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As Andrew puts it, Chief Justice John Roberts is “cherry-picking.” He's flying solo in this short edition of Main Justice (more to come with Mary in the next episode). Andrew gives a quick briefing on several of the Supreme Court's most consequential end-of-term rulings, starting with the decision not to hear an appeal in the E. Jean Carroll case. Andrew also touches on the Court's decision to uphold a Mississippi law to allow mail-in ballots that are sent by Election Day to be counted but saves his deepest analysis for two similar cases with opposing decisions: the firings of Lisa Cook and Rebecca Slaughter. While the Court ruled that the Trump administration must have cause to dismiss Cook from the Federal Reserve, it allowed the government to fire Slaughter from the Federal Trade Commission, a decision which Andrew calls deeply flawed showing the conservative majority's support for a “unitary executive.” And finally, Andrew breaks down the Court's narrow decision to uphold birthright citizenship, and why the tight 5-4 split is the story. Sign up for MS NOW Premium on Apple Podcasts to listen to this show and other MS podcasts without ads. You'll also get exclusive bonus content from this and other shows. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.
A federal judge has put a permanent stop to one of Donald Trump's signature efforts to suppress voting and interfere in our free and fair elections. Glenn discusses the implications of this decision and highlights the ongoing pattern of Trump's legal defeats across the country, often at the hands of judges from various political backgrounds. He also emphasizes the importance of upholding the Constitution and questions the current limitations in holding a lawless president accountable.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
This time, Glenn discusses the recent ruling by Judge Emmett Sullivan in the Epstein files case brought by independent journalist Katie Phang and highlights the implications of Todd Blanche's legal missteps. With a focus on accountability and transparency, Glenn shares his insights on the importance of independent journalism and the fight against corruption in the Trump administration.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Preview for Later Today: Richard Epstein. Richard Epstein critiques a Supreme Court ruling regarding the President's authority to fire the FTC chairman. He argues against merging prosecutorial and judicial functions, calling such arrangements a "monstrous" threat to due process.1976
Judicial Precedent and the Rule of Law. Guest: Richard Epstein. Continuing his legal analysis, Epstein delves into the importance of judicial precedents in maintaining the rule of law. He critiques modern legislative trends and administrative regulations, arguing for a return to classical legal principles that prioritize individual freedom and limited government intervention in the personal and economic lives of citizens. 41908 LA MAIN STREET
Sarah Isgur and David French react to the latest opinions of the court in two major immigration cases and a review of Hawaii's restrictions on concealed-carry permits. The Agenda: —The SCOTUS opinion day “ritual” —Hawaii gun restrictions —Shall not be infringed —Border dispute over asylum seekers —Judicial review of TPS —Trump's “Muslim” ban Show notes: —Destiny of the Republic Advisory Opinions is a production of SCOTUSblog and The Dispatch, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a nonpartisan perspective. Click here to sign up for our new Advisory Opinions newsletter, and click here to access all of The Dispatch's offerings, including audio versions of all our articles and newsletters. If you'd like to remove all ads from your podcast experience, consider becoming a premium Dispatch member by clicking here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Glenn engages in a thought-provoking discussion with constitutional law professor Corey Brettschneider. They delve into the critical themes of democracy, accountability, and the historical context of presidential power as outlined in Brettschneider's latest book, The Presidents and the People: Five Leaders Who Threaten Democracy and the Citizens Who Fought to Defend It. The conversation highlights the parallels between past and present leaders, the importance of civic engagement, and the ongoing fight for justice in America.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Nobody can accuse Todd Blanche and Donald Trump's other flunky DOJ attorneys of learning from their mistakes.They've now filed something with the court, telling the judge that the evidence she ordered them to provide is "not necessary."Glenn says this is some poor and obstinate lawyering from Blanche and his flunky underlings. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
-- On the Show: -- Donald Trump abruptly cancels a press conference for a bipartisan housing bill to use it as leverage for passing his voter ID legislation -- Donald Trump appears winded walking through the Capitol and makes grandiose claims about winning the Iran war -- Donald Trump falsely claims that vandals sliced up the reflecting pool with razor blades and insists that fuel prices are under investigation -- Donald Trump delivers an exaggeration-filled speech on the National Mall that triggers the crowd to leave early -- Fox News host Jesse Watters attacks rising Democratic star James Talarico with middle-school maturity insults regarding his masculinity -- Donald Trump maintains a relationship with a staffer who follows him constantly to read him flattering internet comments -- White House aides privately admit in a new book that Donald Trump is showing significant signs of aging -- Judicial nominee Judge Matthew Byrne struggles under oath to explicitly acknowledge that Joe Biden won the 2020 election -- On the Bonus Show: Trump requests more Iran war money, 77% of Americans think the Founding Fathers would be disappointed, Meta is working on an AI prediction market app, and much more...
This episode is presented by Create A Video – The US Supreme Court handed down four rulings this morning. Two were about immigration policies. Another about guns. And the final one about whether the maker of Roundup can be sued.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-kaliner-show--6946691/support.Subscribe to the podcast My preferred podcast platform: SpreakerAll the links to Pete's Prep are free!Get exclusive content here!Media Bias Check: GroundNews promo code!Advertising and Booking inquiries: Pete@ThePeteKalinerShow.com
In Episode 560 of District of Conservation, Gabriella discusses the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals ruling that legal challenges to Bears Ears and Grand Staircase Escalante National Monuments are subject to judicial review, regarding diminishments. Tune in to learn more!SHOW NOTESBiden's Monuments Decision Is Reviewable, Appeals Court Says Tenth Circuit Kicks Utah National Monuments Suit Back to District CourtThis Year, Congress Must Resolve to Reform the Antiquities ActFACT CHECK: Can Presidents Unilaterally Declare Large National Monuments?President Trump has the power to shrink national monuments
Federico y Luis F. Quintero analizan el fin de la batalla judicial entre Indra y Santa Bárbara.
Nobody can accuse Todd Blanche and Donald Trump's other flunky DOJ attorneys of learning from their mistakes.They've now filed something with the court, telling the judge that the evidence she ordered them to provide is "not necessary."Glenn says this is some poor and obstinate lawyering from Blanche and his flunky underlings. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Donald Trump is now proposing ending the unconstitutional war he started in the Middle East. Setting aside whether that means he lost the war or he's just giving up, the deal he's offering Iran to end the war he started represents complete and utter capitulation. Iran is openly declaring victory, and they have Trump to thank for it.Glenn discusses why Trump's capitulation represents a horrific and embarrassing defeat for Trump and his administration, and exposes him as the single worst "deal maker" in American history. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump is now proposing ending the unconstitutional war he started in the Middle East. Setting aside whether that means he lost the war or he's just giving up, the deal he's offering Iran to end the war he started represents complete and utter capitulation. Iran is openly declaring victory, and they have Trump to thank for it.Glenn discusses why Trump's capitulation represents a horrific and embarrassing defeat for Trump and his administration, and exposes him as the single worst "deal maker" in American history. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
On this episode of The Federalist Radio Hour, Ilan Wurman, law professor at University of Minnesota Law School and host of the podcast Rationally Based, joins Federalist Senior Elections Correspondent Matt Kittle to discuss the common law tradition of birthright citizenship, the constitutional separation of powers, and the originalist versus "living constitution" debate in the buildup to America's semiquincentennial. You can find Wurman's new book, The Constitution of 1789, here. The Federalist Foundation is a nonprofit, and we depend entirely on our listeners and readers — not corporations. If you value fearless, independent journalism, please consider a tax-deductible gift today at TheFederalist.com/donate. Your support keeps us going.
Last month, a prosecution of six protesters in Chicago, known as the Broadview six, fell apart due to some horrific misconduct by Trump's Department of Justice. Indeed, the DOJ was forced to dismiss the cases when their misconduct was revealed to the judge.Now, those six defendants have filed a motion with the court, asking the judge to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate and - if the evidence is there - to prosecute Donald Trump's dirty DOJ officials and lawyers who engaged in the misconduct. Glenn breaks down and explains this important new legal development. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Last month, a prosecution of six protesters in Chicago, known as the Broadview six, fell apart due to some horrific misconduct by Trump's Department of Justice. Indeed, the DOJ was forced to dismiss the cases when their misconduct was revealed to the judge.Now, those six defendants have filed a motion with the court, asking the judge to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate and - if the evidence is there - to prosecute Donald Trump's dirty DOJ officials and lawyers who engaged in the misconduct. Glenn breaks down and explains this important new legal development. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
On Tuesday's Morning Focus, Alan Morrissey was joined in studio by William Cahir, Cahir & Co. Solicitors for this week's legal advice. William discussed the concepts of injunctions and judicial review. Image © Cahir and Co
Glenn gives an open discussion on Substack about Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche's unprofessional and outright rude conduct in the $1.8 billion "anti-weaponization" fund case. Listen in and interact with Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Israel just learned that the US and Iran have agreed to a deconfliction cell with Lebanon — and Israel wasn't in the room. As the dust settles on a war whose outcome is, at best, ambiguous, Yonit and Jonathan sit down with former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who wants his old job back. Bennett doesn't hold back: on why he believes this government dragged out a war Israel was never built to fight, on the "infinite power of propaganda" keeping Netanyahu afloat three years after October 7th, and on whether he can trust Trump — or JD Vance — to look out for Israel's interests when Israel isn't at the table. He also lays out, in detail, what he'd do differently on the Haredi draft, the judiciary, the Palestinians, and Ben Gvir and Smotrich — and admits the polls aren't moving the way he hoped. 00:00 Introduction: Naftali Bennett joins Unholy 00:09 The Iran deal and the deconfliction cell with Lebanon 03:18 Would he have avoided this war altogether? 06:29 Did Netanyahu prolong the war for political reasons? 08:05 Trust in Trump and JD Vance on Iran 13:11 Reports the Trump administration is opening channels to him 15:19 What would actually change if Bennett became PM? 17:39 The Kogat story: improving Palestinian quality of life without a state 21:51 Pushback: is a two-state "spectrum" really viable? 24:06 Why he opposes full Palestinian sovereignty 24:39 Mansour Abbas and Arab parties in a Bennett coalition 26:52 Lapid, the polls, and stepping aside for Eisenkot 29:34 Judicial reform: would he continue where this government left off? 31:26 Why Ben Gvir and Smotrich are out 33:51 Fears of a "January 6th" scenario in Israel 36:16 Was joining forces with Lapid a mistake? 39:21 Did Bennett change, or did Israel change? 42:05 The story that brought him back: a scientist in tears 44:43 How is Netanyahu still in this race?
This episode is presented by Create A Video – After a $12 million renovation of the Reflecting Pool in Washington, DC, algae has overtaken the landmark with President Trump claiming vandals are to blame for the blooms as well as damaging the newly-installed blue liner. Plus, a Milwaukee leftist judge loses her appeal and is looking at prison time while the leftist DA in Philadelphia gets smacked down by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-pete-kaliner-show--6946691/support.Subscribe to the podcast My preferred podcast platform: SpreakerAll the links to Pete's Prep are free!Get exclusive content here!Media Bias Check: GroundNews promo code!Advertising and Booking inquiries: Pete@ThePeteKalinerShow.com
Glenn gives an open discussion on Substack about Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche's unprofessional and outright rude conduct in the $1.8 billion "anti-weaponization" fund case. Listen in and interact with Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
La justicia española ha retirado el pasaporte a Begoña Gómez, esposa del presidente del Gobierno Pedro Sánchez, como medida cautelar ante el juicio oral por los presuntos delitos que se investigan en su caso. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
La Comisión Permanente del Consejo General del Poder Judicial se reúne, de nuevo, este lunes de forma extraordinaria para estudiar si procede adoptar alguna medida disciplinaria contra el juez Juan Carlos Peinado tras justificar la retirada de su pasaporte de Begoña Gómez aludiendo a un hipotético riesgo de fuga, llegando a plantear que los agentes encargados de la escolta de la esposa del presidente del Gobierno podrían facilitar una eventual huida. En una entrevista en Las Mañanas de RNE con Juan Ramón Lucas, el magistrado y vocal del CGPJ José Carlos Orga ha explicado que la convocatoria "no es habitual" y que los vocales han considerado necesario disponer de más tiempo para estudiar el asunto "con mayor detenimiento". Según ha explicado, una primera reunión telemática celebrada ayer, domingo, dejó patente la necesidad de analizar la situación con más información antes de adoptar una decisión y por ello se retoma a las 9 de la mañana de este lunes. Orga ha insistido en que, en cualquier caso, las competencias del Consejo no incluyen la revisión del contenido de las resoluciones judiciales. "El Consejo no puede entrar en cuestiones jurisdiccionales ni revisar una resolución judicial", ha afirmado, recalcando que la labor del órgano se limita a determinar si existe una base suficiente para abrir "unas diligencias informativas o un expediente disciplinario". El vocal también ha recordado que cualquier revisión sobre la motivación o los argumentos de una resolución corresponde "exclusivamente" a la Audiencia Provincial de Madrid a través del sistema ordinario de recursos. Respecto a Peinado, ha reconocido que el CGPJ ha recibido varias denuncias contra el magistrado, algunas ya archivadas y otras aún pendientes de revisión, pero ha subrayado que el hecho de que una resolución haya sido corregida o revocada por un órgano superior "no es en absoluto un motivo de apreciar un reproche disciplinario".Escuchar audio
Rogers for America with Lt. Steve Rogers – It seems that every day we read or hear about judges and elected officials making decisions that endanger the public, or, in the case of elected officials, passing laws that reduce penalties or remove punishment for certain crimes. Nearly every week, news reports describe a violent crime committed against an innocent person, followed by revelations ...
El director de Informativos de Onda Cero, Julián Cabrera, pone epílogo a una semana marcada por las novedades en el 'caso Plus Ultra' con la declaración ante el juez Calama de José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero y con la imputación de sus hijas y su secretaria. Además, el presidente Pedro Sánchez mostró su "público apoyo" al expresidente, ligando así "su destino político al devenir judicial" de Zapatero.
Glenn has a discussion on Substack about the huge differences between Barack Obama and Donald Trump.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Glenn has a discussion on Substack about the huge differences between Barack Obama and Donald Trump.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump promised the American people that his vanity project ballroom wouldn't cost US taxpayers a single dime. And then, the truth began to emerge. New reporting from The Washington Post shows that taxpayers will be paying for at least half of the projected $600 million cost.Trump says he needs a ballroom because that's the only way he and other dignitaries can safely attend a function on White House grounds. And then, he sits for hours in an open-air, ultimate fighting arena on White House grounds.Donald Trump's lies are endless.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump promised the American people that his vanity project ballroom wouldn't cost US taxpayers a single dime. And then, the truth began to emerge. New reporting from The Washington Post shows that taxpayers will be paying for at least half of the projected $600 million cost.Trump says he needs a ballroom because that's the only way he and other dignitaries can safely attend a function on White House grounds. And then, he sits for hours in an open-air, ultimate fighting arena on White House grounds.Donald Trump's lies are endless.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump's complete and utter humiliation is on full display, from the Kennedy Center in Washington, DC, to the Middle East, and beyond. Glenn discusses Donald Trump's name being removed from the facade of the Kennedy Center and his proposed memorandum of understanding with Iran and other countries in the Middle East.Find Glenn onSubstack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump's complete and utter humiliation is on full display, from the Kennedy Center in Washington, DC, to the Middle East, and beyond. Glenn discusses Donald Trump's name being removed from the facade of the Kennedy Center and his proposed memorandum of understanding with Iran and other countries in the Middle East.Find Glenn onSubstack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Javier Casal entrevista a Jordi Nieva Fenoll, Catedrático de Derecho Procesal de la Universidad de BarcelonaLa Fiscalía Anticorrupción ha pedido que se le retire el pasaporte a Zapatero, pero el juez lo ha rechazado porque dice que sólo se justifica si "hay indicios de criminalidad y un riesgo procesal acreditado". Nieva explica que no entiende estas medidas de la Fiscalía.
#FactsMatter, the Citizens Research Council of Michigan podcast
In episode 8 of a series previewing what a constitutional convention (con-con) - a question on the November 2026 ballot - might address, hosts Guy Gordon and Eric Lupher of the Citizens Research Council of Michigan discuss Article VI - Judicial Branch. Michigan voters are asked every 16 years whether to hold a con-con. The overall takeaway: Article VI works reasonably well structurally, but judicial selection, the partisan/nonpartisan fiction, and especially court funding are issues a convention would almost certainly need to address. The 1963 Constitution Did Well Here The framers get high marks for creating a unified "one court of justice" — a clear hierarchy from district courts up through the Court of Appeals (which didn't exist before 1963) to the Supreme Court, with the Supreme Court given real administrative authority over lower courts. It was a major improvement over the previous patchwork with no clear appeals process. Key Reform Opportunities Judicial selection is broken. Supreme Court justices are nominated by party caucuses but run on a "nonpartisan" ballot — something both hosts call transparently hypocritical. Other states use bipartisan vetting committees before gubernatorial appointment, which could reduce political gamesmanship, including governors rushing to fill vacancies before leaving office. The nonpartisan/partisan contradiction also bleeds into how vacancies get filled strategically, mirroring federal Supreme Court dynamics. Age limits (currently 70) may be worth revisiting given longer lifespans, though cognitive fitness concerns remain valid. Judicial pay is underfunded and uneven — tied to a politicized compensation commission, with some Supreme Court justices earning less than circuit judges in wealthier counties. County clerks serve two masters — local government and the courts — creating administrative confusion. Courts may be better served hiring their own staff. Court funding is the most contentious issue. The state was always intended to be the primary funder of the unified court system but currently covers only 2–4% of costs, leaving local governments to fill the gap. This creates stark inequities between wealthy and poor counties, and pushes courts to raise revenue through fees and fines, which can be barriers to justice and have been ruled unconstitutional. A constitutional amendment explicitly assigning funding responsibility to the state may be necessary to force change.
Glenn was in federal court in Alexandria, Virginia, and he watched Judge Leonie Brinkema deliver a judicial spanking of Attorney General Todd Blanche and of Donald Trump's $1.8 billion so-called "weaponization fund", which is really an insurrection fund or - more directly - a cop-beaters fund. Glenn reviews how the court hearing unfolded.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Glenn was in federal court in Alexandria, Virginia, and he watched Judge Leonie Brinkema deliver a judicial spanking of Attorney General Todd Blanche and of Donald Trump's $1.8 billion so-called "weaponization fund", which is really an insurrection fund or - more directly - a cop-beaters fund. Glenn reviews how the court hearing unfolded.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
The Dazai no Sochi--the head of the Yamato government in Kyushu--was a powerful position, with a lot of autonomy with lucrative opportunities. The people in this position were often powerful members of the court capable of representing the sovereign. They would often go on to become quite powerful in their own right. So who were the movers and shakers that held this prestigious position during Uno no Sarara's reign? This episode, we take a look at those who held the position and those who supported them. For more, check out our blogpost: https://sengokudaimyo.com/podcast/episode-151 PS: Hang around to the end (or check the end of the transcript) for information on some possible updates coming to the show. Rough Transcript Welcome to Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan. My name is Joshua and this is Episode 151: The Dazai no Sochi of the late 7th century Tsukushi no Masaru was busy. A new boss was coming in, and he wanted to make sure everything was prepared. The Dazai may have been about as far as one could get from the capital and still be in Yamato, but it was also the first—and sometimes only—encounter some would have with the archipelago, so there was no excuse to be slacking off. Of course, this was hardly his first new boss, though for as long as he'd been on the job, each one could well be his last. He was getting a bit long in the tooth, after all. Twenty-nine years was a long time to be working in the same position. As Masaru paused, he thought back on some of the people he'd served. There was Soga no Akae—he was ambitious. Apparently he'd been in some rather compromising positions before coming out, but he'd done well enough when he went back. Shame that he backed the wrong horse. That did bring a chuckle to old Masaru's throat, though. He remembered when Prince Kurikuma had come out there, to the the Dazai, , and there were still people around who told stories of him. When those Afumi court stooges had showed up to try and conscript the barrier guards, Prince Kurikuma and his sons just stared them down. Everyone had been afraid that it would end in bloodshed, or at least that there would be consequences for defying the court, but Kurikuma was adamant, and the messenger had left with his tail firmly between his legs. Then there was Shima. By the time he came, Masaru already knew how everything was supposed to work. He may not have been in charge, but that wasn't his ambition. It was enough for him to be good at what he did. He didn't need to go all the way to the Palace and deal with the politics there—there were enough politics out here already. Shima, though, he was clearly suited for that Palace life. He was a capable administrator, but Masaru could tell he was ambitious. When he left, everyone knew that he would be going on to bigger and better things. And now there was another Prince coming out. So they would get the government offices prepared and greet him with proper fanfare. They'd bring him in and hold the ceremonies, and then they would get down to work. A stream of officers would present him with what they were working on and what had to happen. Masaru would be there to help make sure that everything was running smoothly and nothing got too out of hand. And that was the way things worked out on the edge of the realm. Welcome back to Sengoku Daimyo. We are still covering the reign of Uno no Sarara, and, similar to last episode, we are going to continue to talk about the people who made up Yamato at this time. This episode, more specifically, we are going to be turning away from the capital, in Asuka, and looking all the way over to Tsukushi—modern Kyushu—and at the people who served as Dazai no Sochi, or head of the local government out there, as well as the bureaucrats and staff that worked for them—at least as far we know. Many of them went on to have considerable careers that took them well beyond Kyushu. At the same time, we'll take a look at some of the things that happened under their rule as what Aston translates as the "Viceroy of Tsukushi". After that, I have a special announcement about the podcast at the end of the episode, so if you are interested in learning more about what we plan on doing, please listen all the way to the end to hear about some plans for the future. And with that out of the way, let's begin. So we are talking about the position of Dazai no Sochi or the Viceroy of Tsukushi. Often these people are referred to only as being of the "Tsukushi no Dazai" or the "Tsukushi no Ohomochi". The term "Sochi" appears later, and we first see this term applied to Prince Kawachi, in 689. It seems to show up with two different characters, which might be a term from the later Taihou code that was retroactively applied or may refer to an evolution of the position over time. I'm honestly not sure. There is still plenty of confusion over what was meant in some of the references. We've discussed this position before on the podcast: This was the sovereign's representative to the world outside of the archipelago. Not only did the Dazai no Sochi oversee all of Tsukushi—all of Kyushu— and extensive defensive forces stationed there and in the outlying islands, but they oversaw all diplomatic and trade missions to and from the archipelago. Envoy missions would come to Tsushima, where they would get a local pilot and send word ahead. They would then be received at the government center, the Dazai, near modern Fukuoka and Hakata bay. For most envoys, this was as close as they would ever get to Yamato proper. They would offload their goods there and be put up at the government supplied quarters in Wogohori. They would be wined and dined there, entertained as appropriate to their status, while word was sent on to the capital. In rare cases, envoys would be sent on another journey through the inland sea to Naniwa, and then on to Asuka, but otherwise their journey would end at the Dazaifu. Any return gifts would come back with the correspondence from the capital, and thus be handed out to the envoys and their escorts before the mission was sent back home to Silla, Tamna, or wherever they had come from. Being the middle man in this operation offered a lot of power and authority, but it also would have been quite lucrative. While diplomatic missions brought gifts for the court, they also brought trade goods, of which the Dazai no Sochi could have first pick. This is on top of the fact that this position often came with a stipend equaling the labor of hundreds of individuals. Many of the Dazai no Sochi would serve limited terms, eventually returning to Asuka, where we see them take on powerful positions. Take, for example, our first Dazai no Sochi, Tajihi no Mabito no Shima. Tajihi no Shima was born, we are told, in or around 624 to Tajihi no Maro and a daughter of Ohotomo no Hirafu. Tajihi no Maro, Shima's father was a powerful noble in the court of Ohoama, aka Temmu Tennou, and he had enough standing that he was one of the named individuals who provided eulogies for Ohoama on the occasion of his passing. The Tajihi family were quite well placed: they were descendants of Hinokuma no Takata no Miko, aka Senka Tennou, Shima's great-grandfather. This earned them the kabane of "Mabito", or "True Person" because of their royal lineage. Tajihi no Shima was placed in charge of the Dazai from at least 682. His predecessor that we know about is Prince Yagaki, who was dismissed around 676, and we don't know who filled the gap between him and Shima. Shima had quite the run. We don't know exactly when he returned to the court in Asuka, but it cannot have been later than 689, when we see Awada no Mahito in the position. A year later, in 690, Shima was made Udaijin, or minister of the right. That's a huge deal and we will talk about that in a bit, but what did Shima actually oversee during his tenure as Dazai no Sochi? We have quite a few events attributed to him, this reign. In 686, we see the Tsukushi no Dazai sending tribute in the form of human beings: Common men and women of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla, along with 62 priests and nuns. We aren't told where these men and women came from, but I suspect that they were refugees or captives from all the fighting on the peninsula. That they were given as tribute suggests to me that they were enslaved—or at the very least they were not free. If they were uneducated, they were likely put to work as labor, perhaps building out the new capital or opening new farmlands. Later we see the various missions from Silla around the death of Ohoama, and the back and forth that went on, there, and in 688 the Tsukushi no Dazai entertained Kara, a Minister of Tamna, aka modern Jeju island, who had been sent by the king of that small country. You may recall that Tamna, while late to the game, may have been one of the last holdouts of an early Japonic speaking people outside of the archipelago. Being the Tsukushi no Dazai, Shima would not have only been concerned with foreign envoys, but also with two other groups of Hayato—specifically the Ohosumi no Hayato and the Ata no Hayato. Little is known about them, other than that Yamato considered them to be distinct ethnic and cultural groups living in the far south of Kyushu. We've talked before about how southern Kyushu maintained a significantly different material culture through Kofun period until more recent times. We also have indication that they had a distinctive shield and even art style—the famous "Hayato shields" appear to have been appropriated by the court, along with a contingent of Hayato men that were expected to act as an exotic guard for the sovereign and the court. The earliest reliable evidence we have for them is a record from 682. There are some questions as to whether or not they were related to the groups previously called Kumaso or even the Tsuchigumo, but there is no clear historical or archaeological evidence linking them other than the common cultural finds in Kyushu more generally. The Ata and Ohosumi Hayato may have been distinct clans or lineage groups living in Ohosumi and the area of modern Satsuma. We have a record in 687 of the Ata no Hayato attending Ohoama's funeral and presenting a eulogy. The chiefs who came brought 337 others—a sizeable contingent—and they were all given presents by the court. Later, we would see presents given out to 174 Hayato by Shima's successor in the Dazai, Awada no Mahito, and then in 692 we know that the court sent priests to preach Buddhism to Ata and Ohosumi. In 695, Hayato of Ohosumi were entertained in the capital, and they even held a wrestling match for the Queen and her attendants in the area west of Asukadera, by the site of the famous Tsuki tree. So the Hayato would have been another group that Shima no doubt dealt with on a somewhat regular basis in his capacity as Dazi no Sochi—and then later on when he returned to Asuka and took up his new role as Udaijin. And as I mentioned, that appointment was a Big Deal. The position of Udaijin had been vacant since Nakatomi no Kane, one of the infamous leaders of the Afumi court, was non-consensually removed from the position—and this plane of existence—when he was executed in 672, at the closure of the Jinshin no Ran. After that, Ohoama appears to have been gun-shy about sharing power with anyone outside the royal family. The position had been left vacant for about 18 years. So what made Uno no Sarara take up Shima as Minister of the Right? And what about the Minister of the Left, or the Sadaijin? Well, we don't have a Sadaijin, but we do have a Dajodaijin in the form of Prince Takechi, Ohoama's first-born son. The Dajodaijin was the Prime Minister in charge of the entire Dajokan, the Council of State, made up of the ministers of the left and right and the 8 bureaus of the government. The Sadaijin and Udaijin served under the Dajodaijin, in that hierarchical order, with the Sadaijin generally being considered higher in precedence. So it looks like, in this case, they had the Dajodaijin, Prince Takechi to run the Council and Shima, as Udaijin would have been responsible for ensuring the administration of the eight bureaus was properly carried out. That Shima was appointed just under Prince Takechi again shows the power and influence he likely had and the trust he must have had from Uno no Sarara. Remember, the Crown Prince, Kusakabe, had died before he could take the throne. Uno was enthroned as Queen, while the Crown Prince, Karu, was still a minor. Whereas Ohoama had his wife and many sons to help him run things, Uno no Sarara was running thin. As had been seen with Prince Ohotsu, there was always the threat that one of Ohoama's other sons could be propped up on the throne. Uno had to look after Karu's birthright, but there was no guarantee that he would make it to adulthood in times before modern medicine. It appears that Prince Takechi was actually considered the next in line, just in case something happened to Karu before he could ascend the throne, which makes sense that Prince Takechi was also trusted as Dajo Daijin. Shima's place as Udaijin must have been indicative of similar trust that he would look after the royal family's interests. This was no doubt helped by the role he played as Dazai no Sochi. As Udajin, Tajihi no Shima went on to have a rather incredible career. He was given 4 cho of land for his residence. This appears to be around 10 acres or so—a not inconsiderable amount of land, and it probably refers to the amount of land he was granted in the new Fujiwara capital city. Later, in the Nara capital of Heijo-kyo, Prince Nagaya's residence was about that size and Fujiwara no Nakamaro's residence is thought to have been about twice that. This would have given Shima space for multiple buildings, sprawling gardens, servants quarters, quarters for his wives and children, and much more. Tajihi no Shima would continue in his role as Udaijin, and would eventually, be promoted to the position of Sadaijin, a post he held only briefly, as he passed away almost a year later. He was not forgotten, however. It is thought that he was the model for one of the suitors of Kaguya Hime in the famous story of Taketori Monogatari—the tale of the Bamboo Cutter. Taketori Monogatari, also known as Kaguya Hime Monogatari, is considered the oldest known story in the Monogatari form. It was probably written in the late 9th or early 10th century, with references to it appearing in works as early as 909 CE. This suggests that Tajihi no Shima and others were still remembered, at least in part, over a century later. Shima is also thought to have been the patron of the famous poet, Kakinomoto no Hitomaro, one of the famous 36 immortal poets. We'll have to include Hitomaro in a later episode, though we might come back to him after this reign, as he isn't mentioned in the Chronicles, but we do have some fragmentary biographical information thanks to his inclusion in the Man'yoshu. In fact, he's probably one of the most famous poets in the Man'yoshu who is not otherwise mentioned. We are told that he was the court poet during the reign of Uno no Sarara, so it makes sense that Shima may have very well been his patron and helped him get his start. Now while Shima was back in Asuka, making it big in the court, the position of Tsukushi no Dazai had to be filled, and we are told that the mantle was taken up by Awada no Mahito no Ason. This name is a bit tricky, as it seems to have two kabane: Mahito and Ason. Since his father is said to have been Kasuga no Awada no Omi no Kudara, the assumption seems to be that "Mahito" was his name, rather than his kabane. Although it was likely pronounced "Mabito" at the time, I'm going to go with the modern pronunciation of "Mahito" in part to distinguish it from the kabane. A quick side note: When reading names from this period, we usually see the kabane coming right after the family name, as the kabane is basically a rank for the family and not the individual. But we do occasionally see the kabane tacked on at the end of a name, as in Awada no Mahito's case. I would also like to quickly draw your attention to his father's name: Kudara. That can also be read as Baekje. Was this an indication that his father or an ancestor came from the continent, perhaps from Baekje? Or just that he had close ties to that kingdom? I couldn't find anything specific, but it seems interesting that he was put in place at the Dazai, where dealing with the continent would have been an important part of his duties. Awada no Mahito was not just a noble of the court, and even if his father was of Baekje descent, that may not have been the main thing that gained him the position. It may have also had to do with an earlier incident. We are told that in 653 Mahito was one of those who traveled with the 2nd envoy to the Tang court as a scholar monk. He would later return to secular life, but that experience must have been a big feather in his cap, helping him land a good position at court. In fact, in 685, we are told that he was Jikikwoushi rank—a fairly respectable position for anyone at the time—and he apparently tried to get his father raised to the same rank as he was. Aston translates the record as saying he was willing to give his rank to his father, but it is unclear to me if this means he was offering to give up his rank altogether. At the very least it seems that he felt awkward outranking his father—a good, filial attitude, it would seem. However, Ohoama didn't care. In the past, rank may have been given to entire families, but now the court was giving rank to individuals, and the rank Mahito had earned was his, not his father's. And so his request was denied. Four years later, Ohoama was gone and Awada no Mahito was sent to the Tsukushi no Dazai. We are told that he was in that position as of 689. If that was the position of Dazai no Sochi, however, he didn't hold it for long, as Prince Kawachi was raised up to that position that same year, and here we have a bit of a conundrum. Mahito is only mentioned as "Tsukushi no Dazai" while Prince Kawachi is specifically mentioned, at least twice, as Tsukushi no Dazai no Sochi. There are some who suggest that Mahito may have been the Dazai Daini, an assistant to the Dazai no Sochi—effectively the second-in-command it would appear. This makes some sense, when you consider it, and he may even have been acting Dazai no Sochi until Prince Kawachi was appointed. Of course, because our records are quite lackluster, and we are never actually told when Tajihi no Shima left the position, it is possible that Awada no Mahito was actually the Dazai Sochi for many years leading up to 689, and that Shima had returned to Asuka some time ago. This is the problem with the way things are written—sometimes they mention a name and sometimes just a position, and rarely do they mention when someone stepped down. Still, Mahito oversaw a few things that we can be somewhat sure about as they happened after he is first mentioned in the position, though it was all in the same year. For one thing, he is the one who presented gifts to the 174 Hayato in the first month of 689. This included cloth, ox hides, and deerskins. He was also there when the Queen sent relief to the Barrier Wardens whose terms were up. These were the Sakimori, a position set up to defend the archipelago and repel any potential invasions. I would assume they were regularly rotated out, especially if they were expected to man the fortifications out on some of the islands. It is interesting that we don't often see them referenced, so it isn't clear to me why the reference was made here—it may have just been a note in one of the sources the Chroniclers were using. Later that same year, we also see garments being given out—likely meaning official court clothing—to the Tsukushi Dazai and others. This was probably to bring them all in line with the latest formal wear being used in the court in Asuka. We also know that in the 6th month of that year they entertained the Silla envoys, who were given various presents. And then, two months later, Mahito is out and Prince Kawachi comes in. At the same time that Prince Kawachi is being made the Dazai no Sochi, our previous Dazai no Sochi, Tajihi no Shima, had his rank and fief increased. I doubt this was a coincidence, and it is one of the things that, for me, lends credence to the idea that Shima had just then returned to Asuka and Prince Kawachi was his replacement, suggesting that Mahito had really just been in an acting capacity while the change over was taking place. Unfortunately, if we were looking for more information about Prince Kawachi's background, we would be disappointed. Although he is a prince, probably descended from Nunakura, aka Bidatsu Tennou, we don't have a lot about him. He—or someone with the same name, since we do see these Princely titles get reused, it seems—is found in the reign of Ohoama traveling with Ohotomo no Yasumaro and Fujiwara no Ohoshima to go entertain Gim Jisyang of Silla. Later we see a Prince Kawachi delivering eulogies during Ohoama's funeral. That suggests he held an important position, and that he was somewhat familiar with the continent, but we don't get a whole lot more. Our next evidence is when he was appointed to the post of Dazai no Sochi in 689, a position he would hold until his death in 694—which may also explain why we just don't see too much of him in the record. A promising career may have been cut short, as happened all too often back in that day and age. Still, as Dazai no Sochi, he had plenty to keep him busy. Not a month after he arrived, Isonokami no Maro and Ishikawa no Mishina arrived at the head of a delegation. They were there to deliver patents of rank to members of the Tsukushi government and to inspect the fortifications at the edge of the archipelago. These were the same fortifications being manned by the newly arrived Sakimori. Speaking of the members of the Tsukushi government, it took a lot of people to make the Dazaifu work, not just the Sochi giving people orders about what they should do. There were numerous assistants helping to keep everything running. Some of them would have just been dealing with the Sochi's own residence, while others were clerks, guards, and more. It really was a miniature version of the court in Asuka, and would have required a lot of people to tend to it. And we know of at least one of them: Tsukushi no Fubito no Masaru, whose imagined thoughts we heard at the top of the episode. In 691, Masaru was recognized for 29 years of service as a secretary to the Tsuksuhi no Dazai. Twenty-nine years in place suggests to me that he would have likely been one of the longest serving members of the Tsukushi government center. He would have known where all the bodies were buried—perhaps quite literally. While the Dazai no Sochi was often a temporary appointment, sometimes just for a few years, they would have likely leaned on Masaru for his expertise. This is just like how modern government appointees like ambassadors may come and go, including for political reasons, but they rely on permanent staff, including a lot of locals, to provide the institutional knowledge they need to do their jobs. One can assume that if Masaru had been successful for 29 years he knew how things were supposed to work. And so I hope that his superiors made sure to remember that when Secretary's day rolled around. Prince Kawachi didn't make it 29 years, but he made it five. He might have gone even longer, but he died in office in 694 and was posthumously raised in rank for his service. History is full of stories, but in real life, the stories don't always follow the expected narratives. As much as we'd like to think otherwise, good, moral people do not always triumph and sometimes those who do awful things are never punished. And some times stories come to abrupt ends. Of course, looking back, it just is what it is. Prince Kawachi's life becomes little more than a footnote. And yet, what if he had gone on? Would he have followed Tajihi no Shima to help become one of the grand ministers of the court? Unfortunately, we will never know. He could have been a rising star, but we just know about his passing. Five months after Prince Kawachi's untimely death, he was followed in the post by Prince Mino. Prince Mino would continue in the position, it seems, through the end of the reign in 697—or at least nobody else was appointed until 700, when Isonokami no Maro—apparently the same one who had previously come out to inspect the fortifications during Prince Kawachi's tenure—was appointed. Although he came into the position in the next reign, we'll still touch on him, as he was another notable figure at this time. Looking back at Prince Mino, however, we seem to run into a problem—there are too many Princes Mino in the record. If you just use the English translations, you'll find several references to Prince Mino, but if you look at the original text, you'll see that there are at least three different spellings. For one it means "Beautiful Field" and another is just "Three Fields". A third "Mino" is spelled with characters that don't necessarily create obvious meaning, and may just be a phonetic spelling. It is possible that all of these Princes Mino are the same. Spelling wasn't standard, and different characters could be used for the same name. On the other hand, we have one set of characters being used to describe a Prince Mino who supported Ohoama during the Jinshin no Ran, while another, the "Three Fields" Prince Mino, describes one of the sons of Prince Kurikuma, who was with his father in Tsukushi when the Afumi court came calling. Since travel wasn't necessarily an overnight endeavor—unless you were Ohoama, rushing through the mountains to the east—it would seem that the Prince Mino in Tsukushi is unlikely to be the same one as the Prince Mino who joined Ohoama's forces back in the Home Provinces. So let's make the assumption that Prince Mino—Prince "Three Fields" Mino—is one person and the others are separate. What do we know about him? Well, he appears to have had experience with Tsukushi and the government out there, since he would be the son of Prince Kurikuma, a former Tsukushi Dazai no Sochi. We talked about Prince Kurikuma before, back in numerous episodes, but particularly in episodes 128 and Episode 144, as well as references in betweend. Prince Kurikuma was not only a significant factor in the outcome of the Jinshin no Ran, denying the Afumi court the resources of all of the defenders at the Tsukushi fortifications, he shows up in local legends in Tsukushi still today. So he definitely seems to have had an impact on the region. It also suggests that Prince Mino had connections in the area through his father. After his father's posting as Dazai no Sochi ended, Prince Mino appears to have returned with him to Asuka. He is described as a key member in Ohoama's court. He was one of the Princes mentioned in the audience at the Daigokuden in 681, when Ohoama instituted the commission to bring together the various court sources that we presume would eventually lead to the creation of the Chronicles—the Nihon Shoki and the Kojiki. Later, he become a daibu, a high official, of the Household Bureau, responsible for the household of the sovereign, the sumera no mikoto. This meant the upkeep of the palace, the kitchens, and the various servants waiting on the sovereign and his family. This also means that he was likely close to the movers and shakers of the court. One of the projects under his purview appears to have been the laying out of a new palace and a new capital city. In 682 he headed up the investigations at the place called Nihiki, determining that it would be a good location for what would eventually become Fujiwara-kyo—a project still underway in Queen Uno's reign. He was also sent out to Shinano two years later to look for a site for a second capital. It ended up not happening, but he spent a couple months and eventually came back with a map of the region. It may be that the Fujiwara-kyo project took up a lot of Mino's time and effort, because we then don't hear from him for another decade, during which Ohama passed away and so much more happened. Assuming he was still involved with the Fujiwara capital project, however, we see that in 691 there was a ceremony held for the tranquility of the new capital—a Chin-sai or, what we would today call a "Ji-chin-sai". This is a "land pacification ceremony" done when breaking ground on a new building or other project. So it looks like planning and land clearing had taken some 10 years, but it was finally ready to get started. Later that same year we hear of them laying out the residences of high ranking nobles, like the Udaijin, Tajihi no Shima, and we also see the Queen inspecting the roads. Then, a year later in 692, they were holding the land pacification ceremony for the new palace. The queen would move into the new palace in the very last months of 694. But by that time, Prince Mino was on to his next assignment. He had been appointed Tsukushi Dazai no Sochi earlier that year following the death of Prince Kawachi. Not much more is said of Tsukushi for the next three years of the reign, but we do see the Hayato visiting Asuka, presumably with Prince Mino's assistance. We don't have a clear idea of when Prince Mino retired—it's certainly not in the Nihon Shoki—but we know that he did because he was succeeded in the role by none other than Isonokami no Maro, who would take up the position in 700. Prince Mino, on the other hand, returned to the court, where he would eventually pass away in the year 708. And that was the last Dazai no Sochi who held the position during this reign, but I do want to talk about the one who came after Prince Mino just a bit—though more because this was an up-and-coming court noble whom we should be watching. Isonokami no Maro was born, by all accounts, in the year 640. Despite his name he was actually born to a family that we know somewhat well from much earlier on: The Mononobe. In fact, his father is apparently Mononobe no Muraji no Umaro, and he appears to be descended from the main line of the Mononobe family, which had declined ever since Mononobe no Moriya had been defeated and killed by Soga no Umako and others. And it seems that the Mononobe curse of being on the losing side in a contest for power hit Maro during the Jinshin no Ran, because we see him, at that time referenced as Mononobe no Muraji no Maro, along with two servants, or Toneri, serving Prince Ohotomo—aka Koubun Tennou—up to the very end. In fact, when Ohotomo fled and the Afumi court deserted him, only Mononobe no Maro and the servants stayed with him when he eventually strangled himself. And one would think that would be it. You were with the rival for the throne in the most contentious fight in recent memory. You couldn't protect him and you were on the wrong side. Sure, Ohoama was going to pardon you because he couldn't just rid himself of half of the court and hope things would still run smoothly—that would be a surefire recipe for disaster, and nobody wanted the government crippled like that. However, you can't imagine that those on the losing side would be given any position of trust or authority. And yet, in 676, we see that Mononobe no Maro was sent to Silla. And he wasn't just helping out: he was sent as the chief envoy of Ohoama's court. That is quite the turnaround in four years, and we don't really know why, but it has been speculated that Ohoama was actually impressed. While other members of the Afumi court fled and abandoned Ohotomo to his enemies, Maro and the two toneri with him did not, staying with Ohotomo until the bitter end, and likely conveying what had happened to the other side once it was all over. That kind of loyalty was impressive, especially back then. It is also thought that Maro may have benefited from the fact that Enoi no Okimi, who was also descended from the Mononobe family, fought on the side of Ohoama. This is a common scenario we see throughout Japanese history, where different members of the same family fight on different sides of a conflict, often meaning that no matter who wins the family can still claim to have been on the winning side. When Okimi passed away in 676 he was posthumously recognized as the ujigami, or clan head, of the Mononobe, leading some to suspect that a bit of his shine may have rubbed off on Maro as well. In 684, when the various kabane were being rectified by Ohoama's court, the Mononobe no Muraji were included as Ason, or Asaomi. There is some thought that around this time is when Maro changed his name to Isonokami, which is a name that was previously used by members of the Mononobe, including one of the brothers to Mononobe no Moriya. We see him mentioned as Isonokami no Maro in 686, as one of those giving a eulogy for Ohoama: specifically he gives the eulogy on behalf of the Houkan, or Nori no Tsukasa, the Judicial officers. He is mentioned right after Fuse no Miushi, whom we talked about last episode, who would go on to become a Dainagon and, later, Udaijin, or Minister of the Right. The first connection between Isonokami no Maro and Tsukushi was in 689, and we noted it earlier—he came out to inspect the fortifications as well as to hand out patents of rank to the court officials working out there on the edge of the realm. He would return to Asuka in time to be a part of Uno no Sarara's official enthronement ceremonies. There he is named Mononobe no Maro, and is in charge of the shields. Given what we know of the role of the Mononobe as the early soldiers of the court, it makes sense that he would play this role, and that they would use the name Mononobe rather than Isonokami. In the same way, the ritual was conducted by Fujiwara no Ohoshima, but he is recorded as Nakatomi no Ohoshima, probably because these were roles specifically for the Mononobe and Nakatomi, rather than for the Isonokami and the Fujiwara. This is another thing that can be quite frustrating when researching Japanese history—names can change at the drop of a hat, and people often had various ancestral names and titles that could be pulled out for various political or ceremonial reasons. If you don't have the history or understand the nuance it can be easy to just think that it is a different person altogether. And when you don't have much information, sometimes you have to ask yourself which is it? Maro would stay close to Queen Uno, even accompanying her to Ise shrine, and then, in the following reign, he would succeed Prince Mino as Dazai no Sochi in the year 700. It isn't clear, however, if he left for the Dazaifu immediately, since in 701 he is noted as having been promoted from the office of Chunagon to Dainagon, and in that same year he went with Royal Prince Osakabe to pay respects at the house of the late Udaijin, Tajihi no Shima, who had just passed away. He then left for Tsukushi in 702—or possibly headed back. But in 703, he was once again back in Asuka, paying condolences on the death of the next Udaijin, Abe no Miushi—aka Fuse no Miushi, the same one whom Maro had pronounced a Eulogy with during the funeral ceremonies for Ohoama. Isonokami no Maro would go on to take the mantle of Udaijin, and then eventually Sadaijin as well. He would be raised up to the second rank, along with the famous Fujiwara no Fubito, who took the vacated position of Udaijin. This meant that technically Maro was the senior of the two, though many people think that Fujiwara no Fubito held most of the actual power. Regardless of that, Isonokami no Maro nonetheless would go on to become the highest ranking court noble before his eventual death in 717. At that point he was 78 years old, by the reckoning of the day, and he had seen multiple sovereigns, several bloody conflicts, and the creation of two permanent capitals—Fujiwara kyo and Heijo kyo, in modern Nara. He went from being a supporter in the Afumi court, on the wrong side of the Jinshin no Ran to become the highest ranking court noble in the land. He would be granted the head of the Mononobe family and would continue to prosper as Isonokami. It was truly a remarkable career over an incredible span of time. And there you have it. A look at some of those that were sent out to the Dazaifu in Tsukushi. In later years, the post of Dazai no Sochi would be seen more as a burden than a blessing, but at this point it was still a lucrative and powerful position. Several of those involved in the Dazaifu or who held the position as Dazai no Sochi would go on to even more powerful positions back in Asuka. Whilst this posting did move you further away from the politics—perhaps not always a bad thing—it also put you atop a structure where one had considerable power, authority, and autonomy, at least at this point. Next episode we'll get back to the court in Asuka and take a look at a little more of what is going on. Before I end this, however, a quick administrative note about the podcast. This creation is a labor of love. It was started largely as a way to get myself to regularly dive into the Chronicles and really see what was going on. In particular, I was excited about the Asuka period, because I don't think we really have enough of a sense of what life was like and what was going on back then. It was clearly a very dynamic time, and yet we tend to see it through the lens of later Nara and Heian court culture, which was still very much evolving. The stories that I *didn't* know about were what drew me to this project, and I hope that we've all learned a bit more as the project has continued. And we are reaching the end of the area that is covered by the main Chronicles, the Kojiki, the Nihon Shoki, and the Sendai Kuji Hongi, which have been our main guides through this period. But that doesn't mean we are bringing things to a close. Next we have the Shoku Nihongi and many other grecords, and I am going to keep up with the project and the schedule as best I can. In fact, it looks like I may be able to devote even more time to it in the near future as some drastic life changes are coming for me, such that I will no longer be working a 9-to-5 job while also trying to get this podcast out like clockwork twice a month—not to mention my other passion, teaching traditional Japanese martial arts here in the DC region at a local not-for-profit dojo. This is happening as we are also in the process of building a house, traveling, and more. But it does mean that we are going to be looking into alternative sources of funding beyond just donations. We are eternally grateful to everyone who has donated, but I may end up doing something that I've been putting off for a while: allowing advertisements. I want to do this so that we can continue to offer this for podcast for free, but hosting, staying up to date on sources, etc. does cost money. I'm not looking to make a huge profit, but if we can at least get the podcast paying for itself, that would be a good start. Before I do that I'll look to find a way that we can get subscribers on Patreon and elsewhere ad-free copy. I just need to figure that out, but once I do, I'll let you all know. So there you have it. We aren't going to stop the podcast, but we may be adding a bit more to it in the future. I hope, though, that we can do more beyond the historical chronicles. For instance, did you know that we have an English translation of a 17th century cookbook up on our website, SengokuDaimyo.com? I would love to redact those recipes and maybe provide some cooking videos for anyone who would want to try them. A shoutout to Max Miller of Tasting History, who reached out to us about using a couple of our translations for his episodes on historical Japanese cooking – Max is a great guy and his series and cookbook are well worth following. But there's a lot more to explore: one of my favorites so far that we've tried is "keiran", or "eggs": doughy balls filled with brown sugar and cooked in a miso based soup. I don't know if there is anything like that still being served in Japan, but it's a strange and pleasant recipe and I would love to do that again and record it for everyone to try. All of this is in the works, and nothing will change immediately, but I wanted to keep you all in the loop. Thank you so much for listening, I can't tell you how much it means. And of course, as always, if you like what we are doing, please tell your friends and feel free to rate us wherever you listen to podcasts. If you feel the need to do more, and want to help us keep this going, we have information about how you can donate on Patreon or through our KoFi site, ko-fi.com/sengokudaimyo, or find the links over at our main website, SengokuDaimyo.com/Podcast, where we will have some more discussion on topics from this episode. Also, feel free to reach out to our Sengoku Daimyo Facebook page. You can also email us at the.sengoku.daimyo@gmail.com. Thank you, also, to Ellen for their work editing the podcast. And that's all for now. Thank you again, and I'll see you next episode on Sengoku Daimyo's Chronicles of Japan.
So did you ever wonder what it would be like to wake up one day and be on an enemies' list? And not just any old enemies list, an enemies' list of the President of the United States of America. And what if that list was published on the official White House website. At taxpayers' expense.That is what just happened to my friend and partner in our Legal Breakdown series, Brian Tyler Cohen. But if you know anything about Brian, then you probably already know how he reacted and responded to the news: by continuing to speak truth directly to power.But don't take it from me. Here it is from Brian himself, in his own words. Because standing up to an aspiring dictator, like justice . . . matters!Pre-order Brian's new book, "The Day After": https://www.harpercollins.com/pages/t...Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Federico repasa los numerosos casos judiciales que acorralan a Sánchez, desde su esposa Begoña Gómez o su guía política Zapatero.
So did you ever wonder what it would be like to wake up one day and be on an enemies' list? And not just any old enemies list, an enemies' list of the President of the United States of America. And what if that list was published on the official White House website. At taxpayers' expense.That is what just happened to my friend and partner in our Legal Breakdown series, Brian Tyler Cohen. But if you know anything about Brian, then you probably already know how he reacted and responded to the news: by continuing to speak truth directly to power.But don't take it from me. Here it is from Brian himself, in his own words. Because standing up to an aspiring dictator, like justice . . . matters!Pre-order Brian's new book, "The Day After": https://www.harpercollins.com/pages/t...Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Journalist and legal analyst Katie Phang filed a landmark lawsuit (Phang v. Blanche) against the Department of Justice and Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche alleging failures to comply with the Epstein Files Transparency Act. Filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, this action is the first brought under the transparency statute.Todd Blanche opted NOT to deny Katie's assertion in her lawsuit that he violated federal law - the Epstein Files Transparency Act - in at least five ways. Phang's legal team filed a Motion for a Preliminary Injunction to force immediate compliance.Hearing Date: A federal judge scheduled the preliminary injunction hearing for June 30thGlenn explains the latest in the case and how he plans on attending the hearing.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Donald Trump's name has been removed from the Kennedy Center's website, after a court ruled that changing the name of the Kennedy Center was illegal, and only Congress may make such a change. Trump lashed out against the ruling on Truth Social, criticizing the judge and claiming opponents would rather see the venue struggle. While he initially threatened to hand complete control over to Congress, he later clarified on Air Force One that he intends to remain as chairman and pursue development plans.Let's hope more there are more deletions to come.Find Glenn on Patreon: www.patreon.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Tal Fortgang discusses the "Scalian revolution" that shifted the Supreme Court toward judicial restraint. He notes that while Scalia faced a hostile press and "nasty" internal criticism from colleagues like Harry Blackmun, his ideas eventually prevailed. Fortgang also observes that the modern partisan venom in confirmation hearings began during Scalia's era with the contentious treatment of Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas. (12)1930
Donald Trump was loudly booed by fans at Madison Square Garden when his face appeared on the arena's Jumbotron. He attended Game 3 of the 2026 NBA Finals between the New York Knicks and the San Antonio Spurs, making him the first sitting U.S. president to ever attend an NBA Finals game. This snarled traffic and prevented thousands of people from watching the game at the watch parties which were cancelled. Once again, he proved that he is a selfish, egomaniacal. egocentric, narcissistic, dumpster fire of a human being. Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
Prosecutors in Arizona are set to criminally indict a bunch of sycophants for trying to help Donald Trump steal the 2020 election. This includes many well known names like Mark Meadows, Rudy Giuliani, John Eastman, and others. And the Arizona prosecutors are criminally indicting these folks for the second time . . .because yeah - better late than never.Glenn has the latest from the Arizona courts.Find Glen on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Donald Trump's former National Security Advisor, John Bolton, is expected to plead guilty to one criminal charge for essentially mishandling classified information. You can already hear Donald Trump's flunkies, lapdogs and sycophants using the Bolton guilty plea as proof that Donald Trump and his Department of Justice don't vindictively go after people. They will say "Because John Bolton is pleading guilty, he's not being wrongfully prosecuted". Trump's flunkies will try to use the guilty plea as evidence that ALL of the other criminal prosecutions that Donald Trump has demanded his dirty DOJ officials pursue - James Comey, Leticia James, Jerome Powell, six members of Congress, etc. - are somehow validated as righteous by virtue of Bolton's guilty plea. But that's not true at all because not all vindictive prosecutions are created equal.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
In this episode of Justice Matters, Glenn joins Jody Hamilton as she fills in on the Stephanie Miller Show to discuss the rampant corruption permeating our political landscape. From the absurd calls for Texans to drive to California to vote illegally, to the ongoing issues with the Treasury Department, Glenn highlights the stark contrasts between past administrations and the current state of affairs. He emphasizes the urgent need for accountability, particularly in light of the ongoing investigations into Donald Trump's actions and the implications for future governance. The conversation also touches on the importance of holding individuals accountable for their roles in corruption, drawing parallels to historical precedents set during the Nixon era.Find Glenn on Substack: glennkirschner.substack.comSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.