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In this episode, host Bidemi Ologunde presented the implications of a September 2022 data breach that impacted Mexico's Defense Ministry and exposed the personal health information of Mexico's President Andrés Manuel López Obrador.Support the show

Xavier Tello, analista en políticas públicas de salud, se refirió en entrevista a la viabilidad de la megafarmacia en Huehuetoca, propuesta por el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador, destacó que dicha propuesta no es una solución para el desabasto de medicamentos especializados, además de que los derechohabientes no podrán tener acceso a dichos medicamentos porque el sistema de salud no les permite acceder a otras farmacias. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

En el espacio de Deportes "Rufus" de Olga Viza, de nuevo junto a nuestro profe, José Manuel López Nicolás, hablamos de la alimentación en los deportistas profesionales. En el "Mano a mano", Carles Mesa conversa con la actriz y productora Cecilia Gessa, que nos presenta el cortometraje Despierta, en el que ha dirigido a las actrices Mónica Bardem y Eulàlia Ramon. Escuchar audio

El presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador oficializó el regreso del servicio de trenes de pasajeros en México mediante un decreto. Busca utilizar 17 mil kilómetros de vías férreas e instalaciones que originalmente fueron concesionadas para el servicio de carga. ¿Es un proyecto viable? Alejandro Álvarez Reyes Retana, maestro en Transporte Ferroviario por la Universidad de Illinois, nos habla al respecto. En otros temas: El presidente insiste en que el próximo mes se inaugurará la super farmacia que ayudará a tener el mejor sistema de salud del mundo / OpenAI con los reflectores encima, por el despido de su co-fundador, Sam Altman. Empleados piden que regrese o amenazan con renunciar.

En el espacio de Deportes "Rufus" de Olga Viza, de nuevo junto a nuestro profe, José Manuel López Nicolás, hablamos de la alimentación en los deportistas profesionales. Escuchar audio

En las últimas horas, la Suprema Corte de Justicia de México ha tomado una decisión trascendental que impacta en la lucha por la independencia judicial en el país. La Corte rechazó el impedimento presentado por el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador para que el Ministro Javier Laynez continúe tramitando la demanda que busca invalidar la extinción de los fideicomisos del Poder Judicial Federal. Esto marca un giro importante en un enfrentamiento político que ha estado en el centro de la atención pública. Además, en la arena internacional, la victoria del líder ultraderechista Javier Milei en las elecciones presidenciales de Argentina ha generado reacciones desde el vecino México, con el presidente López Obrador calificándola como un 'autogol'. Estas y otras noticias destacadas, junto con el mundo de las criptomonedas y desarrollos geopolíticos, te mantendrán informado en este episodio del podcast.Descarga Brieffy haciendo click aquí. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Este lunes se llevó a cabo el 113 aniversario por la Revolución Mexicana donde el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador ascendió a militares y marinos; El buen fin dejará derrama económica de hasta 141 mil millones de pesos. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

El fentanilo, un opioide sintético, ha causado decenas de miles de muertos en Estados Unidos y algunos sectores acusan a los cárteles mexicanos de ser responsables de esa comercialización. Al margen de la Cumbre anual del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico (APEC) celebrado en San Francisco, Amlo se comprometió ante su homólogo estadounidense a luchar contra el tráfico de esta droga.  "La Administración de Biden ha establecido que la mayor cantidad de fentanilo que llega a Estados Unidos y que ya se vende a nivel de la calle, es decir, no ya para fines farmacéuticos, proviene de México y proviene por vías no legales”, explica a RFI, Ismene Ithaí Bras-Ruiz, profesora de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Autónoma de México (UNAM). El presidente mexicano, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, se comprometió el viernes pasado en San Francisco a luchar contra este tráfico. 'Hay el compromiso de México de seguir apoyando para no permitir la introducción de químicos y del fentanilo. Estamos muy conscientes del daño que ocasiona a los jóvenes en los Estados Unidos. Este asunto tiene que ver con nuestros hermanos y es un acto de solidaridad", dijo el presidente mexicano. El tema del fentanilo "ha golpeado bastante a la imagen de México por ejemplo con todo lo que se encontró en un barco en Hong Kong, el cual estaba lleno de fentanilo. Entonces la preocupación, creo que, en términos de la opinión pública, es que México probablemente ya se está convirtiendo completamente en un productor de fentanilo, que es capaz de exportar. Por allí creo que va la idea de hacer este tipo de declaraciones y afirmar de que habrá un mayor control sobre esto para que no sea usado más allá de fines farmacéuticos", explica la experta. Por su parte, Joe Biden le agradeció a AMLO su liderazgo para atender el asunto migratorio, otro de los temas fuente de tensión entre los dos países. “Hemos visto nuestra cooperación para abordar niveles históricos de migración y quiero agradecerle a usted, señor presidente, y a su equipo, lo digo en serio, por la cooperación y su liderazgo al asumir este desafío. Sé que no es fácil. Por eso quiero agradecerle nuevamente, todas las cosas que son importantes para nosotros. No podría tener un mejor socio y aliado que usted señor presidente”, afirmó el presidente estadounidense. 

Hour 1 -  Good Monday morning! Here's what Nick Reed covers this hour:  Heads up! We will be airing special programming on Thanksgiving. We will also be out of the studio on Friday and will air a 'Best Of' Nick show that day. NBC political correspondent Steve Kornacki sounded the alarm on a new NBC poll that showed former President Trump beating President Biden in a hypothetical general match-up for the first time in the NBC poll's history.  Mexico's President Andrés Manuel López Obrador called President Biden an “extraordinary president” on Friday and praised the administration's expansive Catch and Release network at the United States-Mexico border.

En este video, el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador conmemora el 113 Aniversario de la Revolución Mexicana y comparte reflexiones sobre su importancia histórica y los logros alcanzados. Acompáñanos en este discurso inspirador que destaca la lucha por la justicia social y la transformación de México. #AMLO, #RevoluciónMexicana --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/4tmexico/message

En la cumbre anual del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico que se celebra en San Francisco, California, Morena reconoció al presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador debido a su participación junto a otros líderes mundiales

El fentanilo, un opioide sintético, ha causado decenas de miles de muertos en Estados Unidos y algunos sectores acusan a los cárteles mexicanos de ser responsables de esa comercialización. Al margen de la Cumbre anual del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico (APEC) celebrado en San Francisco, Amlo se comprometió ante su homólogo estadounidense a luchar contra el tráfico de esta droga.  "La Administración de Biden ha establecido que la mayor cantidad de fentanilo que llega a Estados Unidos y que ya se vende a nivel de la calle, es decir, no ya para fines farmacéuticos, proviene de México y proviene por vías no legales”, explica a RFI, Ismene Ithaí Bras-Ruiz, profesora de Relaciones Internacionales de la Universidad Autónoma de México (UNAM). El presidente mexicano, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, se comprometió el viernes pasado en San Francisco a luchar contra este tráfico. 'Hay el compromiso de México de seguir apoyando para no permitir la introducción de químicos y del fentanilo. Estamos muy conscientes del daño que ocasiona a los jóvenes en los Estados Unidos. Este asunto tiene que ver con nuestros hermanos y es un acto de solidaridad", dijo el presidente mexicano. El tema del fentanilo "ha golpeado bastante a la imagen de México por ejemplo con todo lo que se encontró en un barco en Hong Kong, el cual estaba lleno de fentanilo. Entonces la preocupación, creo que, en términos de la opinión pública, es que México probablemente ya se está convirtiendo completamente en un productor de fentanilo, que es capaz de exportar. Por allí creo que va la idea de hacer este tipo de declaraciones y afirmar de que habrá un mayor control sobre esto para que no sea usado más allá de fines farmacéuticos", explica la experta. Por su parte, Joe Biden le agradeció a AMLO su liderazgo para atender el asunto migratorio, otro de los temas fuente de tensión entre los dos países. “Hemos visto nuestra cooperación para abordar niveles históricos de migración y quiero agradecerle a usted, señor presidente, y a su equipo, lo digo en serio, por la cooperación y su liderazgo al asumir este desafío. Sé que no es fácil. Por eso quiero agradecerle nuevamente, todas las cosas que son importantes para nosotros. No podría tener un mejor socio y aliado que usted señor presidente”, afirmó el presidente estadounidense. 

El presidente de Estados Unidos, Joe Biden, se reunió con su homólogo mexicano el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador en el marco del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico. Durante el encuentro hablaron sobre la crisis migratoria que se vive en la región y el tráfico de drogas. En el análisis del experto en relaciones internacionales Arturo Ponce, el Gobierno de México está buscando un acercamiento con EE.UU. y China para detener la llegada de precursores químicos para elaborar fentanilo. Además, en opinión del exembajador Arturo McFields, que Nicaragua se haya salido de la Organización de Estados Americanos solo demuestra que el presidente Daniel Ortega huye porque no puede dar respuesta de la represión que se vive en su país. Para conocer sobre cómo CNN protege la privacidad de su audiencia, visite CNN.com/privacidad

El presidente de Estados Unidos, Joe Biden, se reunió con su homólogo mexicano el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador en el marco del Foro de Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico. Durante el encuentro hablaron sobre la crisis migratoria que se vive en la región y el tráfico de drogas. En el análisis del experto en relaciones internacionales Arturo Ponce, el Gobierno de México está buscando un acercamiento con EE.UU. y China para detener la llegada de precursores químicos para elaborar fentanilo. Además, en opinión del exembajador Arturo McFields, que Nicaragua se haya salido de la Organización de Estados Americanos solo demuestra que el presidente Daniel Ortega huye porque no puede dar respuesta de la represión que se vive en su país. Para conocer sobre cómo CNN protege la privacidad de su audiencia, visite CNN.com/privacidad

Según los reportes de distintas organizaciones de seguridad en México, al menos 20 grupos criminales han surgido desde que Andrés Manuel López Obrador llegó a la presidencia de México en 2018, los cuáles nueve se dedican al narcotráfico, ocho afines a los grandes cárteles de la droga y tres dedicados al robo de hidrocarburos.Rivelino Rueda, reportero de El Sol de México, menciona cuáles son estos nuevos grupos criminales que han surgido durante la administración de la 4T, en dónde se ubican y cuáles son sus principales operaciones. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

El líder del PSOE logró la mayoría absoluta en la primera votación gracias al apoyo de los partidos de izquierdas, independentistas, nacionalistas y regionalistas - Guatemala: allanamientos contra el Movimiento Semilla.- Consejo de Seguridad de ONU pide "pausas y corredores humanitarios" en Gaza.- ¿Qué esperar de la bilateral entre Joe Biden y Andrés Manuel López mañana en San Francisco? www,ntn24.com

La terna está conformada por Bertha María Alcalde Luján, Lenia Batres y María Estela Ríos, todas cercanas al presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador, en información internacional, "Darse la espalda no es una opción para EU y China", señala Xi Jinping a Joe Biden en su reunión, El Esto publica, Senado aprueba salario base para deportistas profesionales. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Este 14 de noviembre en San Francisco, California dio inicio la Cumbre de Cooperación Económica Asia Pacifico donde se espera que el presidente Biden se reúna con el presidente de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, y el viernes con el presidente de China, Xi Jinping. Platicamos con Paloma Gómez Pereira, internacionalista y periodista de ADN40

⭕ AMLO: habrá cobertura de internet en todo México en 2024; vamos en 94%. El presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador informó que hasta ahora la cobertura es de 94% y se espera que el porcentaje sea mayor antes de que finalice su gobierno el próximo año. ⭕ AI Pin, el futuro de la tecnología que podría terminar con los smartphones. El nuevo dispositivo promete acabar con la relación entre teléfonos y personas como la conocíamos hasta ahora por medio de Inteligencia Artificial. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

La Casa Blanca dio a conocer que el presidente Joe Biden se reunirá con el mandatario de México Andrés Manuel López Obrador al margen de la cumbre de la Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico (APEC). Araceli Martínez nos cuenta que quienes pagan los errores de la altas esferas políticas terminan siendo los contribuyentes. El cantante puertorriqueño criticó a Shakira por involucrarse en el género urbano.

El presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador respondió a las críticas de por qué, dijo, no ha ido a Acapulco, que sí ha ido pero el reclamo es por qué no hay evidencias de las cuatro veces que, afirma, ha visitado el devastado puerto.

La Casa Blanca dio a conocer que el presidente Joe Biden se reunirá con el mandatario de México Andrés Manuel López Obrador al margen de la cumbre de la Cooperación Económica Asia-Pacífico (APEC). Araceli Martínez nos cuenta que quienes pagan los errores de la altas esferas políticas terminan siendo los contribuyentes. El cantante puertorriqueño criticó a Shakira por involucrarse en el género urbano.

#JesúsOcielBaena, #AlfredoOlivas y #F1 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Fernando del Collado conversa con María Elena Morera, presidenta de la asociación “Causa en Común”, quien asegura que el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador no ha cumplido con ninguna de sus promesas de campaña. Además, lo acusa de normalizar la mentira desde sus conferencias matutinas: “AMLO manipula las cifras delictivas y nos engaña”. Para la activista, México es el lugar de las atrocidades y de la simulación. Ante ello, indica que la actual administración dejará un país dividido y polarizado, sin embargo, vislumbra que sí es posible apostar por un gobierno de coalición en 2024.

#JesúsOcielBaena, #AlfredoOlivas y #F1 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

La industria de aviación en México ha visto cambios importantes durante la actual administración que incluyen cambios en la administración y construcción de nuevos aeropuertos la recuperación de la categoría 1 y hasta una nueva aerolínea estatal. En medio de estos cambios, el Aeropuerto Internacional Felipe Ángeles (AIFA), obra insignia del gobierno del presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador, ha visto una creciente demanda de turbosina como resultado de la transferencia de aerolíneas de carga del Aeropuerto Internacional de la Ciudad de México (AICM). Acompañe a Sergio Meana, gerente de desarrollo de negocios en Argus para América Latina y Antonio Gozain, corresponsal en México para la publicación Argus Mexico Fuels Markets, y entérese de cómo la demanda de la turbosina está cambiando en México y las implicaciones para el precio de la turbosina. Servicios Relacionadas: Argus Mexico Fuel Markets

En este video, te presentamos los detalles de la visita del presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador a Baja California Sur, donde reafirmó su compromiso de brindar apoyo a los damnificados del huracán Otis. Acompáñanos mientras descubrimos las acciones que se llevarán a cabo para la reconstrucción de las 250,000 viviendas afectadas en Acapulco y Coyuca de Benítez. Además, conocerás cómo se está proporcionando ayuda para la reconstrucción de viviendas y enseres domésticos a las familias afectadas. También destacamos la distribución de 3 millones de canastas básicas a cargo de las secretarías de Marina y de la Defensa Nacional. No te pierdas esta cobertura informativa que resalta el compromiso del gobierno en ayudar a las comunidades afectadas a recuperarse y reconstruir sus vidas. --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/4tmexico/message

El proyecto político de Andrés Manuel López Obrador es personal y va más allá de los límites temporales, como se evidencia en la designación de candidaturas para las elecciones de 2024.

Otis revela las incapacidades del Estado mexicano Mirada Semanal | El gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador ha tenido que afrontar fuertes cuestionamientos por la tardía e insuficiente gestión de los destrozos ocasionados por el huracán Otis en Acapulco y sus inmediaciones. Si bien esta semana finalizó la declaración de emergencia, aún sigue sin restablecerse los servicios básicos, suministro de alimentos y de ayuda sanitaria en buena parte de estas zonas afectadas. Hablamos de un huracán categoría 5 que a su paso ha dejado un saldo de 48 fallecidos, más de 30 desaparecidos, alrededor 250.000 damnificados, así como también daños en 80% de la infraestructura hotelera de Acapulco, tal como lo informó la Secretaría de Seguridad y Protección Ciudadana. Una catástrofe natural que ha erosionado también la capacidad de respuesta estatal ante este tipo de contingencias, así como también la confianza de los ciudadanos ante los acción gubernamental. Protestas por los pactos de investidura entre el PSOE y Junts per Catalunya en España Desde finales de octubre en distintas ciudades de España se han venido convocando movilizaciones de rechazo a las negociaciones que ha venido desarrollando el Presidente de Gobierno Pedro Sánchez, con representantes del independentismo catalán. Posibilitando con ello la mayoría parlamentaria necesaria que mantenga al Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) en el Palacio de la Moncloa por una nueva legislatura. Siendo uno de los aspectos más sensibles en estos pactos, el proyecto de ley de amnistía que de aprobarse en el Congreso de los Diputados, beneficiaría directamente a imputados por sedición y malversación del llamado "El Procés" catalán. Ante estas crecientes protestas ¿qué implicaciones políticas, fiscales y constitucionales pudiera representar esta nueva coalición con actores extremistas para el futuro inmediato de España? Nicaragua se despide de la OEA Para el tercer segmento del programa, en la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) esta semana se dio el debate con el que se retira Nicaragua de este foro político interamericano. Retiro solicitado por el régimen de Daniel Ortega desde hace casi dos años y que concluirá el venidero 19 de noviembre. Una controvertida decisión motivada por la negativa de las naciones de la región y del seno de este organismo, de reconocer las elecciones del pasado 2021 en las que Ortega consiguió la reelección, aunque con sus adversarios políticos en las cárceles o en el exilio. La salida de Nicaragua agudiza el aislamiento internacional de este régimen autoritario y dificulta aún más las posibilidades de abrir el juego político, así como también promover la defensa de los derechos humanos. En este sentido ¿qué implicaciones tendrá este alejamiento para los nicaragüenses y para el contexto centroamericano? --- Send in a voice message: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/latinoamerica21/message Support this podcast: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/latinoamerica21/support

A poco menos de un año de que finalice la administración de Andrés Manuel López Obrador, son varios los retos en materia de salud que enfrenta el Gobierno, a los que ahora se suma la situación sanitaria en Guerrero tras el paso de Otis. Marcela Madrazo, profesora en el Posgrado de Derecho Sanitario de la Facultad de Derecho de la UNAM, nos habla al respecto. En otros temas: En medio de reclamos y acusaciones, Diputados aprueban en lo general y particular el Presupuesto 2024. Dejan fuera la ayuda a Guerrero / El New York Times revela que la Fiscalía de la Ciudad de México solicitó registros telefónicos y de geolocalización de políticos de oposición durante la gestión de Claudia Sheinbaum.

José Miguel Vivanco, adjunct senior fellow for human rights at CFR and former executive director of the Americas division at Human Rights Watch, leads the conversation on human rights in Latin America. FASKIANOS: Welcome to today's session of the Fall 2023 CFR Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record. The video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org, if you would like to share them with your colleagues or classmates. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. We are delighted to have José Miguel Vivanco with us to discuss human rights in Latin America. Mr. Vivanco is an adjunct senior fellow for human rights at CFR and partner at Dentons Global Advisors. He formerly served as the executive director of the Americas Division at Human Rights Watch, where he supervised fact-finding research for numerous reports on gross violations of human rights and advocated strengthening international legal standards and domestic compliance throughout the region. He is the founder of the Center for Justice and International Law, an international civil society organization providing legal and technical assistance with the Inter-American Human Rights System. So, José Miguel, thank you very much for being with us today. I thought you could begin by giving us an overview of what you see as the most important human rights challenges and advances in Latin America today. VIVANCO: Well, thank you very much for this invitation. It is a pleasure to be with you all and to talk for an hour about human rights problems, human rights issues in Latin America. Let me first make a couple of points. First, I think it's very important that, in retrospect, if you look at Latin America in the 1960s, 1970s, and even 1980s, it was a region that was pretty much run by military dictatorships. So if you look at historically, the region is not in such a bad shape. I know that this comment is quite controversial and many experts who follow the region closely might disagree with that statement, but objectively speaking I think we need to recognize that most of the region is run today—with the exception, obviously, of Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua—by democracies, weak democracies, the kind of democracies that we have in Latin America are facing very serious challenges and with endemic problems such as corruption, abuse of power, lack of transparency, lack of proper accountability, and so on and so forth. But in general terms, this is a region that has a chance to conduct some self-correction. In other words, electoral democracy is a very, very important value in the region, and the citizens—most of the people are able to either reward or punish the incumbent government at the times of elections. That is not a minor detail. It is extremely important, especially if you take into account that during the last twenty years in Latin America, if I'm not wrong, the vast majority of the governments elected were from the opposition. The statistics, I think, show that in eighteen of the twenty last presidential elections, the winner has been the party of the opposition; which means that even though our democracies in Latin America are dysfunctional, weak, messy, slow, you know, short-term-oriented, obviously, but at least citizens take their rights seriously and they exercise their powers so that is why you see a regular zigzag or, you know, transfer of power from a left-wing government to a right-wing government or vice versa. And that is, again, something that is, obviously, a very, very important tool of self-correction. And that, obviously, includes or has an impact in terms of the human rights record of those countries. You know, I'm not—I'm not addressing yet—I will leave it for the Q&A section—conditions in those three dictatorships in Latin America. Let me just make some few more remarks about one of the biggest challenges that I see in the region. And that is, obviously, the rise of autocracy or autocratic leaders, populist leaders, leaders who are not interested or as a matter of fact are very hostile to the concept of rule of law and the concept of independence of the judiciary. And they usually are very charismatic. They have high level of popular support. And they run and govern the country in a style that is like a permanent campaign, where they normally go against minorities and against the opposition, against the free media, against judges and prosecutors who dare to investigate them or investigate the government. Anyone who challenges them are subject of this type of reaction. And that is, unfortunately, something that we have seen in Mexico recently and until today, and in Brazil, especially during the administration of President Bolsonaro. The good news about, in the case of Brazil, is that, thanks to electoral democracy, it was possible to defeat him and—democratically. And the second very important piece of information is that even though Brazil is not a model of rule of law and separation of power, we have to acknowledge that, thanks to the checks-and-balance exercise by the Supreme Court of Brazil, it was possible to do some permanent, constant damage control against the most outrageous initiatives promoted by the administration of President Bolsonaro. That, I think, is one of the biggest challenges in the region. Let me conclude my—make crystal clear that there are serious human rights problems in Latin America today regarding, for instance, abuse of power, police brutality, prison problems. Prisons are really, in most of the countries in the region, a disaster. And you know, a big number of prisoners are awaiting trial, in detention and unable to really exercise their rights. And unfortunately, populist leaders use the prison system or essentially criminal law, by expanding the practice and enlarging the numbers of crimes that could be subject of pretrial detention, and—you know, regardless of the time that it will take for that case to be prosecuted in full respect for the rule—due process, and so on and so forth. And that—the reason is very simple. There is a real demand in Latin America for policies that will address insecurity, citizen security. If you look at statistics in terms of crime rate, it is going up in most of the country. Obviously, there are big difference between countries like Mexico, for instance, or Colombia, and if you link—if you look at the power of cartels and big mafias, and gangs in other countries, or petty crime impacting the daily life of the citizens. Regardless of that point, one of the biggest demands in Latin America is for better and more public security. And that's why political leaders, usually the solution for that request and demand is to put people in prison with essentially no real due process and increase the number of prisoners without conviction. There are challenges for free speech occasionally, of those leaders who resent scrutiny of their practice. And normally there is a campaign against free media. And there are some attempts in some countries to constantly look for ways to undermine the independence of the judiciary. Keep in mind, for instance, that now in Argentina the whole Supreme Court is under impeachment, and it's essentially an impeachment promoted by the current government because they disagree with the rulings, positions of the Supreme Court. All the justices on the Supreme Court are subject of this political trial conducted by the Argentine Congress. That is a concrete example of the kinds of risks that are present for judges and the judiciary in general, when they exercise their power and they attempt to protect the integrity of the constitution. So let me stop here and we can move on to the most interesting part of this event. FASKIANOS: Well, that was quite interesting. So, thank you, José Miguel. We appreciate it. We going to go to all of you now for your questions. (Gives queuing instructions.) We already have some hands up. We will go first to Karla Soto Valdes. Q: My name is Karla Soto. I'm from Lewis University. My question is, what specific measures could be implemented to address and/or prevent trafficking within the asylum-seeking community during their journey to the U.S.? VIVANCO: Irina, are we going to take several questions, or? FASKIANOS: I think we should do one at a time. VIVANCO: Well, Karla, there are multiple tools to address that specific issue. But this applies to essentially most of the human rights problems all over the world. The menu is pretty ample, but depends on one important factor—whether the government involved cares about its own reputation. That is a very important premise here, because if you we are dealing with a democratic government, once again, it's not—when I refer to a democratic government, I don't have in mind a sort of Jeffersonian model, I'm referring to the kind of democracies that we have in Latin America. But, if the leaders in charge are—you know, they care about their own reputation, they care about domestic debate, very important, because these types of revelations usually have ramifications at the local level. If they pay close attention to those issues, I think it's possible to apply, essentially, the technique of naming and shaming. In other words, collecting information, documenting what exactly is happening, and revealing that information to the public, locally and internationally. That is going to create naturally a reaction, a process, an awareness, and local pressure is—hopefully, it's not just twenty-four hours news, so splash—big splash, but also will trigger some dynamics. If we are dealing with a country that is run by a dictatorship, it is a very, very different question, because normally you're facing a leader, a government, who couldn't care less about its own reputation. They have taken already and assume the cost of doing business in that type of context. Now, sometimes conditions are kind of mixed, where you have democratic country in general—so there is still free media, there is an opposition, there is Congress, there are elections. But the government in charge is so—is run by an autocratic leader. That makes, you know, quite—a little more challenging to just document and reveal that information. And you need to think about some particular agenda, governmental agenda. Some specific interests of the government in different areas. Let me see—let me give you an example. Let's say that the Bolsonaro administration is seriously interested in an incorporation into the OECD in Paris. That is an important piece of information. Whatever you think that is relevant information regarding the record of that government, you could provide information to an entity that is precisely evaluating the record of the government. And the government will be much more willing to address those issues because they have a genuine interest in achieving some specific goal at the international level. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. We're going to go to Nicole Ambar De Santos, who is an undergraduate student at the Washington University in St. Louis: When we consider weak democracy in a more personal sense, like Peru, the controversy of obligation to help these nations arises. How much third party or other nations, such as the United States, intervene? VIVANCO: Tricky question. Peruvian democracy is quite messy. Part of the problem is that the system, the political system, needs some real reform to avoid the proliferation of small political parties and to create the real link or relationship between leaders, especially in Congress, and their constituencies, and so they are much more accountable to their community, the ones who elected them. I don't think the U.S., or any other government, has a direct role to play in that area. My sense is that when we are looking into a dysfunctional democracy that deserve some probably even constitutional reforms, that is essentially a domestic job. That is the work that needs to be done by Peruvians. Without a local consensus about the reforms that need to be implemented in the political system, my sense is that it's going to be very difficult for the U.S. or any other large democracy, to address those kinds of points. It's very different, that type of conversation, from a conversation or an assessment of universal values, such as human rights. When we are looking into cases of police brutality, for instance, the international community has a role to play. But if I were part of the conversation or evaluation by the U.S. government or the European Union with regard to this dysfunctional democracy in Peru, I would approach very carefully by suggesting creating the right type of incentives, more than questions of punishment, or sanctions. It's incentives for them to create the right conditions to address the domestic problem that is—has become quite endemic, in the case of Peru. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Matthew. Matthew, you don't have a last name, so can you identify yourself? Q: Hello. Yes, my name is Matthew. I am a junior student from Arizona State University studying business, but working on a thesis that has to do with human rights and the ethics of supply chain management. My question is, you were talking at the very beginning kind of just about history and how understanding history is important. And what I was hoping to get was, why is understanding history and culture important when working to address human rights issues, history of dictatorship, colonialism? In cultures it's socially acceptable things, like child labor, in some countries, that's not acceptable in Western ideology. So, yeah, just how is history and culture important when working to address human rights for the future? VIVANCO: Matthew, I think you're referring to two different issues. History is central. It's really, really relevant. Because that helps you—if you—if you follow your history, especially periods of time when massive and gross violations were committed in Latin America, it's important to put things in context and value what you have today. And the job is to—not only to preserve democracy, but also to look for ways to strengthen democracy. Because part of the problem is that domestic debate is so polarized today, not just in Latin America, all over the world, that sometimes people—different, you know, segments of society—in their positions, they're so dismissive of the other side, that they don't realize that we need to frame our debate in a constructive way. Let me put it—one specific example. If the government of Argentina, who is a government very receptive and very sensitive to vast and gross violations of human rights committed during the military dictatorship, so in other words, I don't need to lecture that government on that subject. They are actually the people who vote for the current government of Argentina—not the new government, the current government of Argentina—is deeply committed to those kinds of issues. I think that one of the biggest lessons that you should learn from the past is the relevance of protecting the independence of the judiciary. If you don't have an independent judiciary, and the judiciary becomes an entity that is an appendix of the ruling party or is intimidated by politics, and they could be subject of impeachment procedures every time that they rule something, that the powerful—the establishment disagree, I think they're playing with fire, and they're not really paying attention to the lessons that you learn from recent history in Latin America. That would be my first comment regarding that type of issue. And the second one, about you mentioned specifically cultural problems, culture, tensions or conflicts. And you mentioned—your example was child labor. And, and you suggested that that—the combination of child labor is something typical of Western ideology. If I'm not wrong, that was the language that you used. I would—I would push back on that point. And because this is not just a Western or European commitment. This is a universal one. And this is reflected on international treaties, and that are supposed to eradicate that kind of practice. If you give up to the concept of local traditions, you know, cultural, you know, issues that you need to pay attention, sure, as long as they are not to be in conflict with fundamental human rights. Otherwise, in half of the planet you're not going to have women rights, and women will be subject of traditional control. And you wouldn't have rights for minorities, and especially—and not only, but especially—the LGBTQ community. And you wouldn't have rights for racial minorities, or different religious beliefs. So, we have to watch and be very careful about what type of concessions we make to cultural traditions. I am happy to understand that different communities in Latin America might have different traditions, but there is some firm, solid, and unquestionable minimum that are the these universal human rights values that are not the property or monopoly of anyone. You know, these are—and this is not an ethical conversation. This is a legal one, because these values are protected under international law. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to combine or take two questions. The first question is from Lindsay Bert, who is at the department of political science at Muhlenberg College, who asks if you could speak on the efficacy of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in addressing the human rights violations you described. And the second question is from Leonard Onyebuchi Ophoke, a graduate student at Cavendish University in Uganda: Why is it almost impossible to hold the actors that violate human rights accountable? What could be done to make the mechanism more enforceable? VIVANCO: The inter-American system of human rights protection, there is nothing similar to inter-American system of human rights protection in the Global South. You don't have something similar in Asia, or Africa, or the Middle East. In other words, you don't have a mechanism where ultimately a court, a court of law—not just a commission, a court of law—handle individual cases, specific complaints of human rights abuses, and governments participate in public hearings. The parties involved have the obligation to present evidence before the court, and the court finally ruled on the specific matters where its decisions are binding. The number of issues that have been addressed by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the last thirty years in Latin America are really incredible. And the impact—this is most important point—the impact at a local level is remarkable. In the area, for instance, of torture, disappearances. I'm referring to the elaboration of concepts and the imposing the obligation of local governments to adjust their legislation and practice, and to address specific problems or issues by providing remedies to victims. That is quite unusual. And the court has remarkable rulings on free speech, on discrimination issues, on indigenous populations, on military jurisdiction. One of the typical recourse of governments in the region when security forces were involved in human rights atrocities was to invoke military jurisdiction. So they say, no worries, we are going to investigate our own crimes. And the court has been actually very, very firm, challenging that notion to the point that I don't think there is a single case in Latin America today—once again, with the exception of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, that I hope that somebody will ask me a question about those three countries—and I don't think there is a single case where today security forces try to—or attempt to shield themselves from investigation invoking military jurisdiction. And the credit is to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. I can elaborate, and give you—provide you with a long list of examples of areas where the court has been actually really, really critical in advancing human rights in the region. Let me give you actually one last example that I think is very—is very illustrative, very revealing. In Chile, something like probably twenty years ago or fifteen years ago, full democracy. Full democracy. No Chile under Pinochet. The Supreme Court of Chile ruled that a mother who was openly lesbian did not qualify for the custody of her children because she was lesbian. And she had a couple. So that was sufficient grounds to rule in favor of the father, because the mother didn't have the moral grounds to educate her own kids, children. And this was decided by the Supreme Court of Chile. Not just a small first instance tribunal. And I will point out that the vast majority of the—I mean, the public in Chile was pretty much divided, but I'm pretty sure that the majority of Chileans thought that the Supreme Court was right, you know? The case went to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. And fortunately, after a few years, the court not only challenged that decision of the Supreme Court, forced Chile to change its legislation, and to change the ruling of the Supreme Court of Chile, which is supposed to be the last judgment in the country. And the impact of that one, not only in Chile, in the rest of the region, because it shapes the common wisdom, the assumptions of many people. It helps for them to think carefully about this kind of issues. And the good news is that that mother was able to have the custody of her kids. And not only that, the impact in Chilean society and in the rest of the region was remarkable. Now, the second question that was asked was about how difficult it is to establish accountability for human rights abuses against the perpetrators of those abuses. I mean, it's a real challenge. It depends on whether or not you have locally an independent judiciary. If you do have an independent judiciary, the process is slow, it's messy, it's complicated. But there is a chance that atrocities could be addressed. And that is— especially human rights atrocities or abuses committed during the military dictatorship. There are countries in the region, like for instance, Chile, Peru, Argentina, Uruguay, where there are people in prison for those type of atrocities. In Brazil, thanks to an amnesty law that was passed in 1978, real investigation and prosecution of those atrocities actually never happened. And an important lesson that you could bear in mind is that Brazilian military are very dismissive of these type of issues, of human rights issues. But not only that, my sense is that Brazilian military officers at very high level are not afraid of stepping into politics, and give their opinion, and challenge the government. In other words, they were actually very, very active, and I'm referring to top officials in the Brazilian Army, during the Bolsonaro administration. There were top leaders who actually publicly argued that if they have to organize a coup again in Brazil, they are ready. That kind of language you don't find in Argentina, in Chile, in other countries where there have been some accountability. For one simple reason, the top military officers running the show are very much aware that if they get involved in politics, that they are part tomorrow of a coup d'état or something like that, at the end of the day they will be responsible. And they might be subject of criminal prosecution for atrocities committed during that period. And so there is a price to pay. So their calculation is much more, shall we say, prudent regarding this issue. But again, once again, how difficult it is? It's very difficult to establish accountability, and much more difficult when you're dealing with dictatorship, where you need to rely on the work done by, for instance, the ICC, the International Criminal Court, which is pretty active in the case of Venezuela. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Fordham. Q: Good afternoon, Mr. Vivanco. My name is Carlos Ortiz de la Pena Gomez Urguiza, and I have a question for you. El Salvador is currently battling crime and gangs with strategies such as mano dura, which have shown a significant decrease in crime at the cost of violating human rights. Do you see a possible effective integration of such policies in high-crime-rate countries, such as Mexico, to stop the growth of narco and crime gang activity? And if so, how? VIVANCO: Well, look, yeah, Carlos, very good question. Bukele in El Salvador is a real, real challenge. It's really, really a complicated case, for several reasons. He's incredibly popular. No question about it. He has managed to—thanks to that popularity—to concentrate power in his own hands. He fully controls Congress. But, much more relevant, he fully controls the judiciary, including the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court today is subordinated to the executive branch. And he is constantly going after the civil society, and free media, and the opposition. Now, in violation of the Salvadorean constitution, he's going to run for reelection. And he will be reelected, because he's also very popular. And his policies to go after gangs are cruel, inhuman, and without—not even a facade of respect for due process. Essentially, the policy which is not sustainable and is—I don't think is something that you could export to other countries—is a policy—unless you have full control, unless you have some sort of dictatorship or quasi dictatorship. Which is based, in essence, in the appearance, in the number of tattoos that people, especially in the marginal communities in the periferia in El Salvador, where shanty towns are located. The police has a, you know, green light to arrest anyone who fit that profile. And then good luck, because it's going to be very, very difficult for that person to avoid something like several months in prison. The whole point of having an independent judiciary and due process is that law enforcement agencies have the—obviously, not only the right, the duty to prevent crimes and to punish criminals. Not physically punish them. You know, it's to arrest them, to detain them, and to use proportional force to produce that attention. But they need to follow certain rules. They cannot just go around and arrest anyone who they have some sort of gut feelings that they are involved in crimes, because then you don't—you're not—the whole system is not able to distinguish and to make a distinction between potential criminals and innocent people. But it is complicated, the case of Bukele, because, for instance, I was referring initially to the technique of naming and shaming as a technique, as a methodology to expose governments with deplorable human rights record. But in the case of Bukele, he couldn't care less about. In other words, actually, I think he used the poor perception that exists, already that is established outside El Salvador as a result of his persecution of gangs in El Salvador—he used that kind of criticism as a way to improve his support domestically. In other words, when the New York Times published a whole report about massive abuses committed by Bukele's criminal system, in the prison system in El Salvador, what Bukele does is to take that one, that criticism, as actually ammunition to project himself as a tough guy who is actually, you know, doing the right thing for El Salvador. It's a question of time. It's a question of time. All of this is very sad for El Salvador, one of the few democracies in Central America with some future, I think, because I think they managed after the war to create institutions that are—that were much more credible than in the neighboring countries, like Guatemala, Honduras, and I'm not going to even mention Nicaragua. But under the control of this strongman, everything is possible today in El Salvador. He will be able to govern El Salvador this way as long as he's popular. Unfortunately, the Biden administration has relaxed its attention and pressure on that government, based on the question of migration. So they are hostage by the cooperation of Bukele government to try or attempt to control illegal immigration into the U.S. So that point trumps or, I mean, supersedes everything else. And that is actually very unfortunate. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next two questions, written questions. One is on the subject that you wanted, from Brittney Thomas, who is an undergraduate at Arizona State University: How come the governments of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua are socialist or communist while other Latin America countries are predominantly democracies? And then from Roger— VIVANCO: I'm sorry, I couldn't understand the question. Obviously, it's about Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, but? FASKIANOS: Why are they socialist or communist while other Latin American countries are predominantly democracies? VIVANCO: Oh, I see. OK. FASKIANOS: Yeah. And then the next question is from Roger Rose, who is an associate professor of political science at University of Minnesota, Morris: Given the recent decline in the norms of U.S. democracy in the last seven years, does the U.S. have any credibility and influence in the region in promoting democracy? And, again, if you could comment specifically on nations with the least democratic systems—Venezuela, Nicaragua—how could the U.S. play a more constructive role than it is currently? VIVANCO: The U.S. is always a very important player, very, very important. I mean, it's the largest economy in the world and the influence of the U.S. government in Latin America is huge. However, obviously, I have to acknowledge that our domestic problems here and serious challenges to the fundamentals of the rule of law, and just the notion that we respect the system according to which one who wins the election is—you know, has the legitimacy and the mandate to form a new government. If that notion is in question, and there are millions of American citizens who are willing to challenge that premise, obviously undermines the capacity of the U.S. to exercise leadership on this—in this context. And the autocrats and the autocracies in the region—I'm not referring to the dictatorships, but I'm referring to the Andrés Manuel López Obrador, once again, from Mexico, or Bolsonaro in Brazil—they take those kinds of developments in the U.S. as green lights to do whatever they want at local level. So that is a serious—obviously, it's a serious problem. And what is going on here has ramifications not only in the region, but also in the rest of the world. Now, Cuba is a historical problem. It's going to be too long to address the question in terms of why Cuba is a dictatorship and the rest of the region. Part of the problem with Cuba is that you have a government that violates the most fundamental rights and persecutes everyone who challenges the official line. And most of the Cubans today are willing to leave the country and to go into exile. But the problem is that we don't have the right tool, the right instrument in place, to exercise pressure on Cuba. And the right instrument today is the embargo. And that embargo, that policy is a total failure. The Cuban government is the same, exactly the same dictatorship. There has been no progress. And there's going to be no progress, in my view, as long as the U.S. government insist on a policy of isolation. You should be aware that every year 99 percentage of the states in the world condemned the isolation against Cuba, with the exception and the opposition of the U.S. government, Israel, and in the past was the Marshall Islands. Now, I don't think even the Marshall Islands joined the U.S. government defending that policy. So the policy is incredibly unpopular. And the debate at international level is about the U.S. government policy on Cuba and not about the deplorable human rights record of Cuba. That's why I was actually very supportive of the change of policy attempted during the Obama administration. Unfortunately, the isolation policy depends on Congress. And since the times of Clinton, this is a matter of who is the one in control of Congress. And the policy of isolation, it once again makes Cuba a victim of Washington. And Cuba, by the way, is not isolated from the rest of the world. So the U.S. is incredibly, I would say, powerless with regard to the lack of democracy and human rights in Cuba. And at the time, offers a fantastic justification for the Cuban government to present itself as a victim. I think that is the—this is one of the most serious mistakes of the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America that I hope that one day will be—will be addressed effectively. The case of Nicaragua and Venezuela is different, in the sense that we are looking into countries that—Venezuela in particular—have democracy for—a very questionable democracy, very weak, subject of tremendous corruption, and so on and so forth. But they have a system of political parties, free media, and so on, for many, many years. And they end up electing a populist leader whose marching orders and, you know, actually first majors was to establish some effective control of the judiciary. And the Supreme Court became an appendage of the government many, many, many years ago, which means that they managed during the Chavez administration to run the country with some sort of facade of democracy. Today, under Maduro it's no a longer a façade, it's a clear dictatorship responsible for atrocities. Fortunately, it is under investigation by the ICC. And the case of Nicaragua is an extreme case, similar to Venezuela. And it's—it's a dictator who has managed to put in prison everyone who is not in full alliance with the government, including religious leaders, and academics, and opposition leaders, civil society, et cetera. The case of Nicaragua is more complicated because Nicaragua is subject of sanctions by the U.S. government, and the European Union, and Canada, and some governments in the region. But still, we don't see much progress there. FASKIANOS: Great. I'm going to go next to Nassar Nassar, who has a raised hand. You can unmute yourself and state your affiliation. Q: Yes. Hello. FASKIANOS: Great. Thank you. Q: Hi. My name is Nassar Nassar. I'm from Lewis University. So my question is, which are the most significant actors in the global governance of human trafficking? And how effective are they in tackling that? VIVANCO: Well, this is a matter that is usually—the main actors—so this is organized crime. This is organized crime. This is a question regarding—this is a—it's a huge business, and extremely profitable. And if you want to address these kinds of issues, you need regional cooperation, which is very challenging. Keep in mind that at a local level, in many of the most democratic countries in the region, you have tremendous tensions among the local police and different police. For instance, the local FBI—equivalent to an FBI, is usually in tension with other branches of law enforcement. And if you expect to have cooperation from the rest of the countries in the region, it's extremely challenging. So these type of issues require effective cooperation, adjustment on legislation. Require more better intelligence. The reason why you have this type—proliferation of this type of business is because, obviously, corruption and lack of accountability. So this is—my point is that it is a reflection of how weak is our law enforcement system, and how unprofessional, and subject many times of corruption. FASKIANOS: Just to follow up on that, a written question from Patricia Drown, who's at Regent University. How are the cartels and mafia being armed, and by whom? VIVANCO: Well, in the case of, for instance, Mexico, weapons comes from the U.S. Sometimes even legally. You know, the Second Amendment plays a role here. It's so easy to have access to weapons, all kind of weapons, in the U.S. So that helps. And a lack of actually an effective control mechanism to stop that type of traffic. The amount of money that cartels moved in countries like Mexico, but Colombia as well, and this mafia scene in Central America is significant. So they do have capacity to corrupt local enforcement officials that belongs to the police, the army, even the judiciary. And as long as you don't address the root cause of the problem, which is the lack of presence of the state—in other words, there are vast—as you know, there are regions of Colombia that are not under the control of the government, the territories in Colombia. And there are regions of Mexico that, unfortunately, are increasingly under more effective control of cartels than law enforcement and legitimate officials. So that unfortunately, is the—in my view, one of the reasons why it is relatively easy to witness this type of proliferation of illegal business. FASKIANOS: Fantastic. I think we are out of time. We have so many written questions and raised hands. Maybe I'll just try to sneak in one more from Andrea Cuervo Prados. You have your hand raised. I think you also wrote a question. So if you can be brief and tell us who you are. Q: OK. Hello. I'm adjunct faculty at Dickinson State University. And, Mr. Vivanco, I have a question related to Colombia. What do you think about the state of the human rights in Colombia under the new leftist president, Gustavo Petro, compared to the previous president, Ivan Duque? VIVANCO: Andrea, I think it's pretty much the same. When we witness actually an improvement of human rights conditions in Colombia, it was during the negotiations with the FARC. I'm referring to the administration of President Juan Manuel Santos. And with the signature of the peace agreement, when they signed the peace agreement, the numbers shows a serious decline in the cases of, for instance, internally displaced people, torture cases, executions, abductions, and many other of those typical abuses that are committed in Colombia in rural areas where this organized crime and irregular armed groups are historically present. But then the policies implemented during the Duque administration were actually not very effective. There was a sort of relaxation during that period, and not effective implementation of those commitments negotiated with the FARC. That had an implication in terms of abuses. And today I don't see a major shift. My sense is that the local communities are subject of similar abuses, including human rights activists as well as social leaders, in areas where there is a very weak presence of the state. FASKIANOS: Thank you very much. José Miguel Vivanco. We really appreciate your being with us today. And I apologize. Great questions. I'm sorry, we couldn't get to all of the written ones or raised hands. It's clear we will have to do this—focus in on this again and have you back. You can follow José Miguel on X at @VivancoJM. And the next Academic Webinar will be on Wednesday, November 29, at 1:00 p.m. Eastern Time. Shibley Telhami, who's a professor at the University of Maryland, will lead a conversation on public opinion on Israel and Palestine. And in the meantime, I encourage you to learn about CFR paid internships for students and fellowships for professors at CFR.org/careers. You can follow us at @CFR_Academic. And visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for research and analysis on global issues. Again, José Miguel, thank you very much for today, and to all of you for joining us. VIVANCO: Thanks a lot. FASKIANOS: Take care. (END)

⭕ "La recuperación de Acapulco apenas comienza. La Cruz Roja Mexicana y la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México instan a los mexicanos a seguir apoyando con las donaciones para las comunidades devastadas en Guerrero. ⭕ Expertos consideran que el desastre que el huracán Otis dejó en Acapulco puede ser el "Ayotzinapa" de gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador, quien ha intentado minimizar y eludir su responsabilidad. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

El presidente de Estados Unidos, Joe Biden y el primer ministro de Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, analizan la posibilidad de realizar “pausas tácticas” en los ataques que se llevan a cabo en la Franja de Gaza por razones humanitarias y la liberación de rehenes tomados por Hamás. Andrés Manuel López Obrador afirma que el presupuesto destinado para la recuperación de Acapulco es suficiente y que habrá 35 hoteles operando en marzo de 2024, tras la devastación generada por el huracán "Otis". "Now And Then", anunciada como la última canción que publicará el cuarteto de Liverpool en su carrera, fue lanzada hace unos días con ayuda de inteligencia artificial.

Cada vez es más común escuchar en Acapulco: “No nos podemos lamentar por lo que el viento se llevó, si no ponernos a trabajar con lo que el viento nos dejó” Aprovechando los esfuerzos del gobierno por limpiar la costera Miguel Alemán, los hoteles que quedaron en pie tratarán de habilitar la mayoría de cuartos para diciembre Ya casi desaparece la emergencia de pedir agua y comida, ahora la pregunta es, ¿qué viene? El director divisional de la región centro – Sur del consorcio Ara, Ricardo Martínez Hernández, dijo que se quedarán en Acapulco para continuar con sus desarrollos inmobiliarios. Dijo que los daños que dejó ‘Otis' en sus desarrollos fueron principalmente canceles y ventanas, por lo que consideran que son daños menores y podrán quedar listos para el 15 de noviembre como si nada hubiera ocurrido, esto porque los condominios están construidos con concreto y no hubo daños en la estructura. El otro lado de la moneda se ve en residencias que no están construidas con concreto, pues quedaron sin paredes porque sus medidas de seguridad están enfocadas en los sismos y no en huracanes. El reporte de Marco Silva. A pesar de la rapiña causada por la falta de seguridad en Acapulco, hoy abrió un Sam's que había sido afectado por los saqueos. Entre aplausos volvió a abrir y aunque no hay congelados, los abarrotes ya están disponibles. De esta manera, ya suman siete tiendas departamentales las que reabrieron y están ofreciendo servicios. El reporte de Miriam Moreno. Luego de que Elena Chávez publicara su nuevo libro ‘El gran corruptor' y señalara en él que Andrés Manuel López Beltrán –hijo del presidente López Obrador– extorsionó al empresario Gerardo Pasquel para que no fuera mencionado nuevamente en la conferencia mañanera, el empresario envió una carta al periodista Ciro Gómez Leyva en la que asegura que no conoce a Andrés Manuel López Beltrán y no tiene ninguna relación con él, por lo que rechaza haber tenido que pagar 10 millones de pesos para no ser mencionado por AMLO. Además, aseguró que es irresponsable por parte de Elena Chávez, utilizar su nombre con para ‘asediar' políticamente. Gracias a que Yucatán legisló la paridad de género en el Congreso, acordaron que este año los partidos políticos son libres de elegir en esta elección el género de sus candidatos, esto fue aprobado por el INE, sin embargo, para las elecciones de 2030 sí deberán elegir a alguien de diferente género que en las elecciones de este año. Tras acontecimientos violentos en Huixquilucan, Estado de México, el periodista Humberto Padgett realizó una investigación en la que el año 2020 fue el más violento con más asesinatos y carpetas de investigación abiertas. Sin embargo, otro de los temas que más aquejan al Estado es la extorsión, pues aunque mientras gobernaba el PRI había muchos asesinatos, con el PAN han incrementado exponencialmente. Esto y más en Ciro Gómez Leyva Por la Mañana. Grupo Fórmula #AbriendoLaConversación

⭕ Vladimir Putin, actual presidente ruso está por decidir si buscará la reelección del cargo en los comicios del año entrante. ⭕ La Cámara de Diputados aprobó, sin cambios, el dictamen de Presupuesto de Egresos 2024 con el que el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador cerrará su sexenio y que prevé el mayor gasto social de la historia Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

El presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador confía en que la recuperación de Acapulco tras el paso de "Otis" será relativamente rápida. Sin embargo, hay una gran diferencia entre lo que el Gobierno dice que ocurre en Guerrero y lo que realmente se vive en la zona. Jorge Cano, investigador del programa de gasto público de México Evalúa, nos habla al respecto. En otros temas: Oficializan mega alianza en Jalisco para sacar a MC del gobierno / Hoy se cumple un mes de la Guerra en Medio Oriente, mientras Israel rechaza un alto al fuego.

L'émission 28 Minutes du 04/11/2022 Ce samedi, Benjamin Sportouch décrypte l'actualité avec un regard international, en compagnie de nos clubistes : Meriem Amellal — journaliste à France 24, Jeremy Stubbs — directeur-adjoint de la rédaction de « Causeur », Richard Werly — correspondant du quotidien suisse « Blick » et le dessinateur de presse Pierre Kroll.Israël-Hamas : la fracture mondiale entre l'Occident et le « Sud Global » ? La guerre entre I'État hébreu et l'organisation islamiste palestinienne divise le monde, où chaque pays semble devoir choisir son camp. Comme pour la guerre entre l'Ukraine et la Russie, la planète voit s'opposer l'Occident, plutôt pro-israélien, et un « Sud Global » plutôt pro-palestinien. À la différence notable que le conflit au Proche-Orient génère des fractures et débats houleux au sein même des pays occidentaux. Y a-t-il un risque que le conflit s'exporte à l'étranger ?+25 % de salaire : la victoire des syndicats américains peut-elle faire tache d'huile ? Après six semaines de luttes et de négociations, déclenchées mi-septembre, les trois principaux constructeurs américains de l'automobile ont signé des accords avec le syndicat UAW. Cette semaine, les salariés de General Motors (après Ford il y a une semaine) ont obtenu une hausse de salaire de 25 % sur quatre ans. Joe Biden, tout comme Donald Trump, avait apporté son soutien aux grévistes et s'est félicité de cette victoire : « Ces accords records récompensent les ouvriers de l'industrie automobile qui ont fait beaucoup de sacrifices pour que le secteur continue à fonctionner. » Ce succès historique peut-il inspirer l'Europe ?Valérie Brochard nous donne des nouvelles de nos très chers voisins européens : ce week-end, direction la Suisse où la chasse aux loups est ouverte. Le Conseil fédéral vient d'approuver une ordonnance qui permet de liquider 60 % des loups dans le pays, dénoncée par les associations de défense de la nature. Avec près de 1 500 attaques comptabilisées en 2022 et trente-deux meutes recensées, la Suisse estime que le nombre de ces animaux sauvages est devenu trop important. Jean-Mathieu Pernin zappe sur la matinale télévisée du président mexicain Andrés Manuel López Obrador, dit AMLO, qui rapporte quotidiennement le travail de son gouvernement en direct, face aux « médias corrompus ». Selon les experts, ce programme présidentiel unique au monde contribue à la popularité du chef d'État, qui compte plus de 60 % d'opinions favorables dans les sondages.Ce week-end, Olivier Boucreux décerne le titre d'employé de la semaine au journaliste de la BBC Nicholas Witchell, qui s'apprête à prendre sa retraite après avoir couvert les péripéties de la famille royale britannique pendant vingt-cinq ans. Reporter acclamé pour ses bons et loyaux services dans la presse, il était en revanche détesté par le roi Charles III…Un masque africain acheté 150 euros lors d'un vide-grenier et revendu… 4,2 millions ! À ce prix-là, ce n'est plus une bonne affaire, mais une arnaque. Paola Puerari nous raconte l'histoire d'un couple de retraités français qui a cédé ce trésor insoupçonné à un brocanteur… avant de le regretter amèrement et de faire appel à la justice pour annuler la vente !Vous connaissez Lancelot, Tristan ou Perceval… Mais savez-vous qui est Ségurant ? C'est en parcourant un ancien manuscrit des « Prophéties de Merlin » qu'Emanuele Arioli découvre par hasard ce valeureux « chevalier au dragon », dont la légende n'a pas retenu le nom. Le jeune médiéviste se lance alors dans une longue quête aux quatre coins de l'Europe pour retrouver la trace du héros arthurien. Dix ans de recherche et vingt-huit manuscrits plus tard, il publie les aventures de « Ségurant, le chevalier au dragon », déclinées en livre, en BD et en un documentaire qui sera diffusé sur Arte le 25 novembre prochain. Emanuele Arioli nous raconte cette épopée dans les archives médiévales !Enfin, ne manquez pas la une hexagonale de la semaine et la question très intéressante de David Castello-Lopes. 28 Minutes est le magazine d'actualité d'ARTE, présenté par Elisabeth Quin du lundi au jeudi à 20h05. Renaud Dély est aux commandes de l'émission le vendredi et le samedi. Ce podcast est coproduit par KM et ARTE Radio. Enregistrement : 4 novembre 2023 - Présentation : Benjamin Sportouch - Production : KM, ARTE Radio

Te damos la bienvenida a El Brieff, el podcast donde podrás escuchar un resumen de las noticias más importantes del día en cuestión de minutos. El día de hoy te traemos estos temas de conversación:El Gobierno de Andrés Manuel López Obrador ha anunciado un plan de reconstrucción de AcapulcoMC impugnó ante el Tribunal Electoral federal el acuerdo del INE que obliga a los partidos a entregar a mujeres cinco de las nueve candidaturas a Gobiernos localesDecenas de personas abandonaron Gaza y entraron ayer en EgiptoIsrael lanzó un segundo ataque contra el abarrotado campo de refugiados de JabaliaLa Reserva Federal de Estados Unidos mantuvo estable su tasa de interés de referencia en un rango de 5,25%-5,5%Jordania retiró a su embajador de Israel en protesta por la “catástrofe humanitaria” en GazaEstados Unidos, China y la Unión Europea se encuentran entre los 28 signatarios de un acuerdo “primero en el mundo” sobre la gestión de los riesgos de la IALas exportaciones de Corea del Sur aumentaron un 5,1% interanual en octubre, hasta 55.000 millones de dólaresEl Canal de Panamá ha proporcionado una vía conveniente para que los barcos se muevan entre los océanos Pacífico y AtlánticoEsta semana murió la segunda persona que recibió un corazón de cerdo genéticamente modificado‘Retrato de mi hermana, Cristina', pintado por Frida Kahlo en 1928, será subastado por la casa Christie's el próximo 9 de noviembreDescarga Brieffy aquí. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

América Latina condena a Israel por los ataques en Gaza Bolivia rompió relaciones con Israel; Colombia y Chile llamaron a consultas a sus embajadores en ese país; Uruguay designó a un nuevo embajador en Palestina y México y Argentina mostraron su preocupación tras el ataque de las fuerzas israelíes al campo de refugiados de Jabalia, en el norte de Gaza. ¿Qué significa esa serie de reacciones y cómo se posicionan esos países ante el conflicto?Mientras que en México tras la catástrofe que dejó en el estado de Guerrero el paso del huracán Otis, el presidente de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, anunció un plan de que en  opinión del senador del PRI, Manuel Añorve , en entrevista para CNN dijo que “tiene buenas intenciones, pero se quedó corto”.Para conocer sobre cómo CNN protege la privacidad de su audiencia, visite CNN.com/privacidad

América Latina condena a Israel por los ataques en Gaza Bolivia rompió relaciones con Israel; Colombia y Chile llamaron a consultas a sus embajadores en ese país; Uruguay designó a un nuevo embajador en Palestina y México y Argentina mostraron su preocupación tras el ataque de las fuerzas israelíes al campo de refugiados de Jabalia, en el norte de Gaza. ¿Qué significa esa serie de reacciones y cómo se posicionan esos países ante el conflicto?Mientras que en México tras la catástrofe que dejó en el estado de Guerrero el paso del huracán Otis, el presidente de México, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, anunció un plan de que en  opinión del senador del PRI, Manuel Añorve , en entrevista para CNN dijo que “tiene buenas intenciones, pero se quedó corto”.Para conocer sobre cómo CNN protege la privacidad de su audiencia, visite CNN.com/privacidad

En medio de la emergencia que vive Acapulco, en lugar de hablar de unidad nacional, el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador se ha dedicado a atacar. Los insumos básicos siguen siendo escasos mientras que la gobernadora de Guerrero, ocupa su tiempo en echar porras al Ejecutivo. Manuel Añorve, senador del PRI y ex alcalde de Acapulco, nos habla al respecto. En otros temas: General Motors y el sindicato United Auto Workers alcanzan un acuerdo que pone fin a la huelga que inició el pasado 15 de septiembre / Lionel Messi suma su octavo Balón de Oro a su larga lista de trofeos.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador aseguró que, a más tardar, el próximo martes regresará la energía eléctrica en todas las casas del puerto de Acapulco, tras el paso del huracán "Otis". El piloto tapatío de Red Bull tuvo que retirarse del Gran Premio de México tras un golpe con el monegasco Charles Leclerc en la primera curva del circuito. Triste fin de semana en la industria del entretenimiento, debido al fallecimiento del actor Matthew Perry, famoso por darle vida a Chandler Bing en la popular serie de los 90s "Friends".

No he podido entender cuál ha sido la estrategia del presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador ante el devastador desastre, aún inconmensurable, de Acapulco

Desde el inicio de su sexenio, en 2018, el mandatario mexicano Andrés Manuel López Obrador le declaró la guerra a la Suprema Corte de Justicia, y esta semana logró una alianza con el legislativo para aprobar una ley que reduciría el presupuesto de todas las instituciones del poder judicial. Se trata de unos fideicomisos estimados en 15 mil millones de pesos (800 millones de euros) que pasarían a los programas sociales del mandatario, quien ha dicho que prefiere crear becas que continuar pagando los exorbitantes salarios de los magistrados de 700 mil pesos mensuales (unos 35 mil euros).“Equilibrio entre poderes”Aunque sólo le falta publicarlo en el Diario Oficial de la Federación, el mandatario mexicano Andrés Manuel López Obrador continúa justificando los recortes al poder judicial.Sin embargo, de acuerdo con Luis Miguel González, director editorial del diario mexicano El Economista, estas instituciones ya operan con precariedad: “En México, el poder judicial tiene un porcentaje del PIB de 0,25%, que es mucho menor al que tienen, por ejemplo, en Brasil, Colombia, Chile. México no ha valorado presupuestalmente al poder judicial como se merece”, explica.“De fondo es un asunto mucho más político. Tiene mucho más que ver con el equilibrio entre poderes que con asuntos presupuestales. Esta discusión por los fideicomisos es una vuelta de tuerca. Es el presupuesto como una manera de establecer quién manda, si el poder ejecutivo o el poder judicial”, subraya el periodista.“Totalmente incongruente”El mandatario mexicano ha declarado que los recursos de los fideicomisos serían destinados a becas de educación básica, o para repartirlos en las arcas de las 32 entidades federales, algo que no tiene lógica desde el punto de vista económico, dice a RFI Miguel González Ibarra, investigador en la UNAM y coordinador del Centro de Estudios Financieros y Finanzas Públicas de la Facultad de Economía.“Evidentemente, es una decisión de López Obrador de tratar de subordinar al único poder que continúa autónomo, porque en realidad, desde el punto de vista económico, él está creando nuevos fideicomisos, y entonces 15 mil millones, 13 mil millones, no pintan, y está creando unos nuevos para subvencionar sus obras en el Aeropuerto Felipe Ángeles, el Tren Maya y la Refinería de Dos Bocas. Y eso le está dando recursos”, comenta el académico.“Entonces”, prosigue, “resulta totalmente incongruente desde el punto de vista económico, que trate de quedarse con los recursos de un fideicomiso que afecta a un poder autónomo y que va a afectar a cerca de 60.000 personas, y todas no son de la Suprema Corte. La Suprema Corte sólo representaría en los recursos menos del 7%. Son en realidad los jueces de circuito, los jueces que están realmente atendiendo a la población”.Funcionarios de tribunales federales ya anunciaron que promoverán una acción de amparo para resguardar los fideicomisos. Si pasara a tribunales, esta ley podría llegar hasta la Suprema Corte de Justicia, encargada de dar el fallo final.  

Neste episódio recuamos 500 anos e seguimos o percurso dos portugueses no reconhecimento do Mar Vermelho, desde a primeira expedição liderada por Afonso de Albuquerque, em 1513, até à jornada que chegou ao Suez, em 1541. Sugestões de leitura: 1. António Manuel Lázaro - O Grande Lagarto: o Mar Vermelho nos primórdios da presença portuguesa no Oceano Índico (1487-1521). Braga: tese de doutoramento apresentada à Universidade do Minho, 2006. Disponível online: https://repositorium.sdum.uminho.pt/handle/1822/59989 2. Roteiro do Mar Roxo de D. João de Castro, manuscrito de 1543, British Library - Cotton MS Tiberius D IX: https://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Cotton_MS_Tiberius_D_IX ----- Obrigado aos patronos do podcast: Andrea Barbosa, Oliver Doerfler, Isabel Yglesias de Oliveira, NBisme; Pedro Ferreira, Vera Costa, João Cancela, Rui Roque, Pedro Espírito Santo, João Pedro Tuna Moura Guedes, Jorge Filipe, Daniel Murta, Francisco; João Diamantino, Joel José Ginga, Nuno Esteves, Carlos Castro, Simão Ribeiro, Tiago Matias, João Ferreira, João Canto, António Silva, Gn, André Chambel, André Silva, Luis, João Barbosa, António Farelo, Fernando Esperança, Tiago Sequeira, Rui Rodrigues, João Félix, Soraia Espírito Santo, Thomas Ferreira, Miguel Oliveira, Miguel Gama, João Pedro Fonte, Tope Steffi, Andre Mano. ----- Ouve e gosta do podcast? Se quiser apoiar o Falando de História, contribuindo para a sua manutenção, pode fazê-lo via Patreon: https://patreon.com/falandodehistoria ----- Músicas: “Five Armies” e “Magic Escape Room” de Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com); Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 4.0 License, ⁠http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0⁠ A edição de áudio é de Marco António.