Podcast appearances and mentions of Roger Cohen

Dr. Roger Cohen is an entrepreneur, focused on addressing climate change through innovative solutions. He leads C2Zero and the Real Carbon Price Index (RCPI), initiatives aimed at reducing carbon emissions. Roger was part of the founding team at BetaShares and has held senior roles at Macquarie Bank, Deutsche Bank, and NatWest. Roger has lectured in risk management to engineering students at the University of Sydney and serves as a senior adviser at the Monash Centre for Financial Studies. A Fulbright Scholar in the USA in 1988, Roger holds a PhD in Mechanical Engineering from the University of Sydney and is a Fellow of the Financial Services Institute of Australia. Links ____________________________________ Roger's Profile: https://www.linkedin.com/in/portablebeta/ Effectiveness of compliance market mechanisms: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2024.143761 Only 20% of emissions are covered by compliance schemes: https://www.realcarbonindex.org/ Less than 16% of carbon credits issued constitute real emission reductions.https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-024-53645-z Corporations creating demand for low-integrity carbon offsets: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-024-51151-w Renewable energy offsets are no longer considered ‘high integrity': https://icvcm.org/carbon-credits-from-current-renewable-energy-methodologies-will-not-receive-high-integrity-ccp-label/ Timestamps ____________________________________ 0:00 Intro 1:00 - Consilience and Siloed Thinking 3:55 - A brief overview of carbon markets 18:06 - What are compliance carbon markets? 23:00 - Example 1: Carbon Tax 26:45 - Example 2: Emissions Trading Schemes 34:22 - Are compliance schemes effective at reducing greenhouse gas emissions? 40:00 - Are compliance schemes reducing emissions fast enough? 46:22 - Summary of compliance carbon markets discussion 47:41 - What is the voluntary carbon markets? 49:31 - What are carbon offsets? 54:47 - What is the problem with carbon offsets? 1:04:07 - Do we need carbon offsets? 1:08:57 - Prognosis on the future of carbon markets

durée : 00:35:14 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Thomas Snégaroff, Célia Belin, Justin Vaïsse, Rama Yade, Rym Momtaz et Roger Cohen sont les invités de ce Grand Entretien spécial USA avec Léa Salamé et Nicolas Demorand ce mercredi 6 novembre. - invités : Thomas Snégaroff, Célia Belin, Justin VAISSE, Rama YADE, Rym MOMTAZ, Roger COHEN - Thomas Snégaroff : Journaliste et historien, Célia Belin : Directrice du bureau de l'ECFR (Conseil européen pour les relations internationales), Justin Vaïsse : Historien, Fondateur et Directeur général du Forum de Paris sur la Paix, Rama Yade : Femme politique française, Rym Momtaz : Chercheuse en relations internationales à l'International Institute for Strategic Studies, Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

durée : 00:35:14 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Thomas Snégaroff, Célia Belin, Justin Vaïsse, Rama Yade, Rym Momtaz et Roger Cohen sont les invités de ce Grand Entretien spécial USA avec Léa Salamé et Nicolas Demorand ce mercredi 6 novembre. - invités : Thomas Snégaroff, Célia Belin, Justin VAISSE, Rama YADE, Rym MOMTAZ, Roger COHEN - Thomas Snégaroff : Journaliste et historien, Célia Belin : Directrice du bureau de l'ECFR (Conseil européen pour les relations internationales), Justin Vaïsse : Historien, Fondateur et Directeur général du Forum de Paris sur la Paix, Rama Yade : Femme politique française, Rym Momtaz : Chercheuse en relations internationales à l'International Institute for Strategic Studies, Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

Présidentielle américaine : Joe Biden va-t-il tenir le coup ? Ecoutez Isabelle Saporta, éditrice et éditorialiste, Franz-Olivier Giesbert, éditorialiste au "Point" et Roger Cohen, chef du bureau du New York Time à Paris. En France, comment sortir de la crise politique ? Et les conseils lectures de Bernard Lehut. Ecoutez RTL Matin - Spéciale Législatives avec Céline Landreau du 12 juillet 2024.

Tonight on The Last Word: President Biden meets with the Congressional Black Caucus. Also, the stock market again closes at an all-time high under Biden. Plus, the Supreme Court's immunity ruling impacts Donald Trump's classified documents case. And left-wing and moderate candidates win in France, Iran, and the UK. Rep. Joyce Beatty, Quentin Fulks, Andrew Weissmann, and Roger Cohen join Lawrence O'Donnell.

durée : 00:37:24 - Le 18/20 · Un jour dans le monde - par : Fabienne Sintes - Les Etats-Unis s'interrogent sur la capacité de Joe Biden a assumer ses fonctions. C'est le New York Times, journal très puissant, qui a commencé le premier à interroger ses capacités après le débat. Et depuis, l'incendie n'est pas éteint chez les démocrates. Discussion avec Roger Cohen du NY Times. - réalisé par : Tristan Gratalon

durée : 00:37:24 - Le 18/20 · Un jour dans le monde - par : Fabienne Sintes - Les Etats-Unis s'interrogent sur la capacité de Joe Biden a assumer ses fonctions. C'est le New York Times, journal très puissant, qui a commencé le premier à interroger ses capacités après le débat. Et depuis, l'incendie n'est pas éteint chez les démocrates. Discussion avec Roger Cohen du NY Times. - réalisé par : Tristan Gratalon

The far right in France had a big win this month, crushing the party of President Emmanuel Macron in elections for the European Parliament. But the results did not affect France's government at home — until Mr. Macron changed that.Roger Cohen, the Paris bureau chief for The Times, discusses the huge political gamble Mr. Macron has taken, which has brought the far right closer than ever to gaining real power in France.Guest: Roger Cohen, the Paris bureau chief for The New York Times.Background reading: Battered by the far right in voting for the European Parliament, Emmanuel Macron called for new elections in France.The president has challenged voters to test the sincerity of their support for the far right. Were the French letting off steam in the European elections, or did they really mean it?For more information on today's episode, visit nytimes.com/thedaily. Transcripts of each episode will be made available by the next workday.

Roger Cohen, Paris bureau chief of The New York Times and author An Affirming Flame: Meditations on Life and Politics (Knopf, 2023), discusses Spain, Norway and Ireland's decision to recognize a Palestinian state as well as the International Criminal Court's arrest warrants for Israeli and Hamas leaders.

Roger Cohen writes: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/05/world/europe/europe-far-right.html Mass immigration — some 5.1 million immigrants entered the European Union in 2022, more than double the number the previous year — is the core issue behind the changing nature of the right in Europe. It is widely resented, particularly because aging populations have put enormous financial pressure on the cherished social safety nets that they, and previous generations, have long paid into. Overlooked are the benefits that immigrants can bring to societies with shrinking labor forces and tax bases. Instead the focus is on migrants benefiting from handouts. “We have to make our country less attractive to a form of immigration that sees us as a social cash machine,” Mr. Bardella said. “The vocation of France is not to support all the world's misery! Social assistance and child benefits must be reserved for French citizens.” Over the almost 80-year arc of the postwar period, the once-dominant center-left and center-right — represented in France by the Socialists and the Gaullists, and in Germany by the Social Democrats and the Christian Democrats — have seen the foundations of their support (labor unions for the left and the church for the right) gradually erode. Increasingly, with major ideological disputes over the place of the state in the economy settled, moderate right and moderate left began to feel indistinguishable to many people. They had no answers to mass migration. The working class, long the cornerstone of socialism in Europe, migrated en masse to the anti-immigrant right as an expression of frustration at growing inequality and stagnant paychecks. https://odysee.com/@LukeFordLive, https://rumble.com/lukeford, https://dlive.tv/lukefordlivestreams Superchat: https://entropystream.live/app/lukefordlive Bitchute: https://www.bitchute.com/channel/lukeford/ Soundcloud MP3s: https://soundcloud.com/luke-ford-666431593 Code of Conduct: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=125692 http://lukeford.net Email me: lukeisback@gmail.com or DM me on Twitter.com/lukeford, Best videos: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143746 Support the show | https://www.streamlabs.com/lukeford, https://patreon.com/lukeford, https://PayPal.Me/lukeisback Facebook: http://facebook.com/lukecford Book an online Alexander Technique lesson with Luke: https://alexander90210.com Feel free to clip my videos. It's nice when you link back to the original.

Roger Cohen writes: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/05/world/europe/europe-far-right.html Mass immigration — some 5.1 million immigrants entered the European Union in 2022, more than double the number the previous year — is the core issue behind the changing nature of the right in Europe. It is widely resented, particularly because aging populations have put enormous financial pressure on the cherished social safety nets that they, and previous generations, have long paid into. Overlooked are the benefits that immigrants can bring to societies with shrinking labor forces and tax bases. Instead the focus is on migrants benefiting from handouts. “We have to make our country less attractive to a form of immigration that sees us as a social cash machine,” Mr. Bardella said. “The vocation of France is not to support all the world's misery! Social assistance and child benefits must be reserved for French citizens.” Over the almost 80-year arc of the postwar period, the once-dominant center-left and center-right — represented in France by the Socialists and the Gaullists, and in Germany by the Social Democrats and the Christian Democrats — have seen the foundations of their support (labor unions for the left and the church for the right) gradually erode. Increasingly, with major ideological disputes over the place of the state in the economy settled, moderate right and moderate left began to feel indistinguishable to many people. They had no answers to mass migration. The working class, long the cornerstone of socialism in Europe, migrated en masse to the anti-immigrant right as an expression of frustration at growing inequality and stagnant paychecks. https://odysee.com/@LukeFordLive, https://rumble.com/lukeford, https://dlive.tv/lukefordlivestreams Superchat: https://entropystream.live/app/lukefordlive Bitchute: https://www.bitchute.com/channel/lukeford/ Soundcloud MP3s: https://soundcloud.com/luke-ford-666431593 Code of Conduct: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=125692 http://lukeford.net Email me: lukeisback@gmail.com or DM me on Twitter.com/lukeford, Best videos: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143746 Support the show | https://www.streamlabs.com/lukeford, https://patreon.com/lukeford, https://PayPal.Me/lukeisback Facebook: http://facebook.com/lukecford Book an online Alexander Technique lesson with Luke: https://alexander90210.com Feel free to clip my videos. It's nice when you link back to the original.

Roger Cohen writes: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/05/world/europe/europe-far-right.html Mass immigration — some 5.1 million immigrants entered the European Union in 2022, more than double the number the previous year — is the core issue behind the changing nature of the right in Europe. It is widely resented, particularly because aging populations have put enormous financial pressure on the cherished social safety nets that they, and previous generations, have long paid into. Overlooked are the benefits that immigrants can bring to societies with shrinking labor forces and tax bases. Instead the focus is on migrants benefiting from handouts. “We have to make our country less attractive to a form of immigration that sees us as a social cash machine,” Mr. Bardella said. “The vocation of France is not to support all the world's misery! Social assistance and child benefits must be reserved for French citizens.” Over the almost 80-year arc of the postwar period, the once-dominant center-left and center-right — represented in France by the Socialists and the Gaullists, and in Germany by the Social Democrats and the Christian Democrats — have seen the foundations of their support (labor unions for the left and the church for the right) gradually erode. Increasingly, with major ideological disputes over the place of the state in the economy settled, moderate right and moderate left began to feel indistinguishable to many people. They had no answers to mass migration. The working class, long the cornerstone of socialism in Europe, migrated en masse to the anti-immigrant right as an expression of frustration at growing inequality and stagnant paychecks. https://odysee.com/@LukeFordLive, https://rumble.com/lukeford, https://dlive.tv/lukefordlivestreams Superchat: https://entropystream.live/app/lukefordlive Bitchute: https://www.bitchute.com/channel/lukeford/ Soundcloud MP3s: https://soundcloud.com/luke-ford-666431593 Code of Conduct: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=125692 http://lukeford.net Email me: lukeisback@gmail.com or DM me on Twitter.com/lukeford, Best videos: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143746 Support the show | https://www.streamlabs.com/lukeford, https://patreon.com/lukeford, https://PayPal.Me/lukeisback Facebook: http://facebook.com/lukecford Book an online Alexander Technique lesson with Luke: https://alexander90210.com Feel free to clip my videos. It's nice when you link back to the original.

durée : 00:26:02 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Si la situation à Sciences Po continue d'électriser le débat politique, les actions de mobilisation pour Gaza restent peu nombreuses sur les campus universitaires français. - invités : Hugo Micheron, Anne MUXEL, Roger COHEN - Hugo Micheron : Enseignant-chercheur en sciences politiques rattaché au CERI, maître de conférence à Sciences Po, spécialiste du Moyen-Orient., Anne Muxel : Sociologue et politologue, directrice de recherche au Cevipof, spécialiste du rapport des jeunes à la politique, Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

durée : 00:26:02 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Si la situation à Sciences Po continue d'électriser le débat politique, les actions de mobilisation pour Gaza restent peu nombreuses sur les campus universitaires français. - invités : Hugo Micheron, Anne MUXEL, Roger COHEN - Hugo Micheron : Enseignant-chercheur en sciences politiques rattaché au CERI, maître de conférence à Sciences Po, spécialiste du Moyen-Orient., Anne Muxel : Sociologue et politologue, directrice de recherche au Cevipof, spécialiste du rapport des jeunes à la politique, Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

durée : 00:25:10 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Grand entretien consacré au "Super Tuesday", journée décisive dans la campagne présidentielle américaine, avec Célia Belin, directrice du bureau français de l'ECFR, Roger Cohen, chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris, et Nicolas Conquer, porte-parole des Republicans Overseas en France. - invités : Célia Belin, Roger COHEN - Célia Belin : Directrice du bureau de l'ECFR (Conseil européen pour les relations internationales), Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

durée : 00:25:10 - L'invité de 8h20 : le grand entretien - Grand entretien consacré au "Super Tuesday", journée décisive dans la campagne présidentielle américaine, avec Célia Belin, directrice du bureau français de l'ECFR, Roger Cohen, chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris, et Nicolas Conquer, porte-parole des Republicans Overseas en France. - invités : Célia Belin, Roger COHEN - Célia Belin : Directrice du bureau de l'ECFR (Conseil européen pour les relations internationales), Roger Cohen : Chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris

durée : 03:00:41 - Le 7/10 - Ce jeudi, les invités de la Matinale de France Inter sont : Audrey Diwan / Israël Nisand / Christine Ockrent x Roger Cohen / Nora El Hourch / Maureen

durée : 00:24:04 - L'invité de 8h20 - par : Marion L'hour, Ali Baddou - À 8h20, table ronde consacrée aux États-Unis avec Roger Cohen, chef du bureau du New York Times à Paris, prix Pulitzer 2023, et Célia Belin, directrice du bureau de l'ECFR (Conseil européen pour les relations internationales) à Paris. - invités : Célia Belin, Roger COHEN - Célia Belin : Politologue, spécialiste de la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis, chercheuse invitée à la Brookings Institution à Washington, Roger Cohen : Editorialiste du New York Times et du Herald Tribune

durée : 03:21:31 - Le 6/9 - par : Mathilde Khlat, Benjamin Dussy, Elodie Royer, Marion L'hour, Ali Baddou - Les invités de la Matinale du vendredi 9 février 2024 sont : Bertrand Piccard / Roger Cohen x Célia Belin - réalisé par : Marie MéRIER

In our modern world, the term “colonizer” is as pejorative as it's ever been. Roger Cohen is Paris bureau chief for The New York Times, and he joins host Krys Boyd to discuss the ways we've historically discussed colonizers, how that's changing, and how our new terminology is playing out in the war in Gaza. His article is “Who's a ‘Colonizer'? How an Old Word Became a New Weapon.”

Tonight on The Last Word: A court document reveals a Trump co-defendant's private comments. Also, Democrats tout the Biden agenda in swing states ahead of 2024. Plus, the lies of George Santos were attacked on the House floor by other Republican liars. Secretary Blinken meets with Israeli and Palestinian officials. And K.I.N.D. Fund scholarships students express their gratitude for the ability to stay in school. Glenn Kirschner, Andrew Weissmann, Gov. Josh Shapiro and Roger Cohen join Lawrence O'Donnell.

Israel's war with Hamas after the Hamas attack is causing a devastating humanitarian toll in Gaza. Much less importantly, the war also raises questions in Israel about Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his past actions toward Palestinians. The New York Times' Roger Cohen joins us. And, Louisiana politics reporter Greg Hilburn about how Rep. Mike Johnson rose to the speakership and his conservative agenda, which includes work as general counsel for a group that supported hardline stances on LGBTQ rights. Then, writer-director Maryam Keshavar won the Audience Award at the Sundance Film Festival for a second time — a first for the festival. Deleted: Now, her film "The Persian Version" is coming out in movie theaters in a rolling national release.

Tonight on The Last Word: President Biden cancels his trip to Jordan to meet other leaders. Plus, hospital blasts in Gaza are estimated to have killed hundreds. Also, the House Speaker vote continues tomorrow after Jim Jordan loses his first ballot. Ellison Barber, Richard Stengel, Roger Cohen, Rep. James Clyburn, and Ronen Bergman join Lawrence O'Donnell.

Tonight on The Last Word: Secretary Blinken meets with Israeli officials and survivors. Also, the Israeli military says it's preparing for a potential ground assault on Gaza. And the White House says 27 Americans have been killed in the Hamas attacks. Roger Cohen, Ronen Bergman, Ben Rhodes, Richard Engel, Matt Bradley, Rep. Greg Landman and Noga Tarnopolsky join Lawrence O'Donnell.

This week Bianna Golodryga hosts the top of the show while Fareed is on assignment. Bianna begins with President Biden's historic summit at Camp David with the leaders of Japan and South Korean. She speaks with Danny Russel, former top State Department official on East Asia, about what this summit means for relations between those two nations with deep historical animosities. Next, Bianna talks to Adela Raz, the former Afghan Ambassador to the U.S., about how bad the situation is for women since the Taliban's takeover two years ago. Then, New York Times journalist Roger Cohen joins the show. He recently spent a month in Russia talking to Russians about how they feel about the war in Ukraine; he shares what he's learned. Plus, Fareed sends us his interview with Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister Lawrence Wong, the presumptive next leader of the city-state. They talk about the Singapore's role in the global economy and in Asian-Pacific geopolitics. Fareed will be back next week,GUESTS: Danny Russel (@dannyrrussel), Adela Raz (@AdelaRaz), Roger Cohen (@NYTimesCohen), Lawrence Wong (@LaurenceWongST)Air date: August 20, 2023To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

After a surviving two no-confidence vote against French President Emmanuel Macron's government, Roger Cohen, Paris bureau chief for The New York Times and author of several books, most recently, An Affirming Flame: Meditations on Life and Politics (Knopf, 2023), discusses what's next for France's pension reform which would raise the age of retirement from 62 to 64 for most workers.

Nigeria's main opposition parties are calling for a fresh election before ballots have even finished being counted. They're saying that Saturday's presidential vote was “irretrievably compromised,” with Nigerian voters complaining of intimidation and voter suppression. So far, the official count says the ruling party candidate Bola Tinubu leads nationally, but a shocking result saw him lose in Lagos to outsider candidate Peter Obi. This rollercoaster of an election in Africa's largest democracy and economy will have an impact beyond the country's borders. To discuss all this, we speak with broadcaster and filmmaker Bolanle Olukanni.  Also on today's show: Roger Cohen, author, “An Affirming Flame”; Anand Menon, Professor of European Politics and Foreign Affairs, King's College London; David Brooks, New York Times columnist To learn more about how CNN protects listener privacy, visit cnn.com/privacy

Jess Harrold is joined by Roger Cohen, senior counsel at Bryan Cave Leighton Paisner LLP, to discuss the latest decision in Ludgate House Ltd v Ricketts (valuation officer) and London Borough of Southwark – a dispute over the impact of the use of property guardians on empty rates. Having failed to convince the Court of Appeal in 2020 that the occupation of its premises by property guardians meant it was not liable for non-domestic rates, Ludgate House Ltd turned its attention to how the rates should be calculated. Now, Cohen explains the Upper Tribunal's reasoning on that matter, and what it means for the rating of premises with property guardians. In addition, he surveys the field of potential rates mitigation measures for empty properties in the wake of the decisions in Ludgate House.

In this KEEN ON episode, Andrew talks to the author of AN AFFIRMING FLAME, Roger Cohen, about the "exquisite torture" of writing and how we can undo what he calls our "Age of Undoing" ROGER COHEN is the Paris bureau chief and a former op-ed columnist for The New York Times, where he began working in 1990. He has also worked for the Times as a correspondent in Paris and Berlin, and as bureau chief in the Balkans covering the Bosnian war, for which he was cited for excellence by the Overseas Press Club. He was named foreign editor on 9/11, overseeing Pulitzer Prize-winning coverage of the aftermath of the attack. He has also worked as a foreign correspondent for The Wall Street Journal and Reuters. His previous books include The Girl from Human Street, Soldiers and Slaves, and Hearts Grown Brutal. Born in Britain to South African parents, he is a naturalized American. He lives in Paris. His latest book is “An Affirming Flame: Meditations on Life and Politics” (2023) Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting KEEN ON, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy show. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

00:30 I've devoted my life to public service 02:00 Tucker asks if Dr. Oz is a bad candidate? 05:00 America's crime problem 26:00 10 Telltale Signs You're About To Get Raided By The FBI, https://babylonbee.com/news/12-telltale-signs-youre-about-to-get-raided-by-the-fbi 28:00 Right-wing revolt against FBI, https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2022/08/19/fallout-mar-a-lago-search-00052799 35:00 Roger Cohen says Odessa is defiant, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/19/world/europe/odesa-ukraine-putin-russia.html 42:50 The Creation of Meaning - The Denial of Death, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-43zh_za_eQ 51:00 Ernest Becker and Heroism, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gBbrswEpFTQ 1:02:00 The Secret Powers of an Australian Prime Minister, Now Revealed, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/16/world/australia/scott-morrison-minister.html 1:23:00 Lynne Cheney, Political Shibboleths and Mind-Blowing Spectacles, https://radixjournal.substack.com/p/political-shibboleths-and-mind-blowing#details https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2022/08/19/fallout-mar-a-lago-search-00052799 https://amgreatness.com/2022/08/15/its-inevitable-trump-will-be-indicted/ https://taibbi.substack.com/p/welcome-to-the-third-world https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ukraine/playing-fire-ukraine https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=144498 From Proud Feudal Lord To Cringing Courtier, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=144484 We are gathered here in the sight of God, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=144407 Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression: The Nature and Origins of Conservaphobia 2, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=144294 Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression: The Nature and Origins of Conservaphobia: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=144168 REVIEW: The Star Chamber of Stanford: On the Secret Trial and Invisible Persecution of a Stanford Law Fellow, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143937 Stanford Star Chamber, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143824 Reaction to Stanford Star Chamber, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143994 https://ronyguldmann.com/ My Best Work: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143746 Mind, Modernity, Madness: The Impact of Culture on Human Experience, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143670 Professor of Apocalypse: The Many Lives of Jacob Taubes, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=143590 http://vouchnationalism.com https://postkahanism.substack.com/p/the-failure-and-importance-of-kahanism?s=r Join this channel to get access to perks: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCSFVD7Xfhn7sJY8LAIQmH8Q/join https://odysee.com/@LukeFordLive, https://lbry.tv/@LukeFord, https://rumble.com/lukeford https://dlive.tv/lukefordlivestreams Listener Call In #: 1-310-997-4596 Superchat: https://entropystream.live/app/lukefordlive Bitchute: https://www.bitchute.com/channel/lukeford/ Soundcloud MP3s: https://soundcloud.com/luke-ford-666431593 Code of Conduct: https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=125692 https://www.patreon.com/lukeford http://lukeford.net Email me: lukeisback@gmail.com or DM me on Twitter.com/lukeford Support the show | https://www.streamlabs.com/lukeford, https://patreon.com/lukeford, https://PayPal.Me/lukeisback Facebook: http://facebook.com/lukecford Feel free to clip my videos. It's nice when you link back to the original.

Subscribe to Reactionary Minds: Apple Podcasts | SpotifyWelcome to the inaugural episode of Reactionary Minds, a podcast from The UnPopulist that I’ll be hosting every month. This is a show about why some people reject liberalism and what the rest of us can do about it. This first episode is all about introducing the problem Reactionary Minds exists to address. In it, Shikha Dalmia, the editor of The UnPopulist and fellow at the Mercatus Center's Program on Pluralism and Civil Exchange, discusses the biggest challenge of our times: The resurgent threat of populist authoritarianism here and abroad. Every regime has its pathologies and populist demagoguery is the pathology of democracies. The “liberal” in liberal democracies is supposed to keep this genie in the bottle, but now that it is out, can we put it back in?This transcript has been lightly edited and condensed for clarityAaron Ross Powell: Welcome to the show.Shikha Dalmia: Thanks for having me, Aaron.Aaron: What is populism?Shikha: It's a good question, and as you've noticed, the name of my newsletter is The UnPopulist, and its addressed at the authoritarian currents we are seeing around the world. Then the question arises why am I calling it The UnPopulist and not the anti-authoritarian or something like that? Partly, because it's cuter, but the more serious reason is that the kind of illiberalism and the kind of authoritarianism we are seeing around the world has what is essentially a populist element.Now there's a lot of confusion around the word populism, and there is actually a great deal of effort on the left to try and take back this word which it thinks has been unfairly characterized in the last six years with the rise of the Trump era and the MAGA era. I, in some ways, feel for some of the left-wing writers, like Thomas Frank who's a public intellectual and an author and something of a Bernie Sanders progressive. He wrote a book not too long ago defending the term populism because he sees populism as essentially a movement of the people. Roger Cohen, a New York Times columnist, similarly wrote in 2018, shortly after Trump, where he also was lamenting the fact that the term populism has acquired this negative connotation.Now, I actually feel for some of these liberals because, as you and I know, we are still grieving the loss of the term liberal. However, I think they fundamentally misunderstand what populism really means and why it has a bad connotation.To some extent, it's a semantic issue, you can give any phenomenon any name, but populism, for the longest time has had a bad odor. They [Frank et al] see populism as essentially a popular movement that is supposed to do the most good for the most people, and those most people are not the rich people. They are generally lower or middle-income people who are the vast majority of the population.But that's not what populism really is. It's not a popular movement. A populist movement, if you read the literature on it, which admittedly is murky, it's about pitting the “real” people against some other entity, and that entity is the elites. The elites are considered to be these corrupt oligarchs, and the people are supposed to be something pure, representing something good.There is instantly this division between the elite, which controls “the establishment,” and the pure people whose interests are being avoided. Now, even that exactly doesn't capture the problem with the term populism. The term populism gets its bad odor from the fact that it's not just that the real people are trying to get their way and have their preferred policies enacted, it is more that they want to flatten certain elements of liberalism, the deliberative process, the representative process, because they believe it's been captured by some bad people, by The Establishment which is not representing them.It's an effort to flatten certain institutions of liberalism, not improve them, not reform them, but simply to either side step them or do an end-run around them, or even just get rid of them so that the real people can have their will.Now, obviously, the real people can't govern. There are too many of them, somebody has to govern for them. So in some senses populist and authoritarian seem like anti-poles. But inevitably they come together because whenever you have a populist movement some authoritarian figure or demagogue arises who will say they're representing the people. And we saw very clearly with Trump, we the people became me the people…they are not representing the people, they are the people. Populism inevitably goes hand-in-hand with a certain kind of authoritarianism, and so therefore, the term unpopulist and therefore why populism is something to be worried about.Aaron: I think that's one of the interesting things about watching the rise of populism in the U.S over the last five or six or seven years, has been that it's framed as an anti-elite movement and “drain the swamp” is an anti-elite thing. We're constantly hearing about these coastal cities where these out-of-touch elites who don't understand the real people are. The real Americans in this context really just means rural working class whites. But then you look at their leadership and it is fantastically wealthy, though we don't know quite how wealthy [in Trump’s case], because his finances are a little sketchy, but a fantastically wealthy businessman.Then in Congress the figureheads for this movement, or at least people trying to claim that mantle, tend to be Ivy league law school educated, pretenders to the common-man identity. You're right, it is this odd thing what begins as a movement framing itself as of the people turns into a personality cult that's no longer about the people's identity, it’s about the people building their identity through fealty to this strong-man leader, which is then how it can very quickly turn into an authoritarian movement, because either that leader's power when he has to do something is seen as absolute, because he's the embodiment of our hopes and dreams and cultural identity, or when that leader's position is threatened, as we saw when Trump lost the election, it can morph quickly into violence in defense of that leader's status. Not so much the working class or the common man status, but defending that leader from perceived failure.Shikha: That's right. Now, populism can be of both the left wing and the right wing varieties, and we have seen them throughout history. Latin America has had populism of every strain. In every instance it has led to the cult of the personality, but there are two things in populism. There is a cult of personality, which is the leader, and then there is a cult of the people too. There is a certain deification of the people that they are true owners of the society, their will needs to be respected.The two, the cult of the leader and the cult of the people, build on each other, they both deify each other. Whether it is Hugo Chavez, whether it is Bolsonaro right now. The Bolsonaro is interesting and he's losing some of his popularity, but Trump is a classic phenomenon of a cult leader, of a demagogue who is leading in the name of the real people, and then the real people deify him. He really was a deity in certain MAGA circles, and he in turn deifies them in his rallies.If you watched some of his rallies, which I tried to avoid as much as possible, but he was constantly flattering the people there. It was, "You people are great, and you are being ignored." Yes, there is this mutual cult of the leader and the cult of the people that goes hand-in-hand in a populist movement.Nomenclature and TaxonomyAaron: I want to stay for a moment on our terms and taxonomies, because the purpose of this show, ultimately, is not just to critique illiberal and populist ideas, but to try to understand them, to try to understand where these people are coming from, what the philosophies and personality traits and historical perspectives that inform them because it's hard to challenge ideas without understanding them deeply and, to the extent you can, fairly.We've talked about what populism is, but this show is not called the authoritarian mind, it's not called the populist mind, it is called Reactionary Minds. Where does the term reactionary fit into all this?Shikha: Aaron, this is your show! You and I both talked about why we like Reactionary Minds. I'll give you my side and perhaps you can say something about why you like it. The textbook definition of reactionary is a person or a sensibility that is opposed to economic or political liberalization of any kind. Usually, it goes along with a certain conservative mentality.I think there's another element to the reactionary sensibility, and that is, it is also anti-ideas, and it's anti-intellectual. The reason is ideas and intellectual theories can lead to change. They require a certain amount of openness to the world and to knowledge, and those can be intensely threatening to existing cultural orders. In that sense, reactionary minds, I think, is a good way to describe the show because you and I are both quite troubled and perturbed by the last six years.Things are happening in America that we never thought would be possible. We think that there needs to be some kind of a response to this, but we can't really fight these ideologies unless we understand them. We do want to understand the reactionary movement that's brewing in America on its own terms. That's the reason I like the term reactionary minds.Aaron: Yes, I agree with all that. What I would add is, I think that you can make the case that political ideology, moral ideology, and so on is, to some extent, downstream of personality, that we tend to have different personal and personality preferences, and then we sometimes look around for theories or intellectual edifices that provide structure to them or support them or don't really challenge them.In that regard, reactionary it is a personality type that says I am turned off by, sometimes threatened by diversity, by change, by things being different than the way that I'm used to, or people who aren't like me being more prominent than they used to be, or higher status than they used to be, or the way we talk about language is changing and that bugs me, and I don't like these kids asking me to use different pronouns or different terminology. There is this set-in-my-ways-ness that drives a lot of this.It's not an accident that Trump when he was first running for president, he led with anti-immigration, with a xenophobic perspective and a nationalism that was the corollary of that, because for a lot of his most faithful followers, it's “America is looking different than either the way I was used to it being, or the way that I imagined it being, or the way that I would like it to look demographic.”On the far fringes of the populace, we get the Great Replacement Theory about they're trying to change the demographics of the country to make it less white than it used to be. There is this very “I don't like difference” and then reacting strongly against that, then that feeds into political preferences, which is, "I'm going to vote for the person who will stop the change, whether that's preventing immigrants who don't look and talk like me from coming into the country, or will elevate the status of the people who have the same preferences I do against the people with the diverse preferences that I dislike."That's another thing that I want to dig into on the show is the way that there is such a thing, I think, as a populist or an authoritarian or reactionary psychology as well. There are ideas that inform it, but there's also just beliefs and values and attitudes and they end up mixing together into this very toxic political outcome. That was the attraction to me of the reactionary minds, because it gets both the notion that this is an ideological perspective, but also that this is just an attitudinal perspective.Shikha: Right. That's very well stated, Aaron. I would, however, push back just slightly in that we do want to make a distinction between the conservative mind and the reactionary mind. Bill Buckley's very famous statement when he launched the National Review was he wants to stand athwart history screaming or yelling stop. There is a way in which, even though I am not a conservative, never have been, never will be, I can understand the urge to be careful about change and reform, and to be a little deliberative. You don't want to simply throw out existing social arrangements just because some fad has taken hold of the land.There is a way in which the conservatives, even though I'm not a conservative, they can be incrementalists, but not completely opposed to reform. Reactionaries, I think, is conservatism on steroids in that sense. Reactionaries simply don't want change because they don't like change. Usually, reactionariness is a phenomenon that's associated with conservatism, but to the extent that it's not just any change that reactionaries are opposed to, it's actually liberalism that they are opposed to. To the extent its liberalization they are opposed to, they can even come from the progressive side.Like communists when China liberalized its economy, there were reactionaries in China who wanted the communist order to hold and they didn't want liberalization. In that sense, I like the term reactionary because potentially, it will even capture the leftist reactionaries.Leftist ExcessesAaron: I think that often manifests in the contemporary American left as an intolerance of difference. That is, it's not the same as the intolerance of difference that we see from the right, which is obviously very much there, but rather, the left thinks we have advanced, we have liberalized, so certain behaviors that used to be socially unacceptable are now considered normal, or certain underprivileged groups that used to be underprivileged are now considered no different than everyone else.That liberalization is good. That's the kind of liberalization we want, but there is a tendency among some people on the left to then to be incredibly intolerant not of difference in the political realm. It's one thing to say yes, we should — people who want to re-criminalize gay marriage or gay relationships that's bad, but it's people who themselves in their own lives are not affirmatively supportive of these things need to be stamped out, need to be punished.This often can manifest in the lefts wanting to punish businesses that weren't supportive of gay weddings, baking cakes for gay weddings. The small conservative baker says, "That's against my conscience. I don't want to bake a cake for your wedding." In a genuinely liberal society the answer to that is, "Okay." Like, "I will go somewhere else and get a cake from somewhere else and no harm, no foul."The liberalism that manifests on the left is like, "No." It's not enough that you are just saying, "Hey, I don't want to participate." You have to participate and embrace, or we are going to, in this case, try to use the state to punish you, to destroy your business, to find you, to drive you out, because you're not one of us. That ends up with this ratcheting up of the reactionariness because then what that says to the people who are more culturally conservative is, "I need to dig in even deeper because if the culture drifts in a more liberal direction, that's even more ground for me to be punished often with state force. I need to fight even harder because  I won't be tolerated.Shikha: That's exactly the dynamic we are in right now. The problem with the left is that it's too impatient and, to some extent, one can understand its impatience. I think systemic injustices are prevalent, systemic racism is a thing! We all do need to grapple with legacies of slavery, Jim Crow, all of that is correct. But the left doesn't want to do the real hard work of changing hearts and minds. It wants to grab power nodes and exercise and push on them to engineer change.It's not just the levers of the state that they are using, it's also the levers of corporate power and what have you. Not all of [these tactics] are illicit. Some of them are perfectly acceptable. Certain kinds of boycotts against views clearly beyond the pale are probably acceptable. But they have lost the capacity of making distinctions between good-natured fear of what they are asking for — and a reactionary fear, I guess.It's this lack of calibration and this lack of finesse in their techniques, which is a big problem. This, in some ways, is driving a more reactionary attitude on the part of the conservatives, bringing out their worst tendencies.But I actually don't want to simply blame the left . I think the conservatives always wanted — there was a certain kind of conservative mind that was always uncomfortable with certain social changes, gay marriage, what have you. They've also been looking for a pretext to dig in. I think to some extent, the left is giving them a pretext [by its excesses]. It's not a reason, it's a pretext for their reactionariness. It's hard to untangle all of this, I admit, but all these currents are right now with us.Aaron: At their core they're all ultimately a rejection of genuine liberalism, which is if nothing else, it is a belief in a social tolerance and social pluralism. If we're going to live together in a big society, commonly governed, we have to get along with each other. The way that you get along with each other given our diversity of viewpoints and values and preferences and backgrounds and so on is to tolerate difference. To say: "I'm going to let you live the way that you want to live and I'm going to live the way that I want to live. Even if I'm not celebrating the choices that you make, I'm accepting them as part of this liberal consensus."So much of what we're seeing now seems to be a rejection of that liberal consensus of saying, "No, it's not just that I think I am right in… All of us think we're right in our own preferences and values or we wouldn't hold them. It's not just that, it's saying, Therefore, anyone who differs from my preferences and values is wrong and is wrong to an extent that they are dangerous or a threat or impure, or in some other way, need to be, whether it's with the state or other mechanisms, need to be shut down, excluded, punished so that we can have a higher degree of uniformity that happens to align with my preferences.Shikha: When Obama became president he was against gay marriage. He was against all kinds of pro-gay policies, and then, of course, during the course of his presidency he changed his mind. I wonder if there is any room for Obama in the current left. Room for evolution of thinking.Now I think Obama was always there and he was holding back for strategic reasons, which turned out to actually be not bad reasons. You can see the growing intolerance of the left in that it's not just being censorious against the right, but it's also being censorious toward its own. That’s why, in a way, I'm a little less worried about the left, because the left, in its demand for purity and consistency, in a way is becoming less united and is at that stage of devouring its own.The left is now generating healthy pushback. I actually think if Trump had not arrived on the horizon, there was so much concern within the left about the left that right now we would be in a much better position with respect to the left. But with Trump arriving on the scene, I feel myself pivoting. I think there is no bigger threat in this country than the right because it has become so completely not just reactionary, but authoritarian and illiberal in 30 different ways that I've had to drop my attention on the left and now right is the big problem.Before Trump arrived, I remember Vox, very much a progressive publication, had published a piece by a liberal professor saying something to the effect, "My liberal students terrify me." This piece went on to say that conservative students his class, this was a professor who's in a liberal arts college, who said the conservative students in his class will push back, might not like his ideas, but are still willing to discuss them. Liberal students were not willing to do that.Now what we are seeing on the other hand is that the right is no longer simply pushing back against what were legitimately called left-wing excesses. It wants to just crush them. Now you are seeing bills banning the teaching of critical race theory. That's where the reactionariness comes in. This is no longer now about calibrating the pace of the change, it's not about that. Now we are only going to impose our vision from like 200 years ago. Now it’s in a completely different orbit.The Roots of Modern Day Right-Wing PopulistsAaron: We talked about Trumpism as exemplary of the kind of populism that we are concerned about, but is Trump the major figure, or who are the other figures that are important to understand when looking at the lay of the land on American populism, left or right, the main, I guess, influencers, as the kids say?Shikha: Well, populism in America, depending upon how you use the term, has a long history. The first populist movement was the People's Party in 1890, which was a third party. It was this agrarian movement and labor movement against the industrialization that was happening. In the building of the railroads, lots of people were dispossessed; traditional livelihoods were lost. That is generally regarded as the first populist movement in this country. It got co-opted by the Democratic Party, which became the labor union party. The People's Party put it's a lot behind William Bryan Jennings. When he lost the election that year, it spelled the end of that party, but it got co-opted by Democrats.You've seen certain other populist movements arguably whether George Wallace, he was a populist phenomenon, very much appealing to the same kinds of anxieties that Trump now appeals to. In between, you had The Tea Party movement, you also had the Occupy Wall Street movement.The difference is that the Tea Party, I think, was the beginning of the turn towards MAGAism. Although interestingly, the Tea Party movement was very much pitching itself as this constitutional movement. It wanted to return to the Founders. It wanted to limit the scope of the government, all of which went out of the window when Trump came along.I think Trump is not sui generis. Partly, the Tea Party is behind him but partly, I think we had the phenomenon of right-wing radio with the advent of Rush Limbaugh who started pushing all kinds of populist tropes. He was a nativist. He was anti-left. The preoccupation with the leftist enemy is a huge, huge part of the right, right now. I think that's the single biggest motivating force. Even the anti-immigration and the anti-immigrant animus is not quite as powerful a force as the fear and anger and the hatred of the left, actually.I think Rush Limbaugh started stoking that, and then you had a whole slew of copycats on the right. That paved the way for Trump. The right was primed for a populist takeover, and then Trump came along with his MAGA message and at that stage, all the right wanted to do was use the levers of the state to smash the left and impose its vision of a insular, insulated, closed America polity.Aaron: This isn't new, even with Trump, even with Rush Limbaugh, this is what we watched in the '50s and '60s with anti-communism, was the Soviet Union was a legitimate threat, although maybe in retrospect, not as big of a threat as we thought it was at the time. There were communists in the country, although they weren't going to win out. America was not going to turn communist, but they did exist, and communism was very bad.The American right used that as a way to exert the power of the federal government to punish particularly culturally left people or people who were calling for liberalization of the positions of Blacks or gays or women and so on. That the urge to define an enemy and then use a potentially an inflated threat of that enemy — or mischaracterizations of that enemy or strawman version of that enemy — to justify a reactionary turn is very strong.A moment ago we were talking about Trump and you said had Trump not come along the left would have fractured more than it did. What's interesting about Trump is that he unified both the right and the left into these deeply tribally opposed camps. For decades, the conservative movement was split between — there was the base that looked very much like Trumpism does now. The conservative right’s reactionary base has been around as long as there has been a right. But you had the elites, the Bill Buckley types or the Ronald Reagan or the Paul Ryan who controlled the GOP and pushed it in a more, if not liberal, at least more liberal-adjacent on its best days direction.That went away with Trump and suddenly the elites all either swore fealty, or at least shut up about their criticisms of the really reactionary right. And then on the left, you had exactly that, that the left, those fault lines went away because we had a unified enemy. Trump won't be around forever, and so there's a sense in which that potentially gives a way out when that enemy has gone away.There are other people like what DeSantis is doing in Florida right now, he's clearly trying to tee himself up as the inheritor of the Trump mantel. But it's questionable whether any of the people trying to do that have Trump's — I'm going to call it — charisma, but a lot of people think of it as such, but Trump's showmanship. There's something about him and his celebrity and all of that that made him successful in the way that someone who had just spouted the same views probably would not have been. Is there cause for hope there that if the populist leader goes away, then the sides will become more pluralistic than they are now?MAGA’s Ugly Progeny: Integralists and NationalistsShikha: It's a good question. No, I'm actually not optimistic about that. Look, what Trump did was he didn't really unite the Republican Party, what he did was he united a certain element within the Republican Party, and the rest of those who didn't agree with him were either purged — Paul Ryan didn't last a year after Trump came on the scene — or became persona non grata within the party.That's actually a classic populist move. It's not just that they don't respect parliamentary institutions and they don't respect the opposition, they actually turn their own party into an embodiment of themselves, and you've seen that with Trump. It's literally classic populism. In that sense, I think he's been hugely damaging to the Republican Party in a way that I'm not sure the Republican Party can recover from it for a very long time. Or at least I think it has to be in the political wilderness for a very long time. It has to be punished at the polls repeatedly before it will give up this populist formula.I think even though there may not be a charismatic figure like Trump, and the reason I was laughing when you said charismatic, because I know to you and me, he's just so utterly not charismatic. It's hard for us to see his appeal, but there'll be other populists who will try and copy him. They may not be successful, but their very presence is going to be damaging. That's one.The bigger danger of Trump is not Trump but Trumpism. Trumpism is essentially an illiberal mindset that doesn't respect the checks on executive power. It gives various factions within the conservative right, therefore, the permission to use the levers of the state to promote their own vision. You've written about this, the integralist movement. Why is that emerging now? The national conservative movement, why is that emerging now?He's actually fractured whatever little uneasy fusion/consensus there was in the right and allowed these illiberal monster children of MAGAism now to assert themselves. I actually think things are going to get much worse before they get better.Aaron: Let's turn briefly to the integralist movement and the national conservatism movement which somehow overlap but are distinct in other ways because they represent an interesting move on the part of the conservative elite to try to take on the energy of Trump's populism, but intellectualize it too because, Trumpism is basically all id.There's not an intellectual philosophical through-line there, but the national conservatives and the integralist are saying, "No, there is a philosophical case against liberalism, that liberalism has failed for reasons inherent to it, and that we need to embrace non-liberal, well thought out philosophical positions." If Trump is spouting id, the integralists and the national conservatives have legitimately thoughtful and often interesting thinkers articulating these views in ways that are I think they're wrong and I think they're often dangerously wrong, but they're not stupid and they're worth wrestling with.It is interesting watching these very elites. These are law professors and philosophy professors and theologians trying to take this energy and reapply the intellectual veneer that used to exist with Buckley, the National Review but was shed under Trump.Shikha: The difference between Buckley and the [Adrian] Vermeules of the day is that Buckley was still trying to promote a certain conservatism within a broadly liberal framework and a broadly liberal understanding. He agreed that checks and balances were a good thing, checks on executive power were a good thing. All of that is now out of the window with these new movements.Discontents with liberalism are always there because liberalism is an uneasy equilibrium between all kinds of different interests that don't comfortably fit together. Minorities are not happy with liberalism because liberalism doesn't give them the levers of power to instantly correct all the injustices against them. They are always unhappy. Of course, the majority is unhappy because, especially in a liberal democratic society, if pure majoritarian rule were to exist, it would get its way far more frequently.Everybody is always unhappy with liberalism. But there has always been this understanding there that life on the other side of liberalism is nasty, brutish, and short, so we better stick with liberalism. That consensus that liberalism may be wanting, but there is no other real alternative, that understanding is completely gone because some people have come to believe, thanks to Trump's assault on liberalism, that they can have the whole cake.The integralists, and you wrote great stuff about this — integralists, as you've pointed out, are a really weird movement because they're Catholics, they are actually a minority, and integralists within Catholicism are a really small minority, so why would you want to give up liberalism? The answer is that they think that any conservative state will give them more of what they want than they'll get from a liberal state.Ultimately, even a reactionary like Trump will give them more than anybody else will. Hence they have turned on liberalism because they feel they're getting less out of it. Every faction within conservatism I think is making a similar bet. You have national conservatism, which is a very, very diverse movement. You have Yoram Hazony who's an Israeli intellectual, who's the godfather of this movement, weirdly enough. You also have standard nationalists who just feel like there should be more flag-waving in the United States. You have somebody like Rich Lowry, who was actually [initially] a Never Trumper, and now feels that there needs to be some kind of America First-ism in America. He's flirting with something like blood and soil nationalism based on geography and ancestry. That will rule me out as a robust American citizen, I'm not sure about you. Geography it means Americans need to love the landscape of this country. The Shenandoah Valley is something that every American should do a pilgrimage to. It's all goofy stuff. They all feel whatever was missing in the liberal arrangement in America now they feel it's up for grabs, and they're all trying to make a bid for it very quickly to get what they can.Aaron: In the time that we have left, I want to turn to the future of this podcast. This is the inaugural episode of Reactionary Minds, we plan to do a lot more of these. Our goals, why we created this show, and what we're hoping to get out of it. I can start on this one. I touched on this a bit earlier, but I think my goal is this rise of liberalism is really troubling. As someone who has dedicated his career to advancing a quite radical conception of individual and economic liberty and individual autonomy and self-authorship, this is a direct assault on the values that not only I hold, but I think are the ones that lead to the best world for everyone.This has always been with us, but it has ramped up considerably. We're seeing some of it on the left, we are seeing one of the two major parties, more or less, entirely overtaken by it. We have seen it embodied in a president, we are seeing an increasing number of intellectuals come out in support of it in one form or another. This is a real threat. The value of a show like this is in trying to understand where that's all coming from, and what it is the people who hold these views actually want, why they want it? What are the ideas that are leading them to it or providing support for it?I don't want this to be a superficial understanding or a dismissive or they're all just evil kind of way because that's easy and ultimately uninteresting. My goal is to really try to understand them on their own terms and then to critique it from the perspective of the value of radical liberty.Shikha: That's exactly right, Aaron. That's why I'm excited that you are doing this. I think this is going to be a great podcast. As you've said, the plan is to understand this illiberalism and its appeal at every level, psychological, social, political. I'm sure you will be having guests that address all of it. Marxism makes this distinction between theory and praxis. You and I, we both have a penchant for an intellectual understanding of things. We like to understand things at a theoretical level, it's almost an end in itself. But in this case, we cannot fight this phenomenon without actually understanding it. [On the praxis side], The UnPopulist is not going to shy away calling the right reactionary and taking on specific political figures who are behaving in an illiberal fashion. It’s not going to shy away from taking sides. We know what we are opposing. But to me the theory of Reactionary Minds is going to inform the praxis of The UnPopulist. So there is a yin and yang here that I’m super excited about. I really look forward to this. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit theunpopulist.substack.com

French citizens in France and abroad will head to the polls for the presidential election this weekend. Roger Cohen, Paris bureau chief for The New York Times, discusses what's at stake as French President Emmanuel Macron and far-right candidate Marine Le Pen head to the runoffs.

French citizens in France and abroad will head to the polls for the presidential election this weekend. On the ballot: the current president, Emmanuel Macron, the far right, anti-immigrant nationalist Marine Le Pen. On Today's Show:Roger Cohen, Paris bureau chief for The New York Times, discusses what's at stake as French President Emmanuel Macron and far-right candidate Marine Le Pen head to the runoffs.

Beelden van de oorlogsmisdaden in Oekraïne brachten bij New York Times-journalist Roger Cohen onmiskenbare herinneringen op van de genocide in Srebrenica. Hij gaf leiding aan de Balkan-redactie van de New York Times ten tijde van de Bosnische burgeroorlog. 'Het verschil met toen is dat in 1995 er een zogeheten "safe area" was ingesteld door Westerse landen. Zij zouden de burgers beschermen.' Ook denkt hij dat Poetins oorlog zijn schaduw werpt over de verkiezingen in Frankrijk. 'Mensen in de boulangerie hebben het over een derde wereldoorlog en schuilkelders voor atoombommen. Dat was een maand geleden ondenkbaar.' Op onze website vind je meer informatie en kan je dit gesprek ook bekijken. https://bit.ly/buitenhof-10-april-22

Afgelopen week kwamen alle ministers van Buitenlandse Zaken van de NAVO-landen bijeen in Brussel om te praten over de steun aan Oekraïne en de toekomst van het Bondgenootschap. In Buitenhof assistent secretaris-generaal van de NAVO David van Weel. Journalist Roger Cohen gaf leiding aan de Balkan-redactie van The New York Times ten tijde van de Bosnische burgeroorlog. Liesbeth Zegveld stond als advocaat tal van keren slachtoffers van oorlogsgeweld bij om hun recht te halen. Houdt de democratische internationale rechtsorde stand tijdens deze oorlog in Oekraïne? En politicoloog Yascha Mounk schreef het boek Het grote experiment, dat deze week in Nederland uitkwam. Hoe kijkt hij aan tegen de toekomst van democratieën nu er steeds meer autocratieën zijn? De nieuwsfoto is deze week gekozen door Hanneke Mantel. Presentatie: Twan Huys Op onze website vind je meer informatie en kan je de aflevering ook zien. https://bit.ly/buitenhof-10-april-22

Hour 1: We talked about the slap heard round the world. And Chad talked with Roger Cohen from the NY Times about Vladimir Putin.

Roger Cohen from the NY Times wrote a deep dive on the mindset of Vladimir Putin and his invasion of Ukraine. He joined the show with his insight.

durée : 01:59:47 - Le 7/9 - par : Nicolas Demorand, Léa Salamé - Roger Cohen, journaliste, directeur du bureau parisien du "New York Times" et Hans Stark, conseiller pour les relations franco-allemandes à l'FRI et professeur à l'Université Paris-Sorbonne et Jean-Yves Potel, historien spécialiste de la Pologne, sont les invités de la matinale de France Inter.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Face à la pandémie, à la crise socio-économique et aux enjeux écologiques, le programme de Joe Biden est-il à la hauteur ? À l'occasion de l'inauguration du 46e président américain, écoutez cet épisode bonus du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique". ► Résumé de l'épisode : On a choisi d'intituler cet épisode "les douze travaux de Joe Biden". Mais le titre est un peu trompeur. Certes, la mission de Joe Biden est herculéenne, mais il a beaucoup plus que douze chantiers à effectuer. Lutte contre le virus, crise économique historique, réconciliation du pays, dérèglement climatique… La liste est longue. Le programme de Joe Biden est-il à la hauteur des chantiers qui l'attendent ? Alors que s'ouvre une nouvelle présidence, nous avons passé en revue les promesses du démocrate pour voir lesquelles pouvaient être tenues ou non. Max Paul Friedman, professeur d'histoire et doyen par intérim à l'American University à Washington, nous a aidé à y voir plus clair. ► À lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : REPORTAGE – Joe Biden face aux divisions de l'Amérique ANALYSE – La révolution verte selon Joe Biden PORTRAIT – Janet Yellen, une progressiste pour sortir les États-Unis de la récession ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel d'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Charlotte Thomas-Hebert, doctorante à la Sorbonne ; Bernard Harcourt, professeur de droit à l'université Columbia ; Tristan Cabello, historien spécialiste des États-Unis à l'université Johns Hopkins ; Gabriel Scheinmann, directeur de l'Alexander Hamilton Society ; Max Paul Friedman, professeur d'histoire et doyen par intérim à l'American University à Washington.  ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. Chargée de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Visé par une seconde procédure de destitution, Donald Trump s'apprête à quitter la Maison-Blanche dans la tourmente. Le président sortant et ses supporteurs ont-ils un avenir dans le paysage politique américain ? À l'occasion de l'inauguration de Joe Biden, 46e président américain, écoutez cet épisode bonus du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique". ► Résumé de l'épisode : Six janvier 2021, une date qui restera gravée dans l'histoire américaine. Plusieurs centaines de supporteurs de Donald Trump assiègent le Capitole, entraînant la mort de cinq personnes. Il faut remonter à 1814 pour trouver trace de pareil assaut contre le cœur de la démocratie - l'armée britannique y avait alors mis le feu. Aujourd'hui, c'est le parti républicain qui est en flamme, divisé face à une procédure de destitution visant le futur ex-président, accusé d'avoir encouragé l'émeute. Entre lancement de son propre média ou nouvelle candidature en 2024, quel est l'avenir de Donald Trump ? Qui portera ses idées dans l'arène politique après son départ le 20 janvier ? Alexis Buisson, correspondant de La Croix à New York, se penche sur l'influence future de Donald Trump et les héritiers du trumpisme avec Gabriel Scheinmann, directeur de l'Alexander Hamilton Society, une ONG basée à Washington dédiée aux relations internationales. ► À lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – Le crépuscule pathétique de la présidence Trump REPORTAGE – Washington en état de choc après l'attaque du Capitole ANALYSE – Aux États-Unis, le "trumpisme" survivra avec ou sans Trump  ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel d'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Charlotte Thomas-Hebert, doctorante à la Sorbonne ; Bernard Harcourt, professeur de droit à l'université Columbia ; Tristan Cabello, historien spécialiste des États-Unis à l'université Johns Hopkins ; Max Paul Friedman, professeur d'histoire et doyen par intérim à l'American University à Washington . ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. Chargée de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020.En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Avec ses premières nominations - qui doivent encore être validées par le Sénat -, Joe Biden affiche ses ambitions : constituer le gouvernement le plus divers de l'histoire des États-Unis. À l'occasion de l'inauguration du 46e président américain, écoutez cet épisode bonus du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique". ► Résumé de l'épisode : Première femme au Trésor, première Amérindienne au gouvernement, premier Afro-Américain responsable du Pentagone : son casting gouvernemental tranche avec celui de Donald Trump, qui faisait la part belle aux hommes blancs. S'y ajoute la vice-présidente élue Kamala Harris, première femme, mais également la première personne noire et asiatique, à occuper ce poste. Cette diversité au pouvoir est-elle un trompe-l'œil ? Qui sont les visages de ce nouveau gouvernement ? Alexis Buisson, correspondant de La Croix à New York, se penche sur les membres du gouvernement Joe Biden avec Tristan Cabello, historien spécialiste des États-Unis à l'université Johns Hopkins. ► À lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – L'équipe Biden-Harris, la diversité au pouvoir LES FAITS – États-Unis : Joe Biden appelle Pete Buttigieg au gouvernement PORTRAIT – Kamala Harris : la nouvelle Amérique féminine et multiraciale ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel d'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Charlotte Thomas-Hebert, doctorante à la Sorbonne ; Bernard Harcourt, professeur de droit à l'université Columbia ; Gabriel Scheinmann, directeur de l'Alexander Hamilton Society ; Max Paul Friedman, professeur d'histoire et doyen par intérim à l'American University à Washington  ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. Chargée de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Roger Cohen, a former columnist and current Paris bureau chief for The New York Times, longs for a return to decency - a moral shift away from a Trump Presidency characterized by retreat, self-obsession, and a lack of respect for truth or decency. He welcomes the tenor he anticipates President-elect Biden will bring to the White House, but cautions against a return to the status quo. Too much has changed that still threatens liberalism and the Western alliance. Also this hour: The Trump Administration is not happy that the FDA failed to approve a coronavirus vaccine before the UK did it first. The President's prior interference in FDA decisions led to public resistance against any vaccine they feared was tainted by politics. Are they doing it again? Lastly, there's a national run on Christmas trees this year akin to the run on toilet paper in the spring. Even people who don't usually purchase a real tree seem to want one this year. GUESTS: Roger Cohen runs the Paris bureau for The New York Times. He's also the author of several books, including his family memoir, "The Girl From Human Street: Ghosts of Memory in a Jewish Family." Dan Diamond investigates health care politics and policy for Politico. He co-authors “Politico Pulse,” and hosts Politico’s “Pulse Check” podcast. Kathy Kogut is president of the Connecticut Christmas Tree Growers Association Join the conversation on Facebook and Twitter. Support the show: http://www.wnpr.org/donateSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Si Joe Biden a gagné l'élection présidentielle américaine, Donald Trump a tout de même obtenu plus de 70 millions de voix. L'ère Trump, craint la romancière Claire Messud, n'est sans doute pas terminée. L'auteure de plusieurs romans à succès livre dans ce podcast sa vision des États-Unis et du rêve américain. ► Résumé de l'épisode : L'ère Trump touche-t-elle à son terme ou ne fait-elle que commencer ? Déclaré vainqueur de la présidentielle, samedi 7 novembre, Joe Biden doit être formellement investi à la tête des États-Unis le 20 janvier. L'équipe de campagne de Donald Trump cherche à contester les résultats provisoires de l'élection, mais peu de juristes considèrent que ses requêtes aboutiront. La performance des deux candidats a déjà été largement décortiquée, mais que dit-elle de l'état du pays aujourd'hui, en particulier le score très élevé obtenu par Donald Trump (plus de 70 millions de voix) ? Pour le dernier épisode de C'est ça l'Amérique, le correspondant de La Croix à New York Alexis Buisson a posé la question à l'écrivaine Claire Messud. Auteure de plusieurs romans à succès (Les Enfants de l'empereur, La Femme d'En Haut, La Fille qui brûle…), elle livre son regard de femme, d'Américaine et de "citoyenne du monde", sur cette élection pas comme les autres.  ► À lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – Aux États-Unis, le "trumpisme" survivra avec ou sans Trump LES FAITS – Présidentielle américaine : le pape François a félicité Joe Biden GRAND FORMAT – Broadway, 50 km et autant de visages du rêve américain CHRONIQUE – Les fissures de l'Empire ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel d'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Charlotte Thomas-Hebert, doctorante à la Sorbonne ; Bernard Harcourt, professeur de droit à l'université Columbia. ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis.  C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Quels seront les États clés des élections américaines du 3 novembre 2020 ? Peut-on s'attendre à des surprises ? Dans ce nouvel épisode de "C'est ça l'Amérique", Joel Benenson, l'ancien responsable de la stratégie de campagne d'Hillary Clinton en 2016, et conseiller au sein des campagnes victorieuses de Barack Obama en 2008 et 2012, explique comment les évolutions de populations dans certains États, les "swing states" peuvent faire basculer les élections. ► Résumé de l'épisode : Dans ce nouvel épisode de "C'est ça l'Amérique", il est question de stratégie. Dans le système politique américain, chaque État pèse un certain nombre de grands électeurs ("electors"), qui varie en fonction de la taille de sa population. La Floride en a 29, le Texas 38, la Californie 55 et New York 29, pour ne citer qu'eux. Le premier candidat qui arrive à 270 grands électeurs remporte la présidentielle. Pour arriver à cet objectif, il doit notamment s'imposer dans des "swing states", des États stratégiques dont les caractéristiques démographiques font qu'ils peuvent basculer dans un camp comme dans l'autre. Quels sont ces États clés de 2020 ? Quelles sont les surprises de cette année ? Interrogé par Alexis Buisson, correspondant de La Croix à New York, Joel Benenson répond à ces questions. L'ancien responsable de la stratégie de campagne d'Hillary Clinton en 2016 et conseiller au sein des campagnes victorieuses de Barack Obama en 2008 et 2012, analyse la situation de ces États qui feront le prochain président.  ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : EXPLICATIONS – Élection américaine 2020 : que sont les États clés (ou "swing states")  ? REPORTAGE – Les banlieues américaines, champs de bataille électorale EXPLICATIONS – Donald Trump et la Maison-Blanche face au Covid-19 ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Raphael Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa… Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; La politique internationale de Donald Trump ; Afro-américain, la lutte inachevée… ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason et Jérôme Chapuis. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Lors du débat face à Joe Biden le 29 septembre pour la présidentielle américaine, Donald Trump n'a pas condamné les Proud Boys, un groupe suprémaciste blanc. L'électorat blanc et masculin reste pour lui un soutien important. À la veille de la présidentielle américaine 2020, le sociologue Raphaël Liogier livre, dans ce cinquième épisode du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique", son analyse du mythe de l'homme blanc. ► Résumé de l'épisode : Ils sont omniprésents dans les meetings de Donald Trump, et à ses côtés dans les couloirs du pouvoir. Donnés pour déclinants en 2016 dans une société changeante, les hommes blancs ont fait leur retour sur le devant de la scène politique avec l'arrivée au pouvoir du milliardaire. Pourtant, les signes de leur mal-être se multiplient. Ils se suicident plus que la moyenne. Ils ont été très touchés par la crise des opiacés. Alors qu'ils sont considérés comme privilégiés, les plus pauvres d'entre eux doutent de leur position dans ce pays qui leur ressemble de moins en moins. Ce sentiment de déclassement correspond-t-il à une réalité ? Quel regard les Blancs peu ou pas diplômés, pauvres ou riches, portent sur Donald Trump ? Ces questions sous-tendent une grande partie des débats politiques actuels aux États-Unis, explique le sociologue Raphaël Liogier, professeur à Sciences Po Aix et professeur invité à Columbia University. Il est l'auteur de Descente au cœur du mâle : De quoi #MeToo est-il le nom ? (Ed. Les liens qui libèrent). ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : LES FAITS – Ce qu'il faut retenir du débat entre Joe Biden et Donald Trump ENTRETIEN – Les États-Unis sont-ils prêts à lutter contre les suprémacistes blancs ? REPORTAGE – Portland, une ville « bobo » dans la tourmente de la présidentielle américaine ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa… Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; La politique internationale de Donald Trump ; Afro-américain, la lutte inachevée… ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. À la veille de la présidentielle américaine 2020, Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times, pose un regard critique sur la politique étrangère de Donald Trump qui a bouleversé les relations internationales. Écoutez le quatrième épisode du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique". ► Résumé de l'épisode : "America First". Cette expression, qui se traduit par "l'Amérique d'abord" ou "l'Amérique en premier", est le nom donné à  la politique étrangère de Donald Trump.  Entre les guerres commerciales, le déplacement de l'ambassade américaine à Jérusalem, la remise en question du fonctionnement de l'OTAN et de plusieurs accords internationaux, les quatre années de présidence de Donald Trump ont été marquées par de nombreuses ruptures. Y a-t-il une doctrine Trump en politique internationale ?  Sa politique étrangère peut-elle avoir des effets positifs ?  Pour ce nouvel épisode de C'est ça l'Amérique, à la veille de l'élection présidentielle américaine, Roger Cohen, éditorialiste de renom au New York Times et spécialiste des questions de politique étrangère, donne son regard critique sur la politique internationale du président Trump.  Né en Angleterre et naturalisé américain, il fut correspondant dans plusieurs pays et régions (Croatie, France, Italie…) et nommé responsable par intérim de la rubrique internationale du quotidien américain le 11 septembre 2001 avant d'être nommé de manière permanente six mois plus tard. ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : EXPLICATION – Trump et l'étranger : la rhétorique du chacun pour soi LES FAITS – Donald Trump sanctionne la Cour pénale internationale ANALYSE – Présidentielle américaine : Donald Trump se pose en unique rempart contre le chaos et la Chine ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Célia Belin, chercheuse à la Brookings Institution ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa… Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; L'homme blanc, un mythe en péril ; Afro-américain, la lutte inachevée… ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Deux mois avant la présidentielle américaine, les démocrates montrent leur unité face à Donald Trump, même si le candidat Joe Biden, homme blanc âgé qui connaît les arcanes du pouvoir, ne semble pas incarner les revendications progressistes de son parti. Ecoutez l'analyse de la chercheuse Célia Belin dans ce troisième épisode du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique". ► Résumé de l'épisode : 8 novembre 2016. Contre toute attente, Hillary Clinton est battue par Donald Trump. L'Amérique de gauche est sous le choc. Une introspection en profondeur commence. Petit à petit, le Parti démocrate se remet en ordre de bataille. Il reconquiert la Chambre des Représentants à l'issue des élections de mi-mandat ("midterms") de 2018. Peut-il continuer sur sa lancée pour reprendre la Maison-Blanche le 3 novembre ? Pourquoi vire-t-il vers la gauche ? Comment expliquer que ce parti très divers sur le plan racial s'est choisi un homme blanc âgé pour le représenter face à Donald Trump ? Dans ce nouvel épisode de "C'est ça l'Amérique", Célia Belin, chercheuse invitée à la Brookings Institution à Washington et auteure de "Des démocrates en Amérique : l'heure des choix face à Trump", explique l'évolution du parti démocrate et les raisons du choix de Joe Biden pour battre Donald Trump. ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – Pour unir le parti, Joe Biden a viré sur sa gauche EXPLICATION – Joe Biden promet d'en finir avec les divisions pour sauver "l'âme de l'Amérique" PORTRAIT – Avec Kamala Harris, le parti démocrate consacre les femmes noires ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa… Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; L'homme blanc, un mythe en péril ; Afro-américain, la lutte inachevée… ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. Alors que le policier Derek Chauvin et trois de ses collègues comparaissent vendredi 11 septembre devant la justice pour leur responsabilité dans la mort de Georges Floyd, les manifestations contre les violences racistes se poursuivent. Claude Grunitzky, fondateur du magazine transculturel "Trace", témoigne de la volonté des Afro-Américains à s'attaquer aux racines du racisme aux États-Unis.  À la veille de la présidentielle 2020, écoutez le deuxième épisode du podcast "C'est ça l'Amérique".  ► Résumé de l'épisode : Les États-Unis se souviendront longtemps du nom de George Floyd. La mort de cet Afro-Américain de Minneapolis, tué fin mai 2020 par Derek Chauvin, un officier de police blanc qui s'est agenouillé sur son cou, a déclenché une vague sans précédent de manifestations contre la violence policière et le racisme systémique. Depuis, la colère n'est pas retombée. D'autres noms (Jacob Blake dans le Wisconsin, Daniel Prude dans l'État de New York…) sont venus s'ajouter à la longue liste des victimes noires de la police. Ces  tragédies ont révélé le sentiment d'injustice profond que ressent la communauté afro-américaine dont le quotidien est encore affecté par l'héritage raciste de l'histoire des Etats-Unis.  Que signifie être noir américain en 2020, à la veille de l'élection présidentielle ? Comment comprendre la mobilisation des Blancs américains dans ces manifestations anti-racistes ? Qu'en est-il des relations raciales aux États-Unis ?  Pour en parler, Alexis Buisson, correspondant de La Croix à New York, s'est entretenu avec Claude Grunitzky. Ce journaliste entrepreneur à succès, champion du concept de "transculturalisme", est le fondateur de TRUE Africa, une plateforme dédiée à la jeunesse africaine. Il vit à New York. ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – Mort de George Floyd : le cri de l'Amérique noire REPORTAGE – Aux États-Unis, la colère fédère la jeunesse PORTRAIT – Affaire Floyd : un procureur général démocrate, noir et musulman en charge des poursuites ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council.  Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; L'homme blanc, un mythe en péril ; Joe Biden président ? Le paradoxe démocrate… ► Prochain épisode : Joe Biden président ? Le paradoxe démocrate Pour Célia Belin, politologue et auteur de Des démocrates en Amérique : l'heure des choix face à Trump (Ed. Fayard), la présidence de son opposant Donald Trump a fait l'effet d'un électrochoc au parti démocrate qui était resté traumatisé par la défaite d'Hillary Clinton. Aujourd'hui, il fédère les forces progressistes et les partisans d'un centrisme incarné par Joe Biden. ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

Le podcast de LA CROIX sur l'Amérique de Donald Trump. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance–Columbia et French Morning. À la veille de la présidentielle américaine 2020, Benjamin Haddad, membre du think tank Atlantic Council à Washington, explique comment Donald Trump a transformé le parti républicain et quelles sont les divergences au sein du parti conservateur. ► Résumé de l'épisode : Entre élus soumis et militants comblés, Donald Trump a profondément transformé le "Grand Old Party" (GOP), famille politique d'Abraham Lincoln. Pourquoi ce président impopulaire dans l'opinion jouit-il toujours d'un soutien immense chez les sympathisants ? En cas d'échec, qui pourrait lui succéder ? À la veille de l'élection présidentielle américaine, Alexis Buisson, le correspondant de La Croix aux Etats-Unis, a posé ces questions à Benjamin Haddad, directeur du programme Future Europe Initiative au sein du think tank The Atlantic Council, à Washington. Également auteur de Le paradis perdu (Ed. Grasset), Benjamin Haddad explique comment la figure de Donald Trump fédère aujourd'hui le parti républicain, même si sa défaite pourrait faire resurgir les divergences politiques au sein du parti conservateur. ► A lire aussi sur le site et l'application du quotidien La Croix : ANALYSE – Deux mois avant l'élection, Donald Trump poursuit sa stratégie de la tension FAITS – Le cardinal Dolan priera lors de la convention du Parti républicain PORTRAIT – John Kasich, un républicain à la convention démocrate ► Autres sujets et personnalités reçues dans "C'est ça l'Amérique" : Joseph Stiglitz, prix Nobel de l'économie ; Joel Benenson, stratège des campagnes de Barack Obama et d'Hillary Clinton ; Roger Cohen, éditorialiste au New York Times ; Raphaël Liogier, sociologue et philosophe ; Claude Grunitzky, journaliste fondateur de la plateforme média True Africa… Parmi les sujets abordés : Les États qui font l'élection ; L'homme blanc, un mythe en péril ; Afro-américains, la lutte inachevée… ► Prochain épisode : Afro-Américains, combattre le racisme aux racines Alors que le policier Derek Chauvin et trois de ses collègues comparaissent  vendredi 11 septembre devant la justice pour leur responsabilité dans la mort de Georges Floyd, les manifestations contre les violences racistes se poursuivent. Claude Grunitzky, fondateur du magazine transculturel  "Trace", témoigne de la volonté des Afro-Américains à s'attaquer aux racines du racisme aux États-Unis. ► Retrouvez sur le site de La Croix notre dossier spécial Élection présidentielle américaine 2020. CREDITS : Responsable éditorial : Christophe de Galzain. Interview, prise de son et montage : Alexis Buisson. Suivi de production : Célestine Albert-Steward. Création musicale et habillage sonore : Emmanuel Viau. Mixage : Stéphane Letur. Voix : Laurence Szabason. Identité graphique : Olivier Balez. Rédaction en chef : Jérôme Chapuis. C'est ça l'Amérique est un podcast original de LA CROIX - septembre 2020. En partenariat avec le programme Alliance – Columbia et ses partenaires (Sciences-Po, Polytechnique, La Sorbonne), et French Morning, le premier web magazine des Français d'Amérique.

This week on The Op-Ed Page with Elisa Camahort Page 1. Pandemic Perspective California's COVID19 programs: https://www.gov.ca.gov/california-takes-action-to-combat-covid-19/ https://www.californiavolunteers.ca.gov/get-involved/covid-19// https://covid19.ca.gov/ Newport Beach and its beaches: https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020-04-28/newport-beach-council-votes-to-keep-beaches-open-despite-crowds-and-rebuke-from-newsom 2. Mega Quick Takes: Mentioned: Operation Gratitude: https://twitter.com/OpGratitude/ I Forgive You, New York by Roger Cohen: https://www.nytimes.com/2020/04/24/podcasts/the-daily/poem-new-york-city-virus.html Kelly Erb on being angry that her mom is considered expendable by some: https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10158308962353156 Prepare for the Ultimate Gaslighting by Julio Vincent Gambuto: https://forge.medium.com/prepare-for-the-ultimate-gaslighting-6a8ce3f0a0e0 NatGeo on your vivid pandemic dreams: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/2020/04/coronavirus-pandemic-is-giving-people-vivid-unusual-dreams-here-is-why/ Debunking that video of two Bakersfield urgent care center doctor/operators saying we've all got it, and it's totally totally cool, let's "open it up.": Wonkette: https://www.wonkette.com/if-your-dumbass-maga-uncle-watched-tucker-carlson-last-night-you-need-to-read-this Carl Bergstrom Twitter thread: https://twitter.com/ct_bergstrom/status/1254481543759683584?s=21 American College of Emergency Physicians and American Academy of Emergency Medicne joint statement: https://www.facebook.com/ACEPFan/photos/a.109462266177/10158740846331178/?type=3 Sarah Michelle Gellar's Instagram for #Quarantips: https://www.instagram.com/sarahmgellar/ AND, join me for Quarantine Book Club this Friday May 1 at 5PM PT, brought to you by Mule Design Studios: https://www.eventbrite.com/e/quarantine-book-club-elisa-camahort-page-tickets-103471648486 Thanks to my podcast host Messy.fm 20% off affiliate link: https://vrlps.co/70Ie461/cp Thanks to Ryan Cristopher for my podcast music: https://music.apple.com/us/artist/ryan-cristopher/1479898729 Social media handles: Twitter: @ElisaC @OpEdPagePodcast Insta: @ElisaCP Web: elisacp.com Please share, subscribe, rate and review!!