Podcast appearances and mentions of hugo chavez

The United States continues to squeeze and isolate the Venezuelan regime led by Nicolas Maduro with another oil tanker being seized, steady military action against narco-terrorist drug boats, and the recent daring extraction of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Both Russia and China tight relationship with Venezuela dates back to the reign of Hugo Chavez, but now Turkish relations with Venezuela have become a major source of support for the Maduro regime. Turkey being a NATO member while supporting Maduro seems raise some eyebrows but why are they so committed to any sort of investment into Venezuela. FOX's Eben Brown speaks with Dr. Sinan Ciddi, senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies and Director of the Turkey program, who says the tightening relations between Turkey and Venezuela needs to monitored more closely, and he breaks down what the two countries are getting from each other. Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The United States continues to squeeze and isolate the Venezuelan regime led by Nicolas Maduro with another oil tanker being seized, steady military action against narco-terrorist drug boats, and the recent daring extraction of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Both Russia and China tight relationship with Venezuela dates back to the reign of Hugo Chavez, but now Turkish relations with Venezuela have become a major source of support for the Maduro regime. Turkey being a NATO member while supporting Maduro seems raise some eyebrows but why are they so committed to any sort of investment into Venezuela. FOX's Eben Brown speaks with Dr. Sinan Ciddi, senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies and Director of the Turkey program, who says the tightening relations between Turkey and Venezuela needs to monitored more closely, and he breaks down what the two countries are getting from each other. Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The United States continues to squeeze and isolate the Venezuelan regime led by Nicolas Maduro with another oil tanker being seized, steady military action against narco-terrorist drug boats, and the recent daring extraction of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Both Russia and China tight relationship with Venezuela dates back to the reign of Hugo Chavez, but now Turkish relations with Venezuela have become a major source of support for the Maduro regime. Turkey being a NATO member while supporting Maduro seems raise some eyebrows but why are they so committed to any sort of investment into Venezuela. FOX's Eben Brown speaks with Dr. Sinan Ciddi, senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies and Director of the Turkey program, who says the tightening relations between Turkey and Venezuela needs to monitored more closely, and he breaks down what the two countries are getting from each other. Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Even within the already brutal record of the Trump administration, the escalating threats of military intervention and extrajudicial killings of civilians in Venezuela stand out as a disturbing return to the most repressive eras of U.S. imperialism. As of this recording, 99 civilians have been assassinated, while the United States has begun amassing thousands of troops and warships in the Caribbean and has ordered a blockade of Venezuela's oil industry. Earlier this month, Trump released a new National Security Strategy announcing a so-called “Trump Corollary,” which asserts a U.S. right to revive the Monroe Doctrine in order to “restore American preeminence in the Western Hemisphere and protect our homeland and access to key geographies throughout the region.” This military imperialism, and the continued perpetuation of war crimes, must clearly be rejected unequivocally. And at the same time, I side with my Venezuelan friends and comrades in recognizing that the fact that Maduro appears to be the target of an US intervention does not erase the profound violence that his regime has waged upon Venezuelans. This violence has been used not only against Opposition activists, who have been murdered, tortured or imprisoned in the dozens over the last 10 years, but also against the labor movement whose rights to collective bargaining and striking have effectively been abolished. It has also been used against indigenous activists resisting extractivist projects in Perijá and the Gran Sabana, and youth in the barrios executed by police in the hundreds. Our episode today speaks about a different political moment:  when, around fifteen years ago, Venezuela was the site of an incredible experiment in participatory democracy, simultaneously pushed from above and from below, that generated such a strong consensus that even sectors of the Opposition were drawn into participating.I interview Gabriel Hetland, associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany, who explores the conditions for leftist hegemony in his book Democracy on the Ground: Local Politics in Latin America's Left Turn. While the book is a comparison between Venezuela and Bolivia, we primarily focus on Venezuela, observing participatory reform in cities governed by the Left and Right. The Venezuelan city ruled by the left, Torres, was lauded as “the most democratic city in the world”, dedicating its entire investment budget to a radical and inspiring participatory budgeting effort. But surprisingly, Sucre – a city ruled by the right opposition – also undertook a similar participatory reform, leading Gabriel to argue that for a while, Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution – led by Hugo Chavez – managed to consolidate hegemony: when the ruling political force forces its opponents to play the game of politics on its terrain, in this case, the terrain of popular power. Just this week, the far-right won Chile's presidential elections, joining Argentina's Milei, and similar right-wing shifts in Ecuador and Bolivia, joining the rise of the right in the United States and Europe. In a moment of an appearing right-wing hegemony, it is more important than ever to insist upon the conditions not only for leftist resistance, but also the construction of alternative hegemonies. Gabriel's clear-eyed analysis, which draws from Gramscian theory but also a very rich ethnographic field work of over two years, shows the potential as well as the contradictions in populist politics, and has lessons for building democracy on the ground in this moment in which it is so sorely needed. Gabriel Hetland is associate professor of Latin American Studies and Sociology at SUNY Albany. He has written extensively about politics and social movements in Latin America and the US for scholarly and popular outlets including The Washington Post, The Guardian, The Nation, Jacobin, and elsewhere.

We discuss the 2003 failed coup of Venezuela's left wing then-president Hugo Chavez. FULL EP AT PATREON.COM/PODDAMNAMERICA

SHOW 12-18-25 THE SHOW BEGINS IN DOUBTS ABOUT THE POTUS AT YEAR'S END... 1951 BALD EAGLE ALASKA CRUNCH EU SUMMIT DISCUSSES USING FROZEN RUSSIAN ASSETS FOR UKRAINE Colleague Anatol Lieven. The European Union is internally divided over seizing frozen Russian assets to fund Ukraine's war effort and reconstruction, a move requiring rule changes that some members resist. While the US proposes using these funds for post-war rebuilding, current plans risk spending the capital on immediate warfare, potentially undermining international financial trust. NUMBER 1 NATO AND EU SEEK DEFENSE FUNDS AMID FEARS OF RUSSIAN AGGRESSION Colleague Anatol Lieven. European nations like Finland are demanding funds to counter perceived Russian threats, despite a lack of historical aggression toward them. Lieven argues that plans to spend billions on tanks are misguided, as the Ukraine war demonstrates that expensive armor is easily destroyed by cheaper drones and defensive lines. NUMBER 2 CALIFORNIA JOB LOSSES AND CHINA'S ECONOMIC SLOWDOWN AMID RETAIL SEASON Colleague Chris Riegel. California's new wage mandates have triggered significant job losses in the fast-food sector, forcing operators to move to lower-tax states. Internationally, while China boasts of leads in AI and EVs, these sectors rely on unsustainable subsidies, masking a deep consumer recession and deflation in the property market. NUMBER 3 SPAIN'S GOVERNMENT MAINTAINS TIES WITH VENEZUELA DESPITE OPPOSITION Colleague Mary Anastasia O'Grady. The Spanish government under Pedro Sanchez maintains ideological and economic alliances with the Maduro regime, prioritizing political agendas over democratic ideals. Opposition figure Cayetana Alvarez de Toledo accuses former Prime Minister Zapatero of acting as an international agent for Maduro, facilitating the dictatorship's survival despite mass migration. NUMBER 4 CHINA'S SURREPTITIOUS SUPPORT KEEPS THE MADURO REGIME AFLOAT Colleague Professor Evan Ellis. China sustains the Maduro regime through loans, surveillance technology, and military equipment while bypassing sanctions to import Venezuelan oil. The state oil company, PDVSA, collapsed due to the purging of technical experts and lack of investment, forcing Venezuela to rely on Iranian engineers to maintain minimal production. NUMBER 5 VENEZUELA'S TRAGIC DECLINE FROM PROSPERITY TO AUTHORITARIANISM Colleague Professor Evan Ellis. Historical imagery reveals Venezuela's transformation from a prosperous, modern nation in the 1950s to a ruined state today. Deep inequality and corruption in the pre-Chavez era alienated the poor, allowing Hugo Chavez to capitalize on their frustration and dismantle the free market system, leading to the current crisis. NUMBER 6 ELECTIONS IN CHILE, PERU, AND HONDURAS SIGNAL REGIONAL SHIFTS Colleague Professor Evan Ellis. In Chile, José Antonio Kast's rise reflects a rejection of progressive policies and crime, favoring order and investment. Meanwhile, Peru faces political fragmentation and violence, Honduras struggles with electoral disputes, and Costa Rica appears poised to elect a pro-US candidate who aims to limit Chinese influence. NUMBER 7 ARGENTINA'S CREDIT RATING RISES AS BRAZIL FACES POLITICAL POLARIZATION Colleague Professor Evan Ellis. S&P upgraded Argentina's credit rating following Javier Milei's austerity measures, which have stabilized the currency and reduced inflation despite social costs. In Brazil, the reduction of Jair Bolsonaro's prison sentence and his son Flavio's candidacy signal a continued, polarized struggle against Lula da Silva's agenda for the 2026 election. NUMBER 8 ROMAN KINGSHIP: FROM CITIZEN SELECTION TO THE IDEAL OF SERVICE Colleague Professor Edward J. Watts. Early Roman kings were selected by citizens based on merit rather than heredity, but figures like Servius Tullius began bypassing this consent. Conversely, Cincinnatus exemplifies the Roman ideal of service; he accepted absolute dictatorial power to save the state during a crisis, then immediately resigned to return to his farm. NUMBER 9 APPIUS CLAUDIUS CAECUS: INFRASTRUCTURE AND POLITICAL GENIUS Colleague Professor Edward J. Watts. Appius Claudius Caecus transformed the Roman censorship office into a power base by building the Appian Way and appointing wealthy Italians to the Senate. As a blind elder statesman, he shamed the Senate into rejecting peace with Pyrrhus, insisting Rome must fight to maintain its dominance and ancestral legacy. NUMBER 10 ROME VS. CARTHAGE: DESTINY, TRAGEDY, AND THE CONSENSUS FOR WAR Colleague Professor Edward J. Watts. The conflict between Rome and Carthage is symbolized by the tragedy of Dido, representing the incompatibility of their powers. Despite Hannibal's devastating victories, the Roman Republic prevailed through a political system that prioritized consensus and collective sacrifice, allowing them to endure immense losses without surrendering. NUMBER 11 THE GRACCHI BROTHERS AND THE RISE OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN ROME Colleague Professor Edward J. Watts. The Gracchi brothers introduced political violence to Rome, with Tiberius using populism to revive his career and Gaius acting as a true believer in reform. Their assassinations by the Senate marked a departure from peaceful republican norms, as the elite used violence to protect entrenched economic inequality. NUMBER 12 DISCOVERY OF GIANT RADIO GALAXIES AND SUPERMASSIVE BLACK HOLES Colleague Dr. Sabayashi Pal. Astronomers have discovered 53 giant radio galaxies, some 75 times larger than the Milky Way, powered by active supermassive black holes emitting radio jets. These ancient objects offer insights into galactic evolution, contrasting sharply with the Milky Way's smaller, dormant black hole that allows life to exist safely. NUMBER 13 INVESTING IN HUMAN INTELLECT OVER ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE Colleague Dr. Sabayashi Pal. Given an unlimited budget, Dr. Pal would prioritize human resource development over new telescopes, proposing a space study institute in Africa to train experts. He argues that while AI is a useful tool, education is essential for humans to interpret data and appreciate the machinery rather than being replaced by it. NUMBER 14 EUROPE SCROUNGES FOR FUNDS AMID RUSSIAN ASSET DISPUTES Colleague Michael Bernstam. The UK threatens to seize proceeds from the sale of Chelsea FC for Ukraine aid, while the EU struggles to finance a $135 billion shortfall for Kyiv. European leaders propose leveraging frozen Russian assets for loans, but financial markets remain skeptical of the EU's ability to guarantee such debt. NUMBER 15 CONGRESSIONAL SPENDING AND THE REVERSE MIDAS TOUCH Colleagues Dave Hebert and Peter Earle. Hebert and Earle argue that Congressional spending exacerbates problems in education and healthcare by subsidizing demand while restricting supply through regulations. They contend politicians prefer "showy" supply-side interventions, like drug busts, over effective policies because the politics of appearing effective outweigh the economics of actual affordability. NUMBER 16

VENEZUELA'S TRAGIC DECLINE FROM PROSPERITY TO AUTHORITARIANISM Colleague Professor Evan Ellis. Historical imagery reveals Venezuela's transformation from a prosperous, modern nation in the 1950s to a ruined state today. Deep inequality and corruption in the pre-Chavez era alienated the poor, allowing Hugo Chavez to capitalize on their frustration and dismantle the free market system, leading to the current crisis. NUMBER 6 1948 CARACAS

PREVIEW Guest: Professor Evan Ellis Summary: Professor Ellis discusses Venezuela's tragic fall from 1950s oil wealth to current dysfunction, attributing it to the "resource curse" and corruption. He explains how Hugo Chavezappealed to the forgotten poor to dismantle free markets and establish a criminal state involved in drug trafficking and illegal mining. 1958 CARACAS ATTACKING NIXON

Rubén Arranz desglosa la carta que el exmilitar ha escrito a Trump señalando al Cartel de los Soles y el control electoral para asegurar el poder

Dr James Loxton on how modern democracies can crumble as tyrannical leaders take hold, but also how freedom and democracy can rise again, from the Americas to Europe and into Asia.James grew up in stable Canada, where he spent his summers herding sheep in the middle of forest plantations.As a teenager, he hatched a plan to escape his "rough as guts" bush town and the life of a shepherd, moving to India on his own to finish high school.At an international school in Maharashtra, James' classmates taught him about the world outside of democratic Canada, and he became fascinated by military dictatorships and guerilla insurgencies. Later on, years of living in Latin America showed him firsthand how dictators operated, how they are feared and hated, but also revered and loved by some of the people they control.Now James, and many other political scientists, have their eyes turned to America, watching closely to see how the world's most powerful democracy is changing right before our eyes.Authoritarianism: A Very Short Introduction is published by Oxford University Press.This episode of Conversations was produced by Meggie Morris, executive producer is Nicola Harrison.It explores Donald Trump, Putin, USA, regime, dictators, ICE, Clinton, Epstein, politics, democracy, Chilean presidential election, Russia, China, Taiwan, Philippines, government, globalisation, Latin American politics, Whitlam, dismissal, divisive politics, left versus right, parliamentary versus presidential forms of government, united kingdom, British colonies, Javier Milei, Venezuela, Argentina, Nicaragua, Daniel Ortega, Hugo Chavez, Maduro, elitism, drain the swamp, populism, power for the people, tariffs, Peru, Cuba, straw man, Stalin, Hitler, competitive authoritarianism, substance abuse, addiction, alcoholism, alcoholic mothers, homelessness, losing a mother.To binge even more great episodes of the Conversations podcast with Richard Fidler and Sarah Kanowski go the ABC listen app (Australia) or wherever you get your podcasts. There you'll find hundreds of the best thought-provoking interviews with authors, writers, artists, politicians, psychologists, musicians, and celebrities.

It's Friday, October 24th, A.D. 2025. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Adam McManus Spanish priest acquitted on hate crime charges for criticizing radical Islam A Spanish Catholic priest who was facing three years in prison for making critical remarks about radical Islam nearly a decade ago has been acquitted, reports The Christian Post. The advocacy organization Abogados Cristianos announced in an X post last Friday that “The Malaga Court [acquitted] Pastor Custodio [Ballester], prosecuted for criticizing Islam: there is no hate crime.” In 2016, Ballester was charged with saying, “Islam does not allow for dialogue. You either believe or you are an infidel who must be subdued one way or another.” The Rev. Franklin Graham praised Ballester's acquittal as “good news” in an X post on Monday.  A report published last month by the Spanish Observatory for Religious Freedom and Conscience found that 69% of the attacks were directed at Christians, while instances of antisemitism grew by 38% compared to 2023 and had increased by 867% since 2022. Senator Schumer's shutdown flip flop, afraid of an AOC challenge Democratic Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Minority Leader of the U.S. Senate, has historically opposed government shutdowns. He opposed a shutdown on October 16, 2013. SCHUMER: “What if I persuaded my caucus to say I'm going to shut the government down. I'm going to not pay our bills unless I get my way. It's a politics of idiocy, of confrontation, of paralysis.” Then, Senator Schumer opposed a government shutdown on January 25, 2019. SCHUMER: “Shutting down government over a policy difference is self-defeating. We can never hold American workers hostage again.” And, as recently as March 13th of this year, Senator Schumer opposed a government shutdown then. SCHUMER:  “While the [Continuing Resolution] bill is very bad, the potential for a shutdown has consequences for America that are much, much worse. Therefore, I will vote to keep the government open and not shut it down.” But now, Democratic Senator Schumer is leading the fight for the government shutdown, driven by the AOC/Sanders wing of his party. Listen to CNN's John Berman's introduction of his recent appearance. BERMAN: “Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, who joins us now from Capitol Hill. Senator, I was saying that every Republican who's gone on TV the last, what nine hours or so, has called this the ‘Schumer Shutdown.” Later, Berman said this. BERMAN: “Everyone in Congress right now, on the Republican side, is really pointing the finger squarely at you personally. And one of the things they're saying is, this is about politics in New York, that you might face a primary from Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.” In fact, Republican Senator John Kennedy of Louisiana said as much. KENNEDY: “Senator Schumer, his relationship with the truth is very casual. The truth is that this is a political shutdown. Senator Schumer is nervous as a pregnant nun about losing his re-election to the socialist wing of his party led by Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez, which is in control. “Now, we will eventually come out of this shutdown. Here's how I think it will happen. Senator Schumer is a smart man. He's been around a long time. His first car was a chariot. Washington is all he's ever known his entire life. He knows he's on shaky ground here in terms of policy. “So, here's how I think it'll end. Schumer will go to six or eight of his colleagues, Democrats of course, and say, ‘I want you to vote to lift the shutdown.' He'll say, ‘I can't vote with you. I've got to appear to be tough. I may even have to criticize you, but' -- wink wink, nod nod – ‘I'm trying to make the loon wing of the party love me, but you bail me out here.' But he's got to be careful with that, because he doesn't want it to look like a mutiny, because then he looks even weaker.” CA teacher to ICE: “They are not the only ones with guns in this city.” The Department of Homeland Security will refer a California teacher for a possible criminal probe after he made threatening comments toward immigration officials, reports WorldNetDaily.com. Listen to Los Angeles Unified School District history teacher Ron Gochez. GOCHEZ: “Don't forget where you're standing. This is South Central Los Angeles. They are not the only ones with guns in this city. They're not the only ones that don't forget that. And I don't say that because we're calling it for violence. I'm saying that because the people have every right to defend themselves against masked, unidentified gunmen with AR-15s and other military rifles.” Gochez founded the Los Angeles chapter of Union del Barrio—a revolutionary socialist movement that demands an end to capitalism and open borders from Alaska to Chile. The group sees communist dictators like Fidel Castro, Hugo Chavez, and Che Guevara as heroes. DHS spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin said that the teacher's comments endanger ICE agents' lives. New Bible story book injects sexual perversion, gender confusion, and woke ideology And finally, a new children's book of Bible stories claims that the Bible has "made-up" stories and events in its pages, drawing criticism from Focus on the Family, reports The Christian Post. The Just Love Story Bible, authored by Rev. Dr. Jacqui Lewis and Rev. Dr. Shannon Harris, reimagines 52 stories from the Old and New Testaments, weaving in sexual perversion, gender confusion, and woke ideology. For them, the Bible is not authoritative; they are. In the book's introduction to Genesis, the woke authors, who are part of the leftist Presbyterian Church (USA), write, "Some of the stories had made-up characters and events. Others were about real people and things that really happened." Harris, an associate dean at Auburn Theological Seminary in New York City, explained her motivation behind the project at a Q&A event for the book in September. HARRIS: “I wanted to do this project with Jackie, because when my kids were little, it was really hard to find a children's Bible that I didn't feel like I had to change some of the words. Like there might be stories that talked about God, like God was a boy (laughing) and only used kind of male language for God. Or they might tell a story, but they wouldn't tell enough about the story to understand whether it was about a made-up character or a real person.” Later, to the audience of parents and young children, she read an excerpt from her woke Just Love Story Bible in which she reinterpreted the plagues and other punishments that God had sent to get Pharoah's attention or the attention of His chosen people, the Jews. HARRIS: “Four natural disasters, one after the other. Well, the prophet and the people thought they were to blame. They thought that the disasters were God's way of punishing them. They didn't know that when bad things happen, like swarms of bugs, floods, earthquakes or tornadoes, it's not God's punishment, but it's easy to worry when bad things happen, to feel like God's angry at you, even when that's not true.” Inspired by the Joel 2:28 passage, Harris also imagined what a young person might envision. HARRIS: “So what did the young people prophesy back then? Perhaps one of them bravely announced to the prophets, priests and people: ‘I don't believe that our loving God sends terrible things to teach us a lesson.'” In an op-ed published by Focus on the Family's news arm, Daily Citizen, Paul Batura warned families about The Just Love Story Bible. He said, "[T]he motives of the authors appear broader and far more dangerous than merely trumpeting diversity. They also want to sow seeds of doubt in children's minds that the events depicted in the Bible are literally true, including the Resurrection.” He added, "Questioning the accuracy and authority of the Bible is hardly a new exercise, but so blatantly and openly selling such a heretical interpretation of God's Word to children undermines God's sacred Word in a particularly dangerous and destructive way." Indeed, 2 Timothy 4:3-4 says, “For a time is coming when people will not endure sound teaching, but having itching ears they will accumulate for themselves teachers to suit their own passions, and will turn away from listening to the truth and wander off into myths."  Close And that's The Worldview on this Friday, October 24th, in the year of our Lord 2025. Follow us on X or subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, Chuck looks at new polling showing just how unsettled Americans feel heading into yet another potential government shutdown. With 93% of the country agreeing that political violence is a problem and a majority believing we're in a full-blown political crisis, partisanship has hardened to the point where disagreement itself is seen as betrayal. Chuck traces how government shutdowns—once unheard of before 1980—became a recurring political weapon, thanks to Justice Department rulings, congressional maneuvering, and laws that reduced the political pain by exempting things like military pay and Social Security. The result: contractors left stranded, bipartisanship all but eliminated, and a system designed to fail.Then, veteran journalist for The Economist, James Bennet joins Chuck to break down Donald Trump's scathing U.N. speech and what it reveals about his worldview: not isolationist, but relentlessly self-centered, with his personal interest framed as national interest. Bennet warns that Trump's grip on power is existential for him and his administration, and if institutions like the Supreme Court allow unchecked presidential firings, the rule of law itself could unravel. From the Cold War's stabilizing influence to the fractures of today's four-party system crammed into two, Bennet and Chuck explore whether America can navigate its political turmoil without mass violence, and how drone warfare, refugee flows, and the collapse of the international rules-based order are reshaping global politics.The conversation also turns inward, examining how journalism has struggled to adapt in the Trump era. Bennet reflects on writing for international audiences, the dangers of catering to niche media bubbles, and why legacy outlets must rediscover local reporting. He argues that deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake that accelerated the collapse of resistance, while public pressure against platforming controversial voices continues to erode open debate. From Biden's misunderstood mandate to the Senate's paralysis and the rise of cult-of-personality politics, this episode considers what reforms will be necessary both in government and in journalism.Finally, Chuck takes a trip in the ToddCast Time Machine to 1974, when congress gave the Freedom of Information Act teeth, plus answers listeners' questions in the “Ask Chuck” segment.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 Introduction 06:00 New polling out leading into potential government shutdown07:00 93% of the country believe political violence is a problem08:00 Majority of the country believes we're in a “political crisis”09:00 Democrats less likely to talk politics across the aisle10:30 Partisans believe you're on “the other side'' if you don't agree with them12:45 People need to feel secure in having political debate14:00 Independent voters are disenfranchised relative to D & R voters16:15 Before 1980 America never had a government shutdown17:30 Two Justice Department opinions created the legal basis for shutdowns20:00 Government shutdown threats are now an annual occurrence21:15 Two laws passed to make political cost of a shutdown less painful22:45 Exemptions for military pay and social security make shutdowns easier23:45 Proposals for automatic government funding haven't passed26:15 Government contractors can't work under shutdowns or CR's27:30 Politicians deliberately created the conditions that lead to shutdowns28:45 Congressional leadership wanted to create artificial leverage30:00 The incentive structures for bipartisan compromise are gone32:30 Congress had the power to deal with shutdowns and didn't35:00 James Bennet joins the Chuck ToddCast 36:30 Trump scolds other nations in scathing U.N. speech 37:30 Trump behaved like Hugo Chavez in U.N. speech 38:45 Trump is not an isolationist, but it's all centered around him 39:30 Trump sees his interest as the national interest 41:15 How alarmed should we be? 42:15 Things have gotten pretty dark in the past two weeks 43:00 Staying in power is existential for Trump & his administration 44:30 If you lose the rule of law, you lose the country 45:15 If SCOTUS allows fed firing, there's no going back 46:00 John Roberts desperate to avoid constitutional showdown 47:30 Government will require major reform after Trump 50:00 The cold war was a stabilizing force in American politics 52:00 America is a four party system crammed into two parties 54:00 Public sentiment has been pessimistic the entire 21st century 55:45 Can we get through this without mass violence? 57:30 It's hard to imagine a productive modern constitutional convention 59:00 The last "protectionist race" led to a world war 1:00:15 We're no longer living in the international rules based order 1:01:30 Drones are massively changing the dynamics of warfare 1:03:00 Refugee flows are causing political instability worldwide 1:03:30 Trump has no interest in leading internationally 1:05:00 Trump is constantly campaigning and only for his base 1:07:00 Did we export our politics to Israel, or the other way around? 1:08:45 Only Obama had a majority of the vote in the 21st century 1:09:45 Governors are the only politicians that campaign beyond their base 1:12:00 Biden misunderstood his 2020 mandate and overreached 1:13:30 Who is the Economist reader? 1:15:30 Writing about American politics for an international audience 1:17:30 If you had more resources, what would you focus on covering? 1:18:30 Legacy media needs to give more attention beyond D.C. and NYC 1:20:00 Need to find a new model in order to bring back local journalism 1:22:45 There's too many journalists in D.C. and not enough in America 1:24:30 Journalism now caters to niche audiences 1:26:15 Deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake 1:27:00 Once ABC caved in lawsuit, resistance to Trump collapsed 1:29:00 Public pressures journalists to not platform people they disagree with 1:30:00 Michael Bennet was consensus candidate to replace Schumer 1:31:45 Nothing gets done in the senate, many senators leaving 1:35:15 In the TV era, successful presidents have had cults of personality 1:36:15 Newsom having success emulating Trump's style1:39:00 The ToddCast Time Machine 1:39:30 October 5th, 1974 Congress put teeth in the Freedom of Information Act 1:41:00 Cheney and Rumsfeld argued transparency would hurt national security 1:41:30 Lawmakers overruled the presidential veto 1:43:30 Florida has some of the strongest government transparency laws 1:44:15 Multiple states created their own transparency laws after FOIA 1:45:30 Pentagon demanded restrictions on journalists, no outlets agree 1:47:30 We can't have a democracy without transparency 1:50:15 When your party is out of power you're more likely to believe nonsense 1:51:30 Ask Chuck 1:51:45 Parallels between LDS church in UT & OK nearly becoming a black state? 1:54:30 Chances the Republican gerrymanders backfire? 1:59:15 How can Americans abroad stay civically engaged and bring about change? 2:04:15 Where do you get your optimism from in this political climate? Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

On this episode of the Chuck ToddCast, veteran journalist for The Economist, James Bennet joins Chuck to break down Donald Trump's scathing U.N. speech and what it reveals about his worldview: not isolationist, but relentlessly self-centered, with his personal interest framed as national interest. Bennet warns that Trump's grip on power is existential for him and his administration, and if institutions like the Supreme Court allow unchecked presidential firings, the rule of law itself could unravel. From the Cold War's stabilizing influence to the fractures of today's four-party system crammed into two, Bennet and Chuck explore whether America can navigate its political turmoil without mass violence, and how drone warfare, refugee flows, and the collapse of the international rules-based order are reshaping global politics.The conversation also turns inward, examining how journalism has struggled to adapt in the Trump era. Bennet reflects on writing for international audiences, the dangers of catering to niche media bubbles, and why legacy outlets must rediscover local reporting. He argues that deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake that accelerated the collapse of resistance, while public pressure against platforming controversial voices continues to erode open debate. From Biden's misunderstood mandate to the Senate's paralysis and the rise of cult-of-personality politics, this episode considers what reforms will be necessary both in government and in journalism.Got injured in an accident? You could be one click away from a claim worth millions. Just visit https://www.forthepeople.com/TODDCAST to start your claim now with Morgan & Morgan without leaving your couch. Remember, it's free unless you win!Timeline:(Timestamps may vary based on advertisements)00:00 James Bennet joins the Chuck ToddCast01:30 Trump scolds other nations in scathing U.N. speech02:30 Trump behaved like Hugo Chavez in U.N. speech03:45 Trump is not an isolationist, but it's all centered around him04:30 Trump sees his interest as the national interest06:15 How alarmed should we be?07:15 Things have gotten pretty dark in the past two weeks08:00 Staying in power is existential for Trump & his administration09:30 If you lose the rule of law, you lose the country10:15 If SCOTUS allows fed firing, there's no going back11:00 John Roberts desperate to avoid constitutional showdown12:30 Government will require major reform after Trump15:00 The cold war was a stabilizing force in American politics17:00 America is a four party system crammed into two parties19:00 Public sentiment has been pessimistic the entire 21st century20:45 Can we get through this without mass violence?22:30 It's hard to imagine a productive modern constitutional convention24:00 The last “protectionist race” led to a world war25:15 We're no longer living in the international rules based order26:30 Drones are massively changing the dynamics of warfare28:00 Refugee flows are causing political instability worldwide28:30 Trump has no interest in leading internationally30:00 Trump is constantly campaigning and only for his base32:00 Did we export our politics to Israel, or the other way around?33:45 Only Obama had a majority of the vote in the 21st century34:45 Governors are the only politicians that campaign beyond their base37:00 Biden misunderstood his 2020 mandate and overreached38:30 Who is the Economist reader?40:30 Writing about American politics for an international audience42:30 If you had more resources, what would you focus on covering?43:30 Legacy media needs to give more attention beyond D.C. and NYC45:00 Need to find a new model in order to bring back local journalism47:45 There's too many journalists in D.C. and not enough in America49:30 Journalism now caters to niche audiences51:15 Deplatforming Trump was a massive mistake52:00 Once ABC caved in lawsuit, resistance to Trump collapsed54:00 Public pressures journalists to not platform people they disagree with55:00 Michael Bennet was consensus candidate to replace Schumer56:45 Nothing gets done in the senate, many senators leaving1:00:15 In the TV era, successful presidents have had cults of personality1:01:15 Newsom having success emulating Trump's style Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

* See below for the video version of this episode!* On Candace and Megyn* That source, says Thor, the Venezuelan, is a big booster of the shittiest people on Earth* How they shot my mother (Hugo Chavez edition)* The failure of the Human Rights Industry™* How Venezuela collapsed* It's not a country. It's a drug cartel* The hierarchy of South American drug trafficking* The real reason the US struck those “drug boats”* So the 93% cannot defeat the 7%?* Was former congressman Aaron Shock corrupted by Venezuelan commies?* Crooked congressmen. Crooked Kennedys?* A crooked American oil magnate?* On dissident heroism—and American cynicism* The nobility of the human spirit* The useless UN* The million dollar roller bag* How the bad guy$ $pread their influence* And much, much more!As previously mentioned, Never Fly Coach-level subscribers have access to our early video efforts. Wonky angles, swiveling chairs, ugly timecodes, no title sequence…you get the idea. BUT…your feedback has been amazingly positive thus far. If you want to add your two cents (and see our ugly mugs), upgrade and get access to the ever-evolving pilot episodes! This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.wethefifth.com/subscribe

In Part 3 of the Mike Drop Podcast with former DEA agent Wes Tabor, the stakes get higher as Wes recounts his perilous assignment in Venezuela, a narco-terrorist haven under Hugo Chavez's regime. From dodging Cuban and Venezuelan intelligence to operating solo in a hostile environment, Wes shares heart-pounding stories of undercover operations, evading assassination attempts, and targeting high-value cartel members in a lawless "Wild West" of drug trafficking. He also reflects on the personal toll of his 35-year career, the betrayal of corrupt leadership, and the relentless drive that fueled his fight against global crime. This episode is a raw, unfiltered dive into the sacrifices and adrenaline of a DEA agent's life on the edge. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Join us today for an extraordinary conversation with William Ury, one of the world's most respected voices in negotiation and conflict transformation. In this powerful episode, William shares insights from decades of peacemaking work, exploring how imagination, deep listening, and inner peace can transform seemingly intractable conflicts.A founding member of the Harvard Negotiation Project, William has served as a negotiation advisor to corporations, governments, and international organizations. He has mediated complex conflicts from family disputes to high-stakes international conflicts, including work in the Middle East, Russia, and other challenging global contexts.William holds a B.A. in industrial engineering from Stanford University and a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Harvard University. He is a sought-after speaker and consultant who has dedicated his career to helping people and organizations transform conflict into cooperation. Through his work, he continues to inspire individuals and leaders to find innovative paths to peace and understanding.He is the author of several groundbreaking books, including the international bestseller "Getting to Yes" and his latest work "Possible: How We Survive (and Thrive) in an Age of Conflict".Listen now and expand your vision of what's possible.In this episode, we cover:Introduction to William UryEarly Influences that sparked his interest in Conflict Resolution and PeacemakingThe Importance of Inner Negotiation and the Role of Personal Transformation in Achieving Outer PeaceThe Power of Listening and Inner NegotiationHis experience in Venezuela with former President Hugo Chavez showed the Power of listening and not reactingPolarization and the Role of MediaWhy Walking is Important?Why the Essence of Humanity is Hospitality?The Abraham Path Initiative The Benefits of Walking and Pilgrimage What Should Someone Do in the Middle of a Crisis The Role of Imagination in Overcoming Conflict and Envisioning a Better FutureThe Role of Poetry in PeaceHelpful links:William Ury - Author, Mediator, and Co-Founder, Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School. Follow on LinkedIn Instagram @williamluryFacebook @williamurygtySubscribe to NewsletterGetting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving InPOSSIBLE: How We Survive (and Thrive) in an Age of ConflictThe Abraham Path InitiativeOutwitted by Edwin MarkhamEpisode # 130: Being the Love that You Are with Patrick Connor Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Iain Dale talks to former Guardian Latin American correspondent Rory Carroll about the Venezuelan dictator who brought his country to its knees.The Dictators, edited by Iain Dale is published in hardback by Hoddr & Stoughton. Signed copies can be ordered here https://www.politicos.co.uk/products/margaret-thatcher-a-short-biography-signed-by-iain-dale-coming-5-june-2025

La tragedia silenciosa en los páramos venezolanos sigue creciendo. En este video analizamos lo que ocurre en el estado Mérida, donde comunidades enteras permanecen incomunicadas, sin acceso a servicios básicos, y completamente abandonadas por el régimen. ¿Por qué nadie habla de lo que viven las familias campesinas en las zonas más altas del país? Denuncias locales apuntan a posibles robos de ayudas humanitarias, mientras el oficialismo guarda silencio. ¿Dónde está el gobierno cuando la gente más lo necesita? ¿Es intencional esta desconexión total con el interior del país?Además, revelamos cómo la falta de conectividad, atención médica y respuesta institucional está generando un colapso humanitario en zonas rurales, ignorado por los medios y manipulado por intereses políticos.

Le projet « Alianza Paraguay » a été révélé aujourd'hui par Forbidden Stories, l'ONG Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project et 10 médias d'Amérique latine et d'Europe. Trois enquêtes parties de la mort d'un journaliste Leo Veras, qui révèlent l'imbrication du crime organisé avec les pôles de pouvoir du pays. => Forbidden Stories.  Le projet « Alianza Paraguay » nous emmène au Paraguay et plus précisément dans la ville de Pedro Juan Caballero à la frontière avec le Brésil. Un point stratégique au cœur de l'Amérique du Sud, point-clé des circuits de trafics illégaux d'armes, de cigarettes et de drogue et lieu de danger pour les journalistes dans un pays où l'impunité et la corruption font loi. C'est dans cette ville que collaboraient deux journalistes, le Paraguayen Candido Figueredo et le Brésilien Lourenço « Leo » Veras. Après avoir travaillé pendant des années de l'autre côté de la frontière sur le crime organisé et les réseaux de trafiquants de la région, Leo Veras était venu poursuivre ses recherches à Pedro Juan Caballero. Il y a finalement été tué le 12 février 2020 de douze balles dans le corps. Son collaborateur a été obligé de quitter le pays. « Ils ont offert des milliers de dollars à qui rapporterait ma tête », témoigne Candido Figueredo pour le projet « Alianza Paraguay ». Mais qui sont- « ils »? Qui sont ceux qui ont tué Leo Veras ? Qui sont ceux qui font la loi à Pedro Juan Caballero, et plus largement au Paraguay ? « Il n'y a jamais eu ni justice ni d'enquête », affirme Cinthia Gonzalez, la veuve de Leo Veras pour « Alianza Paraguay ».   Poursuivre l'enquête de Leo Veras  C'est donc là que le consortium Forbidden Stories entre en scène. Son objectif est de finir les enquêtes de journalistes réduits au silence. De nombreux médias latino-américains et européens ont participé au projet « Alianza Paraguay ». « C'est un sujet qui touche à beaucoup de pays », explique Mariana Abreu, l'une des journalistes qui a mené l'enquête pour Forbidden Stories. Les conséquences sont particulièrement ressenties dans les pays d'Amérique latine où des membres du crime organisé agissent dans le cadre du trafic d'armes. Il y a beaucoup d'armes qui partent d'Europe, des États-Unis. Elles sont importées au Paraguay puis trafiquées dans des pays d'Amérique du Sud, au Brésil principalement, mais en Bolivie aussi, en Argentine… Ces armes sont utilisées par le crime organisé dans des opérations de trafic de drogue, d'armes ou dans des assassinats. In fine, ce sont les civils et parfois les journalistes qui en font les frais. » Le résultat de ce travail mené depuis un an et demi est donc publié aujourd'hui par Forbidden Stories et d'autres médias collaborateurs tels que la Nacion en Argentine, Révista Piaui au Brésil ou encore La Diaria en Uruguay et IrpiMedia en Italie.   Un système criminel tentaculaire L'enquête est segmentée en trois chapitres, l'un est donc le prolongement du travail de Leo Veras et Candido Figueredo, l'autre est l'enquête menée sur la mort de Leo Veras et enfin le dernier tourne autour de la mort d'un député et homme d'affaires paraguayen corrompu. « Leo Veras est le lien entre toutes nos enquêtes, développe Mariana Abreu. Il y a d'abord le sujet sur lequel il enquêtait, le trafic d'armes à la frontière, d'autre part rien n'a véritablement été fait par la justice au Paraguay pour retrouver, incarcérer et juger les hommes qui l'ont tué. Aujourd'hui ils sont tous en liberté. Il y en a même qui ont pris la fuite après avoir été libérés. Enfin le troisième volet porte sur un grand personnage politique du Paraguay qui a été tué en fin d'année dernière. Eulalio « Lalo » Gomes Batista avait beaucoup de liens et avec le pouvoir au Paraguay, et avec les gangs de crimes organisés à la frontière. Il a notamment influencé des juges au Paraguay pour que l'assassin de Leo Veras puisse être libéré. » Derrière le meurtre de ce journaliste, l'un des plus gros groupes criminels d'Amérique Latine Primeiro Comando do Capital. Venu du Brésil, le PCC est très installé dans la région frontalière et possède de nombreuses alliances avec des figures paraguayennes dans la justice comme dans la politique. Au total, 19 journalistes ont été tués au Paraguay en un peu plus de 30 ans, dont sept à Pedro Juan Caballero. Deux autres journalistes ont été tués au Brésil de l'autre côté de la frontière. Après avoir lutté pour mener l'enquête pendant un an et demi, l'objectif d'« Alianza Paraguay » est d'être lu à travers le monde. Car « le Paraguay est actuellement dans un angle mort médiatique, souligne Mariana Abreu. Le pays est coincé entre de grandes puissances d'Amérique latine auxquels l'actualité internationale s'intéresse. Cet angle mort a aussi permis que cette impunité se développe et que tous ces meurtres de journalistes restent impunis. »   Haïti- Gonaïves dans l'enfer du Black-out La ville des Gonaïves, chef-lieu du département de l'Artibonite est privée de courant depuis 5 ans déjà. Pas d'électricité malgré la présence dans la ville d'une centrale électrique, cadeau de l'ancien président vénézuélien Hugo Chavez. Depuis 2020, il n'y a pas de carburant pour faire tourner la centrale. Ronel Paul a joint les habitants qui se débrouillent comme ils peuvent face au silence des autorités.   Salvador – la répression contre les ONG La situation des droits de l'homme est de plus en plus critique au Salvador, nouvelle illustration il y a quelques jours, avec l'arrestation d'un avocat connu pour son opposition au président Nayib Bukele. Les interpellations sont de plus en plus nombreuses. Le pouvoir étouffe les voix dissidentes et a même fait voter une loi désignant les ONG comme agents étrangers. On en parle avec Achim Lippold.

2 Corinthians 11:16-33 - Boasting as a Fool Please remain standing. Our sermon text this morning is 2 Corinthians 11:16-33. Please turn there. It is on page 1152. In this passage, the apostle Paul comes back to the theme of boasting. He introduced it in chapter 10. Remember, our boasting should be in the Lord and his work, not ourselves and our work. That was in contrast to the super apostles, who boasted in themselves. That is why, at the beginning of chapter 11, Paul had the most pointed critique of them yet. They taught a different Gospel and were actually messengers of Satan. That brings us to our text this morning. As you will hear, Paul hates their boasting. But to counter the super apostles, he first sarcastically boasts in his credentials and then surprisingly he boasts in something very different. Listen for those things as I read. Reading of 2 Corinthians 11:16-33 Prayer On the world stage, there is no shortage of bragging and arrogance. I'm talking mainly about world leaders. I think there's been an increase over the last couple of decades. We certainly saw it back in the late1990s with Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. Vladimir Putin in Russia has certainly displayed a confident arrogance in his 25 years of power. And no matter your political opinions, I think everyone here would agree: our current president is quite the self-promoter, and I'm being kind. Now, don't be distracted by that comment. Stay with me. Let me say that none of this is new. If we go back to the first century in the Roman Empire, boasting was at a similar high. In fact, I read in a commentary this week that Ceasar Augustus, one of the great Roman Emperors, raised the bar of self-promotion. Near the end of his life, Augustus wrote a short treatise about himself. Listen to the title - “The Deeds of the Divine Augustus.” It was released in the year of his death, AD 14. In it, Augustus highlighted all of his successes – his military accomplishments, his public works, his diplomacy, and his reforms in the empire. You can find it online. In it, you will read over and over. “I did this, I did that.” I triumphed over such and such nations. I built the senate house and the capital building. Four times, I helped the senatorial treasury with my own money. I restored peace to the sea from pirates. I gave shows of gladiators under my name. I extended the borders of the empire… etc. etc. This kind of self-absorbed boasting permeated the culture of the Roman Empire. And to give a little historical context, it was published about 60 years after Corinth was re-settled as a Roman city; 20 years before Jesus' crucifixion, and about 40 years before Paul wrote 2 Corinthians. So, it is no surprise that the false apostles in Corinth praised themselves. That is what you did if you were to be known and honored. We've seen it over and over, these “super apostles” did not live by the Spirit with a humble and contrite heart. No, rather they lived by the world's standards and beliefs and lifestyle. And part of that was to elevate themselves and their own self-defined credentials. As we just read, the apostle Paul hated it. In verses 16 to 21 he calls it all foolishness. In fact, look at verse 19. He writes to the church, “for you gladly bear with fools.” So, not only was their boasting foolish, but the false apostles themselves were fools. That word fool or foolish, if you remember from our Proverbs study, can be understood either as passively ignorant, you know, not really knowing any better… or being foolish can be understood in a more active way, someone being unwise with a senseless arrogance. That second understanding best fits the context. Paul even sarcastically calls the Corinthians “wise.” You see that in the second half of 19. “For you gladly bear with fools, being wise yourselves!” It wasn't wisdom at all, but rather foolishness. So, that was part of the problem in Corinth. The arrogant boasting of the culture had come to the church through the super-apostles. So, what does Paul do? Well, for a brief moment, he enters into their boasting. It is like he is saying, since you are foolishly boasting, let me show you what this foolish boasting is like. He doesn't want to toot his own horn, but he feels like he has to in order answer the super apostles. That why he says in verse 16, “…let no one think me foolish. But even if you do, accept me as a fool, so that I too may boast a little.” He goes on in 17, “What I am saying with this boastful confidence, I say not as the Lord would but as a fool. Since many boast according to the flesh, I too will boast.” Can you sense it? Paul can't stand boasting. Nonetheless, he is compelled to do it. The false apostles were enslaving the Corinthians with their lies and deceit. To use some of the other words in verse 20. They were “devouring” them and “taking advantage” of them. The false apostles had “air” of superiority. In all of it, they were in essence “striking [the church] in the face.” But really, they had nothing on Paul. Paul's fleshly credentials were greater than theirs. He says in verse 22, “Are they Hebrews? So am I. Are they Israelites? So am I. Are they offspring of Abraham? So am I.” He could have gone on with his worldly credentials. In other places in Scripture he mentions that he is from the tribe of Benjamin. He was among the few. Furthermore, he had been an esteemed Pharisee. But he says in his letter to the Philippians chapter 3 that he “counts it all loss for the sake of Christ.” There is something far greater, and that is his identity in Christ. “Corinthian church, you have bought into this ungodly boasting. It is all foolishness. And even if you go by the super apostles foolish criteria, they still do not measure up.” Any and all boasting in human strength and ability is self-centered and not Christ-centered. It is foolishness because (1) it does not recognize God and his Glory and his gifts, (2) it does not recognize our sin and our unworthiness apart from Christ, and (3) boasting in human strength does not acknowledge that all good gifts come from him alone. Now, we covered some of that a couple of weeks ago. But we learn something very interesting here in the middle of chapter 11. We learn, there is something that we can boast about in our lives. We can boast in our weakness. Jump down to verse 30. “If I must boast, I will boast of the things that show my weakness.” Verses 23 to really the middle of chapter 12 are specifically about that. Boasting in weakness. Now, boasting in our weakness does not mean glorifying failure or seeking pity. It is not drawing attention to ourselves as a victim. Nor is it seeking our identity in suffering. The apostle Paul is not doing any of that, here.   So then, what is boasting in weakness? It is giving glory to God who sustains us in our weakness. And it is recognizing that the Lord has gone before us in our suffering. Just as he endured the weakness of the flesh and affliction from the world, so too, in him, God will sustain and use us in our weakness. I just want to make that clear. As we look at this, there are two things that the apostle focuses on. First, here in chapter 11 he focuses on the affliction that he received as a result of his ministry. You know, all the things that he suffered as an apostle. Second, when we get to the beginning of chapter 12, he focuses on the weakness of the flesh. Paul will write about his thorn in the flesh. We'll get to that next week. But today, let's consider this unbelievable list of Paul's suffering and God's protection. Go back up to verse 23. Paul begins, “Are they servants of Christ? I am a better one” Now, put yourself in the shoes of the Corinthians. What do you think they expected Paul to say, next? Perhaps they expected him to give a Caesar Augustus type list: I, Paul, planted 13 churches; I saw the risen Lord, himself, on the road to Damascus; I raised Eutychus from the dead; I cast out demons in Jesus name; I healed the sick; I confounded the Greek philosophers in Athens. Etc. etc. But he doesn't do that. No, instead, he rattles off a most surprising list. All the things that he suffered (so far!) as an apostle. And it is overwhelming. God sustained him over and over and over to bring the Gospel all throughout the northern Mediterranean. Only a portion of this list is included in the book of Acts. Acts is the history of the early church. ·      Paul was imprisoned multiple times. In Phillipi, which we read about earlier, he was beaten and then imprisoned with his feet in stocks. ·      He mentions, here, multiple beating with rods. In Lystra he was stoned outside the city and left for dead. ·      The most severe thing on this list is the forty lashes minus 1. It was a Jewish punishment for breaking the law. The guilty party would be severely whipped. Each lash would score the skin of the recipient. It would create what was called a stripe. A bloodied line across the back that would eventually scar. 39 lashes was one short of 40. More than 40 would have broken the Jewish law, so 39 was just in case someone didn't miscount. Paul bore on his body the marks of his sacrifice for the Gospel. ·      He mentions being shipwrecked three times. However, the most famous shipwreck had not even happened yet. That one is recorded in Acts 27. That would be a couple of years later. ·      He furthermore endured multiple dangers. He endured danger from the elements… from cold and heat. Sometimes he went without food. But also, he experienced danger from others. Danger not just from the Jews, but also from the Gentiles and from robbers. Notice at the end of verse 26 he includes danger from false brothers. He uses the word “brothers” because there were men in the church who threatened him. They were wolves in sheep's clothing, just like the false apostles in Corinth. This kind of persecution happens all over the world today. We have so many freedoms in our country, that it's hard to imagine the suffering that our brothers and sister in Christ experience throughout the world. Some of you know or have met Pastor Zaki. He pastors the Orthodox Presbyterian Church over on Chamblee Tucker. It's just down the road from here. He is a dear brother and a friend. Zaki is from Eretria. He's been in the US for about 15 years. A couple of years ago, at a conference here in the area, he spoke about persecution. As part of that, Pastor Zaki shared a little about the persecution that he endured. In 2002, the government of Eritrea shut down many of the churches. Some believers were imprisoned, especially pastors, and the church had to go underground. Well, Zaki was arrested. He was not even allowed to tell his family, when it happened. He was brought to the prison. They put him in a metal shipping container. There was just one small vent in it so he could breathe. Literally, nothing else was in it. Zaki described how he, at first, struggled to rejoice. He remembered the words of Jesus, blessed are those who are persecuted for my name sake. And he remembered the words of the apostle Peter that we're to rejoice in suffering. He thought, “had I led my people astray telling them that they should rejoice even if they suffered persecution for their faith.” Those first few hours weighed heavily on him, and he prayed. Then it happened. The Holy Spirit opened his heart, and he began rejoicing in the Lord. Something even more amazing happened that first night. About midnight, he said, he began hearing other believers all throughout the prison singing. They were suffering, but they were rejoicing. And he joined in their joyful praise. Brother Zaki was release but arrested 4 more time over the next 9 years. As I understand it, he was beaten. At one point he almost died, but the Lord preserved him. In 2011, he was able to flee to the United States. He moved to Greenville to study. And then the Lord then brought him here to the Tucker area to pastor. The kind of suffering and affliction that Paul endured is experienced by many today who love and serve Christ. And I want you to notice, it's not just external suffering that Paul endured. Look at verse 28. “Apart from other things, there is the daily pressure on me of my anxiety for all the churches.” Paul loved the Corinthians. Really, he loved every single church that he participated in planting. He prayed for them. He communicated with them. He longed to see them be faithful and true. And it all weighed on his soul. And look what he says in verse 29. He asks, “who is weak, and I am not weak?” In other words, when someone in one of his churches suffered, Paul suffered alongside of them. His heart suffered. The next question in verse 29 is even stronger, “Who is made to fall, and I am not indignant?” In other words, when a fellow believer in Christ was led into sin by one of these false brothers, Paul was indignant. He had a righteous anger at these false apostles for all the ways in which the church was being led astray. That internal turmoil was part of the suffering that he endured. Ok, now, jump down to verses 32 and 33. Paul mentions one final experience. Many, many years earlier, when he was in Damascus, in order to escape persecution, he had to be lowered in a basket out of a window. By the way, if someone tried to lower me in a basket, I think it wold probably go very poorly. I wouldn't even fit in a basket. But Paul escaped. Now, when you hear this last trial, doesn't it feel like an addendum to his list? But let me ask, do you remember the significance of Damascus? Paul was on the road to Damascus when the Lord blinded him and called him to faith. Damascus was the very city that he first stayed in as a believer in Jesus. Do you see what Paul is saying? His suffering as an apostle began at the very beginning of his ministry. All the suffering that he has endured is not new. It goes back to the very beginning of labors for Christ. Despite what the false apostles were saying, his suffering did not disqualify him as an apostle. No, rather, it testified to his true apostleship. Do you see now why Paul could boast in this affliction and weakness? It showed and demonstrated that God had called him to suffer and God sustained him through it all. This was not the theology of the super apostles. Part of their false prosperity Gospel, which we've considered multiple times in weeks past, was to reject sickness and suffering as part of the Christian life. Like many counterfeit pastors today, they taught that suffering was not part of God's purpose and will for your life. They rejected Paul because he suffered. But God is saying through Paul that suffering is part and parcel of the Christian life. He's been saying that all throughout 2 Corinthians. Remember, in our affliction, we share in the affliction of Christ, so that we may share in his comfort. And also, these light momentary afflictions are preparing for us an eternal weight of glory beyond all comparison. And so, we can boast in our weakness. It's a humble boasting. Yes, that's a little paradoxical, but I think you know what I mean. It's a humble boasting that gives glory to God. Isn't that the upside-down world of the Gospel? Strength comes through weakness. Exaltation comes through humility. Life comes through death. Go back up to verse 23. We've already considered it. Paul asks, “Are they servants of Christ? I am a better one.” Did you notice that it is the only question where Paul raises the bar. He doesn't say, “so am I” like how he answers the other questions. Rather he says, “I am better.” Literally translated, it would say I am a degree beyond. His service to Christ is far better because of his suffering, not despite it. That question and Paul's answer prefaces the entire list of his suffering. To put it another way, Paul suffered in this life, we suffer in this life, just as our Savior suffered in this life. Jesus endured many trials in this life. False accusations; rejection from his people; temptations from Satan; Jesus disciples abandoned him at his hour of need; he was spit on and mocked and whipped…  not with regular whips, like 40 lashes minus one, but wips with metal or bone fragments in it, which tore into his skin. Isaiah wrote in his prophecy that our Savior was oppressed and afflicted, yet did not open his mouth. “he was pierced for our transgressions; he was crushed for our iniquities; upon him was the chastisement that brought us peace, and with his wounds we are healed.” Other translations say, “with his stripes we are healed.” Paul boasted in his suffering because his Savior suffered and died for him. Jesus suffered and died so that in eternity his people would be freed from suffering and affliction. In other words, Jesus did not suffer and die so that we would not suffer in this life. No. Rather, Jesus suffered and died to forgive and redeem us, and in heaven we will be freed from our suffering forever. And that gives us great hope in our suffering in this life. And we can therefore boast in it. If we must, as Paul says. So, to recap – Paul's boasting in his earthly credentials, was simply to put the super apostles in their place. All boasting in human strength and wisdom is foolishness and it dishonors God. If we must boast about ourselves, we should boast in our weakness. For Paul, his suffering was a testimony of his true ministry as an apostle. And when we boast in our suffering we ought testify to Christ's suffering for our salvation. Truly, in all of history, there was only one man who could rightfully boast in his accomplishments. It was not Caesar Augustus. It was not any world leader today or in the past. No. The only one who could rightfully boast was and is our Lord. As God the son, Jesus is the king of kings; the agent through which God created the heavens and the earth; He is the very word of God; and redeemer of God's people. Yet, on earth, he boasted not of those things. Instead, he humbled himself. He did not respond when mocked, he suffered and died, but was raised. As we sang earlier, “I will not boast in anything; No gifts, no power, no wisdom; But I will boast in Jesus Christ; His death and resurrection” So, let us boast in him… and when we suffer, let us boast because we suffer in him. Amen

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Few analysts are more familiar with the politics of both contemporary Turkey and the United States than my old friend , the distinguished Turkish political scientist Soli Ozel. Drawing on his decades of experience in both countries, Ozel, currently a senior fellow at the Institut Montaigne, explains how democratic institutions are similarly being challenged in Trump's America and Erdogan's Turkey. He discusses the imprisonment of Istanbul's popular mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, restrictive speech in American universities, and how economic decline eventually undermines authoritarian regimes. Ozel emphasizes that effective opposition requires both public discontent and compelling leadership alternatives, which Turkey has developed but America currently sorely lacks. Most intriguingly, he suggests that Harvard's legal battle against Trump could be as significant as the 1925 Scopes trial which marked the end of another bout of anti-scientific hysteria in America. 5 Key Takeaways* Populist authoritarianism follows a similar pattern regardless of left/right ideology - controlling judiciary, media, and institutions while claiming to represent "the people" against elites.* Academic freedom in America has declined significantly, with Ozel noting he experienced more classroom freedom in Turkey than at Yale in 2019.* Economic pain combined with a crisis of legitimacy is crucial for challenging authoritarian regimes, but requires credible opposition leadership to succeed.* Istanbul mayor Imamoglu has emerged as a powerful opposition figure in Turkey by appealing across political divides and demonstrating practical governance skills.* Turkey's strategic importance has increased due to its position between war zones (Syria and Ukraine) and Europe's growing need for security partners as American support becomes less certain. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. It's not great news these days that the U.S. Brand has been, so to speak, tarnished as a headline today on CNN. I'm quoting them. CNN, of course, is not Donald Trump's biggest fan. Trump tarnishes the U S brand as a rock of stability in the global economy. I'm not sure if the US was ever really a rock of stability for anything except itself. But we on the show as. As loyal viewers and listeners know, we've been going around the world, taking stock of the US brand, how it's viewed around the word. We did a show last week with Simon Cooper, the Dutch-based Paris writer of the Financial Times, who believes it's time for all Americans to come and live in Europe. And then with Jemima Kelly, another London-based correspondent. And I thought we would broaden. I asked european perspective by visiting my old friend very old friend Soli Ozel. iVve known him for almost forty years he's a. Senior fellow of international relations and turkey at the montane institute he's talking to us from vienna but he is a man who is born and spends a lot of his time thinking about. Turkey, he has an interesting new piece out in the Institute Montaigne. Turkey, a crisis of legitimacy and massive social mobilization in a regional power. I want to talk to Soli later in this conversation about his take on what's happening in Turkey. But first of all, Soli, before we went live, you noted that you first came to America in September 1977. You were educated here, undergraduate, graduate, both at uh, sized in Washington DC and then at UC Berkeley, where you and I studied together at the graduate program. Um, how do you feel almost 50 years, sorry, we're dating ourselves, but how did you feel taking off your political science cap, your analyst cap, how did you feel about what's happening in America as, as a man who invested your life in some ways in the promise of America, and particularly American education universities.Soli Ozel: Yeah, I mean, I, yes, I came to the States or I went to the States in September of 1977. It was a very different America, post Vietnam. And I went through an avant garde college liberal arts college.Andrew Keen: Bennington wasn'tSoli Ozel: Bennington College, and I've spent about 11 years there. And you and I met in 1983 in Berkeley. And then I also taught at American universities. I taught at UC Santa Cruz, Northwestern, SAIS itself, University of Washington, Yale, and had fellowships in different parts. Now, of course, in those years, a lot has changed in the US. The US has changed. In fact, I'm writing a piece now on Christopher Lash. And reading Christopher Lasch work from the 60s and the 1970s, in a way, you wonder why Trumpism has not really emerged a bit earlier than when it did. So, a lot of the... Dynamics that have brought Donald Trump to power, not once, but twice, and in spite of the fact that, you know, he was tried and found guilty and all that. Many of those elements have been there definitely since the 1980s, but Lascch identified especially this divergence between educated people and less educated people between brainies and or the managerial class and the working class in the United States. So, in a way, it looks like the Trumpism's triumph came even a bit late, although there were a couple of attempts perhaps in the early 1990s. One was Pat Buchanan and the other one, Ross Perot, which we forget that Ross Perot got 19% of the vote against in the contest when Bill Clinton. Won the election against George H.W. Bush. So underground, if you will, a lot was happening in the United States.Andrew Keen: All right. And it's interesting you bring up Lash, there's that sort of whole school Lasch Daniel Bell, of course, we had Daniel Bell's son, David Bell, on the show recently. And there's a lot of discussion, as I'm sure you know, about the nativism of Trump, whether it's uniquely American, whether it was somehow inevitable. We've done last week, we did a show about comparing what's happening now in America to what happened after the First World War. Being less analytical, Solé, my question was more an emotional one to you as someone who has built their life around freedom of expression in American universities. You were at Bennington, you were at SICE, you're at UC Berkeley, as you know, you taught at UC Santa Cruz and Yale and many other places. You come in and out of this country giving lectures. How do you personally feel about what's happening?Soli Ozel: Yeah, okay. I mean, in that sense, again, the United States, by the way, I mean the United States has been changing independently of Mr. Trump's presidency. It was much more difficult to be, I mean when I went to college in Bennington College, you really did not bite your tongue when you were going to speak either as a student or a professor. And increasingly, and especially in my last bout at Yale in 2019, I felt that, you know, there were a lot of constraints on what you could say or how you could say it, whether you would call it walkism, political correctness, whatever it was. It was a much, the atmosphere at the university was much more constrained in terms of what transpired in the classroom and that I mean, in Turkey, I had more freedom in terms of how we debated things in class that I felt that...Andrew Keen: That is astonishing. So you had more freedom in...Soli Ozel: As well, you did in Yale in 1990. I'm talking about not the political aspect of things, but how you debate something, okay, whether or not, I mean, there would be lots of views and you could you could present them without insulting anyone, however you presented them was fine, and this is how what the dynamics of the classroom had been when I was a student. So, in that sense, I guess it wasn't just the right that constrained speech, but also the left that constrained the speech, because new values were added or new norms were invented to define what can and cannot be said. And of course, that goes against the grain of what a university education ought to be. I mean, I had colleagues. In major universities who told me that they really were biting their tongue when they were giving their lectures. And that is not my understanding of education or college education and that certainly has not been my experience when I came to the States and for my long education here for 11 years.Andrew Keen: Solit, you and I have a long history of thinking about the Middle East, where back in the early 80s, we TA'd a class on the Arab-Israeli conflict with Yaya Sadowski, who at that time was a very independent thinker. I know he was a close friend of yours. I was always very influenced by his thinking. You're from Izmir, from a Jewish family in Turkey. So you're all too familiar with the complexity of anti-Semitism, Israel, the Middle East, Turkey. What do you personally make of this hysteria now on campus about anti-semitism and throwing out anyone, it seems, at least from the Trump point of view, who are pro-Palestinian? Is this again, I mean, you went back to Christopher Lasch and his thinking on populism and the dangers of populism in America. Or is this something that... Comes out of the peculiarities of American history. We have predicted this 40 years ago when you and I were TAing Sadowski's class on Arab-Israeli conflict at Berkeley.Soli Ozel: The Arab-Israeli conflict always raises passions, if you will. And it's no different. To put it mildly, Salvador, I think. Yeah, it is a bit different now. I mean, of course, my hunch is that anti-Semitism is always present. There is no doubt. And although I followed the developments very closely after October 7. I was not in there physically present. I had some friends, daughters and sons who were students who have reported to me because I'm supposed to know something about those matters. So yeah, antisemitism is there. On the other hand, there is also some exaggeration. We know that a lot of the protesters, for instance, were Jews themselves. But my hunch is that the Trump administration, especially in their attack against elite universities, are using this for political purposes. I'm sure there were other ways of handling this. I don't find it very sincere. And a real problem is being dealt with in a very manipulative political way, I think. Other and moreover So long as there was no violence and I know there were instances of violence that should be punished that I don't have any complaints about, but partially if this is only related to what you say, I'm not sure that this is how a university or relations between students at the university ought to be conducted. If you're not going to be able to say what you think at the university, then what else are you going to say? Are you going be able say it? So this is a much more complicated matter than it is being presented. And as I said, my view or based on what I follow that is happening at colleges, this is being used as an excuse. As somebody I think Peter Beinhart wrote today in the New York Times. He says, No, no, no. It is not really about protecting Jewish students, but it is protecting a certain... Type of Jewish students, and that means it's a political decision, the complaints, legitimate complaints, perhaps, of some students to use those against university administrations or universities themselves that the Trump administration seems to be targeting.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting you bring up Beinart. He was on the show a year or two ago. I think he notes that, I mean, I don't want to put words into his mouth, but he seems to be suggesting that Jews now have a responsibility almost to speak out, not just obviously about what's happening in the U.S., but certainly about what is happening in Gaza. I'm not sure what you think on.Soli Ozel: He just published a book, he just published the book being Jewish in the US after Gaza or something along those lines. He represents a certain way of thinking about what had happened in Gaza, I mean what had happened to Israel with the attack of Hamas and what had happened afterwards, whether or not he represents the majority. Do you agree with him? I happen to be. I happen to be sympathetic to his views. And especially when you read the book at the beginning, it says, look, he's a believer. Believer meaning he is a practicing Jew. So this is not really a question about his own Jewishness, but how he understands what being a Jew actually means. And from that perspective, putting a lot of accent to the moral aspects of Jewish history and Jewish theological and secular thinking, He is rebelling, if you will, against this way of manipulative use. On the part of some Jewish organizations as well of what had gone on and this is this he sees as a along with others actually he also sees this as a threat to Jewish presence in the United States. You know there is a simultaneous increase in in anti-semitism. And some people argue that this has begun even before October 7. Let us not forget Charlottesville when the crowds that were deemed to be nice people were chanting, Jews will not replace us, and those people are still around. Yeah, a lot of them went to jail.Andrew Keen: Yeah, I mean Trump seemed to have pardoned some of them. And Solly, what do you make of quote-unquote the resistance to Trump in the U.S.? You're a longtime observer of authoritarianism, both personally and in political science terms. One of the headlines the last few days is about the elite universities forming a private collective to resist the Trump administration. Is this for real and is it new? Should we admire the universities or have they been forced into this position?Soli Ozel: Well, I mean, look, you started your talk with the CNN title. Yeah, about the brand, the tarnishing of the U.S. Whatever the CNN stands for. The thing is, there is no question that what is happening today and what has been happening in my judgment over the last two years, particularly on the issue of Gaza, I would not... Exonerate the Biden administration and the way it actually managed its policy vis-a-vis that conflict. There is, of course, a reflection on American policy vis a vis that particular problem and with the Trump administration and 100 days of storm, if you will, around the world, there is a shift in the way people look at the United States. I think it is not a very favorable shift in terms of how people view and understand the United States. Now, that particular thing, the colleges coming together, institutions in the United States where the Americans are very proud of their Madisonian institutions, they believe that that was there. Uh, if you will, insurance policy against an authoritarian drift in their system. Those institutions, both public institutions and private institutions actually proved to be paper tigers. I mean, look at corporations that caved in, look at law firms that arcade that have caved in, Look at Columbia university being, if you will the most egregious example of caving in and plus still not getting the money or not actually stopping the demands that are made on it. So Harvard after equivocating on this finally came up with a response and decided to take the risk of losing massive sums of grants from the federal government. And in fact, it's even suing. The Trump administration for withholding the money that was supposed to go to them. And I guess there is an awakening and the other colleges in order to protect freedom of expression, in order, to protect the independence of higher education in this country, which has been sacrosanct, which is why a lot of people from all around the world, students... Including you and I, right? I mean, that's why we... Yeah, exactly. By the way, it's anywhere between $44 and $50 billion worth of business as well. Then it is there finally coming together, because if you don't hang together, you'll hang separately, is a good American expression that I like. And then trying to defend themselves. And I think this Harvard slope suit, the case of Harvard, is going to be like the Stokes trial of the 1920s on evolution. It's going to be a very similar case, I believe, and it may determine how American democracy goes from now.Andrew Keen: Interesting. You introduced me to Ece Temelkuren, another of your friends from someone who no longer lives in Turkey. She's a very influential Turkish columnist, polemicist. She wrote a famous book, How to Lose a Country. She and you have often compared Turkey. With the rest of the world suggesting that what you're going through in Turkey is the kind of canary in the coal mine for the rest the world. You just came out with a piece, Turkey, a crisis of legitimacy, a massive social mobilization and regional power. I want to get to the details of what's happening in Turkey first. But like Ece, do you see Turkey as the kind of canary and the coalmine that you got into this first? You're kind of leading the narrative of how to address authoritarianism in the 25th century.Soli Ozel: I don't think Turkey was the first one. I think the first one was Hugo Chavez. And then others followed. Turkey certainly is a prominent one. But you know, you and I did other programs and in an earlier era, about 15 years ago. Turkey was actually doing fine. I mean, it was a candidate for membership, still presumably, formally, a candidate for membership in the European Union, but at the time when that thing was alive. Turkey did, I mean, the AKP government or Erdogan as prime minister did a lot of things that were going in the right direction. They certainly demilitarized Turkish politics, but increasingly as they consolidated themselves in power, they moved in a more authoritarian path. And of course, after the coup attempt in 2016 on the 15th of July, that trend towards authoritarianism had been exacerbated and but with the help of a very sui generis if you will unaccountable presidential system we are we find ourselves where we are but The thing is what has been missed out by many abroad was that there was also a very strong resistance that had remained actually unbowing for a long time. And Istanbul, which is, of course, almost a fifth of Turkey's population, 32 percent of its economy, and that's where the pulse of the country actually beats, since 2017 did not vote for Mr Erdogan. I mean, referendum, general election, municipal election. It hasn't, it hasn't. And that is that really, it really represents the future. And today, the disenchantment or discontent has now become much broader, much more broadly based because conservative Anatolia is also now feeling the biting of the economy. And this sense of justice in the country has been severely damaged. And That's what I think explains. The kinds of reaction we had throughout the country to the first arrest and then incarceration of the very popular mayor of Istanbul who is a national figure and who was seen as the main contender for the presidency in the elections that are scheduled to take place in.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and I want to talk more about Turkey's opposition and an interesting New York Times editorial. But before we get there, Soli, you mentioned that the original model was Chavez in Venezuela, of course, who's always considered a leftist populist, whereas Erdogan, Trump, etc., and maybe Netanyahu are considered populists of the right. Is that a useful? Bifurcation in ideological terms or a populist populism that the idea of Chavez being different from Trump because one's on the left and right is really a 20th century mistake or a way of thinking about the 21st century using 20th-century terms.Soli Ozel: Okay, I mean the ideological proclivities do make a difference perhaps, but at the end of the day, what all these populist movements represent is the coming of age or is the coming to power of country elites. Suggests claiming to represent the popular classes whom they say and who are deprived of. Uh, benefits of holding power economically or politically, but once they get established in power and with the authoritarian tilt doesn't really make a distinction in terms of right or wrong. I mean, is Maduro the successor to Chavez a rightist or a leftist? I mean does it really make a difference whether he calls himself a leftists or a rightists? I is unaccountable, is authoritarian. He loses elections and then he claims that he wins these elections and so the ideology that purportedly brought them to power becomes a fig leaf, if you will, justification and maybe the language that they use in order to justify the existing authoritarianism. In that sense, I don't think it makes a difference. Maybe initially it could have made a difference, We have seen populist leaders. Different type of populism perhaps in Latin America. For instance, the Peruvian military was supposed to be very leftist, whereas the Chilean or the Brazilian or the Argentinian or the Uruguayan militaries were very right-wing supported by the church itself. Nicaragua was supposed to be very Leftist, right? They had a revolution, the Sandinista revolution. And look at Daniel Ortega today, does it really matter that he claims himself to be a man of the left? I mean, He runs a family business in Nicaragua. And so all those people who were so very excited about the Nicaraguan Revolution some 45 years ago must be extraordinarily disappointed. I mean, of course, I was also there as a student and wondering what was going to happen in Nicaragua, feeling good about it and all that. And that turned out to be an awful dictatorship itself.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and on this sense, I think you're on the same page as our mutual friend, Moises Naim, who wrote a very influential book a couple of years ago. He's been on the show many times about learning all this from the Latin American playbook because of his experience in Venezuela. He has a front row on this. Solly, is there one? On this, I mean, as I said, you just come out with a piece on the current situation in Turkey and talk a little bit more detail, but is America a few stops behind Turkey? I mean you mentioned that in Turkey now everyone, not just the urban elites in Istanbul, but everyone in the country is beginning to experience the economic decline and consequences of failed policies. A lot of people are predicting the same of Trump's America in the next year or two. Is there just one route in this journey? Is there's just one rail line?Soli Ozel: Like by what the root of established wow a root in the sense of youAndrew Keen: Erdogan or Trump, they come in, they tell lots of lies, they promise a lot of stuff, and then ultimately they can't deliver. Whatever they're promising, the reverse often happens. The people they're supposed to be representing are actually victims of their policies. We're seeing it in America with the consequences of the tariff stuff, of inflation and rise of unemployment and the consequences higher prices. It has something similar. I think of it as the Liz Truss effect, in the sense that the markets ultimately are the truth. And Erdogan, I know, fought the markets and lost a few years ago in Turkey too.Soli Ozel: There was an article last week in Financial Times Weekend Edition, Mr. Trump versus Mr. Market. Trump versus, Mr. Market. Look, first of all, I mean, in establishing a system, the Orban's or Modi's, they all follow, and it's all in Ece's book, of course. You have to control the judiciary, you have to control the media, and then all the institutions. Gradually become under your thumb. And then the way out of it is for first of all, of course, economic problems, economic pain, obviously makes people uncomfortable, but it will have to be combined with the lack of legitimacy, if you will. And that is, I don't think it's right, it's there for in the United States as of yet, but the shock has been so. Robust, if you will, that the reaction to Trump is also rising in a very short period, in a lot shorter period of time than it did in other parts of the world. But economic conditions, the fact that they worsen, is an important matter. But there are other conditions that need to be fulfilled. One of those I would think is absolutely the presence of a political leader that defies the ones in power. And I think when I look at the American scene today, one of the problems that may, one of problems that the political system seems to have, which of course, no matter how economically damaging the Trump administration may be, may not lead to an objection to it. To a loss of power in the midterms to begin with, is lack of leadership in the Democratic Party and lack of a clear perspective that they can share or program that they present to the public at large. Without that, the ones that are in power hold a lot of cards. I mean, it took Turkey about... 18 years after the AKP came to power to finally have potential leaders, and only in 2024 did it become very apparent that now Turkey had more than one leader that could actually challenge Erdogan, and that they also had, if not to support the belief in the public, that they could also run the country. Because if the public does not believe that you are competent enough to manage the affairs of the state or to run the country, they will not vote for you. And leadership truly is an extraordinarily important factor in having democratic change in such systems, what we call electoral authoritarian.Andrew Keen: So what's happened in Turkey in terms of the opposition? The mayor of Istanbul has emerged as a leader. There's an attempt to put him in jail. You talk about the need for an opposition. Is he an ideological figure or just simply younger, more charismatic? More attractive on the media. What do you need and what is missing in the US and what do you have in Turkey? Why are you a couple of chapters ahead on this?Soli Ozel: Well, it was a couple of chapters ahead because we have had the same government or the same ruler for 22 years now.Andrew Keen: And Imamo, I wanted you to pronounce it, Sali, because my Turkish is dreadful. It's worse than most of the other.Soli Ozel: He is the mayor of Istanbul who is now in jail and whose diploma was annulled by the university which actually gave him the diploma and the reason why that is important is if you want to run for president in Turkey, you've got to have a college degree. So that's how it all started. And then he was charged with corruption and terrorism. And he's put in zero. Oh, it's terrorism. There was.Andrew Keen: It's terrorism, they always throw the terrorist bit in, don't they, Simon?Soli Ozel: Yeah, but that dossier is, for the moment, pending. It has not been closed, but it is pending. Anyway, he is young, but his major power is that he can touch all segments of society, conservative, nationalist, leftist. And that's what makes people compare him also with Erdogan who also had a touch of appealing to different segments of the population. But of course, he's secular. He's not ideological, he's a practical man. And Istanbul's population is about anywhere between 16 and 18 million people. It's larger than many countries in Europe. And to manage a city like Istanbul requires really good managerial skills. And Imamoglu managed this in spite of the fact that central government cut its resources, made sure that there was obstruction in every step that he wanted to take, and did not help him a bit. And that still was continuing. Still, he won once. Then there was a repeat election. He won again. And this time around, he one with a landslide, 54% against 44% of his opponent, which had all theAndrew Keen: So the way you're presenting him, is he running as a technocrat or is he running as a celebrity?Soli Ozel: No, he's running as a politician. He's running a politician, he is a popular politician. Maybe you can see tinges of populism in him as well, but... He is what, again, what I think his incarceration having prompted such a wide ranging segments of population really kind of rebelling against this incarceration has to do with the fact that he has resonance in Anatolia. Because he does not scare conservative people. He aspires the youth because he speaks to them directly and he actually made promises to them in Istanbul that he kept, he made their lives easier. And he's been very creative in helping the poorer segments of Istanbul with a variety of programs. And he has done this without really being terribly pushing. So, I mean, I think I sense that the country sees him as its next ruler. And so to attack him was basically tampering with the verdict of the ballot box. That's, I, think how the Turkish public interpreted it. And for good historical reasons, the ballot box is really pretty sacred in Turkey. We usually have upwards of 80% of participation in the election.Andrew Keen: And they're relatively, I mean, not just free, but the results are relatively honest. Yeah, there was an interesting New York Times editorial a couple of days ago. I sent it over. I'm sure you'd read it anyway. Turkey's people are resisting autocracy. They deserve more than silence. I mean from Trump, who has very peculiar relations, he has peculiar relations with everyone, but particularly it seems with Turkey does, in your view, does Turkey needs or the resistance or the mayor of Istanbul this issue, need more support from the US? Would it make any difference?Soli Ozel: Well, first of all, the current American administration didn't seem to particularly care that the arrest and incarceration of the mayor of Istanbul was a bit, to say the least, was awkward and certainly not very legal. I mean, Mario Rubio said, Marco Rubio said that he had concerns. But Mr. Witkoff, in the middle of demonstrations that were shaking the country, Mr. Witkof said it to Tucker Carlson's show that there were very wonderful news coming out of Turkey. And of course, President Trump praised Erdogan several times. They've been on the phone, I think, five times. And he praised Erdogan in front of Bibi Netanyahu, which obviously Bibi Netanyah did not particularly appreciate either. So obviously the American administration likes Mr. Erdogans and will support him. And whatever the Turkish public may or may not want, I don't think is of great interest toAndrew Keen: What about the international dimension, sorry, Putin, the Ukrainian war? How does that play out in terms of the narrative unfolding in Turkey?Soli Ozel: Well, first of all, of course, when the Assad regime fell,Andrew Keen: Right, and as that of course. And Syria of course as well posts that.Soli Ozel: Yeah, I mean, look, Turkey is in the middle of two. War zones, no? Syria was one and the Ukraine is the other. And so when the regime fell and it was brought down by groups that were protected by Turkey in Idlib province of Syria. Everybody argued, and I think not wrongly, that Turkey would have a lot of say over the future of Syria. And I think it will. First of all, Turkey has about 600 miles or 911 kilometer border with Syria and the historical relations.Andrew Keen: And lots of Syrian refugees, of course.Soli Ozel: At the peak, there were about 4 million, I think it's now going down. President Erdogan said that about 200,000 already went back since the overthrow of the regime. And then of course, to the north, there is Ukraine, Russia. And of course this elevates Turkey's strategic importance or geopolitical importance. Another issue that raises Turkish geopolitical importance is, of course, the gradual withdrawal of the United States from providing security to Europe under the umbrella of NATO, North Atlantic Alliance. And as the Europeans are being forced to fetch for themselves for their security, non-EU members of NATO such as Britain, Norway, Turkey, their importance becomes more accentuated as well. And so Turkey and the European Union were in the process of at least somewhat normalizing their relations and their dialog. So what happened domestically, therefore, did not get much of a reaction from the EU, which is supposed to be this paragon of rights and liberties and all that. But But it also left Turkey in a game in an awkward situation, I would think, because things could have gone much, much better. The rapprochement with the European Union could have moved a lot more rapidly, I will think. But geopolitical advantages are there. Obviously, the Americans care a lot for it. And whatever it is that they're negotiating with the Turkish government, we will soon find out. It is a... It is a country that would help stabilize Syria. And that's what President Trump also said, that he would adjudicate between Israel and Turkey over Syria, because these two countries which have been politically at odds, but strategically usually in very good terms. Whether or not the, so to avoid a clash between the two in Syria was important for him. So Turkey's international situation will continue to be important, but I think without the developments domestically, Turkey's position and profile would have been much more solid.Andrew Keen: Comparing US and Turkey, the US military has never participated, at least overtly, in politics, whereas the Turkish military, of course, has historically. Where's the Turkish Military on this? What are they thinking about these imprisonments and the increasing unpopularity of the current regime?Soli Ozel: I think the demilitarization of the Turkish political system was accomplished by the end of the 2000s, so I don't think anybody knows what the military thinks and I'm not sure that anybody really wonders what the army thinks. I think Erdogan has certainly on the top echelons of the military, it has full control. Whether or not the cadets in the Turkish military are lower echelons. Do have political views at odds with that of the government that is not visible. And I don't think the Turkish military should be designing or defining our political system. We have an electorate. We do have a fairly, how shall I say, a public that is fairly attuned to its own rights. And believes certainly in the sanctity of the ballot box, it's been resisting for quite some time and it is defying the authorities and we should let that take its course. I don't think we need the military to do it.Andrew Keen: Finally, Soli, you've been very generous with your time from Vienna. It's late afternoon there. Let's end where we began with this supposed tarnishing of the U.S. Brand. As we noted earlier, you and I have invested our lives, if for better or worse, in the U S brand. We've always been critical, but we've also been believers in this. It's also important in this brand.Soli Ozel: It is an important grant.Andrew Keen: So how do we, and I don't like this term, maybe there is a better term, brands suggest marketing, something not real, but there is something real about the US. How do we re-establish, or I don't know what the word is, a polish rather than tarnish the US brand? What needs to happen in the U.S.Soli Ozel: Well, I think we will first have to see the reinvigoration of institutions in the United States that have been assaulted. That's why I think the Harvard case... Yeah, and I love you.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and I love your idea of comparing it to the Scopes trial of 1926. We probably should do a whole show on that, it's fascinating idea.Soli Ozel: Okay, and then the Democratic Party will have to get its act together. I don't know how long it will take for them to get their act together, they have not been very...Andrew Keen: Clever. But some Democrats will say, well, there's more than one party. The Sanders AOC wing has done its job. People like Gavin Newsom are trying to do their job. I mean, you can't have an official party. There's gonna be a debate. There already is a debate within the party between the left and the right.Soli Ozel: The thing is, debates can be endless, and I don't think there is time for that. First of all, I think the decentralized nature of American governance is also an advantage. And I think that the assault has been so forceful that everybody has woken up to it. It could have been the frog method, you know, that is... Yeah, the boiling in the hot water. So, already people have begun to jump and that is good, that's a sign of vitality. And therefore, I think in due time, things will be evolving in a different direction. But, for populist or authoritarian inclined populist regimes, control of the institutions is very important, so you've got to be alert. And what I discovered, studying these things and looking at the practice. Executive power is a lot of power. So separation of powers is fine and good, but the thing is executive power is really very... Prominent and the legislature, especially in this particular case with the Republican party that has become the instrument of President Trump, and the judiciary which resists but its power is limited. I mean, what do you do when a court decision is not abided by the administration? You cannot send the police to the White House.Andrew Keen: Well, you might have to, that's why I asked the military question.Soli Ozel: Well, it's not up to the military to do this, somehow it will have to be resolved within the civilian democratic system, no matter where. Yes, the decks are stacked against the opposition in most of these cases, but then you'll have to fight. And I think a lot hinges on how corporations are going to react from now on. They have bet on Trump, and I suppose that many of them are regretting because of the tariffs. I just was at a conference, and there was a German business person who said that he has a factory in Germany and a factory in Ohio. And he told me that within three months there would not be any of the goods that he produces on the shelves because of tariffs. Once this begins to hit, then you may see a different dynamic in the country as well, unless the administration takes a U-turn. But if it does take a U turn, it will also have weakened itself, both domestically and internationally.Andrew Keen: Yeah, certainly, to put it mildly. Well, as we noted, Soli, what's real is economics. The rest is perhaps froth or lies or propaganda. Soli Ozel: It's a necessary condition. Without that deteriorating, you really cannot get things on values done.Andrew Keen: In other words, Marx was right, but perhaps in a slightly different context. We're not going to get into Marx today, Soli, we're going to get you back on the show. Cause I love that comparison with the current, the Harvard Trump legal thing, comparing it to Scopes. I think I hadn't thought of that. It's a very interesting idea. Keep well, keep safe, keep telling the truth from Central Europe and Turkey. As always, Solia, it's an honor to have you on the show. Thank you so much.Soli Ozel: Thank you, Andrew, for having me.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

On April 11, 2002, a massacre occurred on the streets of Caracas, Venezuela, as rebelling officers and members of the country's Chamber of Commerce attempted a coup against the democratically elected president Hugo Chavez. The coup lasted just two days.The people were not having it. Chavez supporters descended from the hillsides of the poorest communities across Caracas and amassed outside of Miraflores, the presidential palace. They refused to recognize the de facto government.On April 13, Chavez's presidential guard expelled the coup leaders and returned Chavez to power.  Pressure from both the people and loyal military forces led to the collapse of the coup government. The people and the military united together to defend their democratically elected leader. If you're interested in more background, you can check out the following documentaries. Written and produced by Michael Fox.The Revolution Will Not be Televised (2003) https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iH5nzZU0qCcLlaguno Bridge: Keys to a Massacre (2004): Host Michael Fox helped to translate and narrate this documentary in English.In English: https://vimeo.com/40502430In Spanish: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cZ9jE1c0XPESubscribe to Stories of Resistance podcast hereBecome a member and join the Stories of Resistance Supporters Club today!Sign up for our newsletterFollow us on BlueskyLike us on FacebookFollow us on TwitterDonate to support this podcast

What if the concept of decadence holds the key to understanding our societal and political structures today? This episode challenges traditional narratives by dissecting Samir Amin's unfinished work on revolution and decadence through a Marxist lens. We navigate through Afibung's critique of decadence theory, contrasting Marxist views with more coherent conservative critiques of current institutions. Furthermore, we tackle the pressing issues in the education systems of the U.S. and Britain and ponder how the normalization of capitalist problems by the left may hinder societal progress. Our dialogue draws on insights from Christopher Lasch's "Culture of Narcissism" to suggest that the root of societal issues may go deeper than mere narcissism.Join us on a journey through historical socio-political frameworks as we question Eurocentric grand narratives and explore the tributary mode of production. With a critical eye, we scrutinize the tendency of Marxist scholars to generalize historical categories and contrast this with the nuanced perspectives of civilizations like the Roman, Byzantine, Arab, and Ottoman empires. This discussion probes the coherence of these generalizations and their role in understanding the evolution of productive forces and state structures, challenging the utility of broad historical categorizations.Imperialism and socialism's past and present dynamics take center stage as we analyze the challenges of forming anti-imperialist alliances in today's fragmented world. Reflecting on historical parallels, from the Roman Empire to modern Western capitalism, we examine the enduring divisions of labor and the pressures facing nations like China and Cuba. Through the lens of global socialist states, we explore Hugo Chavez's vision for a Fifth International and the ongoing struggles of socialism in the context of economic development and class struggle. This episode invites listeners to reconsider the nature of revolutions and the implications of bourgeois ideologies in shaping new modes of production.Check out Revolution or Decadence by Samir Amin. Send us a text Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan

No BS Newshour Episode #359The Gangster of JournalismBefore there was TikTok.Before there were influencers.There was Vice.And Michael Moynihan was Vice. The OG of online video news.(0:04) Remembering Mickey.(7:14) What Moynihan is doing now.  His new show.(18:39) Democrats are lost in space, but are Republicans really the new party of the working man?(36:18) Irony of Irony- How the new aged hipsters killed Vice.(47:19) Murder and Mayhem: Detroit is little better than the Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez.

3.21.25My Book: https://www.semperfryllc.com/store/p93/Priestcraft%3A_Beyond_Babylon_%28Signed_Copy%29.htmlHugo Chavez named the Parasite, was outspoken about the rape of his country and its resources, paid off Venezuela's debt and kicked out the IMF/London bankers... Just like Hitler, just like Putin. He publicly stated the Israeli Terrorist Mossad was attempting to murder him. Our Bank-owned economic territory of the Financial Jews, we call it "America," still, as an extension of the terrorists of Israel also plotted to murder Chavez in 2002 and in 2006. We'll see how his intestinal tumor the size of a baseball was anything but "natural."https://x.com/DisguiseLimitsPATREON Community to ChatGET AD-FREE and Exclusive Content: Become a Patron.https://Patreon.com/DisguisetheLimitsBEST HOT SAUCE of the Realm:https://SemperFryLLC.com to get Priestcraft: Beyond Babylon, AWESOME Hot Sauce and Creatine-HCL. Use code 1STOPSHOP for 10% OFFI was deleted from Spotify! If you absolutely must listen to podcasts instead of just listening to videos like I do, go here and FOLLOW:https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/ba-al-busters-broadcast--5100262Call In: 619-431-0334Join Dr. Glidden's Membership site:https://leavebigpharmabehind.com/?via=pgndhealthCode: baalbusters for 50% Off membershipDR MONZO CODE: BaalBustersSTRIPE: https://buy.stripe.com/cN28wSelp30wgaA288BMC: https://BuyMeACoffee.com/BaalBustersGiveSendGo: https://GiveSendGo.com/BaalBustersGet a Signed Hellstorm NOW!https://www.moneytreepublishing.com/shop/hellstormCode: BAAL for 10% Off!European Viewers You can support here: https://www.tipeeestream.com/baalbusters/Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/ba-al-busters-broadcast--5100262/support.

Today, we journey across the world with Stephanie Cuadra, a woman whose path to wine is as bold and layered as the wines she now produces. Once a political journalist covering Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Stephanie found herself unexpectedly in the world of Chianti, managing communications for a top winery. Now, she's a wine importer and producer in Italy's Valle d'Itria, championing rare indigenous grapes and shaking up tradition with her new boxed wine brand, Liquido. In this episode, Stephanie shares her fascinating journey, the challenges of Italian wine culture, and her mission to preserve forgotten grape varieties all while navigating the complexities of modern wine production. So pour a glass, sit back, and get ready to be inspired by the world of wine and one remarkable woman behind it. In this episode, you will be able to: Discover the unique journey of Stephanie, a former political journalist turned wine producer and how her background shaped her approach to the wine industry. Learn about the indigenous grape varieties of Puglia, and why they are often overlooked in the wine world. Explore the challenges and rewards of running a small wine production in Italy, including the importance of local co-ops and community support. Find out about Stephanie's innovative boxed wine project, "Liquido," aimed at changing perceptions of boxed wines and expanding the reach of lesser-known grape varieties. Gain insights into the complexities of importing wine in Utah, a unique market with its own set of challenges and opportunities, and how Stephanie navigates this landscape. Stephanie Cuadra is a dynamic figure in the wine industry, currently based in Greve in Chianti, Tuscany. With a background in political journalism and a degree in Italian literature from Georgetown University, Stephanie's journey into the world of wine began serendipitously when she was recruited to oversee communications at Querciabella, a renowned winery in Chianti. Her passion for wine deepened as she married the winery's CEO, Roberto Lasorte, and together they embarked on a mission to revive her husband's family farm in Valle d'Itria, Puglia. As a wine importer based in Salt Lake City, Stephanie has cultivated a portfolio that champions small producers and indigenous grape varieties, focusing on the unique offerings of Italy and Spain. Her commitment to preserving viticultural heritage is evident in her production of Silos, a field blend of native grapes from the Valle d'Itria, and her latest venture, Liquido, a fresh take on boxed wines aimed at expanding the reach of lesser-known varietals. Fluent in Italian and deeply connected to her roots, Stephanie is passionate about sharing the stories behind her wines and the traditions of the regions they come from. With a mission to educate and inspire wine lovers, she invites you to join her on this exciting journey through the world of Italian wines. Contact Stephanie Cuadra here:  Email: sc@lasortecuadra.com Websites: https://www.lasortecuadra.com and https://www.terrestoria.com @terrestoria and @lasortecuadra

Ron Mitori's new book, “” looks to the past and to the future as the U.S. position in the world evolves. His book starts off with stories of personal experiences under socialist regimes. One story, of Lore and her family begins: “Lore's father had been a successful inventor and businessman who owned a factory that produced household goods during WWII. He was also part of the underground movement that did not support Hitler. Lore had lived with her parents and two sisters in a section of Germany that became East Germany. She wanted to study and become an archaeologist as a child, but war can change your dreams. At the war's end, that area was administered brutally by the East German police, and a wall was built separating East from West Germany. As the oldest, Lore went to live for almost three years with her grandparents because they could get a food ration card if they had a child in the house.” Another story from : “Venezuela was the wealthiest country in South America. Pablo was born there, and his father was a very successful lawyer. Pablo's cousin fled from Communist Cuba ruled by Fidel Castro to Venezuela to be near him and his family and escape Communism. One year later in 1999, Hugo Chavez became the leader of Venezuela and began dismantling the capitalism that made the country wealthy with a thriving middle class. That cousin realized he had seen this “movie” before in Cuba and wanted no part in it. He decided to leave after only one year in Venezuela. He convinced Pablo to join him and come to the US, but Pablo's father mistakenly thought his status and wealth would continue, so he remained. Pablo now sends money to him every month to keep him from starving.”. Looking back and looking forward, Ron sees the U.S. at a cross roads. Which way will we go? Read his book for a remarkable tour de force of our country's ongoing evolution.   Subscribers can enjoy extended conversations from this podcast. To subscribe, go to BumpInTheRoad.Substack.com     What they're saying:   “This is a beautiful book about life, its imperfections, its challenges, and its joys. It is a book of hope and wisdom for all of us facing a bump in the road.” –Pragito Dove   “Pat has woven together beautiful stories of life setbacks that have been transformed into spiritual growth. This book is a gift and a must-read for souls experiencing pain and yearning for growth.”   –Gary Hensel   Learn more at   Follow Bump on: ➡️  ➡️  ➡️  ➡️  ➡️   

Why is reforming capitalism so essential? In the latest issue of Liberties Quarterly, Tim Wu argues that unregulated capitalism not only leads to economic monopolies, but also drives populist anger and authoritarian politics. In “The Real Road to Serfdom”, Wu advocates for "decentralized capitalism" with distributed economic power, citing examples from Scandinavia and East Asia. Drawing from his experience in the Biden administration's antitrust efforts, he emphasizes the importance of preventing industry concentration. Wu expresses concern about big tech's growing political influence and argues that challenging monopolies is critical for fostering innovation and maintaining economic progress in the United States.Here are the 5 KEEN ON AMERICA takeaways from our interview with Tim Wu:* Historical Parallels: Wu sees concerning parallels between our current era and the 1930s, characterized by concentrated economic power, fragile economic conditions, and the rise of populist leaders. He suggests we're in a period where leaders are moving beyond winning elections to attempting to alter constitutional frameworks.* The Monopoly-Autocracy Connection: Wu argues there's a dangerous cycle where monopolies create economic inequality, which generates populist anger, which then enables authoritarian leaders to rise to power. He cites Hugo Chavez as a pioneer of this modern autocratic model that leaders like Trump have followed.* Decentralized Capitalism: Wu advocates for an economic system with multiple centers of distributed economic power, rather than just a few giant companies accumulating wealth. He points to Denmark, Taiwan, and post-WWII East Asia as successful examples of more balanced economic structures.* Antitrust Legacy: Wu believes the Biden administration's antitrust enforcement efforts have created lasting changes in legal standards and public consciousness that won't be easily reversed. He emphasizes that challenging monopolies is crucial for maintaining innovation and preventing industry stagnation.* Big Tech and Power: Wu expresses concern about big tech companies' growing political influence, comparing it to historical examples like AT&T and IBM. He's particularly worried about AI potentially reinforcing existing power structures rather than democratizing opportunities.Complete Transcript: Tim Wu on The Real Road to SerfdomAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. We live in very strange times. That's no exaggeration. Yesterday, we had Nick Bryant on the show, the author of The Forever War. He was the BBC's man in Washington, DC for a long time. In our conversation, Nick suggested that we're living in really historic times, equivalent to the fall of the Berlin Wall, 9/11, perhaps even the beginnings of the Second World War.My guest today, like Nick, is a deep thinker. Tim Wu will be very well known to you for many things, including his book, The Attention Merchants. He was involved in the Biden White House, teaches law at Columbia University, and much more. He has a new book coming out later in the year on November 4th, The Age of Extraction. He has a very interesting essay in this issue of Liberties, the quarterly magazine of ideas, called "The Real Road to Serfdom."Tim had a couple of interesting tweets in the last couple of days, one comparing the behavior of President Trump to Germany's 1933 enabling act. And when it comes to Ukraine, Tim wrote, "How does the GOP feel about their president's evident plan to forfeit the Cold War?" Tim Wu is joining us from his home in the village of Manhattan. Tim, welcome. Before we get to your excellent essay in Liberties, how would you historicize what we're living through at the moment?Tim Wu: I think the 1930s are not the wrong way to look at it. Prior to that period, you had this extraordinary concentration of economic power in a very fragile environment. A lot of countries had experienced an enormous crash and you had the rise of populist leaders, with Mussolini being the pioneer of the model. This has been going on for at least 5 or 6 years now. We're in that middle period where it's moving away from people just winning elections to trying to really alter the constitution of their country. So I think the mid-30s is probably about right.Andrew Keen: You were involved in the Biden administration. You were one of the major thinkers when it came to antitrust. Have you been surprised with what's happened since Biden left office? The speed, the radicalness of this Trump administration?Tim Wu: Yes, because I expected something more like the first Trump administration, which was more of a show with a lot of flash but poor execution. This time around, the execution is also poor but more effective. I didn't fully expect that Elon Musk would actually be a government official at this point and that he'd have this sort of vandalism project going on. The fact they won all of the houses of Congress was part of the problem and has made the effort go faster.Andrew Keen: You talk about Musk. We've done many shows on Musk's role in all this and the seeming arrival of Silicon Valley or a certain version of Silicon Valley in Washington, DC. You're familiar with both worlds, the world of big tech and Silicon Valley and Washington. Is that your historical reading that these two worlds are coming together in this second Trump administration?Tim Wu: It's very natural for economic power to start to seek political power. It follows from the basic view of monopoly as a creature that wants to defend itself, and the second observation that the most effective means of self-defense is control of government. If you follow that very simple logic, it stands to reason that the most powerful economic entities would try to gain control of government.I want to talk about the next five years. The tech industry is following the lead of Palantir and Peter Thiel, who were pioneers in thinking that instead of trying to avoid government, they should try to control it. I think that is the obvious move over the next four years.Andrew Keen: I've been reading your excellent essay in Liberties, "The Real Road to Serfdom." When did you write it? It seems particularly pertinent this week, although of course you didn't write it knowing exactly what was going to be happening with Musk and Washington DC and Trump and Ukraine.Tim Wu: I wrote it about two years ago when I got out of the White House. The themes are trying to get at eternal issues about the dangers of economic power and concentrated economic power and its unaccountability. If it made predictions that are starting to come true, I don't know if that's good or bad.Andrew Keen: "The Real Road to Serfdom" is, of course, a reference to the Hayek book "The Road to Serfdom." Did you consciously use that title with reference to Hayek, or was that a Liberties decision?Tim Wu: That was my decision. At that point, and I may still write this, I was thinking of writing a book just called "The Real Road to Serfdom." I am both fascinated and a fan of Hayek in certain ways. I think he nailed certain things exactly right but makes big errors at the same time.To his credit, Hayek was very critical of monopoly and very critical of the role of the state in reinforcing monopoly. But he had an almost naivete about what powerful, unaccountable private economic entities would do with their power. That's essentially my criticism.Andrew Keen: In 2018, you wrote a book, "The Curse of Bigness." And in a way, this is an essay against bigness, but it's written—please correct me if I'm wrong—I read it as a critique of the left, suggesting that there were times in the essay, if you're reading it blind, you could have been reading Hayek in its critique of Marx and centralization and Lenin and Stalin and the Ukrainian famines. Is the message in the book, Tim—is your audience a progressive audience? Are you saying that it's a mistake to rely on bigness, so to speak, the state as a redistributive platform?Tim Wu: Not entirely. I'm very critical of communist planned economies, and that's part of it. But it's mainly a critique of libertarian faith in private economic power or sort of the blindness to the dangers of it.My basic thesis in "The Real Road to Serfdom" is that free market economies will tend to monopolize. Once monopoly power is achieved, it tends to set off a strong desire to extract as much wealth from the rest of the economy as it can, creating something closer to a feudal-type economy with an underclass. That tends to create a huge amount of resentment and populist anger, and democracies have to respond to that anger.The libertarian answer of saying that's fine, this problem will go away, is a terrible answer. History suggests that what happens instead is if democracy doesn't do anything, the state takes over, usually on the back of a populist strongman. It could be a communist, could be fascist, could be just a random authoritarian like in South America.I guess I'd say it's a critique of both the right and the left—the right for being blind to the dangers of concentrated economic power, and the left, especially the communist left, for idolizing the takeover of vital functions by a giant state, which has a track record as bad, if not worse, than purely private power.Andrew Keen: You bring up Hugo Chavez in the essay, the now departed Venezuelan strongman. You're obviously no great fan of his, but you do seem to suggest that Chavez, like so many other authoritarians, built his popularity on the truth of people's suffering. Is that fair?Tim Wu: That is very fair. In the 90s, when Chavez first came to power through popular election, everyone was mystified and thought he was some throwback to the dictators of the 60s and 70s. But he turned out to be a pioneer of our future, of the new form of autocrat, who appealed to the unfairness of the economy post-globalization.Leaders like Hungary's Viktor Orbán, and certainly Donald Trump, are direct descendants of Hugo Chavez in their approach. They follow the same playbook, appealing to the same kind of pain and suffering, promising to act for the people as opposed to the elites, the foreigners, and the immigrants. Chavez is also a cautionary lesson. He started in a way which the population liked—he lowered gas prices, gave away money, nationalized industry. He was very popular. But then like most autocrats, he eventually turned the money to himself and destroyed his own country.Andrew Keen: Why are autocrats like Chavez and perhaps Trump so much better at capturing that anger than Democrats like Joe Biden and Kamala Harris?Tim Wu: People who are outside the system like Chavez are able to tap into resentment and anger in a way which is less diluted by their direct information environment and their colleagues. Anyone who hangs around Washington, DC for a long time becomes more muted and careful. They lose credibility.That said, the fact that populist strongmen take over countries in distress suggests we need to avoid that level of economic distress in the first place and protect the middle class. Happy, contented middle-class countries don't tend to see the rise of authoritarian dictators. There isn't some Danish version of Hugo Chavez in the running right now.Andrew Keen: You bring up Denmark. Denmark always comes up in these kinds of conversations. What's admirable about your essay is you mostly don't fall into the Denmark trap of simply saying, "Why don't we all become like Denmark?" But at the same time, you acknowledge that the Danish model is attractive, suggesting we've misunderstood it or treated it superficially. What can and can't we learn from the Danish model?Tim Wu: American liberals often misunderstand the lesson of Scandinavia and other countries that have strong, prosperous middle classes like Taiwan, Japan, and Korea. In Scandinavia's case, the go-to explanation is that it's just the liberals' favorite set of policies—high taxation, strong social support systems. But I think the structure of those economies is much more important.They have what Jacob Hacker calls very strong "pre-distribution." They've avoided just having a small set of monopolists who make all the money and then hopefully hand it out to other people. It goes back to their land reform in the early 19th century, where they set up a very different kind of economy with a broad distribution of productive assets.If I'm trying to promote a philosophy in this book, it's for people who are fed up with the excesses of laissez-faire capitalism and think it leads to autocracy, but who are also no fans of communism or socialism. Just saying "let people pile up money and we'll tax it later" is not going to work. What you need is an economy structured with multiple centers of distributed economic power.Andrew Keen: The term that seems to summarize that in the essay is "architecture of parity." It's a bit clunky, but is that the best way to sum up your thinking?Tim Wu: I'm working on the terminology. Architecture of equality, parity, decentralized capitalism, distribution—these are all terms trying to capture it. It's more of a 19th century form of Christian or Catholic economics. People are grasping for the right word for an economic system that doesn't rely on just a few giant companies taking money from everybody and hopefully redistributing it. That model is broken and has a dangerous tendency to lead to toxicity. We need a better capitalism. An alternative title for this piece could have been "Saving Capitalism from Itself."Andrew Keen: Your name is most associated with tech and your critique of big tech. Does this get beyond big tech? Are there other sectors of the economy you're interested in fixing and reforming?Tim Wu: Absolutely. Silicon Valley is the most obvious and easiest entry point to talk about concentrated economic power. You can see the dependence on a small number of platforms that have earnings and profits far beyond what anyone imagined possible. But we're talking about an economy-wide, almost global set of problems.Some industries are worse. The meat processing industry in the United States is horrendously concentrated—it takes all the money from farmers, charges us too much for meat, and keeps it for itself. There are many industries where people are looking for something to understand or believe in that's different than socialism but different than this libertarian capitalism that ends up bankrupting people. Tech is the easiest way to talk about it, but not the be-all and end-all of my interest.Andrew Keen: Are there other examples where we're beginning to see decentralized capitalism? The essay was very strong on the critique, but I found fewer examples of decentralized capitalism in practice outside maybe Denmark in the 2020s.Tim Wu: East Asia post-World War II is a strong example of success. While no economy is purely small businesses, although Taiwan comes close, if you look at the East Asian story after World War II, one of the big features was an effort to reform land, give land to peasants, and create a landowning class to replace the feudal system. They had huge entrepreneurism, especially in Korea and Taiwan, less in Japan. This built a strong and prosperous middle and upper middle class.Japan has gone through hard times—they let their companies get too big and they stagnated. But Korea and Taiwan have gone from being third world economies to Taiwan now being wealthier per capita than Japan. The United States is another strong example, vacillating between being very big and very small. Even at its biggest, it still has a strong entrepreneurial culture and sectors with many small entities. Germany is another good example. There's no perfect version, but what I'm saying is that the model of monopolized economies and just having a few winners and hoping that anybody else can get tax payments is really a losing proposition.Andrew Keen: You were on Chris Hayes recently talking about antitrust. You're one of America's leading thinkers on antitrust and were brought into the Biden administration on the antitrust front. Is antitrust then the heart of the matter? Is this really the key to decentralizing capitalism?Tim Wu: I think it's a big tool, one of the tools of managing the economy. It works by preventing industries from merging their way into monopoly and keeps a careful eye on structure. In the same way that no one would say interest rates are the be-all and end-all of monetary policy, when we're talking about structural policy, having antitrust law actively preventing overconcentration is important.In the White House itself, we spent a lot of time trying to get other agencies to prevent their sectors, whether healthcare or transportation, from becoming overly monopolized and extractive. You can have many parts of the government involved—the antitrust agencies are key, but they're not the only solution.Andrew Keen: You wrote an interesting piece for The Atlantic about Biden's antitrust initiatives. You said the outgoing president's legacy of revived antitrust enforcement won't be easy to undo. Trump is very good at breaking things. Why is it going to be hard to undo? Lina Khan's gone—the woman who seems to unite all of Silicon Valley in their dislike of her. What did Biden do to protect antitrust legislation?Tim Wu: The legal patterns have changed and the cases are ongoing. But I think more important is a change of consciousness and ideology and change in popular support. I don't think there is great support for letting big tech do whatever they want without oversight. There are people who believe in that and some of them have influence in this administration, but there's been a real change in consciousness.I note that the Federal Trade Commission has already announced that it's going to stick with the Biden administration's merger rules, and my strong sense is the Department of Justice will do the same. There are certain things that Trump did that we stuck with in the Biden administration because they were popular—the most obvious being the turn toward China. Going back to the Bush era approach of never bothering any monopolies, I just don't think there's an appetite for it.Andrew Keen: Why is Lina Khan so unpopular in Silicon Valley?Tim Wu: It's interesting. I'm not usually one to attribute things to sexism, but the Justice Department brought more cases against big tech than she did. Jonathan Kanter, who ran antitrust at Justice, won the case against Google. His firm was trying to break up Google. They may still do it, but somehow Lina Khan became the face of it. I think because she's young and a woman—I don't know why Jonathan Kanter didn't become the symbol in the same way.Andrew Keen: You bring up the AT&T and IBM cases in the US tech narrative in the essay, suggesting that we can learn a great deal from them. What can we learn from those cases?Tim Wu: The United States from the 70s through the 2010s was an extraordinarily innovative place and did amazing things in the tech industry. An important part of that was challenging the big IBM and AT&T monopolies. AT&T was broken into eight pieces. IBM was forced to begin selling its software separately and opened up the software markets to what became a new software industry.AT&T earlier had been forced to license the transistor, which opened up the semiconductor industry and to some degree the computing industry, and had to stay out of computing. The government intervened pretty forcefully—a form of industrial policy to weaken its tech monopolies. The lesson is that we need to do the same thing right now.Some people will ask about China, but I think the United States has always done best when it constantly challenges established power and creates room for entrepreneurs to take their shot. I want very much for the new AI companies to challenge the main tech platforms and see what comes of that, as opposed to becoming a stagnant industry. Everyone says nothing can become stagnant, but the aerospace industry was pretty quick-moving in the 60s, and now you have Boeing and Airbus sitting there. It's very easy for a tech industry to stagnate, and attacking monopolists is the best way to prevent that.Andrew Keen: You mentioned Google earlier. You had an interesting op-ed in The New York Times last year about what we should do about Google. My wife is head of litigation at Google, so I'm not entirely disinterested. I also have a career as a critic of Google. If Kent Walker was here, he would acknowledge some of the things he was saying. But he would say Google still innovates—Google hasn't become Boeing. It's innovating in AI, in self-driving cars, it's shifting search. Would he be entirely wrong?Tim Wu: No, he wouldn't be entirely wrong. In the same way that IBM kept going, AT&T kept going. What you want in tech industries is a fair fight. The problem with Google isn't that they're investing in AI or trying to build self-driving cars—that's great. The problem is that they were paying over $20 billion a year to Apple for a promise not to compete in search. Through control of the browsers and many other things, they were trying to make sure they could never be dislodged.My view of the economics is monopolists need to always be a little insecure. They need to be in a position where they can be challenged. That happens—there are companies who, like AT&T in the 70s or 60s, felt they were immune. It took the government to make space. I think it's very important for there to be opportunities to challenge the big guys and try to seize the pie.Andrew Keen: I'm curious where you are on Section 230. Google won their Supreme Court case when it came to Section 230. In this sense, I'm guessing you view Google as being on the side of the good guys.Tim Wu: Section 230 is interesting. In the early days of the Internet, it was an important infant industry protection. It was an insulation that was vital to get those little companies at the time to give them an opportunity to grow and build business models, because if you're being sued by billions of people, you can't really do too much.Section 230 was originally designed to protect people like AOL, who ran user forums and had millions of people discussing—kind of like Reddit. I think as Google and companies like Facebook became active in promoting materials and became more like media companies, the case for an absolutist Section 230 became a lot weaker. The law didn't really change but the companies did.Andrew Keen: You wrote the essay "The Real Road to Serfdom" a couple of years ago. You also talked earlier about AI. There's not a lot of AI in this, but 50% of all the investment in technology over the last year was in AI, and most of that has gone into these huge platforms—OpenAI, Anthropic, Google Gemini. Is AI now the central theater, both in the Road to Serfdom and in liberating ourselves from big tech?Tim Wu: Two years ago when I was writing this, I was determined not to say anything that would look stupid about AI later. There's a lot more on what I think about AI in my new book coming in November.I see AI as a classic potential successor technology. It obviously is the most significant successor to the web and the mass Internet of 20 years ago in terms of having potential to displace things like search and change the way people do various forms of productivity. How technology plays out depends a lot on the economic structure. If you think about a technology like the cotton gin, it didn't automatically lead to broad flourishing, but reinforced plantation slavery.What I hope happens with AI is that it sets off more competition and destabilization for some of the tech platforms as opposed to reinforcing their advantage and locking them in forever. I don't know if we know what's going to happen right now. I think it's extremely important that OpenAI stays separate from the existing tech companies, because if this just becomes the same players absorbing technology, that sounds a lot like the darker chapters in US tech history.Andrew Keen: And what about the power of AI to liberate ourselves from our brain power as the next industrial revolution? When I was reading the essay, I thought it would be a very good model, both as a warning and in terms of offering potential for us to create this new architecture of parity. Because the technology in itself, in theory at least, is one of parity—one of democratizing brainpower.Tim Wu: Yes, I agree it has extraordinary potential. Things can go in two directions. The Industrial Revolution is one example where you had more of a top-down centralization of the means of production that was very bad for many people initially, though there were longer-term gains.I would hope AI would be something more like the PC revolution in the 80s and 90s, which did augment individual humanity as opposed to collective enterprise. It allowed people to do things like start their own travel agency or accounting firm with just a computer. I am interested and bullish on the potential of AI to empower smaller units, but I'm concerned it will be used to reinforce existing economic structures. The jury's out—the future will tell us. Just hoping it's going to make humanity better is not going to be the best answer.Andrew Keen: When you were writing this essay, Web3 was still in vogue then—the idea of blockchain and crypto decentralizing the economy. But I didn't see any references to Web3 and the role of technology in democratizing capitalism in terms of the architecture of corporations. Are you skeptical of the Web3 ideology?Tim Wu: The essay had its limits since I was also talking about 18th century Denmark. I have a lot more on blockchain and Web3 in the book. The challenge with crypto and Bitcoin is that it both over-promises and delivers something. I've been very interested in crypto and blockchain for a long time. The challenge it's had is constantly promising to decentralize great systems and failing, then people stealing billions of dollars and ending up in prison.It has a dubious track record, but it does have this core potential for a certain class of people to earn money. I'm always in favor of anything that is an alternative means of earning money. There are people who made money on it. I just think it's failed to execute on its promises. Blockchain in particular has failed to be a real challenge to web technologies.Andrew Keen: As you say, Hayek inspired the book and in some sense this is intellectual. The father of decentralization in ideological terms was E.F. Schumacher. I don't think you reference him, but do you think there has been much thinking since Schumacher on the value of smallness and decentralized architectures? What do people like yourself add to what Schumacher missed in his critique of bigness?Tim Wu: Schumacher is a good example. Rawls is actually under-recognized as being interested in these things. I see myself as writing in the tradition of those figures and trying to pursue a political economy that values a more balanced economy and small production.Hopefully what I add is a level of institutional experience and practicality that was missing. Rawls is slightly unfair because he's a philosopher, but his model doesn't include firms—it's just individuals. So it's all about balancing between poor people and rich people when obviously economic power is also held by corporations.I'm trying to create more flesh on the bones of the "small is beautiful" philosophy and political economy that is less starry-eyed and more realistic. I'm putting forward the point that you're not sacrificing growth and you're taking less political risk with a more balanced economy. There's an adulation of bigness in our time—exciting big companies are glamorous. But long-term prosperity does better when you have more centers, a more balanced system. I'm not an ultra-centralist suggesting we should live in mud huts, but I do think the worship of monopoly is very similar to the worship of autocracy and is dangerous.Andrew Keen: Much to discuss. Tim Wu, thank you so much. The author of "The Real Road to Serfdom," fascinating essay in this month's issue of Liberties. I know "The Age of Extraction" will be coming out on November 10th.Tim Wu: In England and US at the same time.Andrew Keen: We'll get you back on the show. Fascinating conversation, Tim. Thank you so much.Hailed as the “architect” of the Biden administration's competition and antitrust policies, Tim Wu writes and teaches about private power and related topics. First known for coining the term “net neutrality” in 2002, in recent years Wu has been a leader in the revitalization of American antitrust and has taken a particular focus on the growing power of the big tech platforms. In 2021, he was appointed to serve in the White House as special assistant to the president for technology and competition policy. A professor at Columbia Law School since 2006, Wu has also held posts in public service. He was enforcement counsel in the New York Attorney General's Office, worked on competition policy for the National Economic Council during the Barack Obama administration, and worked in antitrust enforcement at the Federal Trade Commission. In 2014, Wu was a Democratic primary candidate for lieutenant governor of New York. In his most recent book, The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age (2018), he argues that corporate and industrial concentration can lead to the rise of populism, nationalism, and extremist politicians. His previous books include The Attention Merchants: The Epic Scramble to Get Inside Our Heads (2016), The Master Switch: The Rise and Fall of Information Empires (2010), and Who Controls the Internet?: Illusions of a Borderless World (2006), which he co-authored with Jack Goldsmith. Wu was a contributing opinion writer for The New York Times and also has written for Slate, The New Yorker, and The Washington Post. He once explained the concept of net neutrality to late-night host Stephen Colbert while he rode a rollercoaster. He has been named one of America's 100 most influential lawyers by the National Law Journal; has made Politico's list of 50 most influential figures in American politics (more than once); and has been included in the Scientific American 50 of policy leadership. Wu is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He served as a law clerk for Justice Stephen Breyer of the U.S. Supreme Court and Judge Richard Posner of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting the daily KEEN ON show, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy interview series. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Start with episode 1 at davidrovics.com/ahistoryoftheworld or start here with episode 10. 2002-2004 Israeli invasion of Jenin (“Jenin”) Heightened border security resulting from global justice movement continues (“Outside Agitator”) Woomera Breakout in Australian refugee detention center (“Woomera”) Coca-Cola union-busting efforts in Colombia turn deadly (“Drink of the Death Squads”) Attempted coup in Venezuela against Hugo Chavez is defeated by the Venezuelan people (“Song for Hugo Chavez”) International Solidarity Movement volunteer, Rachel Corrie, killed by Israeli occupation forces (“The Death of Rachel Corrie”) The US invades Iraq again (“Operation Iraqi Liberation”) The global justice movement is drowned in tear gas in Miami outside of the Free Trade Area of the Americas talks (“Miami”) Spanish journalists go on strike (“Spanish Journalist Strike”) A year after the US invasion of Iraq, the insurgency against the occupation begins (“Fallujah”)

The nomination of Robert F. Kennedy Jr to be secretary of health and human services in the second Trump administration has horrified ‘experts'. A left-wing Democrat who admires the late Venezuelan Marxist dictator Hugo Chavez, hates big business, rails against the ultra-processed food that Donald Trump likes to eat and wants climate sceptics jailed.  But in the magazine this week Matt Ridley explains how the experts who now bash him have contributed in putting him where is, and that official Covid misinformation has contributed to his rise. So what could he do in office? Will he release these Covid files? Matt joins Freddy to discuss.

The nomination of Robert F. Kennedy Jr to be secretary of health and human services in the second Trump administration has horrified ‘experts'. A left-wing Democrat who admires the late Venezuelan Marxist dictator Hugo Chavez, hates big business, rails against the ultra-processed food that Donald Trump likes to eat and wants climate sceptics jailed.  But in the magazine this week Matt Ridley explains how the experts who now bash him have contributed in putting him where is, and that official Covid misinformation has contributed to his rise. So what could he do in office? Will he release these Covid files? Matt joins Freddy to discuss. 

➡️WATCH THE FULL VIDEO INTERVIEW: TBU After Haiti got pawned in the US election Kehinde Andrews interviews Haitian-American filmmaker, Etant Dupain, about his new doc (film) "The Fight For Haiti." It tells the truth about the historical and current story around the Venezuelan PetriCaribe Oil Alliance scandal in Haiti. PetriCaribe was set up by former Venezuelan president, Hugo Chavez. A program for LAC countries (Haiti joined in 2006) to buy oil through a repayment plan for preferential prices, resell to its oil suppliers at international prices, and use the savings for development projects such as infrastructure, health care, and education. This was a chance for Haiti to invest in itself. However, billions of dollars from the fund were wasted, embezzled, and stolen by those entrusted with it, taking it from those who needed it most. The film amplifies the self-determined grassroots struggle of Haitian activists aka Petrochallengers, who put everything on the line to lead the fight against government corruption, impunity, and state-sanctioned violence. It also follows how politicians and oligarchs have attempted to use gangs to destroy the popular movement. Etant Dupain is a journalist and filmmaker. Etant founded an alternative media project in Haiti to enable citizen journalists to provide access to information in Haitian Creole for and about internally displaced people, aid accountability, and politics.  A FREE SCREENING of "The Fight For Haiti" will run next week (Nov 19) at the BLOC Cinema at Queen Mary's School of Law. Tickets are available on Eventbrite (link below) Etant will be there, go say hello. ETANT DUPAIN SOCIALS LINKS (IG) @mr_dupain @thefightforhaiti (X) @EtantDupain @fightforhaiti  SHOW LINKS Official Site + Trailers https://thefightforhaiti.com/ Free Screening of ‘The Fight for Haiti' & Live Q&A With Etant Dupain (When: Tuesday, 19 November at 6pm-8pm | Where: BLOC Cinema, Arts One Building, Queen Mary University of London, Mile End Road, E1 4NS) https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/free-screening-of-the-fight-for-haiti-live-qa-with-etant-dupain-tickets-1037802504227 The Fight For Haiti Review: "Opinion: Hate against Haitian immigrants ignores how US politics pushed them here" https://eu.usatoday.com/story/opinion/voices/2024/10/02/trump-vance-lie-haitian-immigrants-fight-for-haiti/75408449007/ JOIN THE STRUGGLE>> THE HARAMBEE ORGANISATION OF BLACK UNITY NEEDS YOU Harambee Organisation of Black Unity (Marcus Garvey Centre + Nicole Andrews Community Library, Birmingham, UK): https://www.blackunity.org.uk/ (IG) @harambeeobu (X) @HarambeeOBU (FB) OBUBirmingham Make it Plain - Black Education Community Resource Bank We are creating an educational community resource bank., to provide the education that Black children need. Please email us your resource links and we'll create a Black education resource page on Make it Plain.  mip@blackunity.org.uk  CAP25 - Convention of Afrikan People - Gambia - May 17-19, 2025 (Everyone's Welcome*) On Malcolm X's 100th birthday, the Harambee Organisation of Black Unity is bringing together those in Afrika and the Diaspora who want to fulfill Malcolm's legacy and build a global organization for Black people. This is an open invitation to anyone: https://make-it-plain.org/convention-of-afrikan-people/ *On the CAP Steering Committee, we have a Marginalized identities group that looks at LGBTQIA+ and other marginalized identities within Blackness, to ensure all Black people are included"  BUF - Black United Front  Global directory of Black organizations. This will be hosted completely free of charge so if you run a Black organization please email the name, address, website, and contact info to mip@blackunity.org.uk to be listed. MIP SOCIALS LINK Host: (IG) @kehindeandrews  (X) @kehinde_andrews  Podcast team: @makeitplainorg @weylandmck @inhisownterms @farafinmuso Platform: (Blog) www.make-it-plain.org  (YT) www.youtube.com/@MakeItPlain1964  Email: mip@blackunity.org.uk Subscribe + Support Make It Plain https://make-it-plain.org/support-us/ For any help with your audio visit: https://weylandmck.com/ Make it Plain is the Editorial Wing of the Harambee Organisation of Black Unity  

A former senior undercover CIA operative named Gary Berntsen has released a video in which he asserts, based apparently on first-hand knowledge, that machines widely used in elections across the United States are unreliable. The charges are not new. They include claims that Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez developed them to steal one of his own elections. And then, with help from others in Europe and China, the software and hardware were refined to engineer undetected desired electoral outcomes worldwide. What is new news is that Mr. Berntsen reportedly has not only personal insights into how we got here. He claims to have witnesses able and willing to confirm his allegations. If true, we obviously cannot have such compromised machines used in this fall's critically important elections. We must, instead, hand-count paper ballots cast in person by voters with valid government-issued IDs. This is Frank Gaffney.   

In this episode we look for Satan in the oval office during the last decade of the 20th century and the first couple of the 21st. Think of them as the Jon Stewart presidents.There are cameo guest star appearances from The International Prophecy Conference, Jerry Rolan Church, Bill Clinton, Roman Emperor Nero, Arkansas, witchcraft, George Walker Bush Jr, Hugo Chavez, United Nations, Barack Obama, Faithful World Baptist Church, Pastor Steven Andersen, Walgreens, DNA , The Genuine Hoots of Joy, Donald J Trump, Joe Biden, John Voight, Roger Stone, ReAwaken America Tour, Myrtle Beach, South Carolina, MAGA, Nikki Haley, Monica Crowely, Benny Johnson, Chat GPT, Michael Cohen, Demetre Daskalakis, Ted Cruz, Pat Benatar, Kansas City Chiefs, Dark Brandon, Travis Kelce, Taylor Swift, illuminati, Manfred Mann, Pretty Flamingo, Israel, IDF, Raffia and Ben Shapiro. #666 #SketchComedy #Sketch #Comedy #Sketch Comedy #Atheist #Science #History #Atheism #Antitheist #ConspiracyTheory #Conspiracy #Conspiracies #Sceptical #Scepticism #Mythology #Religion #Devil #Satan #Satanism #Satanist #Skeptic #Debunk #Illuminati #SatanIsMySuperhero #Podcast #funny #sketch #skit #comedy #comedyshow #comedyskits #HeavyMetal #weird #RomanEmpire #Rome #AncientRome #Romans #RomanEmperor 

En el vídeo de hoy el Profesor Angel Rosa analiza la relación entre algunos miembros prominentes del Congreso de los Estados Unidos con líderes como Fidel Castro, Hugo Chavez y Daniel Ortega. No te lo pierdas Además comenta la reacción de algunos demócratas a las acusaciones de sociallismo en la política puertorriqueña. Asiste a esta clase del Profesor quien con evidencia en mano, te lo explica.

“Without teaching history from a biblical worldview, you're truly not teaching history as a whole. History supports a biblical worldview and gives us evidence of its truth.” ~ Linda Lacour Hobar Watch this full interview on our YouTube Channel. Join Yvette Hampton and Linda Lacour Hobar on the Schoolhouse Rocked Podcast as they explore the vital role of history in homeschooling. In this enlightening episode of our Homeschooling Every Subject series, Linda, author of The Mystery of History, sheds light on why understanding the past is crucial for our children's education and offers practical insights into integrating history into your homeschooling curriculum. Discover how history reveals the fallen nature of mankind, informs our voting decisions, and is an essential part of high school education. Don't miss Part 1 of this must-listen series! Topics Covered: • The significance of teaching history in homeschooling • Understanding the fallen nature of mankind through historical events • How historical knowledge shapes informed voting • High school history credit requirements and recommendations Come back tomorrow and Thursday for the rest of this conversation.  Has the Schoolhouse Rocked Podcast been a blessing to you? Support from our listeners allows us provide resources, support, and encouragement to homeschooling families around the world. Would you please consider a year-end gift to support the Schoolhouse Rocked ministry? Recommended Resources: Podcast Note-Taking Guide TheMysteryofHistory.com History Book List Podcast Recommendations: Homeschooling Every Subject Series The Good, Bad, and Ugly of Homeschooling, Linda Lacour Hobar, Part 1 Navigating the Bad Days: Managing Meltdowns, Sibling Conflict, and Homeschool Stress, Linda Lacour Hobar, Pt. 2 Thriving Through the Ugly: Homeschooling Through Difficult Times, Linda Lacour Hobar, Pt. 3   Thinking Dad Podcast

After a stint at the Dutch embassy in Caracas, Venezuela's opposition candidate for president Edmundo Gonzalez Urrutia has chosen exile in Spain over arrest by his election rival, incumbent Nicolas Maduro. Did the 76-year old former diplomat do the right thing?  How about the leader of the opposition coalition, Maria Corina Machado? The conservative – who was barred from running – insists she is staying put in Venezuela, all the while playing hide-and-seek with authorities who are also threatening her with jail time.As for the successor of Hugo Chavez, he claims he won in the July 28 first round with 56 percent, but still has not released precinct-by-precinct figures to prove it. In the past, Maduro could count on stalwarts of the Latin American left to back him. Will it be different this time? Already Chile's left-wing president has denounced the result while neighbours Brazil and Colombia – who had offered to mediate this latest crisis – are weighing their options.More broadly, how does oil-rich Venezuela do it? It seems to lurch from crisis to crisis with no change at the top in a quarter-century. What are the options for the opposition? What are the options for the country's 28 million citizens?Produced by Andrew Hilliar, Rebecca Gnignati and Maria Rosa Zampaglione. 

Ep 301 NAR 16 is the last episode in the Next American Revolution sequence. In it Senator and then President Malcolm King, Governor and then Vice President Celia Curie, Lydia Luxemburg, and Bert Dellinger discuss the beneits and debits of electoral participation and the purpose and featrues of RPS's 2048 campaigns and their major victory in 2048 ushering in the birth of RPS transition. This one time, below is what the AI associated with the platform I upload podcast episodes to, Buzzsprout, offered as its summary of the episode, spit forth upon its listening to the material. I employ it so you can see the kinds of writing AIs now generate.So here it is:"Unlock the secrets to navigating the complex world of electoral politics with our final chapter in the Next American Revolution sequence, "2048 and Beyond." Have you ever wondered whether running for political office can truly bring about transformative change, or does it come at the cost of compromising core values? Join us as we explore the real-life experiences of Malcolm King and the multifaceted challenges he faced, from the pressures of fundraising to the struggle of staying connected to grassroots movements. This episode offers a candid look at the intricate dance between visibility, change, and the risk of self-aggrandizement.Dive into the strategic depths of electoral work with compelling historical and personal anecdotes. Hear untold stories from the early days of Hugo Chavez's presidency to Celia Curie's courageous run for Governor of California. Their journeys highlight the moral tightrope walked by leaders striving to remain true to their principles amidst the temptations of political victories. Lydia's insights as the RPS shadow government president further illuminate how institutional structures can either hinder or help the path to meaningful progress. Discover the critical importance of leveraging popular support while navigating the institutional landscape to achieve far-reaching policy changes.As we examine the nuanced relationship between radical movements and existing institutions, Miguel and Bert provide invaluable perspectives on working within flawed systems without losing sight of transformative goals. Revisit the pivotal moments that led to RPS considering a presidential run, culminating in President Malcolm King's transformative UN speech in 2049. Reflect on the broader struggle between revolutionary change and entrenched power through the lens of Malcolm's fierce debate and his vision for an equitable society. This episode promises to leave you with a deeper understanding of the intricate balance between electoral ambitions and grassroots activism."Support the show

While it would seem like the crisis of the political establishment would provide fertile ground for the left, instead we have seen the ascendancy of right-wing figures around the world, who denounce the establishment while shoring up the capitalist order. Often these figures are businessmen like Donald Trump and Silvio Berlusconi, who position themselves outside of the discredited status quo. Sociologist Leslie Gates asks why such capitalist outsiders win, looking at the very different trajectories of Venezuela and Mexico. She contrasts the victories of Hugo Chavez and Vicente Fox — the latter whose election heralded the rise of more leaders in his mold. (Encore presentation.) Resources: Leslie C. Gates, Capitalist Outsiders: Oil's Legacies in Mexico and Venezuela University of Pittsburgh Press, 2023 The post Electing Capitalist Outsiders appeared first on KPFA.

Michael speaks with Latin America and Venezuela expert Pedro Borelli, the Founder and Managing Director of B&V Holdings, a financial advisory firm. Pedro discusses the disputed results of Venezuela's July 28 presidential election, in which President Nicolas Maduro claimed victory despite opposition tallies indicating that their candidate, Edmundo González, won. Pedro provides historical context on Venezuela's transition from a stable democracy to a “mafia state” under the Chávez and Maduro regimes. He also offers his insight into why stability and security in Venezuela matter to U.S. interests and the world.

On this edition of Parallax Views, New York University Gallatin School of Individualized Study's Prof. Alejandro Velasco, author of Barrio Rising: Urban Popular Politics and the Making of  Modern Venezuela, joins the show to discuss the controversial Venezuela elections and the ways in which analysis of the elections and the modern history of Venezuela from U.S. commentators of the Left, the Rigth, and the Center has proven facile. Prof. Velasco, argues that the picture is more complex than either those on the Right who believe Maduro is being couped by an orchestrated color revolution, those on the Right who believe Biden's easing of sanctions has led Nicolás Maduro to consolidate more power in Venezuela, and Centrists who argue all Venezuela's problems are contingent on the legacy of Hugo Chavez. The recent Venezuelan election resulted in much controversy, with even Chavistas being upset with Maduro and footage of resident of the Venezuelan barrios, the urban streets from which Chavismo have traditionally garnered much support from ordinary people, dissenting after the election results were announced. The election results which led to Maduro being declared victorious are believed by a number of different parties. The Carter Center, for example, has said that the elections "cannot be considered democratic". Protest have erupted in the streets of Venezuela's capitol, Caracas.  Given the history of coup attempts in Venezuela, many Leftists in the U.S. and internationally the controversy around this election is actually just U.S.-directed dirty tricks. Prof. Velasco offers a different analysis while also directly addressing the problems with the virulently anti-Chavista elements that lay the blame for all of this on the deceased Chavez. We'll discuss all of this as well as the effect of U.S. sanctions in Venezuela, how Maduro ignored warnings from left-wing economists about how his policies would cause inflation in Venezuela, why Prof. Velasco takes issue with historian and pundit Anne Applebaum's analysis of Venezuela and Hugo Chavez, how this year's election in Venezuela is different than previous elections, the National Electoral Council and the lack of precinct-by-precinct data released in the aftermath of this election, Hugo Chavez's concept of a "socialism for the 21st century", misperceptions about private property in Venezuela, Venezuela's economy and oil, Chavez vs. Maduro, the continuities between Chavez and Maduro and the even more important differences between Chavez and Maduro, material incentives for the Maduro government clinging to power, police raids and discontent in Venezuela, and much, much more.

Nikkei is falling. Recession is possible in America. War in the Middle East seems inevitable, and the US still has hostages held by Iran/Hamas. Iran looking to attack Israel. Today on the Marketplace: This is the Light Saber stand you are looking for. California goes full Hugo Chavez and Maxine Waters. The Simon Family has decided to make Indianapolis their own. Tokyo's Nikkei Stock Market Posts Steep Drop - Economist Matt Will joins to discuss. Doug Emhoff cheated on his wife and got the nanny pregnant. And this story cannot go away. Dow Futures WAY Down. Trump trashes GA Gov Kemp at Atlanta Rally. Gerry Dick talks about the completion of the I-69 Bloomington/Indianapolis Connection.  Dow Futures DOWN. Dems say Trump is scared of Harris, Laughable See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nikkei is falling. Recession is possible in America. War in the Middle East seems inevitable, and the US still has hostages held by Iran/Hamas. Iran looking to attack Israel. Today on the Marketplace: This is the Light Saber stand you are looking for. California goes full Hugo Chavez and Maxine WatersSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

What Happened to Venezuela's Democracy? https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/30/world/americas/venezuela-election-maduro-chavez.html Venezuela's Autocrat Is Declared Winner in Tainted Election https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/28/world/americas/venezuela-election-results.html Venezuela's Economic Success Fueled Its Electricity Crisis https://www.wired.com/2016/04/venezuelas-economic-success-fueled-electricity-crisis/ Hugo Chavez's economic miracle https://www.salon.com/2013/03/06/hugo_chavezs_economic_miracle/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This book by Alan Woods is essential reading for all those who want to understand what is happening in Venezuela today. But this is no mere description of events. It is a powerful Marxist analysis of the Venezuelan Revolution, its weaknesses and strengths, its contradictions and unique characteristics. The book was not written with hindsight., Every chapter, beginning with the coup of April 2002, was written as the events themselves were unfolding, and traces the winding course of the revolution. They reflect the immediacy and lightning speed of events happening before our very eyes.Alan Woods has been a consistent champion of the Venezuelan Revolution since its inception. He helped initiate the Hands Off Venezuela Campaign. He has held personal discussions with Hugo Chavez, which are recounted in this book.The author concludes that the Venezuelan Revolution cannot stop half-way and holds up the perspective of a victorious socialist transformation. It explains that only by expropriating the power of the oligarchy could it succeed and spread to the rest of the continent. This analysis is thus incredibly pertinent given recent events in the country.circa un anno fa #the venezuelan revolution: a mBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-opperman-report--1198501/support.

It's Tuesday, July 23rd, A.D. 2024. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard at www.TheWorldview.com. I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Kevin Swanson Hindus are beating up Christians in India Last month, on June 12th, a mob of vigilantes in Chhattisgarh, India knocked two Christians unconscious while three others were hospitalized with severe injuries, reports Open Doors. Before the mob banished Christian families from the village, the believers were forced into signing a statement that declared if they returned to the village, they would have to convert to Hinduism within 10 days. This coercion took place in the presence of and with the cooperation of local authorities. The Christians have now fled the village fearing that if they return they will be killed since they have no plans to renounce Jesus Christ as their Savior. In addition, on July 13th, a mob of more than 50 Hindu activists attacked a gathering of Christians organized by a local church in central India, reports International Christian Concern. Members of the mob beat those in attendance, including a 60-year-old woman who was punched in the face. Her face swelled up for more than three days. The Clintons, 16 governors, and 33 senators endorsed Kamala After President Joe Biden backed out of the 2024 presidential race, Bill and Hillary Clinton, 16 state governors, and 33 senators have thus far endorsed Kamala Harris for the Democrat Party nomination. Alexander Soros, the son of the well-known billionaire George Soros, and the Chair of Open Society Foundations, also endorsed Kamala Harris on X. He tweeted, “It's time for us all to unite around Kamala Harris and beat Donald Trump. She is the best and most qualified candidate we have. Long live the American Dream!”    According to Breitbart, Alexander Soros has visited the Biden White House 17 times.  However, holding off on endorsements are former President Barack Obama and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York.  But Job said, “The Lord makes nations great, and destroys them; He enlarges nations, and guides them. He takes away the understanding of the chiefs of the people of the Earth, and makes them wander in a pathless wilderness. They grope in the dark without light, and He makes them stagger like a drunken man.” (Job 12:23-25) The financial shift from West to East World power is shifting from West to East The economic production of Russia, China, India, South Africa, and Brazil will grow from 16% of the total world economy in 1992 to an estimated 34% by the year 2028, reports GeoCapitalist.com.  Meanwhile, the Western G7 nations drop from 46% to 28% over the same time period. South America depending on China South America is moving towards more economic dependence upon China. Chinese trade with South America has increased from $18 billion in 2002 to $450 billion in 2022, reports The Economist. And China's trade with Brazil increased by more than a third in the first two months of the year, according to The Financial Times.  Venezuela: The economic disaster in South America Venezuela has become the worst economic disaster in South America. Since 2007, the country has been subjected to Marxist rule under President Hugo Chavez and his protégé' Nicolás Maduro. The nation's GDP fell from $316 billion to $114 billion since then. The nation will have an opportunity to elect another president this coming weekend, although doubts are high as to whether the current president will conduct fair elections. Venezuela has the lowest Gross Domestic Product per capita of South America — that's $8,500. Over 7 million people or 20% have fled the Marxist “paradise.” Proverbs 28:15 points out that ”Like a roaring lion or a charging bear is a wicked ruler over a poor people.” America's $1.9 trillion deficit The Congressional Budget Office is projecting a $1.9 trillion deficit this year.  That's up $400 billion from what was originally estimated. And it's twice the average deficit spending under the 8-year-long Obama administration.   The average deficit spending under the Trump administration was $2.06 trillion per year.  The estimated average deficit spending per year under the Biden administration will be $1.75 trillion. By contrast, the average deficit spending under the Obama administration was only $817 billion per year. Rite Aid, Walgreens, and CVS shutter hundreds of pharmacies Since October, the pharmacy chain, Rite Aid, has closed 520 of its 2,111 stores.  And now, Walgreen's Chief Executive Tim Wentworth told the Wall Street Journal that his company plans to shutter approximately 2,100 stores, which amounts to about a quarter of its retail outlets. CVS has closed 600 stores since 2022, and plans another 300 closures this year. Coincidentally, CVS and Walgreens began selling the abortion pill over the counter in March of this year. Historic First Baptist Dallas sanctuary burned down The historic sanctuary of First Baptist Church of Dallas, pastored by outspoken Trump supporter Robert Jeffress, burned to the ground late last week in a four-alarm fire, reported Fox 4. An emotional Pastor Jeffress shared his thoughts. JEFFRESS: “This sanctuary has been around since 1890. It was the home for our church for a long time until we moved to our new Worship Center about 12 years ago. “This historic sanctuary was the site of many personal events, including my own. I was baptized there when I was six. I was ordained for the ministry when I was 21. It holds a lot of memories.” Pastor Jeffress was grateful that no one was hurt. JEFFRESS: “But we thank God that nobody has been hurt. We had just concluded Vacation Bible School with over 2,000 kids. They were all gone. So, God has protected us through all of this. “I'm grateful that the church is not bricks and mortar or wood. It's people and the people of God will endure. First Baptist Dallas will endure. And we thank so many of our friends around the country who are praying for us right now.” The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives sent investigators to assist in determining the cause of the fire which is still unknown. The newer worship center where the congregation meets is still intact thankfully. If you'd like to help support First Baptist, you can make a donation through a special link in our transcript today at www.TheWorldview.com.  And consider sending a card of encouragement to Pastor Robert Jeffress first Baptist Dallas 17 07 San Jacinto Street, Dallas, Texas 75201 3 girls save another girl from attempted kidnapping Three 11-year-old girls saved a 6-year-old girl from a kidnapping and perhaps worse at the Meridian Green Apartments in Kent, Washington last Tuesday. While the girls were walking towards an ice cream truck outside their apartment complex they confronted the man who was forcibly removing a little girl by the wrist.  They recorded the abduction with their phone cameras, and then asked him if he knew the girl. The man indicated he did, but the 6-year-old disagreed. Police subsequently arrested the man, and, at last report, the 40-year-old male, Hayder Albu Mohammed, has been charged with second-degree attempted kidnapping. Adam McManus on vacation And finally, I'm taking my first vacation from the newscast in almost 10 years with my bride, Amy, and our three children, Honor, Mercy, and Valor. We'll be flying from San Antonio, Texas to Virginia to visit my parents over the next two weeks.  Please pray for our safe travels and for God's healing touch on my mother, Harriet, who is 84, and my father, Mike, who is 83.  That would mean the world to me! I'll be voicing the newscast again on Thursday, August 8th. Close And that's The Worldview on this Tuesday, July 23rd, in the year of our Lord 2024. Join me Adam McManus, and my two sons, Honor and Valor, at the Colorado Father-Son retreat Thursday, August 15th through Sunday, August 18th. Go to ColoradoFatherSon.com.  Subscribe by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com. Or get the Generations app through Google Play or The App Store. I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.

Request A Customized Workshop For Your Company: https://www.americannegotiationinstitute.com/services/workshops/ In this thought-provoking episode of "Negotiate Anything," Kwame Christian, Esq., M.A., is joined by renowned negotiation expert William Ury, co-founder of the Harvard Program on Negotiation, as they delve deep into the complexities of conflict resolution and effective negotiation strategies. Ury shares riveting experiences, including a tense encounter with Hugo Chavez, illustrating powerful techniques for maintaining composure and perspective during critical discussions. Simon adds valuable insights, comparing negotiation to a dynamic game of chess rather than a fixed recipe. This dialogue is packed with practical advice and inspirational anecdotes for anyone looking to enhance their negotiation skills in the face of adversity. Listeners will learn: - How to apply "getting to yes with yourself" to manage emotions effectively in negotiations. - The power of silence, active listening, and the strategic use of breaks to transform contentious discussions into cooperative dialogues. - Strategies to build trust and respect in negotiations, enabling breakthroughs and the constructive handling of difficult conversations. Buy the book: Possible - How We Survive (and Thrive) in an Age of Conflict: https://www.harpercollins.com/products/possible-william-ury?variant=41063305707554 Follow William on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/william-ury-8260a496/ Contact ANI Request A Customized Workshop For Your Company: https://www.americannegotiationinstitute.com/services/workshops/ Follow Kwame Christian on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/kwamechristian/ The Ultimate Negotiation Guide: https://www.americannegotiationinstitute.com/guides/ultimate-negotiation-guide/ Click here to buy your copy of How To Have Difficult Conversations About Race!: https://www.amazon.com/Have-Difficult-Conversations-About-Race/dp/1637741308/ref=pd_%5B%E2%80%A6%5Df0bc9774-7975-448b-bde1-094cab455adb&pd_rd_i=1637741308&psc=1 Click here to buy your copy of Finding Confidence in Conflict: How to Negotiate Anything and Live Your Best Life!: https://www.amazon.com/Finding-Confidence-Conflict-Negotiate-Anything/dp/0578413736/ref=sr_1_1?crid=2PSW69L6ABTK&keywords=finding+confidence+in+conflict&qid=1667317257&qu=eyJxc2MiOiIwLjQyIiwicXNhIjoiMC4xNCIsInFzcCI6IjAuMjMifQ%3D%3D&sprefix=finding+confidence+in+conflic%2Caps%2C69&sr=8-1

In this conversation we welcome Eugene Puryear back to the podcast to talk about the recently published book The Black Belt Thesis: A Reader which was compiled by The Black Belt Thesis Study Group and features a foreword by Eugene Puryear. The reader itself was published by 1804 Books, and they have published a lot of really good stuff recently that I just want to take a moment to shout-out. They recently along with the Palestinian Youth Movement translated and published The Trinity of Fundamentals which hopefully we will be hosting a conversation on at some point soon. They also recently published a translation of Ghassan Kanafani's The Revolution of 1936-1939 in Palestine and of course the collection of Hugo Chavez's speeches that we discussed with Manolo de los Santos last year and much more. So I just say that to say if you go pick this book up from them, that there is a bunch of really good stuff you can grab while you're there. Eugene Puryear is a journalist, activist, politician, and host on Breakthrough News. He is a founding member of the Party for Socialism and Liberation, and is the author of Shackled and Chained: Mass Incarceration in Capitalist America. In this discussion we ask Eugene to contextualize the origins of the Black Belt thesis, to discuss some of the articulations and development of the thesis as undertaken by Comintern and the CPUSA. We discuss some of the organizing implications of it, its role in the development of the US communist movement particularly with regards to Black people, and the challenging of the problem of white racism as it exists within the history of the US left and white workers as well. Also Eugene discusses the centrality of national oppression within the political economy of US capitalism.  Along the way we talk about some of the contributions from figures like W.E.B. Du Bois, Harry Haywood, Louis Thompson Patterson, Claudia Jones and others.  A couple of other things I want to highlight is that we have been hosting a lot of conversations over on our YouTube page recently the majority of which we have not released as audio episodes. We will link that in the show notes, but also you can just find it by searching Millennials Are Killing Capitalism on YouTube.  The other thing I want to note is we do have another round of our study group starting back up. For this cycle we will be reading Orisanmi Burton's amazing book Tip of the Spear: Black Radicalism, Prison Repression and the Long Attica Revolt. I can't wait to read that text and discuss it with folks so sign up for that if you're interested it will be on Wednesday nights at 7:30 PM ET starting on April 17th it is for patrons of the show and we'll put a link to that in the show notes as well. And as always the best way to support our work is to become a patron of the show for as little as $1 a month at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism The Black Belt Thesis: A Reader Millennials Are Killing Capitalism on YouTube Tip of the Spear Reading Group (for patrons)