Podcasts about ideological

Tonight on The Brian Crombie Hour, Brian interviews Neil Seeman. Neil reflects on his front-page opinion piece about Charlie Kirk, calling him an intellectual rooted in a more civilized era, much like William F. Buckley. He notes that Kirk was unafraid to question his own beliefs, debate opponents, and resist the false comfort of consensus. Neil highlights Kirk's skill in challenging others with sharp yet cheerful inquiry, particularly engaging young people in dialogue. Like Buckley, Kirk combined ideological rigor with humor, able to poke fun at overly serious thinkers, including himself. Neil argues this tradition is fading in today's social media-driven discourse.

PREVIEW::  This source details President Franklin D. Roosevelt's covert strategy to maneuver the United States into supporting Great Britain despite strong domestic anti-war resistance, and the ideological clash this caused with Charles Lindbergh. America First: Roosevelt vs. Lindbergh in the Shadow of War Hardcover – September 24, 2024 by  H. W. Brands  (Author)  1941 Roosevelt's Covert Strategy: Roosevelt was highly committed to Churchill and intended to bring the U.S. in on the British side. Since he could not openly support intervention due to resistance from Lindbergh, Congress, and the anti-war movement, Roosevelt utilized a highly confidential strategy. He managed an influence-peddling operation designed to prepare the American people for war against the "Hitlerites in Europe" and the "Imperial Japanese Navy and Army in the Pacific." Roosevelt maintained secret correspondence with Churchill; the American public was unaware that Rooseveltwas planning with Churchill on how they would fight together should war occur. Roosevelt had morally sided with the British but told Churchill it would take time to bring the American people around politically. He brought in covert operators from Great Britain. The administration gave its covert blessing to a large-scale British propaganda effort directed by William Stephenson in America. Stephenson's goal was explicitly to move American public opinion to the side of Britain. Stephenson's crew, channeled to Roosevelt via William Donovan, employed standard propaganda techniques, such as planting unacknowledged stories and arranging for rumors to appear and be confirmed by other rumors. The source highlights the hypocrisy of the administration engaging in this manipulation while simultaneously "complaining bitterly against the Germans for attempting to do the very same thing." Ideological Conflict: Imperialism vs. Democracy: Roosevelt recognized that the interests of Britain were "not identical to the interests of the United States." Roosevelt's public rationale for aiding Britain was that the U.S. would be "aiding democracy." Lindbergh "calls him out on this," arguing that aiding Britain meant "aiding imperialism." Lindbergh questioned whether Americans should fight to defend the British Empire, asking if American soldiers would go to "defend British rule in India." Churchill is characterized as the "most unreconstructed of British imperialists" who was determined to defend the British Empire, a goal Roosevelt had no desire to pursue.

What is wrong with higher education in America? According to many on the right, a lot. This week, Ross Douthat talks to May Mailman, the lawyer behind President Trump's battles with Harvard and Columbia, about the administration's assault on the Ivy League and why “a glorification of victimhood” is changing the relationship between universities and the federal government.02:51 - What is a “culture of victimhood”?07:38 - Mailman's political awakening11:44 - Social media and protest culture in the 2010s19:39 - The Trump administration's strategy against universities26:33 - The financial levers that could ensure compliance36:09 - Ideological diversity and free speech47:56 - How legal is all this?52:25 - Higher education in 2030Thoughts? Email us at interestingtimes@nytimes.com. Please subscribe to our YouTube Channel, Interesting Times with Ross Douthat.A full transcript of this episode is also available on the Times website. Subscribe today at nytimes.com/podcasts or on Apple Podcasts and Spotify. You can also subscribe via your favorite podcast app here https://www.nytimes.com/activate-access/audio?source=podcatcher. For more podcasts and narrated articles, download The New York Times app at nytimes.com/app.

Willie Lawson delves into the contentious dynamics of political and ideological discussions on university campuses. Reflecting on personal encounters, he questions why differing opinions, particularly around figures like Trump, provoke strong emotional reactions. Lawson shares a story of reconnecting with a childhood friend, highlighting how political affiliations can overshadow personal histories. He emphasizes the importance of rational dialogue and challenges listeners to think deeply about their beliefs. Join him as he explores the challenges of meaningful conversations in today's polarized climate.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/morning-report--3694168/support.

This Day in Legal History: Judiciary Act of 1789On September 24, 1789, Congress passed the Judiciary Act of 1789, formally titled An Act to Establish the Judicial Courts of the United States. This foundational statute created the structure of the federal judiciary as we know it today, establishing a three-tiered court system consisting of district courts, circuit courts, and the Supreme Court. At the top sat a six-member Supreme Court, with one Chief Justice and five Associate Justices. The Act also created 13 district courts and three circuit courts, aligning largely with state boundaries, and assigned federal judges to serve on both district and circuit courts—a practice known as “circuit riding.”The Act gave federal courts jurisdiction over a wide range of cases, including those involving federal law, disputes between states, and cases between citizens of different states. It also authorized the Supreme Court to review decisions from state courts when federal law was at issue, a power that would later be affirmed in Martin v. Hunter's Lessee (1816). The Act created the office of the Attorney General, tasked with representing the United States in legal matters, and laid the groundwork for the U.S. Marshals Service.One of the most controversial provisions was Section 25, which allowed the Supreme Court to overturn state court decisions that conflicted with federal law or the U.S. Constitution—an early assertion of federal supremacy. The Act was largely the product of compromise, balancing the concerns of Federalists, who favored a strong national judiciary, and Anti-Federalists, who feared centralized power.The Judiciary Act of 1789 was signed into law by President George Washington on the same day he nominated the first justices to the Supreme Court. Chief among them was John Jay, who became the nation's first Chief Justice. The Act did not resolve all questions about federal judicial power, but it laid a durable foundation that, with amendments, remains in place more than two centuries later.The Justice Department's “weaponization” working group, led by controversial interim U.S. Attorney Ed Martin, has launched an inquiry into alleged improper practices at the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (PTO). In a June letter to then-Acting PTO Director Coke Morgan Stewart, Martin accused the agency of covertly targeting certain patent applications—especially those in the electrical and artificial intelligence fields—for secret scrutiny and delay. He alleged the existence of a Biden-era revival of the discontinued Sensitive Application Warning System (SAWS), a program once used to quietly flag questionable applications without applicant knowledge. To be clear, these “questionable applications” were for things like free energy systems and so-called “miracle cures.”Martin, who framed his inquiry as part of enforcing President Trump's executive orders on transparency, claimed Stewart had uncovered and ended the secretive policy. The letter demanded records related to the review of AI-related patents and other complex applications. The investigation was triggered by a PTO presentation highlighting a study on “patent thickets,” or overlapping patent claims in large families, which revealed examiner challenges in identifying double patenting issues in up to 22% of cases.Critics argue that such behind-the-scenes programs lack transparency and due process for inventors. Veteran patent attorney Tom Franklin warned that any flagging system that denies applicants notice and opportunity to respond undermines legal fairness. However, some public interest advocates, like Alex Moss, defended the PTO's efforts to improve patent quality, dismissing claims of illegality as political posturing.Martin's involvement has drawn scrutiny given his record of dismissing January 6 prosecutions, purging prosecutors, and publicly airing inflammatory and racist remarks, including blaming “crazy Black ladies” for his firing from CNN. Now awaiting Senate confirmation for the U.S. Attorney role in D.C., Martin's actions at DOJ—and this patent investigation—are fueling growing opposition in Congress.DOJ ‘Weaponization' Leader Sought Info on Patent Office ProgramA federal judge has extended an injunction blocking the Trump administration from imposing political and ideological conditions on federal grant funding. The order, issued by Judge Richard Seeborg of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California, follows a previous temporary restraining order granted in August. The court found that cities and counties led by Fresno, California, are likely to succeed in their lawsuit, which argues the administration exceeded its legal authority and violated constitutional protections.The plaintiffs challenge a series of Trump executive orders, including one from August 7, which restricted federal funding from being used to support policies involving racial equity, environmental justice, transgender rights, immigration protections, and what it called “anti-American values.” Local governments say they were told to strip grant applications of any mention of “equity” or related concepts, or risk losing funding. Fresno reported receiving a letter from HUD on August 18, questioning its compliance with these mandates.Judge Seeborg agreed the orders may violate multiple legal provisions, including the Spending Clause, the Fifth and Tenth Amendments, and the Administrative Procedure Act. The court found that the conditions were likely arbitrary, beyond the scope of the administration's statutory authority, and unconstitutional. The administration had asked that any injunction be narrowly tailored, but Seeborg extended the broader block on enforcing these grant conditions.Trump Further Blocked From Imposing Federal Grant ConditionsU.S. law schools are reporting record-breaking first-year enrollment in 2025, driven by an 18% surge in applicants—a sharp jump following an already strong admissions cycle in 2024. Elon University School of Law is among seven schools announcing their largest-ever incoming classes, while at least ten others, including Harvard, reported their biggest first-year cohorts in over a decade. Harvard Law School enrolled 579 students this fall, up 3% from its norm and the largest class since at least 2011.The full scope of national enrollment won't be known until the American Bar Association releases official numbers in December, but early reports suggest crowded campuses and logistical challenges like classroom capacity and student support services. The University of Hawaii, Liberty University, Rutgers, Pace, and several regional law schools also saw record or near-record first-year intake.While law school deans are celebrating the growth, some industry experts are cautious. Nikia Gray of the National Association for Law Placement warned that an influx of graduates in 2028 could saturate the job market, especially as law firms scale back entry-level hiring due to AI advancements. Still, others see opportunity—Southern Illinois Law Dean Hannah Brenner Johnson noted rising student numbers may help address access-to-justice issues in underserved regions, or “legal deserts.”The last major spike in law school enrollment came in 2021 amid COVID-19, but that cohort graduated into a strong job market. Whether the class of 2028 will enjoy similar employment success is uncertain, as economic conditions and tech disruption may shift in the coming years.Applicant boom drives record first-year law school classes | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

After the assassination of Charlie Kirk, worries flared up that America could be heading for a sort of civil war. Those words got mentioned over three hundred thousand times on X in the days afterward. Are they right? Is it overblown? Brian and Jeff square off in differing opinions over whether a civil war is coming. While not as action-packed as a fight in a hockey game, they both state their opinions with zeal. If you were entertained or felt informed by this DoomCast, consider becoming a Patron on Patreon, or a monthly member at Buy Me A Coffee, You'll get to read ahead in the Utopians story too. One-time coffee at Buy Me A Coffee are a great way show Mic you enjoy this podcast content.  

Jeff Park is a Partner and Chief Investing Officer of ProCap BTC. This conversation was recorded at the Independent Investor Summit in New York. In this conversation we talk about the intelligent investor vs ideological investor, radical portfolio theory, rise of prediction markets, stablecoins, and what the future of bitcoin treasury companies looks like. ======================Pomp writes a daily letter to over 270,000+ investors about business, technology, and finance. He breaks down complex topics into easy-to-understand language while sharing opinions on various aspects of each industry. You can subscribe at: ⁠⁠⁠https://pomp.substack.com/⁠⁠⁠======================Check out my NEW show for daily bite-sized breakdowns of the biggest stories in finance, technology, and politics: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠http://pompdesk.com/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠======================Core is the leading Bitcoin scaling solution, enabling you to lock in yield by locking up your Bitcoin. Simply lock it on the Bitcoin blockchain to secure the Core network, and get rewards. No bridging. No lending. Just holding. Still your keys. Still your coins. Now your yield. Start at https://stake.coredao.org/pomp======================BitcoinIRA: Buy, sell, and swap 75+ cryptocurrencies in your retirement account. Take 3 minutes to open your account & get connected to a team of IRA specialists that will guide you through every step of the process. Go to https://bitcoinira.com/pomp/ to earn up to $500 in rewards.======================TimeStamps:0:00 - Intro0:35 - Intelligent investor vs Ideological investor3:51 - Radical portfolio theory 10:04 - Why prediction markets will be huge 15:21 - What is the role of stablecoins? 20:41 - Bitcoin treasury companies 29:25 - Ideas to trade Strategy 35:50 - What happens when the premiums trade at a discount? 38:25 - Advice for navigating the world 

Rogers for America with Lt. Steve Rogers – Broadly speaking, priorities such as national strength, effective public safety measures, and collaboration between military personnel and local law enforcement are widely regarded as essential. However, it is important to recognize that there are ideological differences, and not all parties share these perspectives. For instance, those with communist ideologies may...

In light of last week's assassination of Charlie Kirk, we're dedicating time to a crucial discussion. We'll be processing the event, examining the conflicting ideologies that are influencing young people today, and addressing the various conspiracy theories that have emerged. Additionally, we'll confront the claims being made about Charlie Kirk that are used to rationalize his murder. We point back to the importance of equipping and readying ourselves as Christians for such a time as this.

This episode reflects on the assassination of Charlie Kirk and uses Yuri Bezmenov's four stages of ideological subversion—demoralization, destabilization, crisis, and normalization—to explain where the nation stands and what may come next. It urges Christians to pray for Kirk's family and the country, to expose and call out agendas, to avoid provocation, and to act faithfully and wisely in public life and at church. We have a God-given responsibility to react in a godly manner.    Yuri Bezmenov Interview: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yErKTVdETpw&t=4482s Christian Nationalism: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/christian-nationalism-what-you-need-to-know/id1464590061?i=1000674050705

Military Training in Cuba an “Ideological Vanity Project” for SANDF by Radio Islam

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

The US is divided ideologically like never before, and the schism has metastasized into a high-profile assassination on a college campus, with the death of Charlie Kirk (which occurred as we recorded the program). We recognize the courage and faith of Charlie Kirk, who fought some of the same battles we have engaged through the years. This program focuses on the worldview war playing out at the college campus, the rising ideological division on the campuses and between states, the abdication of Christians, and the rise of Islam.

A new MP3 sermon from Generations Radio is now available on SermonAudio with the following details: Title: Charlie Kirk Assassinated at a College - Ideological Divide Explodes Into Violence Subtitle: Divide Turns to Violence Speaker: Kevin Swanson Broadcaster: Generations Radio Event: Radio Broadcast Date: 9/11/2025 Length: 33 min.

A new MP3 sermon from Generations Radio is now available on SermonAudio with the following details: Title: Charlie Kirk Assassinated at a College - Ideological Divide Explodes Into Violence Subtitle: Divide Turns to Violence Speaker: Kevin Swanson Broadcaster: Generations Radio Event: Radio Broadcast Date: 9/11/2025 Length: 33 min.

Dean Karayanis, sitting in for Derek Hunter, reflects on the murder of Charlie Kirk. The pundit class, despite this attack on one of our own, isn't seeing this as an attack on free speech or democracy. But it is. Regardless of the motivation, whenever someone who speaks out is slain, it's imperative that everyone condemn it. Instead, you have some Democrats and MSNBC commentators both-sidesing this, blaming the victim. The left ought to speak to its own base and the right to theirs. That, more than generalized statements of condemnation, will show that America is united in rejecting violence as a political tool. Also, a clip of the first time audiences heard Charlie Chaplin speak. His uplifting speech in "The Great Dictator" was a call to our common humanity and a call for us to fight for liberty, that is worth hearing at this moment.

In the summer of 2020, the country was racked by disease, violence, and social disruption as generations of racial injustice seemed to fall in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. Thomas Chatterton Williams warns, however, that extreme views on the left—ascendent in that summer heat—are just as dangerous to western liberalism as extreme views on the right.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We're back with late-summer vibes, a Jersey date-day report, and a conversation that matters: romance scams are on the rise. Think “Tinder Swindler” playbook, love bombing, urgency, and then the ask. We talk through what to watch for, how to protect yourself, and how to support someone you suspect is being targeted. Love Desk: 4 Modern Threats to Relationships Digital distraction is invading quality time. Phones at the table, scrolling on the sofa, autopilot disconnection. Ideological differences (values, politics, gender roles) are getting sharper and harder to bridge. Hectic lifestyles erode intimacy when everything becomes logistics. Childhood wounds show up as adult conflict patterns (attachment, defensiveness, shutdown). Hot Topic: The Rise of the Rom-Con We unpack how sophisticated romance scams work and why everyone is vulnerable, especially when lonely, stressed, or having low self-esteem. Red flags: moves fast, intense declarations, inconsistent stories, reluctance to video chat or meet, sudden money or “investment” requests, pressure and secrecy. Protect yourself: set non-negotiables (no money, ever), verify identities, slow the pace, keep close friends in the loop. If you're supporting a friend: lead with care, not “I told you so,” share evidence gently, and stay available—shame keeps people silent. Recovery is possible. Listener Question “My partner never wants to make plans, and I feel unimportant. How do I raise this without sounding controlling?” We explore the planner–spontaneous pairing and offer scripts: Invite a future-focused plan: “Would you be open to booking dinner next Friday?” If they resist, get curious: “What comes up for you when plans are set in advance?” Allow time for a maybe-to-yes shift; don't react to the first “no.” Aim for both/and: a couple of planned anchors each month plus room for spontaneity. Try This Week Phone-free meal or walk, just to talk. One small plan made a week ahead (reservation, tickets, picnic). If dating online: share new connections with a trusted friend; verify identities before you invest time or trust. FREE Connection Guide >> Download Today Till Next Time Stay Connected Sara Liddle — www.inflori.co.uk Anna Stratis — www.coachdocanna.com      

Jeff Park is a Partner and Chief Investing Officer of ProCap BTC. In this conversation we talk about what separates smart investors from those who just follow ideology, how that mindset shift can make you better in the market, the idea of a bitcoin treasury company, and how businesses could stack more bitcoin without constantly raising new capital. ===================== Markets are at all-time highs. Public equities are outperforming. And individual investors are driving it all. It's officially the rise of the retail investor. On September 12th in NYC, I'm hosting the Independent Investor Summit — a one-day event built exclusively for self-directed investors. We're bringing together some of the smartest public market investors I know for a full day of macro insights, market predictions, one-on-one fireside chats, and actionable investment ideas from each investor. This is going to be an absolute banger event. Join us if you like markets and think retail is two steps ahead of Wall Street.

Guest Mark Mix, National Right to Work Committee, joins to discuss labor unions funding left wing think tanks and Democrat candidates. Are you truly representing their workers with political donations, and what are the real intentions of the donations? Discussion of the future of labor unions, and the workers pushing back.  It's the ultimate showdown of ideological differences. Are we seeing a renewed push to create a health pandemic? Discussion of rise in COVID cases in California and other states, while Florida announces an end to all vaccine mandates of any kind. Who will be successful in the end?

In this Labor Day episode of The P.A.S. Report Podcast, Professor Nick Giordano exposes how America's federal bureaucracy has been hijacked by ideology and activism. From DOJ employees throwing food at National Guard troops to a CDC official resigning over politics disguised as science, Professor Giordano reveals how unelected bureaucrats increasingly see themselves as policymakers rather than civil servants. Backed by studies showing overwhelming partisan bias and donation data proving federal employees lean almost entirely in one direction, he connects the bureaucratic takeover to the same ideological capture we have witnessed in America's schools. The result is a dangerous cycle of government weaponization and cultural indoctrination that undermines trust, accountability, and the very foundation of our Republic. Episode Highlights DOJ and CDC employees choose ideology over duty, exposing a weaponized government. Studies reveal a partisan imbalance among federal bureaucrats, 95% liberal views, 84% of donations to Democrats. The parallel between bureaucratic activism and the ideological takeover of America's schools and universities.

Todd Thompson exposes today's ideological Left as a new religion — with saints, martyrs, blasphemy laws, and holy wars. From DEI rituals to the Jonestown Warning, this broadcast shows how ideology has replaced faith and why the Red–Green Alliance threatens Western civilization. - Broadcast August 22, 2025 on WWCR 4840 kHz from Nashville, this week's edition of The Thompson Show dives headfirst into the theme of ideological religion — the secular Left's new faith, complete with saints, martyrs, blasphemy laws, and holy wars. Todd examines how today's ideological zealots: Canonize their saints and martyrs — from Marx and Lenin to George Floyd and Greta Thunberg. Enforce blasphemy laws in the form of speechcrime and cancellation. Sacrifice truth, tradition, and common sense on the altars of DEI, climate zealotry, gender ideology, and ritualized propaganda. Wage holy wars through riots, uprisings, and cultural purges in the name of “justice.” From Joan Didion's warning about “moral imperatives” to Jacques Ellul's insight on propaganda and orthopraxy, Todd connects the dots between ideological conditioning and religious zeal. He highlights the Boomerang Effect — how integration propaganda meant to normalize (like corporate DEI rituals or Target's pride campaigns) backfires into outrage. The broadcast reaches its climax with the Jonestown Warning: Jim Jones as the original “woke Marxist preacher,” blending Bible verses with socialist slogans, building a utopian commune that ended in mass graves. Todd argues that the same psychology underlies today's woke religion — utopia promised, hysteria enforced, corpses delivered. Closing the show, Todd expands the critique to Europe's blasphemy laws, the UK and Scotland punishing veterans and teachers for “Islamophobia” while excusing Islamist extremism. He ties this selective enforcement to the Red–Green Alliance, showing how the far-Left and Islamists have made common cause against Western civilization. Broadcast times: WWCR 4840 kHz — Fridays, 11 PM Central / Midnight Eastern / 0400 UTC WBCQ 7490 kHz — Mondays, 10 PM Eastern / 0200 UTC Tuesday More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Like it? Rate and Review!

Due to demand, we are uploading past Free School sessions and will resume uploads to Spotify.We discuss the movie "Sinners" by Ryan Coogler, and the struggle for ideological clarity at this time. We also share more of our preparations for the symposium on Ellington, Mingus, Sun Ra and Bootsy.

In this episode of the ⁠Viral Cure: Making sense of internet discourse ⁠series, ⁠⁠Stephen G. Adubato⁠⁠, joins &Campaign founder Justin E. Giboney, whose work focuses on giving people to tools to have tough conversations about divisive issues. We discuss:how Justin works to bring people together from across the ideological spectrumtools for engaging in challenging conversations with people we disagree withthe importance of cultivating critical thinking and dialogue skills in a polarized public squareThanks to Interintellect for hosting our salon! https://interintellect.com/Subscribe to the Substack: https://cracksinpomo.substack.com

In this episode of the ⁠Viral Cure: Making sense of internet discourse ⁠series, ⁠⁠Stephen G. Adubato⁠⁠, joins &Campaign founder Justin E. Giboney, whose work focuses on giving people to tools to have tough conversations about divisive issues. We discuss:how Justin works to bring people together from across the ideological spectrumtools for engaging in challenging conversations with people we disagree withthe importance of cultivating critical thinking and dialogue skills in a polarized public squareThanks to Interintellect for hosting our salon! https://interintellect.com/Subscribe to the Substack: https://cracksinpomo.substack.com

I first read about Cara Meredith's book on evangelical church camp over at Kristin Kobes Du Mez's newsletter, and as soon as I saw “cry night” in the subtitle, I knew any conversation with her was gonna be a real one. Put differently, I knew she was ready to talk about what drew people to these camps — but also how they worked to deftly manipulate the young people who attended them. I went to church camp for a decade. I was a counselor for several years. I cried on cry night; I watched bad skits; I highlighted the crap out of my Youth Bible — and I adored it. But I also internalized a lot of contradictory and harmful messages, and felt weird about some of the ways we were counseling young kids. Cara and I process all of that in this episode — and also answer a bunch of your complicated questions. And as always with these episodes, we're working hard to make the episode accessible to people outside of the culture (or who find it weird, which, real talk, it is) while also going deep into the weeds. I'm so eager for your thoughts. Thanks to the sponsors of today's episode!Blissy is offering 60-nights risk-free PLUS an additional 30% off when you shop at Blissy.com/CULTUREPODSave 20% Off Honeylove at honeylove.com/CULTUREStop putting off those doctors appointments and go to ZocDoc.com/CULTURE to find and instantly book a top-rated doctor todayJoin the ranks of paid subscribers and get bonus content, access to the discussion threads, ad-free episodes, and the knowledge that you're supporting an indie pod trying to make its way in the world. If you're already a subscriber-- thank you! Join us in the discussion thread for this episode! Got a question or idea for a future episode? Visit culturestudypod.substack.com To hear more, visit culturestudypod.substack.com

Nicole Gelinas joins Brian Anderson to discuss the pattern of random acts of violence in New York City and what can be done to stop them. 

Remastered audio of Fredric Jamesons opening lecture at the 1977 Institute On Culture & Society sponsored by the Marxist Literary Group and hosted by St. Cloud State University. For further context, consider listening to "The Jameson Tapes, Side A" which precedes this episode in The American Vandal Podcast feed. For a bibliography, please visit or subscribe to Matt Seybold's newsletter at TheAmericanVandal.Substack.com

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, the Allied bombing of Dresden in February 1945 was a terror campaign targeting civilians in a non-military city, resulting in massive casualties via firestorms from British and U.S. air raids.  The modern hypocrisy from U.K. and French leaders, who pressure Israel over Gaza—blaming it for starvation caused by Hamas, demanding ceasefires, and threatening Palestinian state recognition—while ignoring their own countries' declines due to open borders and radical Islamists, and applying impossible standards to Israel that no nation, including the U.S, would accept for itself. Later, On Power is out in stores today! The core struggle in humanity, particularly in culture and government, is over power, which determines liberty and rights—this is the essence of the Revolutionary War, the Constitution, and ongoing battles in places like New York and Minneapolis, as well as globally.  America is uniquely better, founded as a blank slate without feudalism or other isms," as John Locke described, which makes it hated by Marxists in academia and the Democrat Party, along with political Islamists. These groups despise liberty, individuality, free will, merit, and success, seeking to divide America through racism, wokeism, non-assimilating immigration, and destroyed education systems. Everything they touch fails because they aim to destroy society, fundamentally transforming individuals into obedient servants of a ruling class. The Democrat Party embraces Marxism and Islamism, stealing free will by controlling groceries, housing, property, and accusing merit of racism.  Also,  Sen Chuck Schumer accuses Republicans of preventing poor people, people of color, and Democrats from voting and rejecting democracy. This is agitprop—negative language serving negative power, akin to Leninist and Marxist tactics—using slogans and half-truths to exploit grievances, subvert civil society, corrupt harmony, and manipulate populations by creating jealousies and hate, rather than fostering rational policy discussion or positive language that encourages debate and truth-seeking. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode, Todd continues dismantling the transformation of modern political movements into ideological religions—complete with dogma, heresy, excommunication, and a mob-ready priesthood of online enforcers. Drawing on figures like H.L. Mencken, Joan Didion, Noam Chomsky, and Ralph Waldo Emerson, he explores how belief systems—left and right—have become substitute faiths, powered by dopamine, hashtags, and performative outrage. Todd weaves in cognitive science (via Nicholas Carr and neuroplasticity), propaganda theory (via Jacques Ellul and Edward Bernays), and personal experience to reveal how the digital age has eroded attention spans, critical thought, and individual conscience. Social media becomes the new pulpit. Echo chambers replace dialogue. Heresy now means thinking for yourself. At the core is a warning: intellectual autonomy now requires personal and moral courage. The courage to be disliked. To reject tribalism. To say, “That's bullshit”—especially when it comes from your own side. From Mencken's skewering of revivalist mobs to the modern cancellation of NPR apostate Uli Berliner, Todd paints a bleak but brutally honest picture of conformity culture, urging listeners to reclaim their minds—even if it means exile. This is not a feel-good sermon. It's a call to arms for the heretical unicorn.   *Recorded in Southwest Michigan and blasting worldwide on WBCQ 7490 starting next week! Details inside.   Like it? Rate, review, and share it? Hate it? Embrace equity! Listen anyhow! More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Vids: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjdLR140l--HufeRSAnj91A/?themeRefresh=1    

In this scathing and soul-punching episode, Todd eulogizes more than just Ozzy Osbourne and Hulk Hogan—he autopsies America's descent into ideological fundamentalism. What do woke mobs, medieval witch trials, and Facebook shares have in common? The answer: moral certitude without grace. Todd dissects how modern ideological tribes—particularly on the Left—have replaced traditional religion with secular dogma, complete with martyrs, heresies, rituals, and catechisms. Using Hulk Hogan's post-mortem cancellation as a case study, he exposes how one taboo word now carries more social weight than actual violence, rape, or corruption. The result? A society where redemption is off the table, and performance is king. From Ozzy's “The Ultimate Sin” to McLuhan's media warnings, this episode drips with unfiltered cynicism and cultural excommunication. If you've ever wondered how virtue-signaling replaced virtue—or why dissent now threatens belonging more than reason—don't miss this blistering analysis. Recorded in Southwest Michigan. Blasting worldwide on WBCQ 7490 starting next week! Details inside.   Like it? Rate, review, and share it? Hate it? Embrace equity! Listen anyhow! More: https://toddzillax.substack.com/ Vids: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCjdLR140l--HufeRSAnj91A/?themeRefresh=1    

Today on Moment of Zen, Erik Torenberg and Samo Burja explore how China's elite universities are creating a ruling class similar to America's, with student activism and credentialism reshaping both nations' power structures. Make sure to subscribe to Samo Burja's Bismarck Brief and the Live Players podcast to read analyses and briefs like this one: Bismarck Brief: ⁠https://brief.bismarckanalysis.com/⁠ Live Players: ⁠https://link.chtbl.com/liveplayers⁠ --

Guzmán shares her personal experience of growing up in a politically divided family. She highlights the need for in-person interactions, attention, and containment in dialogues. She also discusses the role of media in perpetuating polarization and the potential for small-scale conversations to impact larger institutions like politics and media. Mónica Guzmán is a journalist and entrepreneur and is the Senior Fellow for Public Practice at Braver Angels, a grassroots, cross partisan, organization working to depolarize America. She is cofounder of the newsletter The Evergrey out of Seattle Washington and is the proud liberal daughter of conservative parents and is a dual US/Mexican citizen. She is the author of I Never Thought of It That Way: How to Have Fearlessly Curious Conversations in Dangerously Divided Times (BenBella Books 2022).Interview Date: 5/15/2025 Tags: Mónica Guzmán, listening, storytelling, uncertainty, assumption, biases, curiosity, Murial Rukeyser, Braver Angels, depolarizing America, attention, attention economy, Personal Transformation, Social Change/Politics, Community

Janet Hayes shares her journey as a severe mental illness advocate reshaping New Orleans through innovative care systems for those with serious mental health challenges. • Started advocacy after Hurricane Katrina when untreated mental illness led to criminalization • Witnessed a friend die in custody due to inadequate mental health and medical care • Founded Healing Minds NOLA to create a "one-stop shop" for mental health care • Successfully led implementation of Assistive Outpatient Treatment courts in Louisiana • Working to reform the "15-day rule" limiting psychiatric hospitalization under Medicaid • Advocates need to understand their specific state systems rather than applying generic solutions • Louisiana has adequate psychiatric bed capacity but lacks long-term continuity of care • Policy barriers, not just funding issues, prevent effective treatment for severe mental illness • Ideological positions often prevent pragmatic solutions that could help vulnerable individuals • Advocates are more effective when they understand local systems and speak from experience https://whynotme.world intro/outro music written by T. Wild Why Not me music published by Mantor Music (BMI)

Flexibility is a cardinal virtue in physical fitness, and according to political psychologist and neuroscientist Leor Zmigrod, it can be a cardinal virtue in our mental health, too. How she came to that conclusion and how common rigid thinking can be are themes explored in her new book, The Ideological Brain. “I think that from all the research that I've done,” she tells interviewer David Edmonds in this Social Science Bites podcast, “I feel that what rigid thinking does is it numbs people to the complexity of their own experience, and it simplifies their thinking. It makes them less free, less authentic, less expansive in their imagination.” And while she acknowledges there are times being unbending may be seen as an asset, “rigid thinking is rarely good for you at an individual level.” In this podcast, she details some of the work – both with social science experimentation and with brain imaging – that determines if people are flexible in their thinking, what are the real-life benefits of being flexible, if they can change, and how an ideological brain, i.e. a less flexible brain, affects politics and other realms of decision-making. “When you teach or when you try to impart flexible thinking, you're focusing on how people are thinking, not what they're thinking,” Zmigrod explains. “So it's not like you can have a curriculum of ‘like here is what you need to think in order to think flexibly,' but it's about teaching how to think in that balanced way that is receptive to evidence, that is receptive to change, but also isn't so persuadable that any new authority can come and take hold of your thoughts.” Zmigrod was a Gates Scholar at Cambridge University and won a winning a Junior Research Fellowship at Churchill College there. She has since held visiting fellowships at Stanford and Harvard universities, and both the Berlin and Paris Institutes for Advanced Study. Amond many honors the young scholar received are the ESCAN 2020 Young Investigator Award by the European Society for Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, the Glushko Dissertation Prize in Cognitive Science by the Cognitive Science Society, . the 2020 Women of the Future Science Award and the 2022 Women in Cognitive Science Emerging Leader Award, and the 2022 Distinguished Junior Scholar Award in Political Psychology by the American Political Science Association. 

Recent weeks have made deep-seated schisms in both parties explode to the surface. Whether the parties can figure out how to bridge them -- not to mention the larger chasm between the Democratic and Republican parties -- will determine what happens in the 2026 midterm elections and beyond. On the Democratic side, the split between mainline Democrats and progressives erupted after Zohran Mamdani's victory in the New York City mayoral primary. For the Republicans, the conflict pivots around Donald Trump's influence and the emerging tensions between traditional political conservatives and the MAGA faction.Matt Robison is joined by Matt Wylie, a top Republican political consultant, to explore these intra-party conflicts, the role of ideological and affective polarization among voters, and the potential impact on future elections. 00:00 Introduction: Political Schisms05:55 Strategic Implications for Democrats23:06 The Role of Ideological and Affective Polarization35:39 The MAGA Dilemma43:05 The Dysfunction in Congress53:03 The Abdication of Responsibility58:22 The Need for Coherent Opposition01:04:08 Concluding Thoughts and Future Discussions

This week, in the news: a 3 hour nightmare might be over: in THE LAZY RIVER OF WRESTLING CRITICISM: Are both companies too driven by their own ideological capture and in Vader Club: the unrepentant stupidity of Kemonito vs. Kemolito.Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

This week, in the news: a 3 hour nightmare might be over: in THE LAZY RIVER OF WRESTLING CRITICISM: Are both companies too driven by their own ideological capture and in Vader Club: the unrepentant stupidity of Kemonito vs. Kemolito.Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/shake-them-ropes-pro-wrestling-podcast-wwe-nxt-njpw/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Kea - WikipediaMeet the clever kea, New Zealand's endangered Alpine parrot, whose curiosity - and taste for meat - gets it into trouble | Discover WildlifeHave We Been Thinking About A.D.H.D. All Wrong? - YouTubeEp. 583: "Disproportionate Event Horizon" - Roderick on the Line - Merlin MannA Conversation With Vice President Vance - YouTubeHave We Been Thinking About A.D.H.D. All Wrong? - YouTube“It makes for a very unpleasant atmosphere.”Merlin Mann5ives | Merlin's Lists of Five ThingsLife In Hell Books : Matt Groening - Internet Archive

On this episode of "The Federalist Radio Hour," Jennifer Bryson, fellow in the Catholic Women's Forum of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, joins Federalist Senior Elections Correspondent Matt Kittle to discuss the impact of left-wing activism on sports and suggest practical avenues of resistance. You can find Bryson's Ethics & Public Policy Center report, "Reclaim Team USA Sports from Activism,"  here.If you care about combating the corrupt media that continue to inflict devastating damage, please give a gift to help The Federalist do the real journalism America needs.

On this episode of “The Federalist Radio Hour,” Jennifer Bryson, fellow in the Catholic Women's Forum of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, joins Federalist Senior Elections Correspondent Matt Kittle to discuss the impact of left-wing activism on sports and suggest practical avenues of resistance. You can find Bryson's Ethics & Public Policy Center report, […]

On Wednesday's Mark Levin Show, Iran, and isolationist ideologies are major threats. DNI Tulsi Gabbard's stance on nuclear war and her revisionism about the U.S. defeating Imperial Japan under Harry Truman are grotesque. Gabbard, the Quincy Institute, and people like Chatsworth Qatarlson (Tucker Carlson) are emboldening Iran's regime by signaling American weakness.  Despite the fake news, Iran is pursuing nuclear weapons, and moral clarity is demanded against the Islamo-Nazi regime in Tehran. Prudent, fact-driven foreign policy is essential, with a commitment to hold misleading media and ideologues accountable. Later, the media ignored the funding behind the L.A. riots by Marxists and Islamists while promoting revolutionary rhetoric from protesters claiming indigenous rights and advocating socialism. Immigration should prioritize American citizens, not illegal immigrants. Also, a federal judge in Newark, New Jersey, appointed by Joe Biden, ruled that the Trump administration cannot detain Mahmoud Khalil. Khalil is not a student but a Hamas supporter who violated his immigration status by promoting a terrorist organization's agenda and engaging in efforts to undermine the U.S. and attack Jews. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This is The Briefing, a daily analysis of news and events from a Christian worldview.Part I (00:13 - 13:45)The Papacy on the World Stage– Why Do Evangelicals Care About the Papal Conclave? And Why Is It So Fascinating to the Media?Part II (13:45 - 18:40)Who Will Be the Next Pope? The Ideological and Theological Arguments Shaping the Future of the Roman Catholic Church (And More)Part III (18:40 - 29:19)50 Years Since the End of the Vietnam War: Even in a Broken War in a Broken World, Americans Owe Honor to Those Who Served Our Country in VietnamSign up to receive The Briefing in your inbox every weekday morning.Follow Dr. Mohler:X | Instagram | Facebook | YouTubeFor more information on The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, go to sbts.edu.For more information on Boyce College, just go to BoyceCollege.com.To write Dr. Mohler or submit a question for The Mailbox, go here.