.org/economics-after-partisanship-markets-society Website: https://pitchforkeconomics.com Twitter: @PitchforkEcon Instagram: @pitchforkeconomics Nick's twitter: @NickHanauer
-- On the Show: -- Andrew Sullivan, author, editor, and blogger at the Weekly Dish, joins David to discuss the current state of Trumpism and the conservative movement --The FBI raids failed former President Donald Trump's house at Mar-a-Lago in Florida, and Trump absolutely loses it -- MAGA-world flips out in reaction to the FBI raid of Donald Trump's house, including Mark Levin, Bernie Kerik, Lauren Boebert, Alex Jones, Roger Stone, Sean Hannity, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Dan Bongino, and more -- Eric Trump, Donald Trump's son, appears on Fox News in reaction to the FBI raiding Trump's home, and makes a complete fool of himself -- Could the 2022 midterm elections be the worst ever for Republicans? -- Republican Georgia Senate candidate Herschel Walker is still unable to explain if and under what circumstances he will debate his opponent, incumbent Senator Raphael Warnock -- Infowars conspiracy theorist Alex Jones' text messages have reportedly been turned over to the House January 6 committee investigating the Trump riots -- Republican Alaska congressional candidate Sarah Palin is visibly confused when asked to explain what her priorities would be if she were elected -- Voicemail caller wonders whether the FBI raid on Donald Trump's Mar-a-Lago home will inspire more Republicans to turn out and vote in the upcoming 2022 November midterm elections -- On the Bonus Show: Reconciliation bill includes nearly $80 billion for IRS, town dissolves police department after racist text messages, Florida prosecutor vows to fight Ron DeSantis' suspension, much more...
Miles Taylor, former Chief of Staff at the Department of Homeland Security and co-CEO of the Forward Party, discusses his journey from joining DHS after 9/11 to becoming a whistleblower inside the Trump administration. Miles talks about how he's dealt with threats to his personal safety, the danger Trump poses to democracy, and why saving the Republican Party became a lost cause. Watch this episode on YouTube: https://youtu.be/JUMPdMb2MmU Follow Miles Taylor: https://twitter.com/MilesTaylorUSA | https://forwardparty.com Follow Andrew Yang: https://twitter.com/andrewyang | https://forwardparty.com To learn more about listener data and our privacy practices visit: https://www.audacyinc.com/privacy-policy Learn more about your ad choices. Visit https://podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Johnny Mac decided to lose everybody. We start with Trump jokes, then Joe Rogan criizies Joe Biden, then Kathy Griffin criticizes Joe Rogan. I DIDN'T SAY ANY OF THIS I JUST GOOGLED "COMEDY" RELAXPatton Oswalt on his new tourCristela Alonzo credits Greg GirladoJohnny Mac starts to poke at Variety's most impactful people in comedy and then realizes the list is really long and HE'S HOT AND WANTS A DRINKFacebook group: www.facebook.com/groups/dcnpod - join us to to discuss comedy and your favorite comedians.Instagram is @dailycomedynews https://www.instagram.com/dailycomedynews/?hl=enReddit https://www.reddit.com/r/dailycomedynews/AI generated transcripts at www.dailycomedynews.comTwitter is @dcnpod because the person with what I want tweeted onceSupport the show by Buying Me A Coffee: www.buymeacoffee.com/dailycomedynewsGoodpods: https://goodpods.app.link/2OUMliguTkb and I am @johnnymacEmail: john at thesharkdeck dot comDaily Comedy News is a production of The Shark Deck, the leading company in short form daily podcasts.www.linktr.ee/dailycomedynewsListen Ad-Free and get the episodes early with a premium subscription for $4.99/month on Apple Podcasts. https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/daily-comedy-news-podcast-a-podcast-about-comedians/id1474309028
Tim Miller joins The Michael Steele Podcast to discuss his new book, "Why We Did It: A Travelogue from the Republican Road to Hell." The pair discuss what it takes to be a player in "The Game," Tim's time working with Reince Priebus at the RNC and the kinds of Republicans involved in the transition to Trumpism, from "Messiahs" and "Little Mixers" like Chris Christie, to "Nerd-Revengers" like Sean Spicer.Check out the book here:https://www.amazon.com/Why-We-Did-Travelogue-Republican/dp/0063161478If you like this podcast, give us a review and rating on Apple Podcasts!
It's a special wedding edition of the MeidasTouch Podcast! With Jordy preparing for his nuptials, Ben and Brett break down the latest news, focusing on the seismic momentum shift in favor of the Democrats that has changed the political landscape ahead of the upcoming midterms. The brothers discuss how the abortion vote in Kansas sent shockwaves across America as folks resoundingly rejected the fascist right's attempt to restrict our freedoms. Ben and Brett also cover the latest successes of the Democratic Congress, the lasting threat of Trumpism, and how radical extremists have planted their flag in Arizona. Ben and Brett welcome back to the show Stephanie Winston Wolkoff, former senior aide to Melania Trump and one of the chief whistleblowers early on during the Trump administration, who witnessed the criminality of the Trump family from day one as the family used the inauguration to line their pockets. As always, thank you for listening! Remember to subscribe, share this episode, and leave a five-star review! DEALS FROM OUR SPONSOR: Grove Collaborative: https://grove.com/meidastouch (Get up to a $50 gift set for FREE with your first order) SHOP MEIDAS MERCH: https://store.meidastouch.com GET INVOLVED: https://www.fieldteam6.org/volunteer-ops Remember to subscribe to ALL the Meidas Media Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://pod.link/1510240831 Legal AF: https://pod.link/1580828595 The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://pod.link/1595408601 The Influence Continuum: https://pod.link/1603773245 Kremlin File: https://pod.link/1575837599 Mea Culpa with Michael Cohen: https://pod.link/1530639447 The Weekend Show: https://pod.link/1612691018 The Tony Michaels Podcast: https://pod.link/1561049560 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Wokeism versus Trumpism. College professor testing for "privilege". Rent prices rising throughout the US. Alex Jones' cellphone records mistakenly sent to plaintiffs' lawyers. California liquor store owner shoots armed robber. Movies opening in theaters and streaming this weekend. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
An African-American from a family of modest means, Bonnie became an amputee at age five. Against tremendous odds, she used imagination and determination to push past the limitations of disability and win a silver and two bronze medals in downhill skiing in the 1984 Paralympics in Innsbruck, Austria. As the first African-American to win Olympic or Paralympic medals in skiing, she has been honoured at the White House during the annual Black History Month Celebration. More than an Olympic skier, Bonnie's other accomplishments include an honours degree from Harvard, a Rhodes scholarship, multiple awards for her innovations as an IBM sales rep, and a position on the White House National Economic Council. President Obama named her to represent the US in delegations to both the Winter Paralympic Games in Vancouver and the Summer Paralympics in Rio. NBC Nightly News called Bonnie, “One of the five most inspiring women in America.” She has also been featured on the Today Show, CNN, and The Montel Williams Show. In addition, the nation's leading publications, such as the New York Times, Oprah Magazine, Essence, and People Magazine have profiled Bonnie and noted her extraordinary achievements. Drawing on her unique experience, analyses, and signature brands of resilience and inclusion, Bonnie St. John established Blue Circle Leadership with the mission to equip professionals with research based, rigorously tested, easily actionable tools and techniques that directly improve bottom-line business results. Now, Bonnie focuses on bringing out the best in others through executive coaching and motivational speaking for corporations and associations, as well as writing books and articles. New episodes of the Tough Girl Podcast go live every Tuesday at 7am UK time - Subscribe so you don't miss out. To support the mission to increase the amount of female role models in the media. Sign up as a Patron - www.patreon.com/toughgirlpodcast. Thank you. Show Notes Who is Bonnie Some of the challenges Bonnie has faced becoming a ski racer Getting into skiing at a young age Having an amputation when she was 5 years old Learning to ski on one leg Training hard and qualifying for the Paralympics Competing in the 1984 Winter Paralympics in Austria Dealing with a lack of snow Was it life changing winning medals Being picked as a Rhode Scholar Learning to work with the press Taking a year off from Harvard Going to Oxford University for 4 years Working for IBM and working for President Clinton at the White House Starting to focus on leadership development Leadership for women Having confidence Writing with her husband Having to prove herself over and over again Book: Live Your Joy Smiling through the challenges How have things changed over the past 30 years The rise of Trumpism and the increase in animosity Self care and making sure to make it at a priority The downside of socials media The power of polarising views Trying to be seen and heard Building resilience and embracing success Focusing on micro-resilience Why resilience doesn't have to be big things The biggest challenge is incorporating it into your life Day to day routine and what that looks like If you were to give a TED Talk… Ted Talk - Be More Resilient with a FIRST AID KIT FOR YOUR ATTITUDE! Building your own “first aid kit” Making a choice and the silence behind it - Martin Seligman I choose to…. The importance of sharing what's in your “first aid kit” Figuring out what type of support you need in challenging situations From training to failure to - training to growth The power of your words Reframing things - a great side and a good side How you can connect with Bonnie Blue Circle Leadership Final words of wisdom from Bonnie Learning to get up when you fall down Get back into the race Social Media Website https://bonniestjohn.com Leadership - www.bluecircleleadership.com Instagram @bonnie.st.john Facebook @bonniestjohn Twitter @bonniestjohn Listen to the Straight Up Podcast: https://straightupwithbonniestjohn.buzzsprout.com
Summer is going by fast! But the kids see it as being long. The team discussed their summers as a child in their first jobs. Robert says he will start producing and recording and editing Podcast for anyone who wants to start doing a podcast. Contact Robert at :Robertpinkston28@gmail.com T.Y Asks if this okay to have a small level of taxisity in a relationship? Z eke and Rob Discuss dating while being a single Parent and “phasing” A significant other in the mix. Robert fills us in on the police officer who was secretly being recorded confessing that he shot a black man 119 times. Zeke Tells us that “Trumpism” is a real thing. The team discuss how veterans should be taken care of after coming home from a war or a duty on tour. --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/robert-robert-pinkston/message
Dmitri Mehlhorn returns to The Great Battlefield podcast to talk about what Investing in US has been up to and what he believes works and doesn't work to defeat Trumpism.
Director and son, David Siev leaves his apartment in New York City to head back to his rural hometown of Bad Axe, Michigan. His arrival comes at a time when the devastating impact of the COVID-19 pandemic is making itself felt across much of the Mid-West. In this insightful and intimate documentary, BAD AXE, Asian-American filmmaker, David Siev, documents his family's struggles to keep their restaurant open just as racialized fears surrounding the virus grow and deep generational scars dating back to his parent's history in the Cambodian Killing Fields are unearth between the family's patriarch, Chun, and his daughter, Jaclyn surface. When the BLM movement takes center stage in America, the family uses their voice to speak out in their town where Trumpism runs deep. What unfolds is a real-time portrait of 2020 through the lens of this multicultural family's fight to keep their American dream alive in the face of a pandemic, Neo-Nazis, and the trauma of having survived a genocide. The result is a real-time portrait of 2020 unfolds as an Asian-American family in Trump's rural America fights to keep their restaurant and American dream alive in the face of a pandemic, Neo-Nazis, and generational scars from the Khmer Rouge era that ravaged Cambodia. Director and subject David Siev joins us to talk about his family's resolve in the face of physical threats, balancing privacy with the importance of telling a story that ultimately reveals universal truths about the state of political discourse and community in a post-Trump world. For updates and news go to: facebook.com/badaxefilm
Just this past week, former presidential candidate Andrew Yang (along with a bevy of corporate dems and republicans), announced the formation of a THIRD political party, aka the Forward Together Party. In a vapid op-ed, published in the Washington Post, they posted the political version of 'somewhere over the rainbow,' as neo-Nazis scream louder through the media. Yang and his bunch, (which includes GOP pol Christine Todd Whitman), push a series of dangerous and libelous false equivalencies between the progressive Left, and the Trumpist GOP filled to the brim with white supremacists, Christian Nationalists pushing a dangerous theocratic model, and open Neo-Nazis. Somehow, Yang's call to sing "kumbaya" falls flat. It takes a special kind of tone deafness to the suffering of minorities to push what can only be considered a unilateral surrender to Trumpist Nazis--for the benefit of white corporatists who are becoming nervous. I will discuss Yang's silly plan, (which is far too similar to the cowards Vichy), and the political reality of advancing Nazism. As always, we will celebrate the Jackass of the Week. Join me. Jeanine
As the weight of Trumpism prepares for another test in Tuesday's midterms, Jonathan Lemire, Politico's White House Bureau Chief and host of MSNBC's "Way Too Early," joins Chuck to detail the rise of former President Trump's false stolen election claims, and why that movement — far from dwindling — is taking root in the GOP for the long term.
In Episode 134 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg documents the increasingly real threat of a right-wing authoritarian takeover of the United States within the next two years. The recent alarming Supreme Court decisions on reproductive rights, migrant detention and environmental regulation could be a mere prelude to a decision that could effectively mean the end of democracy. In Moore v. Harper, ostensibly about North Carolina's congressional map, the state's legislators hope to upend 200 years of election law and give statehouses unfettered authority to make rules and seat electors. This comes as Trump's scheme to use "fake electors" to throw the 2020 elections has come to light. After the failed coup of 2021, the Republicans are laying the groundwork to do it again in 2024—and this time more methodically. Trumpism needs to be defeated—by any and all means necessary. This includes pressure for a criminal indictment of Donald Trump, readiness to contend with MAGA fascism for control of the streets if it comes down to a physical stand-off—but also voting for the Democrats, however odious it may be. Listen on SoundCloud or via Patreon. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex Production by Chris Rywalt We ask listeners to donate just $1 per weekly podcast via Patreon -- or $2 for our new special offer! We now have 27 subscribers. If you appreciate our work, please become Number 28!
Rundown - Intro with Troubadour Dave Gunders - 00:36 "One Stop Shop" by Dave Gunders - 16:51 Dr. Nedra Downing - 22:25 State Rep Steven Woodrow in Craig's Lawyers' Lounge - 01:02:58 The heart of Denver takes center stage as the host reminisces about his four decades working downtown and his recent move to start his new law firm in the heart of Greenwood Village. Reminiscences about ever-changing downtown Denver are fun, especially when the Troubadour played Josephina's in Larimer Square and Craig dined at The Delectable Egg. Troubadour Dave Gunders, an accomplished businessman/musician with an MBA, provides his perspective on Craig's opening a new One Stop Shop named Craig Silverman Law, LLC. Dave Gunders' song, One Stop Shop, makes you want to dance. So does our discussion of DOJ v Trump grand jury. Dr. Nedra Downing lost her beloved son Tom Hollar 7.23.93 just above downtown Denver in CapHill. Nedra talks about that Denver Summer of Violence, Denver, and her home in Michigan. We honor the memory of Tom Hollar who would've been 60 now. Tom loved Neon. @WoodrowForCO is an outspoken and progressive native Michigander who starred in Craig's Lawyers' Lounge back on Episodes 37 and 60. This elected CO State Representative from South Denver Colorado is an outspoken critic of fascism and Trumpism. Listen to this up and coming Dem advocate for the prosecution of our defeated former president. Steven Woodrow knows which political races mean the most in Colorado this year. Steve understands how the Rule of Law and democracy are at stake and argues a newly expanded US Supreme Court is necessary. The process and prospects of achieving that kind of change are discussed. The Craig Silverman Show – every Saturday morning at 9 a.m. Colorado time
In this episode, Vince and Jason sit down with Civil Rights Attorney Robert Patillo to discuss imigration issues, the left vs. rights' messaging to voters, and is Trumpism dying? Attorney Robert Hillard Patillo II is the Executive Director of the Rainbow PUSH Coalition's Peachtree Street Project headquartered in Atlanta Georgia. Attorney Patillo has worked with and advised Rev. Jesse L. Jackson for over 20 years and is a highly sought after speaker and organizer in the fields of Civil and Human Rights. Attorney Patillo has worked as a political organizer and Political Strategist for over 25 years as well as practicing Civil Rights Law for over a decade in his law practice at The Patillo Law Group, LLC. Patillo is also a national voice in media hosting his weekly radio show "People, Passion, Politics" on News and Talk 1380am WAOK as well as daily press appearances on Fox News, CNN, OANN, Newsmax, Real America's Voice, Roland Martin Unfiltered, Russia Today, PressTV, British Broadcasting Corporation and in print in the New York Times, Politico and Atlanta Journal and Constitutions. Check out his website here Check out his social media here: Twitter Instagram Facebook YouTube 0:00-1:45 - Introducing Robert Patillo 1:45 - Is Trumpism dead in Georgia? 3:45 - Is there voter suppression in Georgia? 6:35 - Stacey Abrams chances in Georgia 11:20 - Are Republicans and Democrats campaigning to the wrong people? 15:15 - How deep is the Democrats' bench of candidates? 17:40 - Why Trump's messaging was better than Biden's 29:00 - Are the Democrats losing the Latino community? 31:30 - The systematic issues behind immigration 40:30 - Who was involved in the Haitian president assassination? 43:30 - Does the media make areas seem more unsafe than they actually are? 46:00 - The solution to fixing the drug and crime crisis 49:30 - The right vs. left-wing approach to immigration Check out 'Police Cams Raw' here Visit the show page on the Daily Caller here And catch the full episodes on our premium YouTube page Check out the audio version on: Apple podcasts Spotify Audible SoundCloud Become a Daily Caller PATRIOT Visit our website Follow our social media: Twitter Facebook Instagram 'Vince & Jason Save The Nation' grapples with America's most pressing questions through intelligent, brutally honest conversations between Vince Coglianese and Jason Nichols, two nationally renowned political commentators who come from opposite sides of the political divide but share a profound love of country. Enlisting the support of their fascinating and talented guests, Vince and Jason tackle the existential issues confronting America and set out on their quest to Save the Nation.
All eyes will be on a pair of speeches today in Washington, one by the former president and one by the former vice president. Mike Pence, whose scheduled speech yesterday at Heritage was scrapped due to travel issues, speaks at 9 a.m. at Young America's Foundation's National Conservative Student Conference. Stream it via YouTube Donald Trump speaks at 3:00 p.m. at the America First Agenda Summit. Stream it via C-SPAN Because this is Trump world, not only is there the already much-discussed drama of the Trump/Pence speech-off, but there's new drama over Trump's choice of venue. Former key Trump aide Peter Navarro is publicly asking Trump not to go forward with the event because he believes that the America First Policy Institute, which is hosting the summit, is insufficiently devoted to Trumpism — or at least what Navarro believes Trumpism to be in a piece headlined “Trump's ‘Think Tank' Prepares to Betray Him” for the MAGA-aligned online outlet American Greatness. Subscribe to the POLITICO Playbook newsletter Raghu Manavalan is the Host of POLITICO's Playbook. Jenny Ament is the Executive Producer of POLITICO Audio.
Radio Free Humanity Ep. 73: Furedi's Long Journey from Revolution to Reaction (interview with Ravi Bali). On Frank Furedi and his milieu. What went wrong––and what was wrong from the start? Current-events segment on Trumpism after Trump.
Tim Miller joins The Michael Steele Podcast to discuss his new book, "Why We Did It: A Travelogue from the Republican Road to Hell." The pair discuss what it takes to be a player in "The Game," Tim's time working with Reince Priebus at the RNC, the struggle of compartmentalizing being a gay man and being a Republican and the kinds of Republicans involved in the transition to Trumpism, from "Messiahs" and "Little Mixers" like Chris Christie, to "Nerd-Revengers" like Sean Spicer.Check out the book here:https://www.amazon.com/Why-We-Did-Travelogue-Republican/dp/0063161478If you like this podcast, give us a review and rating on Apple Podcasts!
The list of election deniers on the ballot keeps growing, and now includes the GOP nominee for governor of Maryland. Plus, Trump is still trying to win Wisconsin in 2020, and the Dems' shrewd move on same-sex marriage. Bill Kristol's back with Charlie Sykes. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
In this special-edition episode normally available only on White Flag + on Apple Podcasts, Joe sits down with Trump supporter Derek Hunter, who is also a Townhall columnist. Joe, while fighting a seasonal cold (no, not Covid!), musters strength as he tries to pinpoint how someone like Derek can suspend all the stuff he knows to be bad about Trump and Trumpism in order to "stay on the team." They cover everything from the NeverTrump movements to the 2020 election to the January 6th hearings. The conversation is illuminating.
Host Reed Galen is joined by The Bulwark's Tim Miller to discuss the psychological reasoning as to why so many Republicans supported Trump and his administration for as long as they did, how the culture of Washington can so easily warp the reality of those who work inside the beltway, and how all the Ron DeSantis hype is just a result of running Trumpism through the carwash and a dramatic shift in the Overton window. Plus how will the ultra-maga movement influence Donald Trump when he inevitably announces a 2024 presidential run. For more on this be sure to pick up Tim's brand new New York Times Bestseller, Why We Did It: A Travelogue from the Republican Road to Hell.
From 2000 to 2022, one thing is certain: What it means to be Republican has changed. To former Republican political consultant Tim Miller, the GOP started down a path to disaster in the early 2000s. Lack of strategic decision making within the Republican Party at that time set the stage for Donald Trump to take over the party Miller once loved. He now seeks to answer a simple question: “Why did normal people go along with the worst of Trumpism?” Tim Miller is an author, activist and consultant who has held many positions within Republican campaigns. He has served as co-founder and political director for the advocacy group Republican Voters Against Trump and director of communications for Jed Bush's 2016 presidential campaign. During his time in the Republican Party, he served in a variety of positions, including co-founder and executive director of the opposition research firm America Rising and “forensic analyst” for Mitt Romney's failed 2012 presidential campaign. In his new book Why We Did It, Miller cuts through the past two decades of political shifts, compromises and decisions made by the GOP that he says set it on a collision course with Trumpism and led to the events of January 6. Giving an honest look at his own work in the Republican Party, Miller uses raw interviews, forgotten history and personal accounts in a biting, darkly satirical retelling of the transformation of the GOP, leading up to his eventual departure from the party in November 2020. Join us as Miller recounts the roadmap of how we got here, and what the story of one of the greatest party shifts in American history can tell us about the future of the nation. SPEAKERS Tim Miller Writer-at-large, The Bulwark; Political Analyst, MSNBC; Host, "Not My Party" on Snapchat; Communications Director, Jeb Bush 2016; Author, Why We Did It: A Travelogue from the Republican Road to Hell; Twitter @timodc In Conversation with Dan Pfeiffer Co-host, "Pod Save America"; Author, Battling the Big Lie: How Fox, Facebook, and the MAGA Media Are Destroying America; Twitter @danpfeiffer In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, we are currently hosting all of our live programming via YouTube live stream. This program was recorded on July 11th, 2022 by the Commonwealth Club of California. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Subscribe to Reactionary Minds: Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Google Podcasts | YouTubeReactionary Minds is a project of The UnPopulist. Hosted by Aaron Ross Powell. Produced by Landry Ayres.The following is a transcript of Reactionary Minds’ interview with writer Damon Linker, founder of Eyes on the Right, a Substack newsletter. The transcript has been lightly edited for flow and clarity. Aaron Ross Powell: I'm Aaron Ross Powell, and this is Reactionary Minds, a project of The UnPopulist. The mainstream of the American right, as well as the Republican Party, looks quite a bit different today than it did 10 years ago. Trumpism's rise and its near-total take over the GOP has fundamentally changed our political landscape.To talk through what's going on and to explore the best ways to approach understanding the evolution of the liberal right, I'm joined today by Damon Linker, author of the Substack Eyes on the Right. He's also a senior fellow with the Open Society Project at the Niskanen Center and a weekly participant on the Beg to Differ podcast at The Bulwark. Both of our projects, Eyes on the Right, and then this podcast Reactionary Minds, are about understanding the forces of illiberalism that appear to be more threatening today than they seem to have been in the recent past. What's your approach to getting at that deeper understanding?Damon Linker: First of all, thanks for having me on the podcast. I value quite a lot what you're trying to do and do think it's a shared project that we have here, and the more the merrier, the more the better for our politics. I guess what I try to bring to the discussion and analysis, it was something I talk about in my inaugural post for Eyes on the Right, which is a kind of empathy for what is driving people to embrace the populist right.Now, by that, I do not mean making the case for them. What I mean is trying to think our way into the minds of people who will find these messages appealing. What is it about the liberal order that has them feeling discontented? What has them receptive to these severe critiques of the liberal order? The method behind the madness, the goal of this approach is to construct a more effective response, to actually try to meet the populist right where it is and speak on the basis of its premises, rather than always begin from liberal premises where what you end up with is just talking past each other and rejecting each other's starting points without ever actually engaging with them directly.I guess the rationale would be, you have to move the two parties a little bit closer together before they can really duke it out over what's really at stake. That's, in abstract terms at least, what I'm trying to accomplish.Aaron: In that opening essay for Eyes on the Right, I had underlined that part about empathy because it sometimes feels hard for—I have a lot of friends who are deeply involved in gay rights and trans rights, for example, and to say to them, you should approach with empathy, understanding of people who are labeling you groomers and saying you can't have pictures of your same-sex spouse on your desk if you're a school teacher, or people who want to institute a Catholic theocracy over the country, these are really threatening things and really immediately dangerous things; Proud Boys showing up at pride events. It can be hard to say, if you're in that situation, just to think I should be trying to understand at an empathetic level, the people who are calling me groomers.Why Empathize With Extremists?Damon: Yes, I totally understand that, and it's a natural human response. In that respect, what I'm advocating is difficult. It's a challenge, and it works against the instincts that are provoked by our politics where both sides—I am guilty of often using the formulation "both sides", but I don't usually mean a kind of moral equivalency. It's a formal mirroring that tends to happen in partisan politics. What I mean is that both sides in our politics have an activist sensibility these days where the goal is not simply to really persuade the persuadable. It's also to provoke your enemy.You try to say the most outrageous, insulting thing, the most caricatured version of your opponent in the hopes that they will then lash out against what you are saying in an extreme way which will then help you in your own position. You see this a lot obviously in the entire right-wing media edifice that is out there constantly. Part of it involves something else I talked about in my inaugural post about the fallacy of composition, where the fallacy involves you take one part of a whole that is particularly provocative or outrageous or insulting, and you direct huge amounts of attention to that and treat it as if it is exemplary of the whole.Is it true that professors, especially in the humanities and social sciences on the whole lean to the left? Absolutely true, indisputably the case. Is it true that all professors or nearly all professors are left-wing activists who have contempt for conservatives and centrists and want to humiliate students who come from those ideological starting points in the classroom? No, not at all.Yet, we now have a whole infrastructure on the right where a series of websites are out there trolling, asking for young conservative students to send examples of particularly outrageous left-wing professorial, pedagogical transgressions, which then get promoted on those websites, that then get picked up by Tucker Carlson, who then runs a 15-minute segment on prime time for 4 million viewers on Fox News, the premise of which is, "Look at how terrible all these left-wing professors are. Don't send your kids to college because they're going to be brainwashed to be leftist authoritarians." That's the process in a nutshell.There is a way in which it also works in reverse where the left will fasten on to the most egregious, fascistic statement of someone on the right and then try to make it seem as if everyone from Liz Cheney on over to Trump and then past Trump to Proud Boy, neo-fascist like this guy Nick Fuentes. Everything between them is all equally terrible. Now, why would someone who's a Democrat or another kind of progressive want to say that? Well, because you want to win the election. You don't want anyone anywhere to vote for the other side. You try to collapse the distinctions and assimilate everyone who's your opponent in an election to the worst example of the other side. It's a temptation that I think does need to be resisted. Maybe not always at the level of political contestation where this can be a very effective tactic, but at the level of intellectual reflection. For understanding's sake, we need to try to not let ourselves be triggered in the way that our political opponents very much would like us to be for their own benefit.Trump’s Unique DangerousnessAaron: When we're approaching that task, should we be distinguishing—let's just stick to assessing the right, although I think this argument applies, as you said, to looking at ideologies more broadly, but should we be distinguishing, say, conservatism generally as a political ideology from the base of people who think of themselves or ordinary voters who think of themselves as conservatives, but may hold as we know from political science data, people's self-described labels often affixed to wildly diverse viewpoints that are often in direct conflict with other people affixing the same label to themselves, versus the people actually in power: the ones who are controlling or have access to the levers of the state and how it directs its coercive forces. Because it seems like one response to what you've just said is yes, of course, we shouldn't pick out the most extreme examples of bad stuff on the right and say that's representative of everyone, just like we shouldn't do that for the left or any other group, but it does seem like one thing that's happened in the last say six years is that the most extreme parts of the right have gained control of the levers of power. They're the ones who are setting the broader agenda for what happens when the right is in control, even if the base is much more moderate.Damon: Yes. I take the point and I'm glad you brought up the topic of distinction making because that's yet another thing that I’m impressing in the Substack and in my writing lately. I'd love to talk through that. I'm actually working right now on a relatively short post in response to an op-ed that the writer and columnist Max Boot published in the Washington Post today, which is Wednesday, July 6th, in which he says, in effect, looks like Trump might not be the nominee in 2024 after all. It could be Ron DeSantis, and actually, he's worse because he's more disciplined and smarter, and so forth. He's a bigger threat than Trump.I'm pushing back on that on the basis of distinction-making. Let's walk this through and it touches on a lot of what you raised in your question. I don't think there is anything written in stone that what conservatism or right of center politics in a liberal democracy, what its policy matrix has to be. From Ronald Reagan through, say, the Mitt Romney campaign in 2012 in the United States, what did conservatism mean?Well, it pretty much meant suspicion of big government, support for cutting taxes whenever possible, generally in favor of free trade, in favor of pretty much open immigration policy, a muscular foreign policy directed towards spreading democracy around the world, and opposing authoritarianism, and then finally, a principled moral traditionalism on social issues that ranged from appointing judges who would overturn Roe v. Wade, which has recently been a success after 49 years of trying, to opposition to the series of reforms that have come up on the progressive left from racial issues through to women's rights, gay rights, trans rights, and so forth.That's what it meant to be a conservative until pretty recently now with Trump—it became with Trump and is now becoming the broader consensus among conservatives, that actually what it means is, yes, cutting taxes in government, on the whole, is good, but if those things can be used to help working-class Americans, then maybe those things aren't so bad.For similar reasons, free trade is often not good because it hurts working-class people supposedly. Similarly, immigration isn't usually good because that's also not good for that economic consideration, but also for broader identity reasons. The ethnic and racial makeup of the country changes in ways a lot of Americans don't like, at least conservative Americans don't like, and then a much more—well, also suspicion on foreign policy using American power for moral goals is suspicious now.Finally, the moral traditionalist argument on social issues hasn't really changed, but it's more aggressive and it's metastasized, and touched more areas of policy. Is there anything illegitimate about that latter group of policies in and of itself? Should that not be permitted within liberal democratic politics to have the right side of the spectrum be defined that way?I actually don't think there is any principled reason to think that that should not be allowed to be the right-leaning contesting party's position. Now, the problem is that some of those positions brush up against moral commitments that put into question some of American principles, but those principles themselves evolve over time. So I would prefer that those policy questions get debated in the political arena as has always been the case. I do think it's okay for the right-leaning party to change what it cares about.Where things get really dicey is when those policy shifts get combined with what we see, actually, I think in the United States more acutely than any other country contending with this shift, is that the right-leaning party that has shifted in this way can barely win elections because those positions aren't that popular, and the way they are interacting with America's peculiar electoral system with multiple levers and all kinds of counter-majoritarian trip wires leads us to a situation in which we get January 6th and everything that led up to it.People talk about Viktor Orbán and Hungary a lot as an exemplar of how dangerous he's at the leading edge of where this is going. I don't like Orbán. I would never vote for him. I think he's pernicious, he's done all kinds of negative things, but I think Trump is actually much more dangerous than Orbán. Orbán actually, even if he puts his thumb on the scale a little bit in various ways to give him and his party, the Fidesz party, an edge in an electoral contest, he actually does, and his party does, win votes.His party won in 2010 before he became a full-on populist and made a lot of those reforms. His share of the vote and his party's share of the vote hasn't changed markedly between then and now. He doesn't win 90% of the vote like Saddam Hussein or another dictator or Soviet dictator would've in the old days or even Putin today. He wins a little more than half. Then there are all these jiggered things within the electoral system that then enhances that slight edge into a much stronger majority within the legislature, but that's common. It happens in the UK, where in the last election, the conservatives won a bit more than labor, but they won way more seats than labor because you get amplification.Whereas in this country, not only is the Trumpist populist impulse a little troubling because it does push the policy matrix a little bit away from the consensus liberalism that preceded it, but that is combined by the fact that Trump and the Republicans can barely win power given that their position isn't overwhelmingly popular and has a huge, very strong opposition. They then combine that marginal ability to win with contempt for the very institutions that would freeze them out of power if they lose.That institutional attack, I think, is more profound than what even someone like Victor Orbán is attempting in Hungary, and we need to distinguish between all of these things. The last point before I stop blathering, to go back to my original statement about the Max Boot column, I think Max is wrong on this, that actually as bad as DeSantis would be, and again, I would not vote for the guy, I would be a critic of his from beginning to end if he actually became president, but would he do what Trump did on January 6th? I doubt it. Maybe he would. I guess we don't have a huge track record on the guy, but in general, I don't fear that with him in the same way that I do with Trump.That means that Trump shows and displays a contempt for the rule of law and instinctual authoritarianism that is sui generis to him, and he's spreading it to his most devoted followers and supporters. But it is so far still relatively contained to that sub-segment of the right. If we could run various scenarios about 2024 in which the Democrats can't win again because of inflation and other problems, I would vastly prefer DeSantis, Tom Cotton, Nikki Haley, any number of the mini-Trumps that are out there on the right over Trump himself again. Trump himself again is a toxin to liberal democracy that makes him a unique threat. All of these distinctions, I think, are important to make between bad, worse, and worst of all.Aaron: Well, let me pick up on that then because it is the case that, at least as of right now, Trumpism is the dominant force on the right and within the GOP. There's this constant cycle of hopeful articles from centrist and left political commentators saying, "Ah, it looks like his hold on the party is slipping. This is a handful of candidates he picked out, didn't win, his hold is slipping," but they always seem more wishful thinking than reality.Going into 2024, it seems like Trumpism will be the dominant thing whether he's the candidate or not. Certainly, people like DeSantis continue to present themselves as Trumpists or inheritors of the Trumpist mantle, but there's long been this question of whether Trump discovered his audience or created it, discovered his base or created it.What I've wondered and I'm curious for your thoughts on is how much of Trumpism, however we define that, and it could be hard to pin down what the ideological characteristics of Trumpism are, but how much of Trumpism as a movement within the GOP is an ideological movement that can be inherited, say, by someone like DeSantis or that it is effectively a cult of personality, that it is just this fealty to this man, this investment in the Trumpists or whatever it is about Trump they really like, and it doesn't really matter what the ideas are behind it, it's more of just his personality such that if Trump disappears from the stage, so he chooses not to run again, he's indicted, whatever the case is, that this older style GOP, the Reaganite GOP that you talked about earlier, can reestablish itself. Does Trumpism disappear when Trump disappears or is this a fundamental ideological characteristic now of the right?Damon: Great, great question. There's so much in there, so much that could be said. It's obviously a very complicated [chuckles] situation. All right. At one level, clearly, if you know the history of the American right, you know that the general dispensation that Trump represents ideologically has been there for a long time. There's one story you can tell about the right that had been told for many decades by people in the National Review circle.I think an heir to that would be Matt Continetti's new book The Right which is a new history of the right in America. That version goes something like this, that the right prior to, say, World War II was paleocon. It was suspicious of alliances and trade and very knee-jerk traditionalists about morals and suspicious of Washington and government. It was a folk libertarianism to quote my former colleague Bonnie Kristian who is now writing as an independent author and had a Times op-ed about this recently. So that was the right.Then after the end of World War II with Buckley founding National Review, you have the attempt to found a more internationalist right. It ends up taking a side in the cold war very hawkishly in favor of the United States and democratic capitalism against Soviet communism.It sort of cosmopolitanized the right a little bit. Now, the original paleocon instinct remained there and it remained there all along. Buckley tried to police the margins of it, tried to excommunicate the Birchers and other small groups that were more rooted in that more conspiratorial folk libertarian attitude, the kind of people who thought that Eisenhower was a communist, the great general who won World War II in Europe, who was president and a Republican, he was a communist plant. This kind of an attitude.That Buckley-ite policing of the boundaries and then expanding what conservatism could appeal to and the electorate reached its greatest apotheosis in the victory of Ronald Reagan, and from Reagan, once again through, say, Mitt Romney's 2012 campaign, you have—conservatism is that. The paleocon stuff's still there, still showing up usually on election day to vote for the head of the party and to vote for local offices for the Republicans, but yet a little disgruntled, not very happy, going along. You get moments of populist rebellion, like 1992, Pat Buchanan challenges George H. W. Bush in his reelection campaign and gives this blood-thirsty speech at the Republican Convention.That's the narrative that leads to a conclusion that Trump didn't make this. He saw that establishment Republicanism that had governed the party and the country often starting with Reagan had weakened and was ripe for being toppled. He tapped into the increasingly angry rest of paleocons who had been there all along for about the last 90 years, grumbling in the background, and became their champion, and what we've seen over the last six years is a revolution in which that base of paleocons over through the Reaganite elites, and they're now in charge. A lot of that is tied up with the policy matrix that I mentioned earlier, the shift on trade and immigration and foreign policy, and all those things.There's another argument too, another tendency, which you also mentioned and talked about, which is just Trump as a person embodying a populist impulse, which is not limited to the American scene, but is a perpetual threat to liberal democracies everywhere. Which is a demagogue who comes up and gains power through deploying very hostile rhetoric against the establishment, against those people in power, whether they're allied with my enemies politically or my allies, whether they're in politics or business or entertainment, it doesn't matter. It's them, the elites, and I am the champion of the “true people” and want to overthrow them.Trump was, it turned out to be, one of the greatest demagogues in American history and maybe world history. We can't judge that yet, let's see how all of this works out, and I say greatest in the sense of incredibly talented, but execrable. The guy is a genius at fastening on to the thing that will make the crowds cheer and mixing in a kind of humor with it at the same time, that makes it sound like he's not taking himself too seriously, winking about how it's all an act at the very moment that he's doing the most vicious things possible with language, attacking the press, journalists, seeming like he's stirring up violence against them, while joking that like, "Well, of course, we're not going to let you attack the journalist, let her go." He's just very, very good at that.Now, your question to set this up was which is it? What is it that has infected the Republican party? The truth is it is a blend, I think, of the two. One of the problems I'd say that Tom Cotton has, Tom Cotton also would love to run for president in 2024. He has given speeches, including at the Reagan Library several months ago that I wrote about, that are very clearly Trumpian speeches on the side of the first category that I just ran through. Very conservatism inflected with paleocon themes on the "new correct side" on all of these issues of foreign policy and trade and immigration and social issues, very rabidly engaged in the culture war in a way that is redolent of Trump.In all those ways, he sounds like a Trumpist, but he's boring as hell and has no charisma. He sounds like a wet noodle standing up there and looks like a geek who tried to make the basketball team and was cut in the first round of cuts. That makes me very skeptical that he could succeed in this environment. DeSantis on the other hand has been shrewd enough and talented enough to combine or tried to combine both in a way that I haven't seen in another candidate. I think it's one reason why so many on the right like him.He stands abstractly in favor of a lot of the policy changes that Trump brought in, but as the governor of a state, he has more power than one of a hundred senators like Cotton to actually do certain things to show, "See? I'll use power to achieve these things." Then he also combines that with a really swaggering obnoxious populist demagogic rhetoric that includes him getting up on a stage in front of some high school kids wearing masks during the worst pandemic in a century and berating them in front of the cameras to "Take off your damn masks. Freedom."I don't know what your language rating is for this podcast, but I'll at least stoop to say, you can bleep me out if you need to, he's performatively an a*****e. That is part of his schtick. That I think makes him a more plausible successor to Trump because you do need both. You need that kind of anti-cosmopolitan issue conglomeration that Trump has now put at the center of the right, combined with a pure populist and demagogic attack on the people who would police us morally in positions of power, to basically stick a middle finger up at them and say, "I'm going to say anything I want. F you. I don't care."You need both, and Trump has both, and DeSantis among all the options out there I think comes closest to matching that. He might not have Trump's instinctual genius at it, but he clearly I think—he at least understands that he needs to include that in his message, not just the what, but the how in the message, and has enough talent at the latter that he can at least be a potential rival as the leader of that faction.The Global Rise of the Populist RightAaron: I want to pick up on another thing in your inaugural essay for Eyes on the Right because I liked it quite a lot as a statement of purpose for the broader project. One of the things you mentioned is a pushing back on what we might call American provincialism, which is to analyze all of this in the context of what is happening in America. You mentioned Orbán, who's an example of this populism in Europe, but this rise of far-right reactionary populism is not limited to the United States. It's not limited to Donald Trump.We have seen it happen in other countries in forms that look—they're distinguishable from Trumpism, but they share a lot of common features. What has happened in the last decade or so to lead to this renewed movement of right-wing reactionary populism on a more global scale?Damon: Well, another great question, and another big answer, which I will try to keep within reasonable limits. I mean, it's obviously very complicated because now, we're not only talking about a continent-wide liberal democracy of 330-odd [million] people, but now we're talking about the broader world with all the differences across countries and regions and histories and so forth.I do think there are certain commonalities that we can point to. Clearly, after the end of the cold war, there was kind of a consensus in countries across the free world that, if not full Francis Fukuyamaism, which I've also written about on the podcast, as an exemplification of a certain form of this, but at least that consensus that, well, obviously, far-right politics including fascism and totalitarianism on the far right, that is off-limits.Most countries, say, 30 years ago, thought that was like not even open for debate, but now with the fall of the Soviet Union, it appears that the leftward side of the spectrum has now been cut off as also legitimate. What we're dealing with is that politics going forward in free societies will take place within the 40-yard lines. There will be contestation, there will be elections, and they will be between a center-right party or parties and a center-left party or parties.They will be about whether to cut taxes or raise taxes a little bit, expand government, or cut government a little, whether to choose this or that battle with a revanchist authoritarian state somewhere, maybe in the Middle East or elsewhere, whether to get involved in this war or that war, whether we'll all get together in a coalition of the willing to do battle with them and show them they have to join the club, start taking loans from the World Bank and the IMF and so forth, and whether immigration should be completely open and free or somewhat limited, whether it's going to be for like Canada does for the sake of meeting certain demands for labor within a country for a certain period of time, or it's just going to be open to all comers.These will be our debates. Yes or no, little more, little less, again, within the 40-yard lines of the field, and that's about it. Now, this worked pretty well through the '90s and even into the 2000s, though in the United States because of 9/11 and then eventually Europe, when they had terrorist attacks, this was jolted, it was pushed, but it was pretty resilient, at least until after the financial crisis of 2008, which began in the United States, and then rippled throughout the global economy, caused loss of a lot of wealth.Of course, one of the big economic changes in the post-Cold War world has been the opening up of the finance sector to small-time investors in the form of retirement accounts, and then the companies that handle pensions abroad, investing in the stock market around the world, global markets, and all of that took a big hit in 2008. That bred resentment, then added to resentment about immigration in a lot of countries.It's a little different in Europe than it is in the United States. Here, there always has been more openness to a harder right-wing critique of some of these neoliberal trends. I'll use the term "neoliberal", which no one can seem to define to describe the Fukuyaman tendency of the 40-yard lines defining politics. In this country, there always have been people on the right, they were allowed to make a critique and say, "Maybe we should cut back on immigration. Maybe we should care more about rising crime rates. Maybe we should make certain other changes," but in Europe, Muslim immigration, for instance, in France has been much, much higher, much higher percentage of the population there than here, partly because of the colonial history of the country and allowing immigrants from, say, Algeria in over other countries and then some of it is a result of guilt over the legacy of this.For various reasons in different countries, Germany has a lot of Turkish immigrants for historic reasons because of labor. In the post-war decades, they brought in a lot of Turks to, again, like Canada to fill holes in the labor economy in the country. Because of the history of fascism on the continent and shame about colonialism and its moral legacy, there was more of a sense in Europe that you can't really object to having, say, high Muslim immigration because then you're evil, you're a racist, and that's not allowed.Maybe in Europe, it became not between the 40-yard lines. Even on the right, it became like the 45-yard line. You combine that kind of limiting of the margins with resentment over in this country about how the war on terror was waged and our inability to actually decisively win these battles around the world and wondering why we even did them in the first place and why the intelligence about weapons in Iraq was so terribly flawed, and then add in terrorist attacks in Europe after 9/11 in Spain and France and other places, and feeling like the elites here who are in charge defending those margins, the 40- or 45-yard lines, are inept. They won't actually allow us to debate these things. The anger about the lack of a justice-driven response to the aftermath of the financial crisis in 2008.You get the sense, looking back, it's clear there was a boiling pressure building up from the lower classes, from people who are not members of this neoliberal elite consensus of the government is not responding to our anger about these things. You have to listen to us and you have to listen to us and you have to listen to us, saying it over and over again.I do think that whether it's the rise of what Orbán has done in Hungary or the perpetual return of the same Le Pen challenge to the French center, the Brexit vote in the UK, the rise of Trump, the rise of the League in Italy, you go around the world, Bolsonaro in Brazil, what's ended up happening in Turkey with Erdogan where he's ended up versus where he started, Modi in India.In all of these contexts, you have variations on this same story of, "We let you neoliberals run the show for a couple of decades and we're not happy with the results, that you are illegitimately marginalizing the boundaries of political debate." I think one way of understanding what we've been living through is to see that those boundaries have to be fluid. They have to be permitted by the institutions of liberal democracy to shift leftward and rightward, even if they threaten to begin to touch up against something that looks a little like illiberal communism on the left or illiberal fascism on the right, because the attempt to forestall that, to prevent it, to say, "You can't have that opinion, it's illegitimate, it's racist, it's immoral," doesn't make it go away. All it does is increase resentment toward the very institutions that are preventing it. We need a more supple understanding of the fringes if it will, that if you don't let some of it in, you risk a more turbulent reaction against the rules that prevent it from getting in.The last thing I'll say is that an interesting case study, the German situation is a little sui generis both because of Germany's incredible power economically and politically within the EU structure and also because of their distinctive shame over national socialism, which is almost in its own category of awfulness, but it is interesting that the Alternative for Germany, the AfD party, cropped up in the same period, middle of the 2010s, really scared a lot of people, rightly so.It surged to around 15% nationally in Germany which was enough again to scare a lot of people and to throw the coalition government there into a little bit of unsettledness because 15% is enough to mess with coalition formation if all the parties refuse to make a deal with and govern with that party because it means that now your total set of potential coalition mates is a lot smaller because 15% of the votes are now off the table for negotiation.The interesting thing is that Germany did not ban the AfD party, they didn't allow it to sit in a government, but they did allow it to be the main opposition party to the Christian Democrat-led Merkel government at the end of her very long reign. The result is that the support for the AfD has come down. It's now getting 9%, 10%. Can a liberal democracy survive with a far-right party that gets around 10%? I think, yes. Maybe it's better to just allow it to be there, make its case, and then lose by the normal rules of democracy.Germany also has a 5% electoral threshold. If it sinks a lot more, it could even wink out of existence at the level of the Bundestag, which would be a very good thing. Because it could come back if it got more support, but it shows that the system is open to those who are angry on the margins. Again, that can be scary for those of us who would like the—we don't want the 40-yard lines to be enforced from the top. We would prefer, at least I speak for myself, I would prefer it to be roughly within the 40-yard lines but by free choice. [chuckles] I want the electorate to want politics to take place in those somewhat narrow terms. If there starts to be rebellion on those margins, you can't keep it within the 40-yard lines by imposing it from the top down.Aaron: Then bringing this back to the context of the US, our final question, I'll ask another that I fear might be a big one, as far as combating illliberalism in the US, one disadvantage that we have is we don't have a multiparty democracy, so we can't relegate it to a 10% or 15%. We have two parties, and that 10% or 15% can take over one of them and then effectively—and then achieve White House, achieve dominance in the legislature, and so on, be able to exercise power well beyond their 15% support within the electorate.The real worry, I think, is—one of the perennial questions about Trumpism is, does Trumpism represent a genuinely fascist movement? Fascism is another thing that it's awfully hard to come up with a single definition of it, but it does seem to have a lot of legitimately fascist characteristics, and there's a real concern that, say, if Trump wins again and has the control and is able to exercise more control, that he'll push things even in…I Trump would be an authoritarian if he were able to get away with it. Within the US context, how do we take those lessons that you just articulated on the international scene and apply them looking forward two years, 10 years, to try to make sure we don't slip into something that we can't easily recover from?Damon: Yes, again, another great question, and you're completely right that the US situation—I began in one of my first responses and talking about how we have to make distinctions and Trump is worse than DeSantis. There's a way in which the American situation is uniquely alarming in the international context precisely because of what you're saying. We are not a parliamentary system in which the executive sits in the legislature and really has no independent power apart from the multi-coalition government that is in charge at any given moment.That makes our president much more of a potential dictator if he can get away with it. Then we also have a two-party system where it's either one side or the other. If one side, namely the Republicans, becomes devoted to a fascistic leader, then it could potentially control the whole ballgame. Especially with the way upcoming Senate elections are looking, it is at least within the realm of possibility that in 2025, we could have a reelected Donald Trump as president with 61 Republicans in the Senate, which is a true horror show scenario, and it really does scare me.I don't have any great magic bullet response to this. My response is to give a version of the popularism argument that is often made about the Democrats because we haven't talked much about the Democrats in our conversation, but they are the other party. As commentator David Frum said in a very pithy tweet the other day, I won't be able to quote it from memory, but to paraphrase the point he was making in the single tweet, that because of the shape of the different electoral coalition, if the two parties in the US, and the way that those coalitions at the present moment are interacting with our uniquely, distinctively weird American systems, which are really not built for ideologically sorted parties in the way that we have them now. We're in a situation where the Republicans are able to run a politics that is geared toward placating its most radical, committed elements in a way that the Democrats cannot do and win.The Republicans can win by becoming ever more extreme, and that parenthetically, just so your listeners grasp why this might be, it has to do with the fact that both the Senate and the electoral college involve winning states, and Republicans are spread around many more states than the Democrats tend to with a majority. There are more people living in blue states, in states that vote for the Democrats, but there are fewer states that vote, so they get more electoral votes, but not enough to compensate for the fact that the Dakotas and Nebraska and Kansas and all these largely empty states vote for the Republicans, giving them an edge in both of those institutions.That's one-half of the equation that Frum talks about. The other half is that the Democrats, although they cannot placate their left-wing agitating base as much and win, their potential winning coalition is much larger. It's very unlikely that the Republican, say, presidential candidate in 2024 is going to win, say, 55% of the popular vote. That's almost impossible to imagine.It is possible to imagine that a Democratic candidate could do that. Now, I don't know if it would be Biden or Harris or who it could be, but in terms of potential, the Democratic message appeals to more Americans. To see how this interacts with their institutions, all you have to do is look at the results of the 2020 election. Biden won seven million more votes than Donald Trump, but if 50,000 of those votes flipped to Trump in three states, Trump would have won anyway.That is a horrifying prospect for the legitimacy and stability of American democracy because it means that—George W. Bush won the presidency in 2000 while losing the popular vote in one state by a very small number, like a few thousand votes. Trump won in 2016, winning the electoral college while losing the popular vote by almost three million. If Trump had managed to flip those 50,000 or 60,000 votes in three states, he would've been reelected president while losing seven million.These tendencies are increasing over time. It's conceivable that in 2024, you could have a Trump or DeSantis win the presidency while losing the popular vote by 8 million, 9 million, 10 million people, which is going to be very dangerous for American democracy because I do think there are limits to how much losing the Democrats are going to be willing to take if they're actually getting that many more votes in the aggregate.My medium answer to your very complex and important question is the Democrats need to do whatever it takes to prevail. If that means moderating on some social issues, that will alienate some of their more agitated activist base, they should do it for the promise of winning more votes away from the Republicans in the center. Because, really, that's the only thing that the Republicans are going to understand and that could moderate them over the future, which is to realize you can't actually win power saying and doing the things that you're doing.They need to learn that lesson. If they keep being able to squeak out victories doing this, they're going to keep doing it out of simple self-interest. Anyway, that's my unsatisfying answer. I'm never entirely satisfied with how I answer those kinds of questions, including in the post that went up today I made a version of this argument, and after I do it, I think, "Oh, no wonder nobody likes me." [chuckles] It's not very satisfying to say that we have to be the reasonable ones. We have to be the ones to say, "Sorry, you passionate supporters on my own side, you got to sit on it so that we can win later." I get why that pisses some people off.[music]Aaron: Thank you for listening to Reactionary Minds, a project of The UnPopulist. If you want to learn more about the rise of illiberalism and the need to defend a free society, check out theunpopulist.substack.com.Accompanying Reading:Damon Linker, Eyes on the Right’s inaugural post From The UnPopulist: Shikha Dalmia, Populism Sans the Popular Vote: A Dangerous Formula H. David Baer, CPAC Is Going to Hungary, Never Mind Viktor Orban’s Attacks on ChurchesGarvan Walshe, Angela Merkel Helped Defeat Germany’s Populist Far Right Without AppeasementAndy Craig, Trump’s Next Presidential Run Could End the Peaceful Transfer of Power This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit theunpopulist.substack.com
All terrestrial segments were recorded live on July 9th (Day 190 of 2022), and all podcast segments were recorded lived on June 12th (Day 193 of 2022) Part 1 of 3 of the Podcast only content – James Webb Telescope draws into focus how much politics suck right now because of what Trumpism has ignited, and it also peering back in time 13.1 billion years ago and holds the possibilities of forever changing our understanding of the cosmos and our place within it Terrestrial: Hour 1 (begins around 0:18:00) Baker is traded, and oh boy did the Browns get so very little for him, even when you compare it to what other comparable QBs have received in trade packages for them Naming your kid/dog Baker was never a good idea, nor was getting a Baker tattoo, but everyone should have known that around here and yet they did it anyway Part 2 of 3 of the Podcast only content – It never ceases to amaze how optimistic Browns fans are this time a year, every year, and this year is no different, except instead of irrationally inflating how many games the Browns will win has been replaced by irrationally expecting Watson to be suspended very few games to no games at all (and commercial sports talk locally is definitely fueling this pathetic fire) (begins around 1:15:00) Lachlan MacKinnon's ‘Best of Edition' Let Me Tell You A Story: “Toilet Bowl Sunday” (begins around 1:33:00) Terrestrial: Hour 2 (begins around 1:39:00) The local band Factual Brains are our new favorite band in Cleveland, and in related news, Defend Cleveland show commissions an album! The story of summer league Cavs and what's to come of Colin Sexton It's the midseason mark for the Guardians and we still can't get a Ramirez jersey in anything but home white! He's also the difference between a sub .500 team and the one we were falling in love with through the middle of June before he busted his thumb Part 3 of 3 of the Podcast only content – Mollie's Weekly Reports... (begins around 2:36:00) Terrestrial: Hour 3 (begins around 2:57:00) When you head to far west in CLE and WCSB turns into The River, and the threat of "contemporary Christian pop music" taking over the airwaves ensues Mollie's Weekly Reports, terrestrial edition! All this and so much more on this episode of the Defend Cleveland Podcast. Enjoy~ This show is and forever will be dedicated to Big Mamma To contribute to this 100% listener supported show please go to our Patreon page by clicking here. Check out Lachlan MacKinnon's best selling book, ‘Let Me Tell You A Story: Small Stories Of A Large Family'! Thank yous to 91.1-FM WRUW Cleveland for being home to the show, and to the city that inspires us, Cleveland, Ohio. Your recommended listening this week is the 2020 full length release by Factual Brains "Scooter" The intro and outro to Lachlan's segment is the song “My Summer In Traction” by the band Ohio Civil War , and it's used with permission
A selection of three essential articles read aloud from the latest issue of The Economist. This week, why Britain is in a dangerous state, why the world's most exciting app is also its most mistrusted (10:49), and Trumpism's new Washington army (18:38). Please subscribe to The Economist for full access to print, digital and audio editions:www.economist.com/podcastoffer See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
A selection of three essential articles read aloud from the latest issue of The Economist. This week, why Britain is in a dangerous state, why the world's most exciting app is also its most mistrusted (10:49), and Trumpism's new Washington army (18:38). Please subscribe to The Economist for full access to print, digital and audio editions:www.economist.com/podcastoffer See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Rundown - Professor Bob Loevy - 29:59 Troubadour Dave Gunders - 01:52:24 "Somebody Who Knows it All" by Dave Gunders - 01:59:30 Episode 104 is packed with analysis of right-wing anti-Semitism flowing through Denver Trump Radio and the mouths of hosts and guest GOP officials. We talk Jan 6 Committee developments and Cippollone and Hutchinson testimony. https://coloradosun.com/2022/07/05/silverman-hutchinson-trump-opinion/ During these intense political times, we gain wisdom from Gazette columnist Bob Loevy, who long-taught political science at The Colorado College in Colorado Springs. He was Liz Cheney's professor and speaks about how the Cheney family is connected to host's alma mater. https://gazette.com/news/liz-cheneys-colorado-college-education-led-to-gop-showdown-bob-loevy/article_2f2af52e-b274-11eb-b1b3-d775e1294b52.html Professor Loevy was raised in Baltimore where he worked as a reporter for city's major newspaper from 1957 – 1963 with a focus on the civil rights movement roiling Maryland and America. He then worked for prominent California Republican US Senator Thomas Kuchel in critical year of 1964 when Civil Rights Act passed. https://www.coloradopolitics.com/opinion/loevy-reporting-on-the-1960s-civil-rights-movement/article_28ef4bd0-8620-11ec-a077-efbbf76134d2.html Along the way, Loevy worked for, and got to know, Spiro “Ted” Agnew. The stories keep coming as Professor Loevy had a remarkable string of associations with major historical events and public figures. That makes sense when you consider his mother's great-great-great grandfather was Archibald Williams, good friend with Abe Lincoln. https://faculty1.coloradocollege.edu/~bloevy/ArchibaldWilliamsBook/welcome.html A lifelong Republican, Loevy likes the approach now of Cheney and does not countenance Trumpism and/or racism within his Grand Old Party. The grand old days of Colorado College's political science community still reverberate today. https://faculty1.coloradocollege.edu/~bloevy/home/ Bob Loevy likes politics and wants America to have great politicians. He saw a big red wave coming before the Supreme Court used Dobbs to fire up people angry about the end of Roe v Wade. Listen to his current political prognostications. https://gazette.com/politics/political-wave-watching-in-colorado-bob-loevy/article_91dbe376-c67e-11ec-a9a4-4fae95ead14f.html Troubadour Dave Gunders delivers again with “Somebody Who Knows it All” and discusses highly anticipated testimony of White House Counsel Pat Cippollone in the wake of Cassidy Hutchinson's bombshell J6 Select Committee hearings. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bimpyWBAiGo The Craig Silverman Show – Every Saturday morning at 9 a.m. Colorado time
CLR Show 1746. Air Date July 8, 2022. The 'Donald Show' has bilked more small donors out of more money than possibly any other scam in recent American history. It has no policy aims. It has no ethical underpinnings. Its stated aims are often at direct odds with the needs of the people who support it. It is simply a power grab by an overlord who maintains his power by offering constant reminders and examples of his power and his capacity to operate with impunity. In short, it is a manufactured fantasy that will only end when Donald is indicted. With Friday Co-Host, David Bach.
The question of why so few Republicans have stepped forward to testify about what they heard and saw in the Trump White House, is very much at the heart of much of the House Jan. 6 committee's work — and of Tim Miller's new book, “Why We Did It,” which, by chance, was released the same day as Hutchinson's explosive testimony. Miller's arc is, by now, somewhat familiar: At the dawn of the Trump era, he was an in-demand Republican strategist and a top aide to Jeb Bush. He watched in horror as Trumpism swallowed the Republican establishment and his fellow GOP strategists jumped on the MAGA bandwagon. He resisted, left the party, and devoted himself to Never Trumpism. In his new book, Miller sets out to understand the mindset of those Republicans who remained — friends and former colleagues who weren't all that different from him, but who enthusiastically worked to elect Trump and later joined his administration. In one chapter, he traces the journey of Alyssa Farah Griffin. In 2016, she was a 20-something conservative and top Capitol Hill aide who couldn't bring herself to vote for Trump. By 2020, she was director of strategic comms in the Trump White House — before resigning that December. On the outside, Griffin joined Miller in the ranks of the Never Trumpers, and began helping others do the same. Most recently, it was Griffin who helped guide Hutchinson, her good friend, through the fraught process of breaking away from the Trump world, a journey that culminated in Hutchinson's devastating account of Trump's actions on Jan. 6. On Thursday, Ryan met with Miller and Griffin at the Georgetown Club for lunch — and to talk about Miller's new book, their respective journeys navigating Trumpism and what Hutchinson's testimony could mean for the future of Trump's grip on the Republican Party. Ryan Lizza is a Playbook co-author for POLITICO. Tim Miller is a political strategist and writer-at-large for The Bulwark. Alyssa Farah Griffin is a political commentator and former Trump White House aide. Afra Abdullah is an associate producer for POLITICO audio. Kara Tabor is a producer for POLITICO audio. Brook Hayes is a producer for POLITICO audio. Adam Allington is senior producer for POLITICO audio. Jenny Ament is executive producer for POLITICO audio.
In Robert Kuttner's new book, “Going Big: FDR's Legacy, Biden's New Deal, and the Struggle to Save Democracy,” he explains how we got to our present political inflection point, how high the stakes are, and what comes next. Kuttner — who co-founded the Economic Policy Institute as well as The American Prospect — joins Jon Schwarz to discuss.https://join.theintercept.com/donate/now See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Sarah Longwell, publisher of The Bulwark and host of The Focus Group podcast, joins Axe and Gibbs to discuss how Trump voters are reacting to the January 6th hearings, the Supreme Court's decision to overturn Roe vs. Wade and whether it gives Democrats an opportunity to go on offense in the midterms, Mitch McConnell's approach to the bipartisan gun control bill, Elise Stefanik's hard turn to towards Trumpism, and more.
Last year, Florida and Texas passed draconian social media speech regulations. Each law violates the First Amendment, and, not surprisingly, each was blocked by a federal trial court. On appeal, however, things got weird. Although one appellate court affirmed most of the ruling against Florida's law (SB 7072), another let Texas's (HB 20) go into immediate effect. In an emergency order, the Supreme Court re-blocked the Texas law—for now. A further ruling by the justices, probably next year, is all but inevitable. TechFreedom's Corbin Barthold and Ari Cohn break down the situation. For more, see a recent article by Corbin, “Trumpism on the Bench?,” published at The Bulwark; a recent article by TechFreedom's Berin Szóka, “Mass Shooting Videos Are Protected Under These Awful Laws,” published at The Daily Beast; and Corbin's and Berin's joint essay “No, Florida Can't Regulate Online Speech,” published at Lawfare.
Susan Del Percio is a highly accomplished political strategist and crisis communications consultant who is a political analyst for MSNBC as well as a contributor to Know Your Value - Mika Brzezinski's initiative that is helping women to grow their career, form healthy habits and reach their full potential. Susan is also a regular on one of our favorite podcasts Politicology. Appointed as a Special Advisor to Governor Andrew Cuomo in 2014, she initiated and implemented communication strategies, and advised and developed policy initiatives. Susan also served as Deputy Commissioner in the Giuliani Administration prior to founding her firm in 2001 which serves private corporate clients, leading elected officials, political organizations and candidates as well as non-profits. Susan is also a Distinguished Lecturer at Emerson College where she received both her Bachelor and Master's degrees. In this conversation we cover a lot of ground including the sad decline of Rudy Giuliani as someone who worked for him when he was Mayor of NYC; how it was to go to work for a Democratic Governor after having been in Republican politics; her experience of being in New York on 9/11 and what it was like in the days and weeks after that historic day; what it cost her, as a longtime Republican strategist, to be an early critic of Donald Trump and Trumpism; we get into one of our favorite pods Politicology, of course; whether the GOP can be redeemed; and Susan gives some candid advice to Democrats for the 2022 midterms and beyond. https://twitter.com/DelPercioS https://www.msnbc.com/knowyourvalue https://politicology.com/
In this episode of the podcast, Sam Harris speaks with David French about forces that are pulling American society apart. They discuss David's experience as a JAG officer in Iraq, his experience of harassment for coming out against Trump, the way real grievances drive political derangement, the illiberalism on both the Left and the Right, the role of prophecy in Evangelical support for Trump, honor culture, the response to Hunter Biden's laptop, the January 6th hearings, the personality cult of Trumpism, federalism, geographic sorting, group polarization, cultural divisions in sports and entertainment, the gun rights movement, the ethics of gun ownership, whether Trump will be prosecuted, the 2024 Presidential campaign, the dangers of online activism, and other topics. SUBSCRIBE to listen to the rest of this episode and gain access to all full-length episodes of the podcast at samharris.org/subscribe. Learning how to train your mind is the single greatest investment you can make in life. That's why Sam Harris created the Waking Up app. From rational mindfulness practice to lessons on some of life's most important topics, join Sam as he demystifies the practice of meditation and explores the theory behind it.
This is a fiery episode. Veterans lungs are on fire. America's forests are on fire. Our conversations are on fire. Children and black people and LGBTQ people are UNDER FIRE. The United States is on fire. Our country is burning… in ways big and small. And the country is dying, literally, for leaders who can run into the fires, put them out with solutions, and help us find a path through the damage and through the smoke to better days. That's what the Ukrainian people have now in Zelensky. And that's what America is thirsting for this summer. As radicals and weaklings hijack and dominate our politics, America is looking for leaders with common sense that can break through. Leaders who can speak the truth, understand the moment, and channel the emotion. And especially, the anger and disappointment of this moment. But will a populist leader emerge to fight all our fires? How did the fire of Trumpism start in the first place? Where is it burning hottest now? Will the new Congressional gun bill fuel it? Who can throw water on it? Can it be put out? Who's gonna be America's fire brigade? Who's gonna be our hero? Are independents the answer? We're gonna dig into all of it with a man who is now a political firefighter of sorts. But was once a political arsonist. A self-proclaimed reformed political gang-banger. And the perfect person to talk to about all this–and much more. Former GOP Tea Party Congressman from Illinois Turned Anti-Trumper Independent, Joe Walsh (@WalshFreedom). Walsh was once a star in the GOP. A Tea Party darling. A bomb-throwing, punch-thrower who started out as a social worker outside Chicago, who took a shot at acting, and went on to become a key figure in the social movement that became a wave of Tea Party Congressional victories in 2010. He said crazy shit, insulted many, and ran nasty races. And then he lost in 2012 to Iraq war veteran and Democrat Tammy Duckworth. And after that, he launched into a media career, hosted a talk radio show, stirred up controversy, stood for positions he believed in, and stayed in the arena. And in 2018, he turned against Donald Trump, calling him "a danger to this country." And in 2019, Joe Walsh decided to run against Trump in the GOP primary. It didn't last long. In February, 2020, Walsh ended his presidential campaign after getting only 1% of the vote in Iowa. But he didn't stop battling Trump—or his former party. He's still throwing punches. He's still stirring shit up. He's still fighting for what he believes in. And he's still very much against Donald Trump and his former party that he now calls a cult. A cult he was once a member of. And we get into all of it in this pod. Every episode of Independent Americans hosted by Paul Rieckhoff (@PaulRieckhoff) breaks down the most important news stories–and offers light to contrast the heat of other politics and news shows. It's independent content for independent Americans. And delivers a healing dose of the Righteous Media 5 Is: independence, integrity, information, inspiration and impact. Always with a unique focus on national security, foreign affairs and military and veterans issues. In these trying times especially, Independent Americans is your trusted place for independent news, politics, inspiration and hope. Stay vigilant, America. -Get extra content, connect with guests, attend exclusive events, get merch discounts and support this critical show that speaks truth to power by joining our IA community on Patreon. -Watch video of Joe and Paul's conversation here. -Find us on social media or www.IndependentAmericans.us. -Check the hashtag #LookForTheHelpers on Twitter. And share yours. -Also check out other Righteous Media podcasts including the B Dorm Podcast, The Firefighters Podcast with Rob Serra and Uncle Montel - The OG of Weed. Independent Americans is powered by Righteous Media. Righteous is an independent, American, Veteran-owned and led content company. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
“It's over.” “Biden's numbers are in the ditch.” “Democrats are doomed.” “Call the priest.” These are Democrats talking! Even before November's congressional elections are run, many conventional-thinking Democratic operatives are surrendering to a presumed Republican sweep. You don't need a political science degree to know that if you start out announcing that you'll lose, chances are you will – after all, who wants to vote for a party that shows no fighting spirit, no confidence in the appeal of its own ideas? What's happening here is that the Party's top leaders have decided their candidates can't win in rural areas and smaller factory cities – so they've quit trying. Worse, they blame the voters, claiming that Trumpism, Fox News BS, and culture war nonsense have poisoned the minds of people “out there.” Thus, Party leaders have retreated from the countryside to focus entirely on big urban areas. Democratic Congressional leaders even killed their rural outreach programs, and the Party's chairman in 2018 meekly declared: “You can't door-knock in rural America.” Actually, sir, you can. And if you choose to abandon this whole working-class constituency – surprise! – it will abandon you. Worse, than failing to campaign along America's dirt roads and factory streets, national Democrats have actively been pushing corporate policies that have ravaged families living there – including trade scams that sucking out union jobs; shamefully bailing out Wall Street bankers who crashed our real economy (while ignoring millions of devastated workaday people); and doing nothing about the corporate-caused farm depression still ripping across our land. Washington Democrats have largely betrayed this vital, FDRish constituency of millions that they now blithely dismiss as irredeemable. Did Party poohbahs think voters wouldn't notice or care how they're being treated? If we want them back on our side, then let's go to them… and get back on their side!
Highlights: “In every state that Biden would need to pull off a win in 2024, he's polling in the low or mid-30s. That's about as bad as it gets.” “What Victor Davis Hanson argues here is that the Bumblin Biden administration is doing far more than setting the stage for the return of Trump. They are in point of fact making converts of more and more voters who want to return to the days of secure borders, energy independence, deregulation, an end to endless foreign wars, a populist middle-class nationalism, and effective deterrence against China.”“For the exception of a few strange endorsements, Trump's endorsements have been enormously successful, as much as the lamestream leftist media is doing everything it can to play it down. And given the red wave that's on the horizon for the midterms, we should have the most populist government in congress since the 1920s.”“Biden is in effect setting the stage not just for the return of Trump, but the return of Trumpism, America First Trumpism for the foreseeable future.”Timestamps: [01:46] Biden's imploding polls and why [04:00] How Biden is setting the stage for the return of Trump[08:20] How Trumpism is taking the nation as a wholeResources: Support this channel. Get Your Brand-New PATRIOT T-Shirts and Merch Here: https://store.turleytalks.com/Ep. 998 Why the Peter Navarro ARREST Will DESTROY the Political Class!!!Get your own MyPillow here. Enter my code TURLEY at checkout to get a DISCOUNT: https://www.mypillow.com/turleyIt's time to CHANGE AMERICA and Here's YOUR OPPORTUNITY To Do Just That! https://change.turleytalks.com/Become a Turley Talks Insiders Club Member and get your first week FREE!!: https://insidersclub.turleytalks.com/welcomeFight Back Against Big Tech Censorship! Sign-up here to discover Dr. Steve's different social media options …. but without censorship! https://www.turleytalks.com/en/alternative-media.com Thank you for taking the time to listen to this episode. If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe and/or leave a review.Do you want to be a part of the podcast and be our sponsor? Click here to partner with us and defy liberal culture!If you would like to get lots of articles on conservative trends make sure to sign-up for the 'New Conservative Age Rising' Email Alerts.
On this episode, Ben sits down with the Republican candidate in this year's Ohio Senate race, JD Vance. They discuss where the conservative movement is going, and what Republicans could do if they win back the Senate this fall. Later, Ben gives his take on the significance of the Johnny Depp v. Amber Heard trial. Follow Ben on Twitter: @BDomenech Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Michael Cohen joins The Michael Steele Podcast to discuss his mission to right his wrongs, since being Trump's "personal fixer." They discuss the importance of having the facts straight to make informed decisions, Trumpism as a danger to democracy and the strategy and intention behind J.D. Vance's campaign.
The ugly effects of Trumpism are corrupting the Midterms as far-right Republican candidates expose themselves as being unfit for office, but MAGA as hell. Impossible but true, QAnon candidates are running and winning elections in key states. Can weak GOP candidates and the January 6th hearings help Dems in the fall? Perhaps. Richard Painter, former White House Ethics Lawyer and now a candidate for U.S. House of Representatives joins Mea Culpa and shares insight on the race from the inside. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
A hellish weekend of mass shootings has rocked America to its core, motivated by racial hatred and a conspiracy theory that's becoming mainstream thanks in part to Tucker Carlson, Trumpism and the new radical right. “The Great Replacement Theory” is burning up the inner- webs and fomenting a movement, rooted in White Supremacy and anti-semitism, that pits us against them. Join us as we discuss this dangerous movement and much more with Washington journalist and Mother Jones Bureau Chief, David Corn. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Guests: Eliza Griswold, Dan Pfeiffer, Rep. Jamie Raskin, Nina JankowiczTonight: The threat the Republican nominee for governor in Pennsylvania could actually pose—and why Democrats may be underestimate his chances of winning. Then, as Madison Cawthorn exits Congress, and Dr. Oz clings to hope, how "Trumpism" not "Trump" is winning elections. Plus, Congressman Jamie Raskin on the escalation of the DOJ investigation into January 6th. And how a right-wing frenzy killed the White House plan to combat online misinformation. The woman was tasked to lead that effort, Nina Jankowitz, joins live for an exclusive interview.
Axe and Murphy break down the results from the primary races in a number of key states in this special edition of Hacks on Tap. They discuss the highly-anticipated Republican Senate race in Pennsylvania, the fate of Congressman Madison Cawthorn and other candidates backed by Trump, how progressive Democratic candidates fared across the country, and ultimately the fact that Trumpism is alive and well.