Podcasts about ideological

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

The US is divided ideologically like never before, and the schism has metastasized into a high-profile assassination on a college campus, with the death of Charlie Kirk (which occurred as we recorded the program). We recognize the courage and faith of Charlie Kirk, who fought some of the same battles we have engaged through the years. This program focuses on the worldview war playing out at the college campus, the rising ideological division on the campuses and between states, the abdication of Christians, and the rise of Islam.

A new MP3 sermon from Generations Radio is now available on SermonAudio with the following details: Title: Charlie Kirk Assassinated at a College - Ideological Divide Explodes Into Violence Subtitle: Divide Turns to Violence Speaker: Kevin Swanson Broadcaster: Generations Radio Event: Radio Broadcast Date: 9/11/2025 Length: 33 min.

A new MP3 sermon from Generations Radio is now available on SermonAudio with the following details: Title: Charlie Kirk Assassinated at a College - Ideological Divide Explodes Into Violence Subtitle: Divide Turns to Violence Speaker: Kevin Swanson Broadcaster: Generations Radio Event: Radio Broadcast Date: 9/11/2025 Length: 33 min.

Dean Karayanis, sitting in for Derek Hunter, reflects on the murder of Charlie Kirk. The pundit class, despite this attack on one of our own, isn't seeing this as an attack on free speech or democracy. But it is. Regardless of the motivation, whenever someone who speaks out is slain, it's imperative that everyone condemn it. Instead, you have some Democrats and MSNBC commentators both-sidesing this, blaming the victim. The left ought to speak to its own base and the right to theirs. That, more than generalized statements of condemnation, will show that America is united in rejecting violence as a political tool. Also, a clip of the first time audiences heard Charlie Chaplin speak. His uplifting speech in "The Great Dictator" was a call to our common humanity and a call for us to fight for liberty, that is worth hearing at this moment.

In the summer of 2020, the country was racked by disease, violence, and social disruption as generations of racial injustice seemed to fall in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. Thomas Chatterton Williams warns, however, that extreme views on the left—ascendent in that summer heat—are just as dangerous to western liberalism as extreme views on the right.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We're back with late-summer vibes, a Jersey date-day report, and a conversation that matters: romance scams are on the rise. Think “Tinder Swindler” playbook, love bombing, urgency, and then the ask. We talk through what to watch for, how to protect yourself, and how to support someone you suspect is being targeted. Love Desk: 4 Modern Threats to Relationships Digital distraction is invading quality time. Phones at the table, scrolling on the sofa, autopilot disconnection. Ideological differences (values, politics, gender roles) are getting sharper and harder to bridge. Hectic lifestyles erode intimacy when everything becomes logistics. Childhood wounds show up as adult conflict patterns (attachment, defensiveness, shutdown). Hot Topic: The Rise of the Rom-Con We unpack how sophisticated romance scams work and why everyone is vulnerable, especially when lonely, stressed, or having low self-esteem. Red flags: moves fast, intense declarations, inconsistent stories, reluctance to video chat or meet, sudden money or “investment” requests, pressure and secrecy. Protect yourself: set non-negotiables (no money, ever), verify identities, slow the pace, keep close friends in the loop. If you're supporting a friend: lead with care, not “I told you so,” share evidence gently, and stay available—shame keeps people silent. Recovery is possible. Listener Question “My partner never wants to make plans, and I feel unimportant. How do I raise this without sounding controlling?” We explore the planner–spontaneous pairing and offer scripts: Invite a future-focused plan: “Would you be open to booking dinner next Friday?” If they resist, get curious: “What comes up for you when plans are set in advance?” Allow time for a maybe-to-yes shift; don't react to the first “no.” Aim for both/and: a couple of planned anchors each month plus room for spontaneity. Try This Week Phone-free meal or walk, just to talk. One small plan made a week ahead (reservation, tickets, picnic). If dating online: share new connections with a trusted friend; verify identities before you invest time or trust. FREE Connection Guide >> Download Today Till Next Time Stay Connected Sara Liddle — www.inflori.co.uk Anna Stratis — www.coachdocanna.com      

Jeff Park is a Partner and Chief Investing Officer of ProCap BTC. In this conversation we talk about what separates smart investors from those who just follow ideology, how that mindset shift can make you better in the market, the idea of a bitcoin treasury company, and how businesses could stack more bitcoin without constantly raising new capital. ===================== Markets are at all-time highs. Public equities are outperforming. And individual investors are driving it all. It's officially the rise of the retail investor. On September 12th in NYC, I'm hosting the Independent Investor Summit — a one-day event built exclusively for self-directed investors. We're bringing together some of the smartest public market investors I know for a full day of macro insights, market predictions, one-on-one fireside chats, and actionable investment ideas from each investor. This is going to be an absolute banger event. Join us if you like markets and think retail is two steps ahead of Wall Street.

Guest Mark Mix, National Right to Work Committee, joins to discuss labor unions funding left wing think tanks and Democrat candidates. Are you truly representing their workers with political donations, and what are the real intentions of the donations? Discussion of the future of labor unions, and the workers pushing back.  It's the ultimate showdown of ideological differences. Are we seeing a renewed push to create a health pandemic? Discussion of rise in COVID cases in California and other states, while Florida announces an end to all vaccine mandates of any kind. Who will be successful in the end?

In this Labor Day episode of The P.A.S. Report Podcast, Professor Nick Giordano exposes how America's federal bureaucracy has been hijacked by ideology and activism. From DOJ employees throwing food at National Guard troops to a CDC official resigning over politics disguised as science, Professor Giordano reveals how unelected bureaucrats increasingly see themselves as policymakers rather than civil servants. Backed by studies showing overwhelming partisan bias and donation data proving federal employees lean almost entirely in one direction, he connects the bureaucratic takeover to the same ideological capture we have witnessed in America's schools. The result is a dangerous cycle of government weaponization and cultural indoctrination that undermines trust, accountability, and the very foundation of our Republic. Episode Highlights DOJ and CDC employees choose ideology over duty, exposing a weaponized government. Studies reveal a partisan imbalance among federal bureaucrats, 95% liberal views, 84% of donations to Democrats. The parallel between bureaucratic activism and the ideological takeover of America's schools and universities.

Todd Thompson exposes today's ideological Left as a new religion — with saints, martyrs, blasphemy laws, and holy wars. From DEI rituals to the Jonestown Warning, this broadcast shows how ideology has replaced faith and why the Red–Green Alliance threatens Western civilization. - Broadcast August 22, 2025 on WWCR 4840 kHz from Nashville, this week's edition of The Thompson Show dives headfirst into the theme of ideological religion — the secular Left's new faith, complete with saints, martyrs, blasphemy laws, and holy wars. Todd examines how today's ideological zealots: Canonize their saints and martyrs — from Marx and Lenin to George Floyd and Greta Thunberg. Enforce blasphemy laws in the form of speechcrime and cancellation. Sacrifice truth, tradition, and common sense on the altars of DEI, climate zealotry, gender ideology, and ritualized propaganda. Wage holy wars through riots, uprisings, and cultural purges in the name of “justice.” From Joan Didion's warning about “moral imperatives” to Jacques Ellul's insight on propaganda and orthopraxy, Todd connects the dots between ideological conditioning and religious zeal. He highlights the Boomerang Effect — how integration propaganda meant to normalize (like corporate DEI rituals or Target's pride campaigns) backfires into outrage. The broadcast reaches its climax with the Jonestown Warning: Jim Jones as the original “woke Marxist preacher,” blending Bible verses with socialist slogans, building a utopian commune that ended in mass graves. Todd argues that the same psychology underlies today's woke religion — utopia promised, hysteria enforced, corpses delivered. Closing the show, Todd expands the critique to Europe's blasphemy laws, the UK and Scotland punishing veterans and teachers for “Islamophobia” while excusing Islamist extremism. He ties this selective enforcement to the Red–Green Alliance, showing how the far-Left and Islamists have made common cause against Western civilization. Broadcast times: WWCR 4840 kHz — Fridays, 11 PM Central / Midnight Eastern / 0400 UTC WBCQ 7490 kHz — Mondays, 10 PM Eastern / 0200 UTC Tuesday More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Like it? Rate and Review!

Due to demand, we are uploading past Free School sessions and will resume uploads to Spotify.We discuss the movie "Sinners" by Ryan Coogler, and the struggle for ideological clarity at this time. We also share more of our preparations for the symposium on Ellington, Mingus, Sun Ra and Bootsy.

In this episode of the ⁠Viral Cure: Making sense of internet discourse ⁠series, ⁠⁠Stephen G. Adubato⁠⁠, joins &Campaign founder Justin E. Giboney, whose work focuses on giving people to tools to have tough conversations about divisive issues. We discuss:how Justin works to bring people together from across the ideological spectrumtools for engaging in challenging conversations with people we disagree withthe importance of cultivating critical thinking and dialogue skills in a polarized public squareThanks to Interintellect for hosting our salon! https://interintellect.com/Subscribe to the Substack: https://cracksinpomo.substack.com

In this episode of the ⁠Viral Cure: Making sense of internet discourse ⁠series, ⁠⁠Stephen G. Adubato⁠⁠, joins &Campaign founder Justin E. Giboney, whose work focuses on giving people to tools to have tough conversations about divisive issues. We discuss:how Justin works to bring people together from across the ideological spectrumtools for engaging in challenging conversations with people we disagree withthe importance of cultivating critical thinking and dialogue skills in a polarized public squareThanks to Interintellect for hosting our salon! https://interintellect.com/Subscribe to the Substack: https://cracksinpomo.substack.com

I first read about Cara Meredith's book on evangelical church camp over at Kristin Kobes Du Mez's newsletter, and as soon as I saw “cry night” in the subtitle, I knew any conversation with her was gonna be a real one. Put differently, I knew she was ready to talk about what drew people to these camps — but also how they worked to deftly manipulate the young people who attended them. I went to church camp for a decade. I was a counselor for several years. I cried on cry night; I watched bad skits; I highlighted the crap out of my Youth Bible — and I adored it. But I also internalized a lot of contradictory and harmful messages, and felt weird about some of the ways we were counseling young kids. Cara and I process all of that in this episode — and also answer a bunch of your complicated questions. And as always with these episodes, we're working hard to make the episode accessible to people outside of the culture (or who find it weird, which, real talk, it is) while also going deep into the weeds. I'm so eager for your thoughts. Thanks to the sponsors of today's episode!Blissy is offering 60-nights risk-free PLUS an additional 30% off when you shop at Blissy.com/CULTUREPODSave 20% Off Honeylove at honeylove.com/CULTUREStop putting off those doctors appointments and go to ZocDoc.com/CULTURE to find and instantly book a top-rated doctor todayJoin the ranks of paid subscribers and get bonus content, access to the discussion threads, ad-free episodes, and the knowledge that you're supporting an indie pod trying to make its way in the world. If you're already a subscriber-- thank you! Join us in the discussion thread for this episode! Got a question or idea for a future episode? Visit culturestudypod.substack.com To hear more, visit culturestudypod.substack.com

Nicole Gelinas joins Brian Anderson to discuss the pattern of random acts of violence in New York City and what can be done to stop them. 

Remastered audio of Fredric Jamesons opening lecture at the 1977 Institute On Culture & Society sponsored by the Marxist Literary Group and hosted by St. Cloud State University. For further context, consider listening to "The Jameson Tapes, Side A" which precedes this episode in The American Vandal Podcast feed. For a bibliography, please visit or subscribe to Matt Seybold's newsletter at TheAmericanVandal.Substack.com

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, the Allied bombing of Dresden in February 1945 was a terror campaign targeting civilians in a non-military city, resulting in massive casualties via firestorms from British and U.S. air raids.  The modern hypocrisy from U.K. and French leaders, who pressure Israel over Gaza—blaming it for starvation caused by Hamas, demanding ceasefires, and threatening Palestinian state recognition—while ignoring their own countries' declines due to open borders and radical Islamists, and applying impossible standards to Israel that no nation, including the U.S, would accept for itself. Later, On Power is out in stores today! The core struggle in humanity, particularly in culture and government, is over power, which determines liberty and rights—this is the essence of the Revolutionary War, the Constitution, and ongoing battles in places like New York and Minneapolis, as well as globally.  America is uniquely better, founded as a blank slate without feudalism or other isms," as John Locke described, which makes it hated by Marxists in academia and the Democrat Party, along with political Islamists. These groups despise liberty, individuality, free will, merit, and success, seeking to divide America through racism, wokeism, non-assimilating immigration, and destroyed education systems. Everything they touch fails because they aim to destroy society, fundamentally transforming individuals into obedient servants of a ruling class. The Democrat Party embraces Marxism and Islamism, stealing free will by controlling groceries, housing, property, and accusing merit of racism.  Also,  Sen Chuck Schumer accuses Republicans of preventing poor people, people of color, and Democrats from voting and rejecting democracy. This is agitprop—negative language serving negative power, akin to Leninist and Marxist tactics—using slogans and half-truths to exploit grievances, subvert civil society, corrupt harmony, and manipulate populations by creating jealousies and hate, rather than fostering rational policy discussion or positive language that encourages debate and truth-seeking. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode, Todd continues dismantling the transformation of modern political movements into ideological religions—complete with dogma, heresy, excommunication, and a mob-ready priesthood of online enforcers. Drawing on figures like H.L. Mencken, Joan Didion, Noam Chomsky, and Ralph Waldo Emerson, he explores how belief systems—left and right—have become substitute faiths, powered by dopamine, hashtags, and performative outrage. Todd weaves in cognitive science (via Nicholas Carr and neuroplasticity), propaganda theory (via Jacques Ellul and Edward Bernays), and personal experience to reveal how the digital age has eroded attention spans, critical thought, and individual conscience. Social media becomes the new pulpit. Echo chambers replace dialogue. Heresy now means thinking for yourself. At the core is a warning: intellectual autonomy now requires personal and moral courage. The courage to be disliked. To reject tribalism. To say, “That's bullshit”—especially when it comes from your own side. From Mencken's skewering of revivalist mobs to the modern cancellation of NPR apostate Uli Berliner, Todd paints a bleak but brutally honest picture of conformity culture, urging listeners to reclaim their minds—even if it means exile. This is not a feel-good sermon. It's a call to arms for the heretical unicorn.   *Recorded in Southwest Michigan and blasting worldwide on WBCQ 7490 starting next week! Details inside.   Like it? Rate, review, and share it? Hate it? Embrace equity! Listen anyhow! More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Vids: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjdLR140l--HufeRSAnj91A/?themeRefresh=1    

The phrase “as American as mom and apple pie” once described something wholesome and unquestioned. It evoked family, community, and tradition. Today, critics recast those same images as coded language for oppression. The cultural consensus of the 1980s and 1990s is no longer neutral. Under the modern lens, it is marked as racist, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, and even fascist. When normal life is reframed as oppressive, nearly everyone outside a narrow ideology is implicated. There is no neutral ground.This new moral order assumes that redefining words and policing behavior can control hearts and minds. But humans resist control. They push back when cornered, often out of spite. This explains why cultural campaigns produce backlash. Boycotts of brands like Bud Light or Target were not about products. They were expressions of rebellion against being told nostalgia for one's own culture is immoral. Ironically, by declaring traditional symbols dangerous, activists turn them into emblems of resistance. The harder the effort to erase them, the more stubbornly they endure.The Sydney Sweeney controversy makes this clear. American Eagle ran an ad with the slogan “Sydney Sweeney has great jeans.” A simple pun was read as promoting eugenics because the actress is blonde and blue-eyed. Some labeled it fascist-coded. Others mocked the outrage. Sales rose. Even harmless ads are now treated as ideological tests. Extreme marketing thrives in this environment. Outrage spreads faster than approval, and controversy drives profit. Every purchase feels like a political vote.The same dynamic plays out in policy. When police are framed as fascists, enforcement is weakened. Sanctuary cities, meant to protect, often signal weakness. Game theory predicts predators will exploit these gaps. Crime rises where enforcement falls. Meanwhile, suburban and rural residents watch calmly from a distance. They are armed, skeptical, and detached, expecting failure.The paradox deepens. Sanctuaries meant to shield undocumented immigrants often concentrate them where they are easiest to target. Federal agencies treat these cities as stocked ponds. Publicly, city leaders condemn enforcement. Privately, they cooperate to maintain order. Businesses notice instability and leave, hollowing out local economies.These policies resemble United Nations mandates: bold in language, weak in power. They depend on the very systems they oppose to keep functioning. They are more about virtue signaling than effective governance. The result is a cycle. Redefining normality breeds resentment. Resentment fuels backlash. Backlash drives polarization. Ideological policies create chaos, forcing quiet compromises that expose their limits.This conflict plays out like an old film gag. The cigar burns, everyone smiles, and the explosion is inevitable. Attempts to control culture through moral pressure do not end as expected. The backlash is already here, seen in quiet decisions, empty storefronts, and eroding trust. The old symbols of America persist—not because they are flawless, but because they are human and resistant to erasure.Mom and apple pie remain. Not as propaganda, but as things people hold onto when everything else is called into question.

In this scathing and soul-punching episode, Todd eulogizes more than just Ozzy Osbourne and Hulk Hogan—he autopsies America's descent into ideological fundamentalism. What do woke mobs, medieval witch trials, and Facebook shares have in common? The answer: moral certitude without grace. Todd dissects how modern ideological tribes—particularly on the Left—have replaced traditional religion with secular dogma, complete with martyrs, heresies, rituals, and catechisms. Using Hulk Hogan's post-mortem cancellation as a case study, he exposes how one taboo word now carries more social weight than actual violence, rape, or corruption. The result? A society where redemption is off the table, and performance is king. From Ozzy's “The Ultimate Sin” to McLuhan's media warnings, this episode drips with unfiltered cynicism and cultural excommunication. If you've ever wondered how virtue-signaling replaced virtue—or why dissent now threatens belonging more than reason—don't miss this blistering analysis. Recorded in Southwest Michigan. Blasting worldwide on WBCQ 7490 starting next week! Details inside.   Like it? Rate, review, and share it? Hate it? Embrace equity! Listen anyhow! More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Vids: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjdLR140l--HufeRSAnj91A/?themeRefresh=1    

Today on Moment of Zen, Erik Torenberg and Samo Burja explore how China's elite universities are creating a ruling class similar to America's, with student activism and credentialism reshaping both nations' power structures. Make sure to subscribe to Samo Burja's Bismarck Brief and the Live Players podcast to read analyses and briefs like this one: Bismarck Brief: ⁠https://brief.bismarckanalysis.com/⁠ Live Players: ⁠https://link.chtbl.com/liveplayers⁠ --

Guzmán shares her personal experience of growing up in a politically divided family. She highlights the need for in-person interactions, attention, and containment in dialogues. She also discusses the role of media in perpetuating polarization and the potential for small-scale conversations to impact larger institutions like politics and media. Mónica Guzmán is a journalist and entrepreneur and is the Senior Fellow for Public Practice at Braver Angels, a grassroots, cross partisan, organization working to depolarize America. She is cofounder of the newsletter The Evergrey out of Seattle Washington and is the proud liberal daughter of conservative parents and is a dual US/Mexican citizen. She is the author of I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times (BenBella Books 2022).Interview Date: 5/15/2025 Tags: Mónica Guzmán, listening, storytelling, uncertainty, assumption, biases, curiosity, Murial Rukeyser, Braver Angels, depolarizing America, attention, attention economy, Personal Transformation, Social Change/Politics, Community

Ideological labels can be damn confusing. What do we mean by liberal, conservative, socialist, nationalist, left, right? They even seem to mean different things to different people!Worry not. We are here to lift the fog!Welcome to Episode 107 of Everything is Everything, a weekly podcast hosted by Amit Varma and Ajay Shah.In this episode, on popular demand, Amit and Ajay break down the meanings of some commonly used labels and isms. TABLE OF CONTENTS: 00:00 Packaging00:13 Intro: Labels Are Dangerous!02:36 Chapter 0: Important Clarifications09:32 Chapter 00: What We Believe14:32 Chapter 1: Liberal25:18 Chapter 2: Conservative39:33 Chapter 3: Marxism53:40 Chapter 4: Socialism1:06:13 Chapter 5: Communism1:09:54 Chapter 6: Statism1:13:18 Chapter 7: Libertarian1:17:19 Chapter 8: Left and Right1:21:51 Chapter 9: Nationalism1:30:03 Chapter 10: Some Other Terms1:36:47 Postscript: Selected ReadingsFor the full show notes, click here!

Janet Hayes shares her journey as a severe mental illness advocate reshaping New Orleans through innovative care systems for those with serious mental health challenges. • Started advocacy after Hurricane Katrina when untreated mental illness led to criminalization • Witnessed a friend die in custody due to inadequate mental health and medical care • Founded Healing Minds NOLA to create a "one-stop shop" for mental health care • Successfully led implementation of Assistive Outpatient Treatment courts in Louisiana • Working to reform the "15-day rule" limiting psychiatric hospitalization under Medicaid • Advocates need to understand their specific state systems rather than applying generic solutions • Louisiana has adequate psychiatric bed capacity but lacks long-term continuity of care • Policy barriers, not just funding issues, prevent effective treatment for severe mental illness • Ideological positions often prevent pragmatic solutions that could help vulnerable individuals • Advocates are more effective when they understand local systems and speak from experience https://whynotme.world intro/outro music written by T. Wild Why Not me music published by Mantor Music (BMI)

Flexibility is a cardinal virtue in physical fitness, and according to political psychologist and neuroscientist Leor Zmigrod, it can be a cardinal virtue in our mental health, too. How she came to that conclusion and how common rigid thinking can be are themes explored in her new book, The Ideological Brain. “I think that from all the research that I've done,” she tells interviewer David Edmonds in this Social Science Bites podcast, “I feel that what rigid thinking does is it numbs people to the complexity of their own experience, and it simplifies their thinking. It makes them less free, less authentic, less expansive in their imagination.” And while she acknowledges there are times being unbending may be seen as an asset, “rigid thinking is rarely good for you at an individual level.” In this podcast, she details some of the work – both with social science experimentation and with brain imaging – that determines if people are flexible in their thinking, what are the real-life benefits of being flexible, if they can change, and how an ideological brain, i.e. a less flexible brain, affects politics and other realms of decision-making. “When you teach or when you try to impart flexible thinking, you're focusing on how people are thinking, not what they're thinking,” Zmigrod explains. “So it's not like you can have a curriculum of ‘like here is what you need to think in order to think flexibly,' but it's about teaching how to think in that balanced way that is receptive to evidence, that is receptive to change, but also isn't so persuadable that any new authority can come and take hold of your thoughts.” Zmigrod was a Gates Scholar at Cambridge University and won a winning a Junior Research Fellowship at Churchill College there. She has since held visiting fellowships at Stanford and Harvard universities, and both the Berlin and Paris Institutes for Advanced Study. Amond many honors the young scholar received are the ESCAN 2020 Young Investigator Award by the European Society for Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, the Glushko Dissertation Prize in Cognitive Science by the Cognitive Science Society, . the 2020 Women of the Future Science Award and the 2022 Women in Cognitive Science Emerging Leader Award, and the 2022 Distinguished Junior Scholar Award in Political Psychology by the American Political Science Association. 

Recent weeks have made deep-seated schisms in both parties explode to the surface. Whether the parties can figure out how to bridge them -- not to mention the larger chasm between the Democratic and Republican parties -- will determine what happens in the 2026 midterm elections and beyond. On the Democratic side, the split between mainline Democrats and progressives erupted after Zohran Mamdani's victory in the New York City mayoral primary. For the Republicans, the conflict pivots around Donald Trump's influence and the emerging tensions between traditional political conservatives and the MAGA faction.Matt Robison is joined by Matt Wylie, a top Republican political consultant, to explore these intra-party conflicts, the role of ideological and affective polarization among voters, and the potential impact on future elections. 00:00 Introduction: Political Schisms05:55 Strategic Implications for Democrats23:06 The Role of Ideological and Affective Polarization35:39 The MAGA Dilemma43:05 The Dysfunction in Congress53:03 The Abdication of Responsibility58:22 The Need for Coherent Opposition01:04:08 Concluding Thoughts and Future Discussions

Post War Pakistan vs the Wars WithinPanel Discussion with Adeel Afzal, Ali Aftab Saeed, Shehzad Ghias Shaikh, Syed Muzammil Shah and Tamkenat Mansoor.Chapters:0:00 Introduction3:00 Adeel Afzal on War Hysteria7:00 Syed Muzammil Shah;Did we become pro-establishment in the war?17:15 Tamkenat Mansoor on the maza of war27:!0 Shehzad Ghias on the war, Palestine and Pakistanis33:22 Art,Identity and the Establishment (Adeel Afzal)39:50 Past of Pakistan is questionable (Syed Muzammil Shah)45:25 Audience Question: India kee progressive voices kahan hay? (SGS)49:55 Audience Question:Will Pakistan retain its geographical borders?(TamkenatAli Aftab Saeed)54:30 Audience Question: Is Pakistan a terrorist state and ShehzadGhias on Piers Morgan (Shehzad Ghias)1:02:30 Audience Question: India vs Indian people and Pakistanis vsthe State (Tamkenat)1:07:30 Audience Question: What is the pathway to stability forPakistan (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:11:08 Audience Question: India-Pakistan opportunities missed forpeace (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:17:00 Audience Question: Social Media and Screens (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:20:50 Audience Question: South Asia is Indo-centric (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:25:30 Audience Question: Religious extremism and Ideological shift(Adeel Afzal)1:30:08 Audience Question: Ayub Khan and students being apolitical(Syed Muzamiml Shah/Tamkenat)1:35:12 Audience Questions for everyone1:38:24 Audience Question: Mahrang Baloch and Balochistan (ShehzadGhias/Adeel Afzal)1:44:27 Audience Question: Democratic set up (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:49:00 Audience Question: Indus Water System (Syed Muzammil Shah)1:49:50 Audience Question: Deziafication kab hogi Pakistan mai? (SyedMuzammil Shah)The Pakistan Experience is an independently produced podcast looking to tell stories about Pakistan through conversations. Please consider supporting us on Patreon:https://www.patreon.com/thepakistanexperienceTo support the channel:Jazzcash/Easypaisa - 0325 -2982912Patreon.com/thepakistanexperienceAnd Please stay in touch:https://twitter.com/ThePakistanExp1https://www.facebook.com/thepakistanexperiencehttps://instagram.com/thepakistanexpeperienceThe podcast is hosted by comedian and writer, Shehzad Ghias Shaikh. Shehzad is a Fulbright scholar with a Masters in Theatre from Brooklyn College. He is also one of the foremost Stand-up comedians in Pakistan and frequently writes for numerous publications. Instagram.com/shehzadghiasshaikhFacebook.com/Shehzadghias/Twitter.com/shehzad89Join this channel to get access to perks:https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC44l9XMwecN5nSgIF2Dvivg/join

In his new book, The Community College Reform Movement: Contentions and Ideological Origins (Routledge, 2025), political scientist Milton Clarke critically examines the rise of the higher education reform movement, often referred to as the “completion agenda,” which, since the early 2000s, has sought to restructure core aspects of the community college experience. Drawing on community colleges from across nine U.S. states as practical examples, this exploration examines the major higher education reforms, including dual enrollment, guided pathways, the demise of developmental education, corequisites, and performance-based funding. Against the popular view that support for such policies is tied to neoliberalism, this book argues for a more nuanced understanding of the complicated and often indistinct ideological foundation of the reform movement, demonstrating that supporters and detractors alike draw on similar concepts of equity, student success, and affordability. This complication is further clarified through an account of the history, process, functions, and institutions that paved the way for the advent of the higher education reform movement. This book is vital reading for anyone interested in the future of community colleges and higher education. A special resonance is expected among researchers, scholars, and educators working in higher education, educational reform, and educational policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

This week we ask what drives ideological disagreement in politics? How far do people on left and right disagree with each other because they have fundamentally different moral intuitions or for other reasons? Polarisation is a defining feature of contemporary politics, raising concerns among many observers. People on the left and right—liberals and conservatives—often seem to inhabit entirely different worlds, holding fundamentally distinct perspectives on reality and morality. But what underpins these divisions? Are they rooted in deep-seated moral intuitions that we are born with or develop in childhood? Or do they stem from our present circumstances and the media landscape that shapes our understanding of the world? In this episode, we explore ground-breaking research by two scholars from the UCL Department of Political Science—Dr Jack Blumenau and Prof Ben Lauderdale. Their work offers fresh insights into the nature of political disagreement, challenging conventional wisdom about its origins. Jack join us to discuss these findings. (Jack Blumenau, Associate Professor of Political Science and Quantitative Research Methods.) Mentioned in this episode: Jack Blumenau and Ben Lauderdale. (2024) ‘Liberals and Conservatives Rely on Very Similar Sets of Foundations When Comparing Moral Violations', American Political Science Review Benjamin Lauderdale and Jack Blumenau. 2025. “ Polarization over the priority of political problems.” American Journal of Political Science Transcription link: https://uncoveringpolitics.com/episodes/is-morality-the-cause-of-ideological-disagreement/transcript Date of episode recording: 2025-03-06T00:00:00Z Duration: 00:38:10 Language of episode: English Presenter:Alan Renwick Guests: Jack Blumenau Producer: E Kingwell-Banham

This week, in the news: a 3 hour nightmare might be over: in THE LAZY RIVER OF WRESTLING CRITICISM: Are both companies too driven by their own ideological capture and in Vader Club: the unrepentant stupidity of Kemonito vs. Kemolito.Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

This week, in the news: a 3 hour nightmare might be over: in THE LAZY RIVER OF WRESTLING CRITICISM: Are both companies too driven by their own ideological capture and in Vader Club: the unrepentant stupidity of Kemonito vs. Kemolito.Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/shake-them-ropes-pro-wrestling-podcast-wwe-nxt-njpw/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Joyce talks about the polarizing effects of politics, the Ayatollah in Iran, and isolationist, New York passes bill to allow medical aide in dying for terminally ill people.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Kea - WikipediaMeet the clever kea, New Zealand's endangered Alpine parrot, whose curiosity - and taste for meat - gets it into trouble | Discover WildlifeHave We Been Thinking About A.D.H.D. All Wrong? - YouTubeEp. 583: "Disproportionate Event Horizon" - Roderick on the Line - Merlin MannA Conversation With Vice President Vance - YouTubeHave We Been Thinking About A.D.H.D. All Wrong? - YouTube“It makes for a very unpleasant atmosphere.”Merlin Mann5ives | Merlin's Lists of Five ThingsLife In Hell Books : Matt Groening - Internet Archive

In this episode, Victoria, an immigrant from the former Soviet Union who has built a successful practice in nutrition and health discusses the themes of resilience, Adversity, and the philosophy of living a life based on actions over words. The conversation spans a wide array of topics including personal growth, political ideologies, the shortcomings of modern education, the influence of big pharma and big food, and the importance of free speech. Victoria shares her personal journey, from her difficult childhood to her success in the U.S., offering insights into the challenges she faced and how they shaped her mindset. Episode Highlights: 02:25 Victoria's Journey from the Soviet Union 15:55 Experiences of Communism and Immigration 22:06 Challenges of Assimilation and Cultural Differences 52:16 The Influence of Social Media 57:57 Parenting and Societal Changes 01:09:45 Historical Parallels and Modern Consequences 01:26:37 Education and Media's Role in Society 01:31:28 Critique of DEI and Identity Politics 01:32:22 The Importance of Free Speech 01:32:27 Censorship and Social Media 01:37:58 The Role of Media and Misinformation Learn more about the gift of Adversity and my mission to help my fellow humans create a better world by heading to www.marcusaureliusanderson.com. There you can take action by joining my ANV inner circle to get exclusive content and information.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this episode of "The Federalist Radio Hour," Jennifer Bryson, fellow in the Catholic Women's Forum of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, joins Federalist Senior Elections Correspondent Matt Kittle to discuss the impact of left-wing activism on sports and suggest practical avenues of resistance. You can find Bryson's Ethics & Public Policy Center report, "Reclaim Team USA Sports from Activism,"  here.If you care about combating the corrupt media that continue to inflict devastating damage, please give a gift to help The Federalist do the real journalism America needs.

On this episode of “The Federalist Radio Hour,” Jennifer Bryson, fellow in the Catholic Women's Forum of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, joins Federalist Senior Elections Correspondent Matt Kittle to discuss the impact of left-wing activism on sports and suggest practical avenues of resistance. You can find Bryson's Ethics & Public Policy Center report, […]

In this timely episode, FAIR Executive Director Monica Harris, joined by Gabriel Nadales and Suzannah Alexander, examines the troubling rise of mandated ideological conformity across professional education programs with Zander Keig and Nafees Alam. Following FAIR's groundbreaking formal complaint to the Department of Education against CACREP (Council for Accreditation of Counseling and Related Education Programs) for compelling students to adopt specific ideological positions on race and privilege, the panel explores how similar patterns of coerced belief systems have infiltrated social work, medical, legal, and K-12 education programs nationwide. The discussion delves into real-world consequences for students who face academic penalties for expressing dissenting views or religious beliefs that conflict with prescribed ideologies, while offering concrete strategies for promoting genuine viewpoint diversity and protecting students' constitutional rights. As the conversation unfolds, the panelists thoughtfully consider whether FAIR's approach to challenging CACREP could serve as a model for addressing ideological conformity enforced by other accrediting bodies, such as the CSWE (Council on Social Work Education), ultimately asking whether the time has come for a broader movement to restore intellectual freedom and critical thinking in professional education.Podcast notesFAIR is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to advancing civil rights and liberties, and promoting a common culture grounded in fairness, understanding, and humanity. Check out FAIR at https://www.fairforall.org/ and their "American Experience Curriculum" at https://www.fairforall.org/american-experience-curriculum/

On Wednesday's Mark Levin Show, Iran, and isolationist ideologies are major threats. DNI Tulsi Gabbard's stance on nuclear war and her revisionism about the U.S. defeating Imperial Japan under Harry Truman are grotesque. Gabbard, the Quincy Institute, and people like Chatsworth Qatarlson (Tucker Carlson) are emboldening Iran's regime by signaling American weakness.  Despite the fake news, Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons, and moral clarity is demanded against the Islamo-Nazi regime in Tehran. Prudent, fact-driven foreign policy is essential, with a commitment to hold misleading media and ideologues accountable. Later, the media ignored the funding behind the L.A. riots by Marxists and Islamists while promoting revolutionary rhetoric from protesters claiming indigenous rights and advocating socialism. Immigration should prioritize American citizens, not illegal immigrants. Also, a federal judge in Newark, New Jersey, appointed by Joe Biden, ruled that the Trump administration cannot detain Mahmoud Khalil. Khalil is not a student but a Hamas supporter who violated his immigration status by promoting a terrorist organization's agenda and engaging in efforts to undermine the U.S. and attack Jews. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Edition No155 | 08-06-2025 - Russia has a fascist ideology. It may be incoherent when it comes to doctrinal details, but it is clear on one thing. If you are part of the democratic world, it intends to destroy you. Russian propagandists and ideologies are clear on this point at least. It's time to face this ideology for what it really is: aggressive, intolerant, extreme, calculated, premeditated and completely nihilistic. Modern Russian fascism is built for export, and is fundamentally opposed to the democratic world, its culture, values and its institutions. In this episode we'll look at an interview given for Le Grand Continent, a respected European journal of geopolitical analysis published by the GEG - Groupe d'Études Géopolitiques, a think tank affiliated with the prestigious École Normale Supérieure in Paris. They published a deeply disturbing conversation with Sergei Karaganov, one of the Kremlin's most influential ideologues and a longtime advisor to Vladimir Putin.----------Links: https://legrandcontinent.eu/fr/2025/06/07/entretien-avec-serguei-karaganov-larchitecte-de-la-geopolitique-de-poutine/https://substack.com/@statedept/p-164571608----------SUMMER FUNDRAISERSNAFO & Silicon Curtain community - Let's help help 5th SAB together https://www.help99.co/patches/nafo-silicon-curtain-communityWe are teaming up with NAFO 69th Sniffing Brigade to provide 2nd Assault Battalion of 5th SAB with a pickup truck that they need for their missions. With your donation, you're not just sending a truck — you're standing with Ukraine.https://www.help99.co/patches/nafo-silicon-curtain-communityWhy NAFO Trucks Matter:Ukrainian soldiers know the immense value of our NAFO trucks and buses. These vehicles are carefully selected, produced between 2010 and 2017, ensuring reliability for harsh frontline terrain. Each truck is capable of driving at least 20,000 km (12,500 miles) without major technical issues, making them a lifeline for soldiers in combat zones.In total we are looking to raise an initial 19 500 EUR in order to buy 1 x NAFO truck 2.0 Who is getting the aid? 5 SAB, 2 Assault Battalion, UAV operators‍.https://www.help99.co/patches/nafo-silicon-curtain-community----------Car for Ukraine has once again joined forces with a group of influencers, creators, and news observers during this summer. Sunshine here serves as a metaphor, the trucks are a sunshine for our warriors to bring them to where they need to be and out from the place they don't.https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/summer-sunshine-silicon-curtainThis time, we focus on the 6th Detachment of HUR, 93rd Alcatraz, 3rd Assault Brigade, MLRS systems and more. https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/summer-sunshine-silicon-curtain- bring soldiers to the positions- protect them with armor- deploy troops with drones to the positions----------SILICON CURTAIN FILM FUNDRAISERA project to make a documentary film in Ukraine, to raise awareness of Ukraine's struggle and in supporting a team running aid convoys to Ukraine's front-line towns.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkivhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------

This is The Briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.Part I (00:13 - 13:45)The Papacy on the World Stage– Why Do Evangelicals Care About the Papal Conclave? And Why Is It So Fascinating to the Media?Part II (13:45 - 18:40)Who Will Be the Next Pope? The Ideological and Theological Arguments Shaping the Future of the Roman Catholic Church (And More)Part III (18:40 - 29:19)50 Years Since the End of the Vietnam War: Even in a Broken War in a Broken World, Americans Owe Honor to Those Who Served Our Country in VietnamSign up to receive The Briefing in your inbox every weekday morning.Follow Dr. Mohler:X | Instagram | Facebook | YouTubeFor more information on The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, go to sbts.edu.For more information on Boyce College, just go to BoyceCollege.com.To write Dr. Mohler or submit a question for The Mailbox, go here.

In this episode, Lisa discusses the Supreme Court case Mahmoud v. Taylor with Tiffany Justice, co-founder of Moms for Liberty and a visiting fellow at the Heritage Foundation. The case involves Maryland parents challenging a school district's decision to eliminate the opt-out option for LGBTQ+ inclusive curriculum. Tiffany highlights concerns over parental rights, religious liberty, and the implications of gender ideology in education. The Truth with Lisa Boothe is part of the Clay Travis & Buck Sexton Podcast Network - new episodes debut every Tuesday & Thursday. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On today's episode, Julia Rose Kraut, author of the book “Threat of Dissent: A History of Ideological Exclusion and Deportation in the United States,” joins Lawfare Managing Editor Tyler McBrien to talk about that book, originally published in 2020, and how it can help us make sense of the Trump administration's recent immigration and deportation policies. They discussed how ideological exclusions and deportations present a unique intersection of immigration and First Amendment legal doctrine and precedent, the chilling effect these policies have on constitutionally protected political speech, and the recent case of Columbia University graduate student Mahmoud Khalil.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.