Podcasts about Black bloc

The first of many planned protests in the NW happened today, the 18th in Olympia, The People's March, was followed by Festivals of Resistance. It started in Heritage Park where the protesters gathered and listened to five different speakers, 1, a recording, speaking from a jail cell. They spoke about the environment, immigrant rights, a free Palestine, human rights and fighting against the billionaire's who run the country. There were people from many different activist groups in the region; Palestine Action of South Sound, La Resistencia, PSL, DSA, Black Bloc, ANITFA, Anti-Imperialist Action South Sound and others. #leftcoastnews​ #behindthelinepodcast​ #protest​ #peoplesmarch​ #olympia​ #olympiaprotest​ #communist​ #socialist​ #antifa​ #Trump​ #pnw​ #trumpprotest​ #conservative​ #maga​ #blackbloc​ TO SEE THE VIDEO GO TO OUR WEBSITE AT: behindthelinepodcast.com or leftcoastnews.net

Greg Brady was joined by Caryma Sa'd, lawyer, protest watcher to discuss a black bloc protest outside Toronto Police headquarters next Friday. The event was announced after Samidoun was designated a terrorist entity by Public Safety Canada. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Greg Brady was joined by Caryma Sa'd, lawyer, protest watcher to discuss a black bloc protest outside Toronto Police headquarters next Friday. The event was announced after Samidoun was designated a terrorist entity by Public Safety Canada. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Oggi parliamo del nuovo decreto Lavoro mostrato dal governo Meloni, dell'occupazione dei Black Bloc alla Columbia University di New York e della morte dello scrittore americano Paul Auster Qui il link per iscriversi al canale Whatsapp di Notizie a colazione: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029Va7X7C4DjiOmdBGtOL3z Per iscriverti al canale Telegram: https://t.me/notizieacolazione ... Qui gli altri podcast di Class Editori: https://milanofinanza.it/podcast Musica https://www.bensound.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Jamie and Sam are back from the Nationwide Summit To Stop Cop City that took place in Tucson, Arizona February 23-26. From an ill-timed rave to a meeting with legendary anarchist Ben Morea, this episode will make it clear why the party girls are so tired, but also so pleased. Correction: Sam attributed the "psychedelics are telephones" quote to Timothy Leary. This quote was actually said by Alan Watts. Sign up as a patron at Patreon.com/partygirls and we will give you a shout out on the podcast! Additional rewards coming soon. Also subscribe to Party Girls' new feed, cause we're not going to keep using the ELC feed much longer. Read the latest issue of Inhabit in preparation for our next ep: inhabit.global

En 1999 à Seattle, un sommet de l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce dégénère en bataille de rue. Des manifestants bien organisés veulent faire annuler cette réunion de l'OMC, qui se donne pour ambition de passer de vastes accords commerciaux au niveau mondial. Sommes-nous tous gagnants face à la mondialisation, l'accélération et la libéralisation du commerce au niveau planétaire ? Les Black Blocs donnent du fil à retordre à la police de Seattle. La nuit du 1er décembre, les autorités de la ville déclarent l'État d'urgence et placent Seattle sous couvre-feu. La garde civile est appelée en renfort. Cette bataille va durer 4 jours. Le monde découvre un Français à la moustache fournie, José Bové, venu défendre la production de son Roquefort. Mais Seattle voit surtout naître un mouvement international… Les altermondialistes réclament une mondialisation plus juste, plus équitable. Près d'un quart de siècle plus tard, que reste-il de ce mouvement ? Un autre monde était-il vraiment possible ? Arnaud Zacharie, secrétaire général du CNCD 11.11.11 et l'un des acteurs belges du mouvement témoigne de l'éclosion de l'altermondialisme fin des années 90 en compagnie d'Hélène Maquet et Bertrand Henne. Réalisation : Jonathan Remy. Merci pour votre écoute L'Histoire Continue c'est également en direct tous les samedis de 9h à 10h sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez l'ensemble des épisodes de l'Histoire Continue sur notre plateforme Auvio.be https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/l-histoire-continue-19690 Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.

In Episode 14, the second part of my conversation with Brandon Spivey, an old friend and cultural provocateur, we delve into his experiences traveling to Europe in the mid-1980s. During this time, he actively participated in several riots in Berlin as a member of the Black Bloc—an anarchist organization committed to confronting governments and the banking system through direct action. Our discussion extends to his discovery of Dada art, particularly his appreciation for the works of George Grosz. Returning to London, we explore Brandon's visits to the 121 Centre in Brixton, along with various squatted venues and spaces. Throughout these encounters, he shares stories of culturally and politically significant individuals who left a lasting impact on him. Wrapping up our conversation, we touch upon his introduction to the harder techno scene in the 1990s. We also delve into the parties and clubs that influenced his early foray into music production, ultimately leading to his releases on underground techno labels.  I asked Brandon to write a short description to describe himself and it is reproduced below"Brandon Spivey is 56. Has a love of life, music , art and rebellion.He has lived in a number of countries. Enjoyed many riots.Hospitalised a number of authoritarian undesirables.Written 'No Comment, The Defendants Guide to Arrest' .He gave up drink and drugs in 1989 to focus on being a c#nt. He has interest in all aspects of working class art, music and culture.In summary:Electronic music producer, Film Maker, Building worker and Trouble maker. Interested in Musicology and Dadaist art. A proud advocate of free speech and a supporter of  peoples right to attack their oppressors.He mocks identity politics bullshit and is proudly anarchist and a born anti authoritarian."Support the showhttps://www.youtube.com/@ControlledWeirdnesshttps://open.spotify.com/artist/20nC7cQni8ZrvRC2REZjOIhttps://www.instagram.com/controlledweirdness/https://controlledweirdness.bandcamp.com/Theme song is Controlled Weirdness - Drifting in the Streetshttps://open.spotify.com/track/7GJfmYy4RjMyLIg9nffuktHosted from a South London tower block by Neil Keating aka Controlled Weirdness. Tales from a Disappearing City is a chance for Neil to tell some untold subcultural stories from past and present, joined by friends from his lifelong journey through subterranean London. Neil is a veteran producer and DJ and has been at the front line of all aspects of club and sound system culture since the mid 80's when he first began to go to nightclubs, gigs, and illegal parties. His musical CV includes playing everywhere from plush clubs to dirty warehouses as well as mixing tunes on a variety of iconic London pirate radio stations. He has released music on numerous underground record labels and was responsible for promoting and playing at a series of legendary early raves in the USA at the start of the 90's. He still DJ's in the UK and throu...

Jack Posobiec is an international social media superstar, the senior editor for American conservative political news and analysis podcast Human Events, and a former U.S. naval intelligence officer. Jack is well known for his popular X (Twitter) account, and criticism of leftist ideas from climate change to BLM. He is also the author of three books: Citizens for Trump: The Inside Story of the People's Movement to Take Back America, 4D Warfare: A Doctrine for a New Generation of Politics, and Antifa: Inside the Black Bloc. On this episode of BASED, Senator Antic and Jack Posobiec discuss the 2024 US Presidential election, social media, 5th generation warfare, the climate change controversy, and much more.

Merci à « Thomas » d'être venu nous expliquer le fonctionnement, les revendications et le quotidien d'un black-bloc. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Cũng giống như sau mỗi lần nước Pháp bị vụ tấn công khủng bố, vụ một thanh niên Hồi Giáo cực đoan, có tên trong "hồ sơ S" ( fichier S ), dùng dao đâm chết một thầy giáo hôm 13/10/2023 tại Arras, lại làm dấy lên tranh cãi về "hồ sơ S". Nói đến "hồ sơ S", nhiều người liên tưởng đến mối nguy hiểm tấn công, khủng bố. Chính phủ Pháp bị chỉ trích là đã để những người nguy hiểm đó « nhởn nhơ » ngoài xã hội, để rồi có cơ hội tấn công. Chữ S là viết tắt của Sécurité de l'Etat - An ninh Nhà nước, thế nhưng thực hư của "hồ sơ S", hay những người bị đánh dấu S, bị gắn thẻ S cụ thể là như thế nào ? Trên đài RFI Pháp ngữ ngày 17/10/2023, luật sư, tiến sĩ về luật công Nathalie Cettina, chuyên gia về các vấn đề chống khủng bố, và cũng là nhà nghiên cứu tại Trung tâm Nghiên cứu về Tình báo Pháp (CF2R), giải thích :« Chiến lược đã được áp dụng trong cuộc chiến chống khủng bố kể từ năm 2015 chủ yếu coi trọng mở rộng việc giám sát người dân theo các hồ sơ, danh sách. Các cá nhân có nguy cơ gây vấn đề được đưa tên vào hồ sơ chuyên biệt. Mọi người thường nói đến hồ sơ, nhưng có lẽ chúng ta cần nói rõ thế này : Có một hồ sơ liên quan đến những người bị tìm hiểu vì các lý do tư pháp hoặc hành chính. Hồ sơ này gồm 21 danh sách khác nhau, trong đó có danh sách S liên quan đến an ninh nhà nước. Danh sách S đặc biệt liên quan đến những người bị nghi ngờ là đã trở nên cực đoan. Nhưng không chỉ có vậy. Trên thực tế, trong danh sách có cả các nhà tranh đấu mang tính bạo lực, những người Black Bloc (tức là Hội Áo Đen thường có hành vi bạo lực, đập phá, gây bạo loạn trong các cuộc biểu tình) hay các cổ động viên hung hăng, quá khích (Hooligan). Nhóm đối tượng này rất rộng. Tổng cộng, danh sách S gồm khoảng 30.000 người. Và một nửa trong số đó liên quan đến vấn đề cực đoan hóa ».  Cũng trên đài RFI Pháp ngữ ngày 17/10, nhà báo điều tra độc lập Vincent Nouzille, tác giả cuốn sách « Mặt trái của quyền lực - Điều tra về sự chệch hướng của bộ Nội Vụ và cảnh sát » (NXB Flammarion, 11/10/2023), giải thích thêm :« Hồ sơ về những người bị tìm hiểu là như thế này : Chẳng hạn khi cảnh sát, hiến binh kiểm tra quý vị trên đường hoặc khi quý vị đi qua biên giới, họ sẽ kiểm tra danh tính của quý vị trên máy tính bảng của họ (…) Nếu quý vị có liên quan thì máy sẽ phát một tín hiệu ánh sáng nhỏ. Ví dụ nếu người bị kiểm tra là trẻ vị thành niên đang trốn chạy thì ký hiệu danh sách M sẽ hiện lên màn hình. Nếu đó là người nước ngoài đang bị quản thúc tại gia thì sẽ hiện lên một mã khác. Có khoảng 20 mã như vậy, trong đó có mã S. Thực ra thì đó không phải là một tệp S như tên gọi, mà thật ra là một hồ sơ rất lớn về nhiều người.Đây là một loại danh sách, hồ sơ rất lớn mang tính báo hiệu và chỉ được dùng để báo hiệu và tìm hiểu thông tin của một số người nhất định. Xin nhắc lại là trong toàn bộ hồ sơ về những người bị tìm hiểu, có tên của hơn 500.000 người. Trong số 500.000 người đó, có 30.000 người có tên trong hồ sơ S. Những người có tên trong "hồ sơ S" không phải đều liên quan đến khủng bố và cực đoan hóa.Có tên trong "hồ sơ S" cũng không phải là dấu hiệu cho thấy họ là người nguy hiểm. Có thể thấy tên một người nào đó trong "hồ sơ S", nhưng cũng có thể các thành viên trong gia đình người đó, mẹ của người đó hay những người gặp gỡ, có mối liên hệ, hay bạn học của người đó cũng được đưa tên vào "hồ sơ S". Và việc bị xếp vào "hồ sơ S" không có nghĩa là họ đã cực đoan hóa, mà cũng chẳng có nghĩa là họ là những người nguy hiểm ».Người nguy hiểm cần được theo dõi sát sao ?Hồ sơ S thường gồm thông tin về họ tên, ảnh, lý do bị đưa vào hồ sơ S, cách hành xử của cảnh sát hiến binh khi gặp đối tượng. Trên trang mạng nghiên cứu The Conversation ngày 23/10/2023, Yoann Nabat, giảng viên - nhà nghiên cứu về luật tư và tội phạm học, Đại học Bordeaux của Pháp, cho biết có 11 loại hồ sơ S, được phân loại, đánh số theo thứ tự từ S1 đến S11. Cách phân loại nói trên không hề liên quan đến lý do đối tượng bị theo dõi, hay mức độ nguy hiểm của họ, bởi không phải ai có tên trong hồ sơ S đều là người nguy hiểm, và ngược lại không phải tất cả thủ phạm các vụ tấn công khủng bố hoặc những người bị nghi có âm mưu khủng bố đều bị gắn thẻ S. Cách phân loại 11 hồ sơ S nói trên ứng với cách hành xử mà cảnh sát, hiến binh được hướng dẫn thực hiện khi kiểm tra đối tượng có liên quan. Nhìn chung thì cảnh sát, hiến binh khi kiểm tra giao thông được khuyến cáo là nếu gặp đối tượng có tên trong hồ sơ S thì không « đánh động », bởi không phải ai bị gắn thẻ S cũng được thông báo về điều đó. Tùy từng trường hợp, cảnh sát, hiến binh có thể nhận chỉ dẫn bắt ngay đối tượng, hay không làm gì hết, hoặc đơn giản là chỉ báo cáo để cơ quan tình báo biết được đối tượng đã xuất hiện ở những đâu. Nhà báo điều tra độc lập Vincent Nouzille cũng lưu ý "hồ sơ S" không phải là công cụ nhằm chủ động theo dõi, giám sát tích cực những đối tượng nguy hiểm :« Hồ sơ S được lập trên cơ sở thông tin tình báo do các cơ quan tình báo cung cấp. Có thể nói đến Tổng cục An ninh Nội địa Pháp DGSI, Cơ quan Trung ương về Tình báo Lãnh thổ SCRT, nay đổi thành Tổng cục Tình báo Lãnh thổ Quốc gia. Ngoài ra, còn có Sở Cảnh sát Paris và lực lượng Hiến binh. Tất cả các cơ quan nói trên cung cấp thông tin để xếp một người vào hồ sơ S, chẳng bị nghi ngờ có liên hệ với một người thuộc lực lượng thánh chiến Hồi Giáo đã được cơ quan an ninh ghi nhận, một người đến nhà tù thăm một người bạn thời thơ ấu đang bị cầm tù, hay người bị tòa kết án, chẳng hạn do có hành vi khủng bố … Rõ ràng là những người này bị đưa vào "hồ sơ S", nhưng điều này không có nghĩa là họ là người nguy hiểm, mà chỉ có nghĩa là tên của họ bị đưa vào hồ sơ S và về cơ bản là họ bị theo dõi từ xa. Nhưng đó là cách theo dõi, giám sát theo kiểu hoàn toàn thụ động. Những hồ sơ này chẳng để làm gì, mà chỉ là nêu thông tin và truyền tải thông tin. Đó thực sự là một công cụ làm việc của các cơ quan tình báo, và chỉ có vậy thôi. Thế nên, chúng ta không thể nói rằng họ không bị theo dõi, giám sát. Nhưng đó chỉ là theo dõi giám sát một cách thụ động ». Do không phải là người nguy hiểm nên về mặt pháp lý, không thể bắt giữ, trục xuất họ dễ dàng như nhiều người đòi hỏi. Nhà báo điều tra độc lập Vincent Nouzille nhấn mạnh :« Có tên trong "hồ sơ S" không có nghĩa là người đó đã cực đoan hóa, nguy hiểm hay đã phạm tội, vì thế ta chỉ có thể câu lưu những người bị nghi ngờ là có hành vi phạm pháp, phạm tội nhẹ, hoặc tệ hơn là phạm tội ác. Thế nên, không thể sử dụng "hồ sơ S" vào bất cứ việc gì. Hồ sơ S chỉ được dùng để phục vụ các cơ quan tình báo thu thập thông tin tình báo cho chính họ. Nếu muốn đánh giá về mức độ nguy hiểm của một ai đó, thì cơ quan tình báo đưa ra yêu cầu cụ thể, chẳng hạn như đặt máy nghe lén, định vị, cài mã nhận diện. Đây là những biện pháp ít nhiều mang tính xâm phạm vào cuộc sống của người khác, được gọi là các kỹ thuật tình báo. Khi đó, hoạt động tình báo mang tính chủ động. Cơ quan tình báo yêu cầu theo dõi người này, người kia, nghe lén, định vị họ … Chẳng hạn, hồi năm 2022 có khoảng 6.000-7000 người là đối tượng bị cơ quan tình báo chủ động theo dõi, giám sát thông qua kỹ thuật tình báo. Đó là trường hợp của thanh niên Hồi Giáo thánh chiến trong vụ khủng bố vừa qua ở Arras. Người này vừa nằm trong "hồ sơ S", vừa là đối tượng bị cơ quan tình báo chủ động theo dõi từ ít lâu nay, đơn giản là bởi vì có một vài dấu hiệu, manh mối cho thấy thanh niên này có thể đã cực đoan hóa một cách đột ngột, hoặc có nguy cơ sẽ ra tay hành động ».Dù có tên trong "hồ sơ S" không có nghĩa là người đó phạm tội, bị kết án …, nhưng chắc chắn điều này cũng ít nhiều ảnh hưởng đến đời sống của người có liên quan. Nhà nghiên cứu về luật tư và tội phạm học Yoann Nabat, cho biết là trên nguyên tắc, các nhà điều tra hành chính đều có quyền truy cập hồ sơ S và có thể bác bỏ quyết định tuyển dụng người này vào một cơ quan Nhà nước hay một công ty tư nhân trong lĩnh vực an ninh. Người có tên trong hồ sơ S cũng có thể bị từ chối cấp hộ chiếu Pháp hay một số loại giấy phép, chẳng hạn giấy phép sử dụng vũ khí …Hồ sơ S trong hệ thống FPR khác với FSPRT Những hồ sơ S như đã trình bày ở trên thuộc hệ thống FPR (Fichier des personnes recherchées), hồ sơ về những người mà các cơ quan tình báo Pháp tìm hiểu. Theo chuyên mục Những người giải mã ( Les Décodeurs ) của báo Le Monde ngày 16/10/2023, FPR đã có từ năm 1969 và nay gồm 21 loại hồ sơ khác nhau được đặt tên theo bảng chữ cái : IT (hồ sơ về những người bị cấm trên lãnh thổ Pháp), V (hồ sơ về những người trốn tù), T (hồ sơ về những người nợ tiền Nhà nước), TE (hồ sơ về những người bị cấm nhập cảnh vào Pháp), E (người nước ngoài sống bất hợp pháp tại Pháp), J và PJ (hồ sơ về những người bị tư pháp hay cảnh sát truy tìm) …Một người có thể có tên trong nhiều hồ sơ S khác nhau, thế nhưng các hồ sơ thuộc hệ thống FPR, nhất là hồ sơ S (An ninh Nhà nước), chỉ mang tính tạm thời. Nếu đối tượng có liên quan không có hành vi phạm pháp thì hồ sơ sẽ bị xóa sau 2 năm, nhưng hồ sơ về người đó cũng có thể được khôi phục bất cứ khi nào nếu họ vi phạm.Có một hệ thống khác là FSPRT (le fichier de traitement des signalements pour la prévention de la radicalisation à caractère terroriste), liên quan đến việc xử lý các báo cáo nhằm ngăn chặn sự cực đoan hóa mang tính khủng bố. Theo Le Monde, hệ thống theo dõi, giám sát FSPRT được lập từ năm 2015, sau một vụ tấn công khủng bố hồi năm 2015. Khác với hồ sơ S của FPR, hệ thống FSPRT thuộc diện bí mật - quốc phòng, bao gồm nhiều thông tin, như về nơi cư trú, nghề nghiệp, dấu hiệu cực đoan … của những người cực đoan hóa và hiện đang cư trú tại Pháp.Một điểm khác nữa là hệ thống FSPRT cho phép giám sát vĩnh viễn những người bị các cơ quan địa phương, cơ quan tình báo và thậm chí cả các cá nhân báo cáo. Những người bị xếp vào danh sách FSPRT được chia thành 6 nhóm, căn cứ vào mức độ cực đoan hóa của đối tượng và mức độ giám sát của lực lượng an ninh. Theo số liệu bộ trưởng Nội Vụ Gérald Darmanin công bố hôm 16/10, có hơn 20.100 người có tên trong hệ thống theo dõi, giám sát FSPRT, trong đó có 5.100 người đang có liên hệ với thánh chiến Hồi giáo và 1.411 người là người nước ngoài sống bất hợp pháp tại Pháp.

Episode Summary This week on Live Like the World is Dying, Inmn is joined by author and activist, Michael Novick. They talk about just how horrible fascism really is. Thankfully, there's a simple solution, antifascism. Michael talks about their work with Anti-Racist Action Network, the Turning The Tide newspaper, and his newest book with Oso Blanco, The Blue Agave Revolution. Host Info Inmn can be found on Instagram @shadowtail.artificery. Guest Info Michael (he/they) and The Blue Agave Revolution can be found at www.antiracist.org If you want to take over the Turning The Tide newspaper, find Michael at antiracistaction_ la@yahoo.com Publisher Info This show is published by Strangers in A Tangled Wilderness. We can be found at www.tangledwilderness.org, or on Twitter @TangledWild and Instagram @Tangled_Wilderness. You can support the show on Patreon at www.patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness. Transcript Live Like the World is Dying: Michael Novick on Antifascism Inmn 00:15 Hello, and welcome to Live Like the World is Dying, your podcast for what feels like the end times. I'm your host Inmn Neruin and I use they/them pronouns. This week we are talking about something that is very scary and, in terms of things we think about being prepared for, something that is far more likely to impact our lives than say, a zombie apocalypse. Or I mean, we're already being impacted by this. It is actively killing us. But, if I had to choose between preparing for this and preparing for living in a bunker for 10 years, I would choose this. Oh, golly, I really hope preparing for this doesn't involve living in a bunker for 10 years, though. But the monster of this week is fascism. However, there's a really great solution to fascism...antifascism. And we have a guest today who has spent a lot of their life thinking about and participating in antifascism. But first, we are a proud member of the Channel Zero Network of anarchist podcasts. And so here's a jingle from another show on that network. Doo doo doo doo doo. [Singing the words like a cheesy melody] Inmn 02:00 And we're back. And I have with me today writer and organizer Michael Novick, co founder of the John Brown Anti Klan Committee, People Against Racist Terror, Anti-racist Action Network, the TORCH Antifa network and White People For Black Lives. Michael, would you like to introduce yourself with your name, pronouns and kind of...I guess like your history in anti-racist, antifascist struggles and a little bit about what you want to tell us about today? Michael 02:34 Sure. Thanks, Inmn. So yeah, Michael Novick. Pronouns he or they. I've been doing anti-racist and antifascist organizing and educating and work for many many decades at this point. I'm in my 70s. I got involved in political activism in kind of anti-war, civil rights, student rights work in the 60s. I was an SDS at Brooklyn College. And I've been doing that work from an anti white supremacist, anticapitalist, anti-imperialist perspective. And I think that particularly trying to understand fascism in the US context, you have to look at questions of settler colonialism. And, you know, people sometimes use the term racial capitalism. I think that land theft, genocide, enslavement of people of African descent, especially is central to understanding the social formation of this country. I was struck by the name of the podcast in terms of "live like the world is ending," because for a long time, I had an analysis that said that the fear of the end of the world had to do with the projection of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie feels that its rule is coming to an end and therefore thinks the world is coming to an end, but the world will get on fire without the bourgeoisie and the rulers and the imperialists. Except that because of the lease on life that this empire has gotten repeatedly by the setbacks caused by white and male supremacy and the way it undermines people's movements, the bourgeoisie is actually in a position to bring the world to an end. I think that's what we're facing is a global crisis of the Earth's system based on imperialism, based on settler colonialism, and exploitation of the Earth itself. And so I think it's not just preparing for individual survival in those circumstances. We have to think about really how we can put an end to a system that's destroying the basis for life on the planet. And so I think that those are critical understandings. And the turn towards fascism that we're seeing across the...you know, Anti-Racist Action's analysis has always been that fascism is built from above and below and that there are forces within society. I think particularly because settler colonialism is a mass base for fascism in this country, as well as an elite preference for it under the kind of circumstances that we're looking at, in which, you know, as I said the basis for life itself has been damaged by imperialism, capitalism, and its manifestations. And so the need for extreme repressive measures, and for genocidal approaches, and exterminationist approaches are at hand. So, I think that, again, I think that the question of preparation is preparation for those kinds of circumstances. I think we're living in a kind of low intensity civil war situation already, in which you see the use of violence by the State, obviously, but also by non state forces that people have to deal with. So I think that that's the overall approach that I think we need to think about. And that comes out of, as I said, decades of doing work. I think that there are a few key things that we have to understand about this system, which is that it's not just issues that we face, but there is an enemy, there is a system that is trying to propagate and sustain itself that is inimical to life and inimical to freedom. And that if we want to protect our lives and the lives of other species and if we want to protect people's freedom going forward, we have to recognize that there's an irreconcilable contradiction between those things and between the system that we live in. So that's kind of a sobering perspective. But, I think it's an important one. Inmn 06:20 Yeah, yeah, no, it is. And it's funny, something that you said, kind of made a gear turn in my head. So, you know, normally, yeah, we do talk about in preparing to live like the world is dying, we do usually come at it from this context of that being a bad thing that we need to prepare for bad things to happen. But, the way you were talking about like fascism and empire and stuff, I suddenly thought, "Wait, maybe we should live like that world is dying and like there is something better ahead." Because, you know, we do like to approach the show from...I feel like we like to talk about the bad things that are happening and could happen but also the hopefulness and like the brighter futures that we can imagine. Michael 07:15 I think that's right. And I think it's really important to have both of those understandings. I think that, you know, people do not actually get well organized out of despair. I think they do, you know, you want to have...You know, there used to be a group called Love and Rage. And you have to have both those aspects. You have to have the rage against the machine and the rage against the system that's destroying people, but you have to have the love, you have to have that sense of solidarity and the idea of a culture of not just resistance but a culture of liberation and a culture of solidarity. And I think that, you know, there's a dialectic between the power of the State and the power of these oppressive forces and the power of the people and to the extent that the people can exert their power and to the extent that we can free ourselves from the, you know, the chains of mental slavery is...[Sings a sort of tune] you hear in reggae, you know, that actually weakens the power of the State and the power of the corporations. And they [the State] understand that sometimes better than we do. So there is, you know, there's some lessons I feel like I've learned and one of them is that every time there is a liberatory movement based out of people's experiences and the contradictions that are experienced in their lives, whether it's the gay liberation movement, women's liberation movement, or Black liberation and freedom struggle, there's always an attempt by the rulers to take that over and to reintegrate it into, you know, bourgeois ways of thinking. And, you know, people talk about hegemony and the idea that ruling ideas are the ideas of the ruling class, and I think that, you know, I've seen it happen over and over again with different movements. And so, you know, I was involved with the Bay Area gay liberation in the 80s and, you know, one of the things that happened there is that you saw very quickly a different language coming up and different issues coming up. And so suddenly the question of gays in the military was put forward, or we have to be concerned about the fact that gay people have to hide when they're in the military, and the question of normalizing gay relationships in the contract form of marriage came forward. And those were basically efforts to circumscribe and contain the struggle for gay liberation and to break down gender binaries and stuff within the confines of bourgeois conceptions of rights and bourgeois integration into militarism and contractual economic relationships. And you saw that over and over again in terms of the Women's Liberation Movement, and then all of a sudden you've got bourgeois feminism and white white feminism. And I think that that's really important to understand because it means that there's a struggle inside every movement to grasp the contradiction that...and to maintain a kind of self determined analysis and strategy for how that movement is going to carry itself forward in opposition to what the rulers of this society--who rely heavily on, as I say, white supremacy, male supremacy, settler colonialism, and its manifestations--to try to contain and suppress insurrectionary...And you see the same thing within the preparedness movement. There's the dominant politics of the preparedness movement I think that I've seen over many years are actually white supremacist. They're maintaining the homestead of settler colonial land theft. So you have to understand that that's a contradiction in that movement that has to be faced and overcome and struggled with. I think having an understanding is critical to really trying to chart a path forward that will kind of break...create wedge issues on our side of the of the ledger, so to speak, and begin to break people away from identification with the Empire, identification with whiteness, identification with privilege. And, you know, one of the issues I've had over a long time, for example, what I struggle for is people's understanding about the question of privilege. You know, I come out of the...as I said, there were struggles in the 60s and early 70s about what we called white skin privilege. And I think that it's critical to understand that privilege functions throughout the system all the time. It's not a burden of guilt, it's a mechanism of social control. And anything you have as privilege can be taken away. Privilege is a mechanism of actually obtaining consent and adherence to...You know, parents use privileges with their kids to try to get their kids to do what they want. Teachers use privilege with students to get the students to do what they want, Prison guards use privileges with prisoners to get the prisoners to follow the rules and stay incarcerated. And so, you know, that's a mechanism of Imperial domination, of settler colonialism, and certainly within that context. So, it's not an illness or a...It's not something to be guilty about. It's something to contend with and deal with and understand that if there are things you have as privileges that you think are used by right or by merit, you're deluding yourself and you can't actually function facing reality. So when you understand that they are privileges, you understand that they're there to obtain your consent and your adherence, and your compliance, your complicity, your complacency, and then you have to actually resist those privileges or turn those privileges into weapons that you can use to actually weaken the powers that be. And I think that that approach is important to understand that, you know...I used to do a lot of work with people in the Philippines struggle, and they talked about the fact that, you know, on some of the...outside the US Army bases that were imposed in the Philippines, there was a rank order of privilege, like where people could dig in the garbage dumps of the US military to get better quality stuff that was being thrown out by the military. And so that kind of hierarchy and sense of organizing people by by hierarchy, by privilege, is how the system functions at every level. In the workplace they find different privileges that people have to try to divide workers from each other and get people to struggle for privilege as opposed to actually struggle for solidarity and resistance and a different world. And I think that having that understanding begins to free people. Steven Biko was the leader of the Black Consciousness Movement in South Africa that really helped propel it moving forward. One of the things he said is that, "The greatest weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the minds of the oppressed." And, you know, I think to the extent that we can start to free our minds of these structures, we can actually begin to weaken the oppressor and strengthen the struggling and creative powers and energies of people to really build a different world. Inmn 14:00 Yeah, yeah. Sorry, this is gonna seem like a silly question because it feels very basic. But, I love to kind of break things down into their base levels. But, what is fascism? Michael 14:11 Yeah, good question. I think that an important analysis of fascism that I came across is from Cesare Amè. And what he said is that, "Fascism is the application in the metropole (of the colonizing power) of the methods of rule that have been used in the colonies." I think that that has a critical understanding because, as I said, the US is a separate colonial system, so elements of fascism have always been present within the political, economic, and social structure of the United States because they're internally colonized people and stolen land. So, if you're looking at elements of fascism, there's hyper masculinity, there's hyper nationalism, there's obviously slave labor, there's incorporation of a mass base into kind of a visceral identification with a leader. And all of those things really have manifest themselves in US history before we used the term, "fascism." And so, the US is based on land theft, on genocide, on exterminationist policies towards the indigenous people, the enslavement of African people, and also on the incorporation of a mass base based on settler colonialism and the offering of privileges to a sector of the population to say, "Okay, you know, we're going to participate along with the rulers in this system." And so I think that it's important to get that understanding because people often think that fascism is an aberration or it's a particularly extreme form of dictatorial rule or something like that. But I think that it's really a way of trying to reorganize people's personalities around their role within an empire and within, you know, it's trying to control the way people think, and control the way people see themselves in relation to other people. And so, you know, that's why I think that idea that fascism is built from above and below is important because we do see fascist elements that have some contradictions with the state. And we've seen, for example, in January 6th. You know, the government has gone after certain of these elements because they have moved too quickly. Or, the same way that there were premature antifascists during the World War II period and they went after the people in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. Sometimes there are sort of premature proto-fascist in this society that have contradictions with the State, and they're operating somewhat independently. So, you know, I think that it's important to understand that and that there are elements in the State and within the different sections of the State that have their own operative plan. So, you know, when you look at the question of police abuse and police brutality, there's one approach to it that certain elements in the State take, which is about command and control. They want to make sure that they control the police forces and that individual officers are not acting independently but are carrying out cohesive state strategies. At the same time, there are elements within law enforcement that are trying to organize individual cops for organized white supremacy. And, it's the same thing in the military. And so there are contradictions there that we have to be aware of, but at the same time, they're operating within a framework of settler colonialism, of organized white supremacy, So, one of the things that's come up recently, for example, is this idea that there...how can there be non-white white supremacists? And, you know, I think it has to do with the fact that it's not just your identity, or your racial identity that's there but who do you...What's your identification? Are you identifying with the Empire? Are you identifying with the bourgeois? Are you identifying with the settler colonial project that has shaped, really, the whole globe over the course of half a millennium? Or, are you identifying with the indigenous? Are you identifying with the struggling people? And it's less a...It's not a question of your particular skin color but which side of the line are you on? Inmn 18:12 How does attempts by the State or by society to kind of like assimilate various oppressed people into the Empire? Like, how does that kind of factor factor into this? Michael 18:24 Well, if you look at the history of, let's say, Central America is one case in point, that there were fascist forces in Central America and their base was not really within their own society. Their base was within the Empire. And so, you had death squads operating, you had mercenaries operating, you had contras [counter revolutionaries] operating in Nicaragua, Honduras, Guatemala, carrying out genocidal policies, in many cases, against indigenous people and people of African descent within their own societies. And so, you know, that's not exactly fascism in the same way, but it certainly is aspects of police state and death squad activity that has to be resisted. So I think that, you know, when you see Enrique Tarrio and some of these people that are, quote unquote, "Hispanic," operating as proto-fascists with the Proud Boys or these other formations in the United States that's a manifestation of the same thing, that there are people who have identified themselves with a system of white supremacy and a system of domination, a system of exploitation, and they're trying to make their own individual piece with it and they have collective mechanisms that reinforce that. And they see...So, you know, I think that the fascism has presented itself at times as a decolonizing element in Latin America and Asia and other places where...For example, when the Japanese Empire was trying to strengthen itself and formed an alliance with Italian fascism and German Nazism, they also presented themselves in Asia as liberators of Asia from European colonialism. And, you know, then they carried out atrocities of their own in China, Indochina, and Korea. So, I think that nobody is exempt from this. It's not a genetic factor. It is what ideology...What's the organizing principle that people are operating under to form their society and generate their power? If that's militaristic, if it's hierarchical, if it's exploitative, then regardless of what the skin tone of somebody carrying that out is, it can be fascistic in its nature. Inmn 20:44 Yeah, I like something that you said earlier, which I think is an interesting frame. So, I feel like people in the United States, you might hear people like, talk about the rise of fascism, or the like, emergence of fascism, as if it's this new thing, you know? And I like how you read it, in the formation of the United States as a nationalistic identity with this idea that fascism has always been here, fascism has always been a part of the settler colonial project of the United States. Michael 21:27 Well, I was gonna follow up that is if you look at the countries in which fascism came to power in Europe, they were mainly countries where they felt they were not adequate empires in their own right. In other words, Spain, even Portugal, France, England, you know, had empires. Germany came late to imperialism. And even to the formation of a German state, the German bourgeoisie was not able to really unify all the Germans into a single nation. Same thing with Italy. Italy was, you know, a bunch of kind of mini states and city states and came late to the formation of a national sense of Italy. And so I think that fascism presented itself as a overarching ideology that could galvanize a nation and launch it into an imperial mode where it could compete with other empires. So the US context is a little different because, as I say, from the very beginning it had that element of settler colonialism and cross-class alliance in which not only the bourgeoisie but even working people could be induced to participate in that project of land theft and genocide. There's a famous book called "How the Irish Became White" by Noel Ignatiev who talked about, you know, how white supremacy affected Irish workers. And what he didn't really look at was that there was some Irish involved right from the very beginning and trying to overturn the land relationships between settlers. They wanted, you know, there was a land theft and a land hunger that they had, and so, for example, even before the question of relation between Irish workers and Black workers came up, there were Irish in the United States that wanted to overturn the agreements that had been reached in Pennsylvania between the Quakers and the indigenous people in Pennsylvania. The Irish wanted land and they wanted to participate in taking that land from the native people. And then that had repercussions back in Ireland itself because that the US Empire and those land thefts then affected the consciousness of the Irish within Ireland itself and weaken the Irish struggle for independence from British colonialism because there was a safety valve of the US Empire. And so I think that it's critical to look at these things because it gives us a sense of what is at stake at different times and what's at issue. And I think that looking at the question of decolonization, looking at the question of solidarity and unity, is the flip sides to this. If we only look at the power of the bourgeois, if we look at the power of the fascists, it can be intimidating or overwhelming or depressing. And I think that that's the...You know, when you talk about preparedness and some of these things, you're talking about what are the generative powers of the people themselves because Imperialism and Capitalism are based on a kind of parasitical relationship. They're extracting wealth from the Earth itself and from the labor of people and turning it into a power over the Earth and over the people. And I think that understanding that actually all that wealth that the system has, all the power that the system has is actually coming out of the people who are oppressed and exploited in the land gives us a sense of what our own powers are and what our own capacity to be creative and generative are. To the extent we exercise those, it weakens them. And I think that that's a critical understanding. Inmn 25:16 Yeah. Are there ways that fascism is currently manifesting that feel different from say, I don't know, like 40 years ago? Michael 25:29 Well, I think the whole phenomenon of social media and the way in which they very effectively organized these Neofascist forces through the gaming...hypermasculine gaming stuff and, you know, I think...We talked a little bit about the..I think the reason that people approached me to do this podcast had to do with my essay in "¡No Pasarán!: Antifascist Dispatches from a World in Crisis." And so that's a piece where I talked about, you know, some of this history of different struggles and how they...what lessons to extract from them. But the other book I've been working on and put out recently, is called "The Blue Agave Revolution: Poetry of the Blind Rebel." This was a book...I was approached by Oso Blanco, an indigenous political prisoner here in the United States who was involved with actually robbing banks to support the Zapatistas in Mexico, and he was getting "Turning the Tide," the newspaper I've been working on for many years that we send free to prisoners, and he approached me. He wanted to work on a book and he said he wanted me to work on the book with him. And he had..."The Poetry of the Blind Rebel" is a story arc and poetry arc of his work that is a story about the Mexican Revolution of the early 20th century, the 1910s-1920. It's kind of magical realism. But, he asked me to write some fiction. And so I wrote kind of a short story cycle of a three way fight between vampires, zombies, and humans. And the vampires are basically--I mean, it's Dracula--but, you know, there's one point where there's a woman who has been trying to grapple with this and she forms a cross with two wooden tent stakes and he kind of laughs and says, "Oh, you bought that old wive's tale. We totally integrated into the church and into the State," you know. Basically, the vampires represent the bourgeoisie because they [the bourgeoisie] are vampiric and parasitic and they have powers. The zombies in this story are a group of incels that have captured a vampire and they think that they can create a potion from vampire blood that will give them power over women and make them...you know...And instead, they turn themselves into zombies. And so then there's a sort of three way fight between the bourgeoisie on the one hand, these vampires, the fascists from below, these sort of incel zombies that have to eat brains, and then the humans who are trying to deal with both of them. And I think that that's an important understanding that, you know, there are contradictions between the vampires and zombies but they're both our enemy. And so, I think that that's an approach that we have to understand that they're....You know, it's not a simple linear equation that's going on. There's a lot of things happening. I think that the fascists from below have contradictions with the fascists above, and we can take advantage of that. And then...but, we have to understand that their, you know, it's not...I think there are weaknesses...[Trails off] Let me go back to this. You know, historically, people have talked about antifascism and anti-imperialism, and there's been an element in both of those of class collaboration. A lot of people in the anti-imperialist movement think, "Oh, well, there's a sort of a national bourgeoisie that also doesn't like the Empire and wants to exert itself. And we have to ally with them. And a lot of people in antifascist movements have thought, "Oh, well, there's, you know, bourgeois Democrats who also hate fascism," and I think that those have been weaknesses historically. And also the contradiction between people who concentrate mostly antifascism, the people who concentrate mostly on anti-imperialism has weakened people's movements. I think having a kind of overarching understanding that fascism is rooted in Empire, particularly in settler colonialism, and that there isn't a contradiction. We have to find the forces of popular resistance that will overturn both fascism and imperialism...and capitalism. And, that we have to, you know, have a self determined struggle for decolonization and recognize people's self determination in their own struggles and their own capacity to live in a different way and to begin to create, you know, the solidarity forever, we say, you know, "Build a new world from the ashes of the old." And, I think that in terms of my own work, I've tried to--although, you might think I'm aging out at this point, but I've been involved at every point that there's an upsurge in struggle. I've tried to participate in that as part of Occupy LA. And more recently, I've been involved with some of the dual power organizing that's going on. And I don't know how much your people are familiar with that, but it is a conception related to, let's say, Cooperation Jackson, in Mississippi, where they're trying to figure out ways of organizing themselves economically and also resisting the power of the State. And so I was at the Dual Power Gathering that took place in Indiana last summer and there's one on the West Coast that's coming up in the Portland area. Inmn 31:06 Yeah, could you explain what--for our listeners--what is dual power? Michael 31:11 Yeah, so dual power is the concept that we have a power and we can exercise that power, and within the framework of this contemporary society, which is so destructive, we can begin to generate and exercise that power, and that there's, as I said, a kind of dialectic between the power of the people and the power of the State, and the corporations, and the power of the fascist, and that the different prefigurative elements of the kind of society we want to live in in the future can be created now. And, that as we exercise that power, it weakens the power of the State. It weakens the power of the bourgeoisie and the power of the imperialists. I went to that Dual Power Gathering in Indiana--I mean, it's not my bio region, but I did used to live in Chicago--and I felt some affinities with it. You know, they were...To talk about the idea of, you know, what's the relationship between dual power and our three-way fight, with a different conception with what the three-way fight is, that we are having to contend with two different enemies, you know, these fascists from below and the fascist from above, the State, and corporate power, and then also right-wing elements. And I think that in terms of both of those, we have to understand what are the powers that we have to organize ourselves to, as they say, to apply the generative and regenerative powers to...So that people have a sense of what they're fighting for. It's not just anti-this and anti-that. So for example, the newspaper I've worked in for many years, "Turning the Tide," originally, we called it the "Journal of Anti-Racist Action," or "Anti-Racist Action Edcuation & Research," and then we changed the subtitle a few years ago to, "The Journal of Intercommunal Solidarity," in the sense that you have to say what you're fighting for? What are we trying to build? What are we trying to create? What are we creating? And how does that give us the capacity to continue to resist and continue to shape the future, not just react always to what they're doing but actually have a proactive, generative stance. And so, you know, people's creative cultural expressions, people's capacity to do permaculture in urban environments or many other things like that, that say, that we want to restore the biological diversity, you know. We want to restore the capacity of the soil. We want to restore the clarity of the water and the air in the process of struggling for our own liberation. And that, you know, those are things that can happen and must happen now. We can't wait for some revolution that will happen in the future in which you know, we'll create a better world. We have to start in the context and the interstices of the system in the place that people are being pulverized. And so, you know, in Los Angeles, people are involved in various kinds of mutual aid work and working with the homeless, working with people being evicted to take over homes and restore them. And I think all those manifestations, that's the question of dual power there. We're looking at the incapacity of the people ruling this society to actually meet basic human needs and we're trying to figure out how to meet them. So, I think that's where it coincides with this question of preparedness is that I think that is a sense that people have to rely on their own resources, their own energies, and understanding that there's a contradiction between the system, the way it functions, and its implications and impact on us. And it's incapacity, its powerlessness, to really protect people from the kinds of calamities it's creating, whether it's flooding, or firestorms, or, you know, all the other manifestations of this global crisis of the Earth's system that is growing out of Capitalism. We have to deal with that now. We can't wait, you know, till sometime in the future when we have, you know, "power," quote unquote, you know? We have the power to start to deal with it. Inmn 35:17 Yeah, and, I feel like there have been different ways that people have tried to do exactly that in the past. And I don't know, like, I'm thinking of a lot of the stuff that the Black Panthers were doing, like creating communities that they...like, declaring that they had power and that they had the power to build the communities that they wanted and to preserve those communities. And then they faced an incredible amount of repression, like, as much for arming themselves as for giving kids lunch and breakfast. And I'm wondering, in what ways does the State try to like...or in what ways has the State tried to destabilize dual power movements in the past? And what can we kind of expect them to do now? Or what are they doing now? Does that make sense? Michael 36:35 Yeah, I think there's always a two-pronged approach by the state. And, sometimes it's referred to as, "The carrot and the stick." You know, it's co-optation ad coercion. And so they always attempt both to control as they modify people's thinking and try to create bourgeois alternatives to liberatory thinking and liberatory organizing. And then simultaneously, they have the repressive aspects, the criminalization of those efforts. And so in relation to the Black Panther Party, for example, they were simultaneously pushing what they called Black Capitalism, and saying, "Oh, yes, you know, we'll give you, you know, we'll find the sector of Black community that can integrate into the system." And then, along with that, they were carrying out COINTELPRO, which was a war strategy of creating contradictions inside Black Liberation organizations, setting one against the other, trying to execute and/or incarcerate people who were not willing to compromise their principles. So I think we have to be aware that you're seeing the same thing go on around policing issues. You know, they constantly want to put forward different reforms and accountability measures and ways that people can participate in civilian oversight mechanisms that really don't do anything. And at the same time, they're, you know, attacking people who are doing Copwatch or groups like the Stop LAPD Spying Network, which has exposed a lot of stuff about this constantly being targeted. So, I think that those, that the two-pronged approach by the State is something we have to be very aware of. It's not only coercion and criminalization and repression, but it's also co-optation and, you know, giving people individual solutions and mechanisms that are...they call it the nonprofit industrial complex, you know, this whole mechanism of structures that are set up to get people involved in grant writing and looking to philanthropists to somehow support them in their work. And I think that trying..You know, one of the things the Black Panther Party did was it had its own self generated funding by going to the base community they were trying to organize in, talking to small shopkeepers, and talking to churches, and trying to integrate that into these Liberatory efforts. So, I think that, you know, looking at that model, when I started doing, for example, People Against Racist Terror, there were a lot of small anti-racist groups around the country and a lot of them ended up going the route of looking for grants and looking for nonprofit organizations that they could fold themselves into, and I think that that kind of denatured them. They became, you know...As opposed to being grassroots, they became board and staff organizations, and individuals would create careers out of it. And I think that that mechanism of transforming popular movements into nonprofit organizations or nongovernmental organizations that accommodate themselves to existing power structures, existing economic realities, is one of the things that we need to try to avoid happening in this current period. Inmn 40:18 That makes that makes a lot of sense. Yeah, it's, it's funny, because I feel like I'm seeing a lot of groups involved in mutual aid, who are, I think, taking that lesson of the nonprofit industrial complex but are also trying to access larger swaths of money than the communities that they're part of can provide, like this model of, it's important to involve your community base in those things and to generate those things ourselves, but there is this problem sometimes of like, you're passing the hat and the same 20 people are kicking into the bail fund. And I don't know, I think maybe this is just me being hopeful, but I'm seeing a lot of mutual aid groups kind of dip into grant writing or dip into utilizing nonprofit statuses more so than structures in order to access funding and things like that. But what I'm seeing is people coming at it from like, hopefully, what is a different perspective of taking these lessons of the past and being like, "Well, we don't want to become some horrifying, large nonprofit, but we do want the State to give us 10 grand so that we can build infrastructure. Like I guess my question is, are there ways to responsibly interact with that? Or is this a trap? Michael 41:57 I guess I'd have hear more details. I think it's imperative that it has to come from below and from the grassroots. I think that, you know, I've been involved with the opposite, for example, Pacifica Radio, and Pacifica is listener sponsored radio and is a constant struggle about how much can we accept cooperation of broadcasting funding. They cut us off some years ago and we're trying to get it back Or, there's struggles about trying to get some underwriting. It depends who you're accountable to for the money that you're getting. Are you accountable primarily to the funder? Are you accountable primarily to the people who are using that money and the people who are self organizing for community power and community sustainability, and, you know, some of the things we're talking about of self determined strategies. And, you know, I do think that what happened to a lot of the 60s movements is that there was an ebb in the mass movement. And then people made their separate peace. People were like flotsam and jetsam as the tide of people's power movements were negatively impacted because of white supremacy, male supremacy, COINTELPRO, and an inadequate response to deal with it. Then, you know, people ended up in labor unions where they were doing some good work, but basically they became part of a labor bureaucracy where they ended up in government social services/ They were doing some good work, but they became part of that mechanism. So, I think the critical thing is trying to keep control of what's going on in the hands of the people who are actually organizing themselves and their communities. Inmn 43:55 Yeah. No, that makes sense. What are strategies that we should be embracing for countering this current current escalation in fascist tendencies? Michael 44:10 Well, you know, I've done a lot of work over the years, and as I say, "Turning the Tide" is a newspaper, we send a couple of thousand copies almost every issue into the prisons and we're in touch with a lot of stuff that's going on in the prisons. And I think that that's a critical place to look for some understanding about how to deal with this because we do see under what are essentially very naked fascist conditions of domination inside the prisons, which are very hierarchical. There's a lot of negative activity within the prisons themselves. There's the power of the guards and the wardens in the system and yet you find struggles going on against racism, against sexism, for solidarity against the solitary confinement of people who have been victims of torture are organizing themselves. And I think that understanding of that capacity and looking at that, those are some of the leading struggles in the United States. There have been hunger strikes, there have been labor strikes, the Alabama Prisoners Movement [Free Alabama Movement] here in California and elsewhere. And I think that sense that people under the most severe repression are actually capable of making human connections among themselves and beginning to actually, in a self critical way, look at how they incorporated toxic masculinity and racism into their own approach to reality, and by beginning to purge themselves of those things, they can begin to create multiracial solidarity among all prisoners to actually resist the conditions of incarceration and resist enslavement. So I think that that's very important to look at. I think that here in Los Angeles, there are, as they say, organizations like LACAN, that are working among homeless people and with homeless people to organize themselves to have street watches. They have a community garden on the roof of a building. They have cultural expression. They have theatrical groups...coral...You know, it's like all those things connect people's love and rage, as I say, people's ability to generate creative cultural expression and to use that to strengthen their solidarity and their unity and their ability to resist the coercive power of the State or the police sweeps or to expose what's going on and begin to put out a challenge to the way that society is organized. So I think that those are some critical things. I think that having the capacity to defend ourselves, both physically and also legally is very very important. I think that if you look at stuff like the Stop Cop City struggle that the escalation of repression and the use of charges of terrorism on people that are obviously not terrorists is indicates that the State sees this as a very, very serious threat and is trying to eradicate it and is trying to intimidate people. And I think to the extent that we can turn that around and use it to say to people, you know, "Is this the kind of State you want to live in? Is this the kind of society you want to have?" is a way to begin to change minds and hearts of people who have been going along with the system. I lived through a whole period where we freed many many political prisoners. We freed Bobby. We freed Huey. We freed Angela. And, you know, even the Panther 21 in New York, you know, it's like the jury met for about 30 minutes and acquitted them all because the power of those organized forces affected the consciousness of the jurors. And I think that understanding that we actually have the power to begin to shape not just own consciousness, to ways that struggle with people, to, "Which side are you on?" and to give people a sense that there is a side that they can identify with and become part of, and transform their own lives, and transform society in the process of doing that. So, I think, you know, for example, the stuff around preparedness is vital that, you know, we're living in a world in which there are incredibly destructive wildfires, floods, tornadoes, and it's very clear that the state is incapable of even dealing with it after the fact, let alone preventing it. And so I think that gives us an opening to talk to very wide sectors of the population in cities and in rural areas as well. I think that, you know, for example, Anti-Racist Action Network in its heyday had hundreds of chapters around the country in small towns because young people were, in their own high schools and music scenes, were suddenly faced with this threat of fascism and said, "Hey, we have to get organized." And so I think that, you know, we need to see these things as opportunities to really very massively begin to engage with people and begin to offer an alternative way of thinking about the world that gives some hope and some prospect of dealing not just with the crises and the repression but a way forward for people. Inmn 49:48 Yeah, yeah. And that kind of ties into--I love that you use this phrase. We've had this phrase come up lot with Cindy Milstein, who we've interviewed on the podcast before and who we've published their newest book last year, "Try Anarchism For Life," and they talk a lot about prefigurative organizing and prefigurative spaces. And I think this kind of ties into what you're talking about, but I was wondering if you could kind of give us your take on the importance of building prefigurative spaces? Michael 50:31 Yeah, I think that we have to find ways to bring people together and to give people a sense, as I say, of our own power and our own creative and generative capacity. So I think that that says that whether it's free schools, or it's breakfast for children, or any of the things that the Black Panther Party did and that many other people of color movements did in a certain period are here at our disposal. I know that, for example, there's a crisis in childcare and child rearing that's going on and so organizing people into childcare collectives and people jointly taking responsibility for each other's children and creating trust relationships that make people feel comfortable with that would be one example of that. In food deserts, organizing people to break up some sidewalks and grow some food and I think they're...One of the things that I've come to understand from doing this work for a long time is we live in a kind of fractal or holographic world in which the same contradictions are shot all the way through the system. It's at any level of magnification in fractals. If you look at the coast of Norway, something in the fjords, you know, it's the same pattern is reproduced at every level. And, you know, in a holographic image, any piece of the hologram has the whole hologram in it. So, I think that any area that people want to choose to struggle in, I think as long as they understand that they're struggling against the entirety of the system in that area and that there's an enmity built into that relationship between the system and we see what they're trying to do, I think that's the critical understanding. So if people are engaged in, you know, community gardens, as long as they understand that that's a piece of a larger struggle to create a world in which nature has, has space to reassert itself, and that people can eat different food and better food. And any area that you know, whether it's the struggle over transgender, nonbinary, or anything else, once people see that it's the same system throughout that they're struggling with, it lays a basis for solidarity, for unity, and for a struggle on many fronts simultaneously that says, you know, sort of the "War of the Flea," [A book on guerrilla warfare] the system is vulnerable in a million places because the system is in all those places simultaneously and, you know, they have a lot of money, a lot of power to deal with that, and they're organized in these systems of command and control and artificial intelligence and all the rest of it to keep track of everything, but we're in all those places simultaneously as well because we're everywhere. And trying to coordinate those things, I think, is very important. Inmn 53:51 This is a little bit of a backup that I remembered that I wanted to ask you about it. So, like, we're currently seeing like a pretty horrific and intense wave of legislation against against trans people and against queer people, and nonbinary people. And, yeah, I'm wondering what your take on that is as a kind of indicator, if we have to imagine like fascism as a spectrum of where we could be going, like what is that kind of legislation and repression an indicator of? Michael 54:38 Yeah, you know, I think that obviously fascism always tries to target the people they think are the most vulnerable. And also, as I say, I think they want to create what they see as wedge issues that they can use to divide people and segment people off. And so I think, to the extent that we can reverse that and we can try to unite people around a different conception. You know, one of the things that struck me is that you saw that they sort of had this victory with controlling the courts and overturning Roe v. Wade, for example. And, what that revealed was actually how narrow that really was, the forces that were pushing for that. Because then, you know, Nebraska and Kansas and these various states suddenly had electoral reinforcement of abortion rights happening. And I think the same thing can happen here. I think that there's so many families that they're concerned about their own kids or...and the parental rights. It reveals that these fault lines go through the whole system. That's what I'm trying to say is all of their power is based on repression and exploitation, and to the extent that people begin to see that and how it impacts on them, it opens up the vistas of possibility to say, you know, if you're concerned about your child's right to get the medical assistance they need, why is the State coming in to prevent you from doing that? And what are the interests that are trying to pick this as a threat to the stability of society? Inmn 56:46 And, yeah. Michael 56:48 So, you know, I think that since every crisis is an opportunity, I think the other thing I did want to talk about a little bit was the whole Covid pandemic, you know, going back to the prepper thing. I think you saw, again, you know, a lot of right-wing exploitation of that issue. And I think that the extent that we can get out ahead of that and look at...Okay, for example, in a society like Cuba, which had a completely different relationship to this because they're organized in a different way and, you know, they actually have a public health system and they actually created their own vaccines, not the ones from big pharma here in this country, and begin to get people to think about that and why Cuba is stigmatized by this society? Why are they embargoing Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, all these countries? You know, the connection to a global sense of what are the possibilities in the world? What are the prefigurative formations that are happening inside imperialism by countries that are actually resisting it? And so, if you look at, you know, the medical care system in Cuba, for example, you know, they have...Every neighborhood has a doctor that lives in the neighborhood--and nursing staff and other people--and [the doctor] works door to door with the people in that neighborhood to be concerned about their health and their well being not just, you know, responding to a particular medical crisis, and they have that systematized and they...So in that context, they were able to vaccinate people, not through coercive measures but through trusted people that were part of their community that could reassure them about the fact that they developed the vaccines themselves and that the Cuban pharmaceutical industry came out of their effort to deal with chemical and biological warfare by the United States. The US was like putting in swine fever as a way to destroy pigs that every family in Cuba had their own little pig to raise and, you know, supplement their food. And so they developed animal vaccines first to protect those animals and then they work their way up from there. So I think that that sense of, you know...I had a good friend recently who passed away from complications of diabetes and the Cubans have developed treatments for diabetes and to prevent amputation of limbs and other stuff. And all of that is unavailable to us because of the US imperialist embargo on Cuba and blockade. And giving people a sense that, you know, there actually are people living in the world in much better conditions. The United States is number one in incarceration, number one in many social ills, number one in overdose deaths, and, you know, on and on and on...number one in evictions. And we can begin to, you know, really give a sense to people that this system has nothing to offer them but destruction and that we have the capacity to create something different. Inmn 1:00:13 Yeah. Thanks. I have only to say that...yes. Yes to all of that. We are nearing the end...of the recording, not of the world. [Said as a dry joke] And, yeah, is there any any kind of last things that you want to say before--I'll ask you to plug anything that you want to plug at the end--I mean, that was such a beautiful wrap up, I feel like. But, if there's anything else you want to talk about, that we haven't talked about? Michael 1:00:45 Well, you know, years ago, I was part of a group in Berkeley that took over the California College of Arts and Crafts to create an anti-war poster making facility during the Vietnam War. And out of that group, there was a singing group called the Red Star Singers, and they had a song called "The Power of the People's the Force of Life." And I think we really have to have that sense. It's, you know, it is a dialectic. That's what I think the main thing I want to try to convey is that, you know, to the extent that we can build the people's power, it actually weakens that system. And, you know, just that sense that all the power that they have is actually derived from their exploitation and oppression of people. And that's our power, you know, manifest that against us. And if we take our power back, it actually does weaken them and increases our possibilities of struggling to for a different world. So, I will do the plugs. I, for 35 years, I've been working and I actually wanted to sort of break the story here. I'm looking for a collective that will take over "Turning the Tide." I've been putting it out for a long, long time. Volume 35 # 2 is just about to come out. It's up on antiracist.org. You can reach me at antiracistaction_ la@yahoo.com. But, you know, like I say, I'm 76. I'm currently the interim general manager of KPFK radio in Los Angeles and it's a huge time commitment. And I want I want to see the paper, you know, become, in some way or shape, institutionalized, to continue to meet, you know, send out the 1700-1800 copies to prisoners. And so, if anybody's interested in taking over that project and fulfilling that commitment, I'd love to hear from them. And then, as I say, I have a chapter in "¡No Pasarán!: Antifascist Dispatches from a World in Crisis" edited by Shane Burley from AK Press. And I contributed a lot of material archival stuff and was interviewed extensively for "We Go Where They Go: The Story of Anti-Racist Action" from PM press. Two really, really important books and well worth reading. And then I did, self published and co-authored "The Blue Agave Revolution: The Poetry of the Blind Rebel" with Oso Blanco, Byron Shane Chubbuck. And you can get that again from Anti-Racist Action. So it's PO Box 1055, Culver City, California 90232. And online, just Antiracist.org. Inmn 1:03:27 Wonderful, in "The Blue Agave Revolution," is that Is that where we can find your short story about the three-way fight between vampires, zombies and humans? Michael 1:03:37 It's a kind of a novella. There's about seven chapters of a longer thing. And there's also a shorter one about a group of teenage mutants called Black Bloc, that they have these kind of minor powers. One of them can, you know, it's Jackpot and Crackpot. Crackpot can kind of break out of anything and Jackpot can just affect the odds slightly in their favor and a bunch of other young people, nonbinary and so on. But they're also some different essays of mine in there and a lot of poetry and, yeah...Just the mathematics of the enormity of social economic inequality. People don't understand exactly what it is, but essentially, about 45% of the US population has the equivalent of 50 cents in assets. You know, people don't understand exactly what the class divide and the contradictions inside the society are, you know. We're we're duped into thinking that this is the richest country on the face of the Earth and the most powerful, you know. There's an enormous, hidden social cost and pain behind that and we have to figure out how to galvanize that into the power that actually those people possess and the creativity that they have. Inmn 1:05:03 Yeah. Great. Well, thank you so much for coming on the podcast. Yeah, of course. And I'll we'll drop links to all the things that you mentioned in the show notes for people to find. And yeah, thank you. Michael 1:05:23 Okay. Take care. Have a great day. Inmn 1:05:25 You too. Inmn 1:05:26 Thank you so much for listening. If you enjoyed this podcast, then go out and live like the Empire is dying. And then tell us about it. And if you'd like to support this podcast, you can do so by telling people about it. You can support this podcast by talking about it on social media, rating, and reviewing, and doing whatever the nameless algorithm calls for. But, if you'd like to support us in other sillier ways, you can also support us on Patreon at patreon.com/strangersinatangledwilderness, which is our publisher. Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness is a radical media publishing collective that puts out this podcast as well as a few other podcasts. Our Patreon helps pay for things like transcriptions or our lovely audio editor, Bursts, who is the host of The Final Straw, as well as going on to support Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness and a few of the other podcasts we put out like our monthly anarchist literature podcast Strangers in a Tangled Wilderness, as well as the Anarcho Geek Power Hour, which is a podcast for people who love movies and hate cops. 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Jack Posobiec, Senior Editor of Human Events and veteran intelligence officer of the United States Navy, is back to expose the truth behind Antifa. Having infiltrated Antifa's ranks, Posobiec offers in-depth knowledge on the radical anarchist group. Hear Savage and Posobiec on Antifa's secret history that dates back to Weimar Germany, how the communists and Antifa worked together to destabilize Germany, Antifa's funding and their connection to George Soros, the group's similarities to Mao's Red Guard, what to expect for the 2024 election, and how Antifa thugs are receiving training from foreign radical groups. Then, Posobiec explains how the CIA is no longer Jack Bauer's walking in the halls of Langley, but Ivy League girls in high-heels who need trigger warnings before briefings on the deaths in Ukraine. Hear the chilling details about what the radical Antifa has in store... Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Venez assister le mardi 20 juin au premier épisode de l'Heure du Monde, enregistré en public, avec Jean-Guillaume Santi et Sylvie Kauffmann : rendez-vous sur https://ateliers.lemonde.fr/ pour réserver votre place.Dans le cortège de tête des manifestations contre la réforme des retraites, le black bloc saccage des vitrines et affronte les forces de l'ordre. Yves Bordenave, journaliste au « Monde », a voulu savoir qui étaient ces manifestants et pourquoi ils avaient fait le choix de la violence. Dans ce podcast, il explique que leur profil tend à se diversifier, et raconte une rencontre qui l'a marqué.Un épisode de Garance Muñoz. Réalisation : Thomas Zeng. Musiques : Amandine Robillard. Présentation et rédaction en chef : Morgane Tual. Dans cet épisode : extraits de reportages de l'AFP et de Reuters, lecture d'une lettre publiée par Paris-lutte.info.

Chaque mardi, mercredi et jeudi dans la matinale de Dimitri Pavlenko, Gaspard Proust livre son regard sur l'actualité.

Vài năm trở lại đây, Black Bloc, hay còn gọi là Hội Áo Đen, bị gán mác bạo lực, đập phá, gây bạo loạn trong các cuộc biểu tình. Hành động cực đoan của hội Áo đen khiến công đoàn cũng như phía cảnh sát phải quan ngại. Vậy họ là những ai ? Thu hút sự chú ý bởi những tràng vỗ tay theo nhịp, cùng hô vang những khẩu hiệu như “chống tư bản” (anticapitaliste), “tất cả mọi người ghét cảnh sát” (tout le monde déteste la police), nhóm người biểu tình trong trang phục màu đen, đeo khẩu trang hoặc trùm kín mặt, được gọi là Black-bloc – “Hội áo đen”. Trong các cuộc biểu tình, họ thường đi phía trước, tách khỏi đoàn tuần hành. Không có lãnh đạo, hay phân quyền, hội Áo đen thường hành động tự phát, không có tổ chức và thường bị tố cáo là nguồn căn của bạo lực.    Trong các cuộc biểu tình phản đối cải cách chế độ hưu trí tại Pháp, như trong ngày biểu tình thứ 10, 23/03/2023, cảnh sát tại Paris cho biết khoảng 1000 phần tử cực đoan, người mặc đồ đen, thuộc hội Black-bloc, đeo mặt nạ, đã đập phá nhiều cửa hàng, gây ra hàng trăm đám cháy. Chỉ riêng trong ngày hôm đó, hơn 457 người đã bị câu lưu và 441 cảnh sát, hiến binh bị thương. Vài ngày sau đó, trong một cuộc biểu tình khác phản đối dự án xây hồ trữ nước, ở Sainte Soline, miền tây nước Pháp, hội Áo đen cũng bị tố cáo gây ra “bạo loạn” trong báo cáo của một cơ quan tình báo hiến binh được trang của đài phát thanh France Inter đăng tải. Báo cáo mô tả “400 đến 500 người thuộc hội Áo đen có kinh nghiệm và cực kỳ bạo lực, tổ chức thành nhóm 20 người, liên lạc bằng bộ đàm, tấn công lực lượng hiến binh bằng súng cao su, súng bắn pháo hoa hoặc các chai bom xăng hay bi sắt.” Các cuộc đụng độ căng thẳng và bạo lực giữa nhóm biểu tình này và lực lượng an ninh khiến nhiều người bị thương nặng, hai người hiện vẫn đang mong manh giữa sự sống và cái chết. Nhiều xe cảnh sát bị đốt cháy.     Tại sao lại biểu tình bằng bạo lực thay vì ôn hoà ?RFI đã đặt câu hỏi này đối với một số người trong nhóm biểu tình mặc đồ đen, trùm kín mặt trong cuộc biểu tình hôm 28/3 tại Paris. Một trong số họ, ẩn danh, cho rằng những hành động bạo lực như vậy là cần thiết và“không phải chỉ là cách để bày tỏ phẫn nộ một cách ngu xuẩn, nếu muốn hành động của mình được biết đến thì bạo lực là điều không thể tránh khỏi”. Một người đàn ông trong nhóm này cho biết : “Một hành động mà không bạo lực thì hành động đó không hiệu quả, nhất là đối với một chính phủ thiển cận, chống lại chính người dân của mình. Chính phủ không lắng nghe chúng tôi nếu không có bạo lực. Có lẽ bạo lực không phải là điều mà chúng tôi muốn khi biểu tình, nhưng đó là điều bắt buộc, cần phải có hành động bạo lực ở một mức độ nào đó, để những cuộc huy động như thế này của được chú ý tới”.  Một người đàn ông khác, mặc đồ đen, che kín mặt, chỉ để lộ hai mắt giải thích tiếp : “Đôi khi, chúng tôi bắt buộc phải trở thành Black-bloc.Khi so sánh với bạo lực của cảnh sát, của chính phủ, thì hành động của chúng tôi là điều bắt buộc. Họ cố gắng muốn chúng tôi im lặng, ngăn cản chúng tôi biểu tình, đi đến cùng. Chúng tôi buộc phải làm như vậy”.    Chiến thuật linh hoạtBlack-bloc được coi là một chiến thuật biểu tình, mặc đồ đen để ẩn danh và chỉ trích, phản đối chế độ, như nhận xét của giảng viên về khoa học chính trị Francis Dupuis-Déri tại đại học Québec tại Montréal, Canada trong bài phân tích trên trang The Conversation. Chiến thuật biểu tình này xuất hiện ở Tây Đức vào năm 1980. Khi đó, các phong trào phản kháng nổi lên khắp thủ đô Berlin, do bức tường chia cắt đông tây đất nước. Một số người biểu tình phản đối tư bản, phản đối tân quốc xã, đã tự tổ chức hành động, chiếm dụng một số khu vực, đưa ra cách tập hợp người chỉ trong vài phút, tạo các khối người mặc đồ đen nhằm chống lại các cuộc tấn công của cảnh sát.  Black-bloc dịch nguyên văn là khối đen, khối Schwarzer trong tiếng Đức, là cụm từ mà lực lượng an ninh Đức gán cho những người biểu tình cực đoan này. Hình thức biểu tình tình này đã nhanh chóng được loan truyền khắp nơi và được du nhập vào Mỹ và Canada từ đầu những năm 1990. Hội Áo đen bắt đầu được truyền thông nói tới trong cuộc biểu tình ở Seatle Hoa Kỳ, phản đối cuộc họp của Tổ Chức Thương Mại Thế Giới (WTO) vào năm 1999, hay trong cuộc biểu tình phản đối thượng đỉnh Liên Minh Bắc Đại Tây Dương NATO tại Strasbourg, Pháp vào năm 2009. Tại Pháp, các hành động của Black-bloc ngày càng thu hút sự quan tâm của công luận trong các cuộc biểu tình phản đối luật lao động từ năm 2016 và trở nên bạo lực hơn trong Phong trào Áo vàng (Gilet Jaunes).   Trong cuốn sách “Dans la tête des Black-blocs” - Hội áo đen nghĩ gì trong đầu ?”, nhà báo Thierry Vincent miêu tả phương thức hoạt động linh hoạt của hội Áo đen. Họ đa phần là những người trẻ, không theo đảng phái chính trị nào cả, có mật mã liên lạc riêng, đôi khi có sự chuẩn bị trước, chẳng hạn, đặt vũ khí như bom xăng trên tuyến đường trước khi biểu tình diễn ra, chia sẻ vị trí của cảnh sát và đặc biệt là rất đoàn kết. Nếu ai bị cảnh sát bắt được thì tất cả sẽ cùng nhau lao vào, cố gắng giải phóng người đó khỏi tay của lực lượng an ninh. Họ chỉ là Black-bloc trong thời gian cuộc biểu tình diễn ra và sau đó « biến mất ». Một số mang theo trang phục khác để thay, và hòa vào những người mặc thường phục khác. Có những trường hợp họ đốt ngay bộ trang phục màu đen « để tránh để lại ADN ».  Phong trào biểu tình chống tư bản Trên đài RFI kênh tiếng Pháp, ông Thierry Vincent giải thích : “Họ không phải là những kẻ phá hoại vô tội vạ mà họ nhắm vào biểu tượng của chủ nghĩa tư bản, như là ngân hàng, văn phòng bất động sản, các chuỗi cửa hàng ăn nhanh. Trái với những hình ảnh mà truyền thông đưa, họ không tấn công một cá nhân hay người biểu tình nào mà đúng hơn là chỉ nhắm vào cảnh sát. Nếu ai có đi lạc vào giữa hội áo đen thì sẽ chẳng có nguy hiểm nào, ngoại trừ việc hít phải hơi cay và bị cảnh sát tấn công. Họ tạo thành khối để chống lại cảnh sát.  Khi mà họ đập phá ngân hàng, cảnh sát can thiệp thì dĩ nhiên sẽ có đụng độ giữa hai bên.”   Trong cuốn “Black Bloc : Bas les masques”, giáo sư Francis Dupuis-Déri, giảng viên khoa học chính trị tại đại học Québec lý giải rằng các cuộc đụng độ bạo lực giữa cảnh sát và hội Áo đen xảy ra là lẽ đương nhiên vì cảnh sát bảo vệ chế độ và đại diện cho sự bạo lực của Nhà nước. Từ quan điểm kinh tế và chính trị, hành động bạo lực được coi là phương tiện hiệu quả và đơn giản để chỉ trích chủ nghĩa tư bản, Nhà nước tự do, mà hội Áo đen coi là bất hợp pháp vì thường là chế độ độc đoán, theo cấp bậc và bản thân chúng cũng bạo lực. Hành động phản đối chế độ tư bản này được thể hiện một cách trực tiếp khi tấn công vào những cơ sở như ngân hàng hay các công ty lớn. Về mặt gián tiếp, những hành động của hội Áo đen được các phương tiện truyền thông đăng tải, thu hút dư luận, góp phần phổ biến sự phê phán đối với chủ nghĩa tư bản.     Tư thù với cảnh sátNgoài ra, việc căm ghét cảnh sát, đôi khi dẫn đến những hành động bạo lực, có thể xuất phát từ tư thù cá nhân vì có những kinh nghiệm không hay với lực lượng an ninh. Trong cuộc biểu tình ngày 28/3 vừa qua tại Paris, một nhóm thanh niên trong số những người biểu tình lên án hành động bạo lực của cảnh sát. Một người biểu tình ẩn danh đặt câu hỏi: “Liệu thế giới hiện bị sốc bởi bạo lực từ phía người biểu tình chúng tôi hay là từ phía cảnh sát, từ phía chính phủ. Có những người biểu tình đã bị thương nặng, không rõ sống hay chết. Trong trường này thì nên đứng về phía người biểu tình hay phía cảnh sát.Nạn nhân trong các vụ bạo lực là những người vô tội, và không có vũ khí (như cảnh sát)”.      Một người khác trong số đó cho biết một vài người bạn của anh đã bị thương trong các cuộc đụng độ với cảnh sát, anh cũng chia sẻ trải nghiệm của mình về hành động bạo lực của lực lượng an ninh : “Tôi năm nay 18 tuổi, tôi chưa bao giờ làm gì phạm pháp cả. Thế nhưng tôi bị câu lưu, tôi bị cảnh sát đánh ngã ngay trước mặt bạn gái tôi. Tại nơi bị tạm giữ, tôi ở cùng với một y tá, một người đàn ông khuyết tật, mất đi 80 % khả năng nhìn vì bị đánh làm vỡ mắt kính, ở đó cũng có một đứa trẻ cấp hai nữa, tôi cũng không biết làm sao mà cậu ta ở đó. Cảnh sắt bắt người tuỳ tiện vô cớ”.    Ai là những người thuộc hội Áo đen ? Theo ông Thierry Vincent, họ thường là những người trẻ, da trắng, xuân thân từ những gia đình có trình độ văn hoá cao.  Ông Françis thì nêu cụ thể hơn, những người tham gia vào phong trào này có thể khác nhau ở địa điểm và thời gian cũng như về tầng lớp xã hội, giới tính, chủng tộc. Có người theo chủ nghĩa vô chính phủ, chủ nghĩa cộng sản, những nhà hoạt động môi trường, ủng hộ nữ quyền, bình đẳng giới, học sinh, hay những người thất nghiệp…vv. Một trong những khẩu hiệu của hội Áo đen đó là : “Chúng tôi là ai không quan trọng bằng những gì mà chúng tôi muốn. Và chúng tôi muốn mọi thứ, cho tất cả mọi người”. Còn theo một người biểu tình ẩn danh tại Paris, thì ai cũng có thể trở thành Black-bloc nếu họ muốn:  “Đây là một nhóm không chính thức, không có hiệp hội, không phải đăng ký thành viên. Khi thấy rằng sự phẫn nộ đạt một mức độ nào đó thì mỗi người có thể quyết định thực hiện những hành động khiến anh ta trở thành một black-bloc, tức là có thể là tất cả mọi người hoặc không ai cả. Đến một lúc nào đó, người ta có thể quyết định đeo khẩu trang che mặt và xuống đường. Câu hỏi đặt ra không phải là liệu chúng tôi có phải là Black-bloc hay không mà là đôi khi cần phải trở thành Black-bloc”.   Theo một tài liệu của Trung tâm nghiên cứu của Trường đào tạo sĩ quan hiến binh quốc gia Pháp (Centre de recherche de l'École des officiers de la gendarmerie nationale), làm sao để kiểm soát được hội Áo đen trong các cuộc biểu tình là một « thách thức » với lực lượng an ninh, mặc dù không phải ai cũng có hành động bạo lực. Khó khăn là ở chỗ làm sao có thể trấn áp những người biểu tình này trong khi việc cử nhiều lực lượng an ninh đến lại được coi là hành động khiêu khích hội Áo đen. Ông Thierry Vincent cho rằng một vòng luẩn quẩn bạo lực có thể được tạo ra khi mà cả cảnh sát và hội Áo đen đều có hành động cực đoan.        

"RTL Sans Filtre", c'est le nouveau rendez-vous d'humour cette saison sur RTL. Désormais le week-end, les Grosses Têtes vous proposent de découvrir en podcast les chroniques de Sébastien Thoen, que vous connaissez tous, mais également celles de Mathieu Madénian, Bertrand Chameroy, Elodie Poux ou encore Sandrine Sarroche. Dans ce podcast, Sébastien Thoen raconte son diner avec un Block bloc. Du lundi au vendredi, à 7h20 sur RTL, découvrez "RTL Sans Filtre", le nouveau rendez-vous humour de la matinale. Chaque jour, un humoriste délivre son billet d'humeur mais surtout son regard décalé sur l'actualité.

First up, we're sharing a blast from the past blast from the past, an interview that we conducted in 2013 via our comrades from A-Radio Berlin with a participant in the autonomous anti-capitalist street movement in Germany in the latter half of the 20th century known as Autonomen. Specifically, the guest speaks about the context of anonymous street actions during May Day of 1987 in the district of then-West Berlin known as Kreuzberg and about the tactic that became known as Black Bloc. Apologies for the audio quality of this portion. Then, you'll be hearing portions of the May 2022 episode of Bad News: Angry Voices From Around The World by the A-Radio Network, of which the already-mentioned Berlin crew is also a member. You'll hear: comrades from Free Social Radio 1431AM in Thessaloniki, Greece with some updates from that country. Then, friends at Črna luknja in Lubjlana, Slovenia, shares an interview with members of the autonomous social center in Trieste known as Germinal on the 10th anniversary of that space. Finally, you'll hear A-Radio Vienna sharing the call-out for the 2022 June 11th Day of Solidarity with Marius Mason and All Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners. You can find more on June 11th at June11.NoBlogs.Org . ... . .. Featured Tracks: Mainzerstraßenlied by Quetschenpaua from Terror Penguin Music (lyrics) No Borders No Nation by Kronstadt from Antipoder

Panel Discussion with my producer "Chris C Money" Burns, Writer, Author, and regular of the show Heather Schmidt, Local Recording Artist, Socialist, and regular of the show Taj Bibi, and Tony from the 1BigToilet Podcast on The Black Bloc, Peaceful Versus violent protest, Supply Chain Issues, Life Post-Capitalism, and more! Follow Chris "Cmoney" Burns on Twitter: @Cmoneyburns Follow Heather Schmidt on Twitter @heatherwritesss and take a look at her blog and website! heatherchristenaschmidt.com Follow Taj Bibi on Instagram to listen to his music! @tajbibimusic Follow Tony from 1BigToilet Podcast on Instagram @1Bigtoiletpodcast If you have any suggested episode ideas or guests you would like to appear on the show please email us! @805uncensored@gmail.com As always, please consider leaving the show a review on apple podcasts, it really helps us expand our reach! https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/805uncensored/id1471552828 Thank you so much for listening! --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app

The Interview: Rep Lauren Boebert on fighting for freedoms in Cuba and US. The Interview: Josh Hammer on the rise of anti-Semitism in the Democrat party  LongForm: Jack Posobiec, senior editor of Human Events, and author of The Antifa: Stories from Inside the Black Bloc The Quick Hit: The left is taking vaccinations way too far. The Last Rantz: Student Action Summit shows you just how engaged young people can be in politics. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this episode of China Unscripted, we discuss the origins of the coronavirus, or the CCP virus as we call it, secret research going on in the Wuhan Institute of Virology, what concerned Americans can do about China's rise, the Chinese Communist Party's 100 years of lies, and why the U.S. 1% likes the Chinese Communist Party. Joining us for this podcast is Jack Posobiec, the editor of the digital news site Human Events. You can follow Jack on Twitter @JackPosobiec Read his work on humanevents.com His book is called "The Antifa: Stories From Inside the Black Bloc"

Michael Berry talks about an incident between the Portland police department and ANTIFA; Jack Posobiec, senior editor at Human Events, joins the show to discuss his new book "The Antifa: Stories From Inside the Black Bloc"; Carol Roth, author, makes an appearance to talk about her new book "The War on Small Business: How the Government Used the Pandemic to Crush the Backbone of America."

Discussing his new book, The Antifa: Stories from Inside the Black Bloc

Episode 497 Jack Posobiec is a First Class Father, former Navy Intelligence Officer and Senior Editor for Human Events. Jack was previously a correspondent for One America News Network. He is the author of a new bestselling book, “The Antifa: Stories From Inside the Black Bloc”. Posobiec's work has directly led to Antifa arrests and convictions and has been cited by members of Congress, the Senate, and the President of the United States. Posobiec appeared in court in the trial of an Antifa criminal who attacked him in the street while conducting interviews. He was also the co-producer of the blockbuster documentary “Antifa: Rise of the Black Flags”. In this Episode, Jack shares his Fatherhood journey which includes two children. He discusses the importance of strengthening the Nuclear Family Unit in America and why he always tweets out “Be A Rebel, Start A Family” on Twitter. He discusses the values he hopes to instill in his kids growing up. He talks about his new book THE ANTIFA. He also talks about a new children's book series he is working on. He offers some great advice for new or about to be Dads and more! THE ANTIFA - https://www.amazon.com/gp/aw/d/0999705970/ref=tmm_pap_swatch_0?ie=UTF8&qid=&sr= Subscribe to First Class Fatherhood and watch on YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCCD6cjYptutjJWYlM0Kk6cQ?sub_confirmation=1 SPONSORS: SeatGeek - https://seatgeek.com Promo Code: FirstClass Save: $20 off tickets MY PILLOW - https://www.mypillow.com Promo Code: Fatherhood Save Up To 66% Off 1-800-875-0219 More Ways To Listen - https://linktr.ee/alec_lace First Class Fatherhood Merch - https://shop.spreadshirt.com/first-class-fatherhood-/we+are+not+babysitters-A5d09ea872051763ad613ec8e?productType=812&sellable=3017x1aBoNI8jJe83pw5-812-7&appearance=1 Follow me on instagram - https://instagram.com/alec_lace?igshid=ebfecg0yvbap For information about becoming a Sponsor of First Class Fatherhood please hit me with an email: FirstClassFatherhood@gmail.com --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/alec-lace/support

In this episode of "Candace", host Candace Owens breaks down the media's role in conspiracy theories and why it matters. Plus, Candace sits down with Jack Posobiec to discuss his new book, "The Antifa: Stories From Inside the Black Bloc" & takes questions from the audience! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode of "Candace", host Candace Owens breaks down the media's role in conspiracy theories and why it matters. Plus, Candace sits down with Jack Posobiec to discuss his new book, "The Antifa: Stories From Inside the Black Bloc" & takes questions from the audience!

Former member of Antifa turned conservative activist, Gabriel Nadales, joins the show to discuss what it was like to be a part of the Black Bloc and the shocking story that began his conversion to conservatism. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Former member of Antifa turned conservative activist, Gabriel Nadales, joins the show to discuss what it was like to be a part of the Black Bloc and the shocking story that began his conversion to conservatism.

American political activist and author Jack Posobiec joins Michael this week for a discussion on what Antifa is and why we should care, how a Polish person can be against an "anti-fascist" organization, who Antifa was formed to target and why they consider them social fascists, how questioning the validity of the corporate press is a great first red pill to take, how talking points during the Benghazi attack were written by the CIA, how the black uniforms come in many colors, the story behind the cover of Jack's new book, who in the corporate media is running interference for Antifa, how Ulrike Meinhof got her start as a left-wing journalist, plus what conservatives don't understand about the nature of the Antifa movement and so much more!Get the most comfortable underwear you'll ever put on at http://www.SheathUnderwear.com and use code MALICE20 for 20% OFF your order.Need help with quitting smoking or vaping? Fum is a great help when it comes to changing your habits. Visit https://breatheFUM.com/Malice and use the promo code MALICE10 to get 10% OFF your entire order and kick the disgusting habits in 2021! IPVanish is a VPN that helps you remain anonymous and secure on the internet. You can use it on your computers, tablets, phones, and even when streaming media on your Firestick. They've got an outstanding rating of 4.5/5 on TrustPilot, with over 6,000 reviews! So head to http://ipvanish.com/malice to claim your 50% savings!Jack PosobiecOrder THE ANTIFA: Stories from Inside the Black Blochttps://amzn.to/3vwd2ZIhttps://www.antifabook.com/https://twitter.com/JackPosobiechttps://www.instagram.com/jackmposobiecMichael MaliceOrder THE ANARCHIST HANDBOOKhttps://www.amzn.com/B095DVF8FJOrder THE NEW RIGHT: https://amzn.to/2IFFCCuOrder DEAR READER: https://t.co/vZfTVkK6qf?amp=1https://twitter.com/michaelmalicehttps://instagram.com/michaelmalicehttps://malice.locals.com https://youtube.com/michaelmaliceofficialIntro song: "Out of Reach" by Legendary House Catshttps://thelegendaryhousecats.bandcamp.com/The newest episode of "YOUR WELCOME" releases on iTunes and YouTube every Thursday! Please subscribe and leave a review.You can watch "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice LIVE for FREE every Tuesday at 12:30 PM at http://www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com/liveVisit http://www.podcastmerch.com/ for exclusive "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice merchandise!For access to our entire catalog of episodes On Demand in HD, subscribe to www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com. Use promo code "YWMM" for a 7-day free trial and 15% OFF your monthly membership. There, you'll have access to ALL of the other amazing shows on GaS Digital Network!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

American political activist and author Jack Posobiec joins Michael this week for a discussion on what Antifa is and why we should care, how a Polish person can be against an "anti-fascist" organization, who Antifa was formed to target and why they consider them social fascists, how questioning the validity of the corporate press is a great first red pill to take, how talking points during the Benghazi attack were written by the CIA, how the black uniforms come in many colors, the story behind the cover of Jack's new book, who in the corporate media is running interference for Antifa, how Ulrike Meinhof got her start as a left-wing journalist, plus what conservatives don't understand about the nature of the Antifa movement and so much more!Get the most comfortable underwear you'll ever put on at http://www.SheathUnderwear.com and use code MALICE20 for 20% OFF your order.Need help with quitting smoking or vaping? Fum is a great help when it comes to changing your habits. Visit https://breatheFUM.com/Malice and use the promo code MALICE10 to get 10% OFF your entire order and kick the disgusting habits in 2021! IPVanish is a VPN that helps you remain anonymous and secure on the internet. You can use it on your computers, tablets, phones, and even when streaming media on your Firestick. They've got an outstanding rating of 4.5/5 on TrustPilot, with over 6,000 reviews! So head to http://ipvanish.com/malice to claim your 50% savings!Jack PosobiecOrder THE ANTIFA: Stories from Inside the Black Blochttps://amzn.to/3vwd2ZIhttps://www.antifabook.com/https://twitter.com/JackPosobiechttps://www.instagram.com/jackmposobiecMichael MaliceOrder THE ANARCHIST HANDBOOKhttps://www.amzn.com/B095DVF8FJOrder THE NEW RIGHT: https://amzn.to/2IFFCCuOrder DEAR READER: https://t.co/vZfTVkK6qf?amp=1https://twitter.com/michaelmalicehttps://instagram.com/michaelmalicehttps://malice.locals.com https://youtube.com/michaelmaliceofficialIntro song: "Out of Reach" by Legendary House Catshttps://thelegendaryhousecats.bandcamp.com/The newest episode of "YOUR WELCOME" releases on iTunes and YouTube every Thursday! Please subscribe and leave a review.You can watch "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice LIVE for FREE every Tuesday at 12:30 PM at http://www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com/liveVisit http://www.podcastmerch.com/ for exclusive "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice merchandise!For access to our entire catalog of episodes On Demand in HD, subscribe to www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com. Use promo code "YWMM" for a 7-day free trial and 15% OFF your monthly membership. There, you'll have access to ALL of the other amazing shows on GaS Digital Network!

American political activist and author Jack Posobiec joins Michael this week for a discussion on what Antifa is and why we should care, how a Polish person can be against an "anti-fascist" organization, who Antifa was formed to target and why they consider them social fascists, how questioning the validity of the corporate press is a great first red pill to take, how talking points during the Benghazi attack were written by the CIA, how the black uniforms come in many colors, the story behind the cover of Jack's new book, who in the corporate media is running interference for Antifa, how Ulrike Meinhof got her start as a left-wing journalist, plus what conservatives don't understand about the nature of the Antifa movement and so much more!Get the most comfortable underwear you'll ever put on at http://www.SheathUnderwear.com and use code MALICE20 for 20% OFF your order.Need help with quitting smoking or vaping? Fum is a great help when it comes to changing your habits. Visit https://breatheFUM.com/Malice and use the promo code MALICE10 to get 10% OFF your entire order and kick the disgusting habits in 2021! IPVanish is a VPN that helps you remain anonymous and secure on the internet. You can use it on your computers, tablets, phones, and even when streaming media on your Firestick. They've got an outstanding rating of 4.5/5 on TrustPilot, with over 6,000 reviews! So head to http://ipvanish.com/malice to claim your 50% savings!Jack PosobiecOrder THE ANTIFA: Stories from Inside the Black Blochttps://amzn.to/3vwd2ZIhttps://www.antifabook.com/https://twitter.com/JackPosobiechttps://www.instagram.com/jackmposobiecMichael MaliceOrder THE ANARCHIST HANDBOOKhttps://www.amzn.com/B095DVF8FJOrder THE NEW RIGHT: https://amzn.to/2IFFCCuOrder DEAR READER: https://t.co/vZfTVkK6qf?amp=1https://twitter.com/michaelmalicehttps://instagram.com/michaelmalicehttps://malice.locals.com https://youtube.com/michaelmaliceofficialIntro song: "Out of Reach" by Legendary House Catshttps://thelegendaryhousecats.bandcamp.com/The newest episode of "YOUR WELCOME" releases on iTunes and YouTube every Thursday! Please subscribe and leave a review.You can watch "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice LIVE for FREE every Tuesday at 12:30 PM at http://www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com/liveVisit http://www.podcastmerch.com/ for exclusive "YOUR WELCOME" with Michael Malice merchandise!For access to our entire catalog of episodes On Demand in HD, subscribe to www.GaSDigitalNetwork.com. Use promo code "YWMM" for a 7-day free trial and 15% OFF your monthly membership. There, you'll have access to ALL of the other amazing shows on GaS Digital Network!See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

durée : 00:28:49 - Les Pieds sur terre - par : Sonia Kronlund - Face au sentiment d'impuissance, certains choisissent l'émeute. Après la mort de Rémi Fraisse, Irène va en manifestation à Albi. Kevin a participé à la création du cortège de tête en 2016 et a décidé de se défendre face à la police. Sophia, elle, a lutté en Italie contre le projet du TGV Lyon-Turin. - réalisation : Clémence Gross

durée : 00:28:49 - Les Pieds sur terre - par : Sonia Kronlund - Face au sentiment d'impuissance, certains choisissent l'émeute. Après la mort de Rémi Fraisse, Irène va en manifestation à Albi. Kevin a participé à la création du cortège de tête en 2016 et a décidé de se défendre face à la police. Sophia, elle, a lutté en Italie contre le projet du TGV Lyon-Turin. - réalisation : Clémence Gross

"The Dream of the '90s Died in Portland" (Reason)

Accusé de saboter les manifs alors qu'elles viennent à peine de s’ébranler, la pratique du black bloc interroge et donne lieu à toutes les rumeurs. Mais quelles réalités se cachent derrière ces cagoules noires ? Quelles sont leurs stratégies et leurs idéologies ? On en parle cette semaine dans votre épisode de "Penser les luttes". Nos invitées :  Isabelle Sommier, est spécialiste des mouvements sociaux et de la violence politique, professeure de sociologie politique à l’université Paris-I-Panthéon-Sorbonne, et chercheuse au Centre européen de sociologie et de science politique. Emeline Fourment, est chercheuse au centre d'études européennes et politiques comparées. Elle travaille sur les Usages et les réappropriations des théories féministes dans les milieux libertaires de Berlin et Montréal. Faites un don défiscalisé à Radio Parleur ! Et soutenez nous pour toujours plus de podcast libres et indépendants dédiés aux luttes sociales

Les Black Blocs, on a l'habitude de les voir, silhouettes noires en manif, harcelant les forces de police. On a moins l'habitude de les entendre. Eitanite Partouche a rencontré Étienne, 23 ans, Black Bloc.Il nous parle de ce mode d'action, et nous explique pourquoi il l'a choisi : une cause, qu'un mot d'ordre en manif, est mieux entendu quand il y a de la violence.Visuel : @Art_Durham sur Pinterest See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

1, 2, 3 le black bloc est roi 4, 5, 6, nike la police ma délinquance à des principes Je me fais des films avec les flics Macron Arya va te buter L'Etat noie, noie l'Etat il n'y a pas d'argent magique, il n'y a que de l'argent tragique Déboulonnons le récit officiel Police abolie, bientôt le paradis Etranglons les étrangleurs Télétravail pour les CRS Range ta bite et ton couteau, j'sors ma chatte et mon marteau nos rues ne sont pas des chambres à gaz coulez du béton, on crèvera la dalle Distançons nous d'un maître Le pire des virus c'est l'Etat + d'infirmières - de commissaires Sous le béton, la place du patron 1, 2, 3 le black bloc est roi 4, 5, 6, nike la police Covid dix keuf pas de réanimation pour Didier Lallement Redistribuons Bernard Arnault Offrons un chaos de noël - de Rambo + de Rimbaud + de PD - de RG Émeutières pas ménagères oui aux plans à 3, non au 49.3 Le désordre vient de l'intérieur Shoote un ministre, sauve des homards aujourd'hui les gestes barrières, demain les gestes barricades L'amazonie brûle, à quand l'Elysée on veut de l'eau, pas la 5G Et si on commençait par soigner ce gouvernement ? Le flic épidémique est atteint ! drone d'ambiance cet état d'urgence Violences acablantes Casse la bac d'abord sous la cagoule c'est arya starck Le flic épidémique est atteint ! drone d'ambiance cet état d'urgence ------ Chanson intégralement écrite sur les murs les 12 derniers mois.

Le numéro vert de l'actu hebdomadaire Cette semaine Livo retourne à la manif pour prendre un cours d'histoire, interrompu par une palette de gaz lacrymo qui atterrit à ses pieds. Pendant ce temps, Macron crée un numéro vert pour les victimes des contrôles au faciès, alors Livo en profite pour appeler quelques-uns des 40 numéros verts gouvernementaux déjà actifs. Il termine ce tour de l'actualité heureuse par la fête des Lumières de Lyon et un rassemblement de syndicat patronaux en lutte contre la fermeture des restos.Chaque mercredi, Dépêche découpe l'actu avec un micro. Abonnez-vous à ce podcast sur notre site, Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud ou Deezer. Enregistrements : 5, 7, 8 décembre 20 - Texte, voix, réalisation : Olivier Minot - Mix : Charlie Marcelet - Production : ARTE Radio

Tous les matins, à 7h10 et 9h10, retrouvez l'actu vue par les humoristes de la nouvelle génération dans le Morning du Rire avec Bruno Roblès

Tous les matins, à 7h10 et 9h10, retrouvez l'actu vue par les humoristes de la nouvelle génération dans le Morning du Rire avec Bruno Roblès

Erin talks about her recent viral interview in Reason on her experiences going undercover as black bloc antifa, and further explains dilemma actions and the spectrum of violence model. --- Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/erin-sith/support

Happy May Day! Find an action near you HERE. To celebrate the anniversary of the strike that led to Haymarket, and the 8 anarchists executed for it (two of whom were anarchist media producers themselves!) we bring you our favorite anarchist news reporting from throughout history. As an anarchist news show ourselves, we wanted to pay homage to all the anarchist newspapers, zines, and other media projects that have inspired us. You'll hear reports from as far back as the Paris Commune, the punny and irreverent 1980s British organization Class War, a 1977 article in Fifth Estate about this newfangled thing called punk rock, coverage of the very first nationwide-called-for black bloc in the US, a firsthand report from the streets of Seattle in 1999, and much more. We'll even have guest appearances by other anarchist podcasters, like MC Sole, the Stimulator, The Final Straw's William Goodenuff, and our friends from Resonance Audio Distro. We'll air our regular weekly episode on Thursday, May 3—a day late—so that we can include as much May Day 2018 coverage as possible. Please e-mail us your May Day action reports by May 2 at podcast@crimethinc.com. {May 1, 2018}   -------SHOW NOTES------   Table of Contents: Introduction {0:00} May Day and colonial desertion in the new world {2:55} The Paris Commune {9:55} Haymarket {11:40} May Day 1971: mass coordinated direct action and repression in Washington D.C. {15:08} When punk was new(s) {16:25} Class War UK {26:15} The first American black bloc {32:40} N30: Seattle 1999 {38:20} A choir of criminals {1:00:40} News from the balcony with Waldorf & Statler {1:11:55} Trotsky's ash cookies {1:21:10} G20 Toronto 2010: the end of the world as we know it, or the beginning of the revolution? {1:23:40} Find a May Day celebration or demonstration near you and HIT THE STREETS! Listen to the history of Haymarket and May Day on our very first episode of The Ex-Worker. Anarchist texts related to this Hotwire: The incomplete, true, authentic and wonderful history of May Day by Peter Linebaugh March 18, 1871: The Birth of the Paris Commune A Narrative Address of August Spies The Liberation News Service, a Washington DC-based collective with anarchist participants. They collected resistance and counter-culture news from all over the world and syndicated it to different underground publications in the 1960s and 70s—sort of like a radical Reuters. Ending a war, inventing a movement: Mayday 1971 Punk Rock: Musical Fad or “Radical Kernel” from the December 1977 issue of The Fifth Estate, the longest running English language anarchist publication in North America The Power is Running: A Memoir of N30 Shutting Down the WTO Summit in Seattle, 1999 Green Anarchy Magazine The May Days: Snapshots from the History of May Day About our Black Bloc historiography: we put in a few hours researching the history of the Black Bloc in North America before making the claim that the 1991 anti-Gulf War actions in DC saw the first Black Bloc in North America. While Black Bloc tactics, including dark clothing and masks, featured in protests in Berkeley, Minneapolis, and New York in the late 80s, as far as we can tell the first call including the term “Black Block” was for the anti-Gulf War protest in Washington DC in 1991. We're willing to be proven wrong though! Fundraising: Donate to the legal support fund for the four people charged over last year's May Day actions in Olympia. Our guest podcasters include: William Goodenuff from The Final Straw MC Sole from The Solecast Resonance Audio Distro The Stimulator Start gearing up for a summer of anarchy in Quebec! The anarchist film festival (May 17–20 in Montreal) The Montreal International Anarchist Theatre Festival (May 22–23 in Montreal) The Montreal Anarchist Bookfair (May 26–27 in Montreal) The North American Anarchist Studies Network Conference (June 1–3 in Montreal) Anti-G7 mobilization (June 7–9 in Quebec City) Use this straightforward guide to writing prisoners from New York City Anarchist Black Cross to send May Day greetings to some anarchist prisoners, like Cedar, a comrade in Ontario who is in jail over conspiracy charges stemming from the March 5 anti-gentrification march in Hamilton, Ontario. Please address the envelope to Peter Hopperton and the letters to Cedar: Peter Hopperton Hamilton-Wentworth Detention Centre 165 Barton St East Hamilton ON L8L 2W6 J20 support resources: POSTER: The J20 Prosecution—Trumped up Charges J20 Legal Defense Fund Twitter Fed book An Open Letter to Former J20 Defendants, with useful “do”s and “don't”s  Teen Vogue: The J20 Arrests and Trials, Explained Tell the prosecutor's boss to drop the charges by calling (202) 252–7566    

New York City's terrorist attack, new information on Paul Manafort, and we'll hear from Philadelphia Black Bloc members on Antifa. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In the popular imagination, U.S. anarchism ended with the deportation of Emma Goldman in 1919, only to re-emerge recently with the masked Black Bloc.  But according to scholar Andrew Cornell, anarchism survived and thrived in mid-century America, deeply influencing bohemia, Civil Rights, and the New Left. Resources: Andrew Cornell, Unruly Equality: U.S. Anarchism in the Twentieth Century UC Press, 2016 The post The Lost History of 20th Century Anarchism appeared first on KPFA.

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749

Por Neil Barreto. Mensagem 210 da série "Lutando Pela Igreja". https://bbcst.net/I5749