Podcasts about Huey Long

In this episode of Gangland Wire, host Gary Jenkins, retired Kansas City Police Intelligence Unit detective, continues his deep dive into organized crime history with prolific Mafia author Jeffrey Sussman. Sussman, the author of eight books on organized crime, joins Jenkins for a wide-ranging conversation that spans the rise, violence, prosecutions, and survival tactics of La Cosa Nostra in America. Drawing from works like Backbeat Gangsters and his latest release Mafia Hits, Misses Wars and Prosecutions, Sussman offers sharp insight into how the Mafia enforced silence, eliminated enemies, and adapted to government pressure. The discussion opens with omertà, the Mafia's infamous code of silence, and how mob warfare enforced loyalty through fear. Sussman recounts notorious hits and mob wars that shaped organized crime, then shifts to landmark prosecutions led by Thomas Dewey, whose relentless pursuit of Murder Incorporated dismantled the mob's most feared execution squad. Jenkins and Sussman examine the disastrous Appalachian Conference, where Vito Genovese overplayed his hand, drawing national attention to the Mafia and setting the stage for informants like Joe Valachi to break decades of secrecy. The episode also explores the Mafia's darkest execution methods, including lupara bianca—murders designed to leave no body and no evidence—along with chilling stories involving Mad Sam DeStefano. The assassination attempt on Joe Colombo, and its ties to Joey Gallo, highlight how ego and publicity often proved fatal in the mob world. The episode concludes with Sussman previewing his upcoming book on the Garment District, blending personal family history with organized crime's grip on American industry. Together, Jenkins and Sussman deliver a sweeping, chronological look at how the Mafia rose, fractured, and endured—leaving a permanent mark on American culture. Get his book Mafia Hits, Misses, Wars, and Prosecutions. ⏱️ Episode Chapters 00:00 – Introduction and Jeffrey Sussman's Mafia work 03:45 – Omertà and enforcing silence 07:30 – Mafia hits and internal wars 12:10 – Thomas Dewey and Murder Incorporated 18:40 – St. Valentine's Day Massacre 23:30 – Formation of the Five Families 28:50 – Italian and Jewish mob alliances 34:20 – Capone, Lansky, and Luciano 39:45 – Appalachian Conference fallout 45:10 – Vito Genovese and Joe Valachi 50:30 – Lupara blanca and body disposal 55:20 – Mad Sam DeStefano's brutality 59:40 – Joe Colombo assassination 1:05:30 – Betrayal and mob survival 1:10:50 – Sussman's upcoming Garment District book   [0:00] Hey, welcome, all you Wiretipers, back here in the studio of Gangland Wire, as you can see. This is Gary Jenkins, retired Kansas City Police Intelligence Unit detective and later sergeant. I have a guest today. He is a prolific author about the mob in the United States. We have several interviews in the archives with Jeffrey Sussman. Welcome, Jeffrey. Thank you, Gary. It’s a pleasure to be with you once again. All right. How many mob books you got? Eight or nine, I think. Eight or nine. I know you’ve covered Tinseltown, the L.A. Families, the crime in L.A., the Chicago. What are some of those? I did Las Vegas, which had a number of the Chicago outfit members in it. I did Big Apple Gangsters. Oh, yeah. My last one was Backbeat Gangsters about the rock music business. Oh, yeah. And then I did also one about boxing and the mob, how the mob controlled boxing. And then my new book is Mafia Hits, Misses Wars and Prosecutions. The update is February 19th. All right. Guys, when I release this, we’re doing this, actually, we’re doing this before Christmas. But when this comes out, while you’ll be able to go to the Amazon link that I’ll have in there, get that book, we’ll have, you’ll see a picture of it as we go along. So you’ll know what the cover looks like. It sounds really interesting, especially about the Mafia Misses. But I’m sure that’s interesting. [1:29] Well, the mob, that’s their way of enforcing their rules. The omerta, somebody talks, they’re going to rub you out, supposedly. And by mob, we’re talking about primarily La Cosa Nostra, Sicilian-based organized crime in the United States. Yeah. The five families particularly have brought this up front. The five families have really perfected this as an art, killing their rivals, killing people that threaten them in any way, killing people that they even had a contract on Tom Dewey, the prosecutor, I believe, at one time. That would be a bomb miss, wouldn’t it? Yeah, actually, what happened with that is Dutch Schultz wanted the commission to take out a contract on Tom Dewey, and they said, no, we can’t do that, because if we do that, it’ll bring down too much heat on us. And so the mob wound up killing Dutch Schultz because he was too much of a threat to them in some ways. But the irony was that if they had killed him, Lucky Luciano never would have been prosecuted. He was prosecuted by Thomas Dewey. Lucky Bookhalter never would have been prosecuted and gone to the electric chair, several others as well. So, by not killing Dewey, they set themselves up to be arrested and get either very long prison terms or go to the electric chair. [2:57] Yeah, Dewey sent, I think it was four members of Murder Incorporated to the electric chair and the head of it, the Lepke book halter. And then he arrested and got a conviction against Lucky Luciano for pimping and pandering, which should have been a fairly short sentence, just a couple of years. But he had him sentenced to 50 years in prison, which is amazing, the pimping. [3:20] So if they had killed Thomas Dewey, they probably would have been better off. But that’s 2020 hindsight. Yeah, hindsight’s always 2020. And a cost-benefit analysis, if you want to apply that, why the cost of killing Tom Dooley might have been much less than the actual benefit was. That’s right. Exactly. And they came to realize that, but it was too late for them. I think they always do a cost-benefit analysis in some manner. How much heat’s going to come down from this? Can we take the heat? Because I know in Kansas City, our mob boss, Nick Savella, was in the penitentiary. He was about to get out, and he sent word out, said I want all unfinished business taken care of by the time I get out. Because when I get out, I do not want all these headlines, because murder generates headlines. And so there was like three murders in rapid succession right after that. [4:13] So they worry about the press and hits, murders generate press. So let’s go back and talk about some particular ones. One of the most famous ones was the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre. Do you cover that? [4:26] Yeah, I start with the assassination of Arnold Rothstein in 1928, and then I go right into the St. Valentine’s Day Massacre. I go into the Castel Marari’s War, the birth of the five families. They had a famous meeting at the Franconia Hotel where the Jewish and Italian gangsters decided to form an alliance rather than fight one another. I went through the trial and conviction of Al Capone, the Bug and Meyer gang. Which evolved into Murder Incorporated, and then how Mayor LaGuardia went after the mob in New York and drove out Frank Costello, who had all the slot machines in New York, drove him down to Louisiana, where Frank Costello paid Huey Long a million dollars to let him operate slot machines all around New Orleans and the rest of Louisiana. And then there was William Dwyer, O’Dwyer, and Burton Turkus, who prosecuted the mob, other members of Murder Incorporated, and then how the federal government was using deportation to get rid of a lot of the mobsters, and how the mafia insinuated itself with entertainers and was controlling entertainers like Frank Sinatra and Dean Martin and Jerry Lewis and others. [5:44] And then the Appalachian Conference, and what an embarrassment that was to Vito Genovese, who wanted to declare himself the boss of bosses. Instead, he became the schmuck of schmucks because the FBI invaded this. And there was a theory that this was really set up, Meyer Lansky, Carl Gambino, and Lucky Luciano, because they didn’t want Vito Genovese to become the boss of bosses because Vito Genovese was responsible for the attempted murder of Frank Costello, and they wanted to get rid of him. After they embarrassed him with Appalachian, And then they set him up for a drug buy. Which is ridiculous because you don’t have the head of a mafia family going out on the street and buying heroin from someone. But that’s what they got him for. And they sent him off to prison for 15 years where he died. But in the realm of unintended consequences, which we just heard some, he goes down to Atlanta and a guy named Joe Valacci is down there. And he thinks that Vito Genovese is given to the fisheye and maybe wants to have him killed. [6:52] If Vito Genovese is not in Atlanta, Joe Valacci does not turn and become the first big important witness against the mob in the United States that couple that with Appalachian. And embarrassment to the FBI and then this Joe Valacci coming out with all these stories explaining what all that meant, the organized crime in the United States, why we may not have the investigation that subsequently came out of all that. It’s crazy, huh? Yeah, exactly. In terms of unintended consequences, because if Vito Genovese hadn’t given the kiss of death, supposedly, to Joe Valacci, you never would have had Joe Valacci’s testimony about how the mob operates. He opened so many doors and told so many secrets. It was a real revelation to the world. [7:42] Now, what about these murders? And I understand they call them a lupara blanca, where the body is never found. Did you talk about any of those or look into that at all? [7:53] We’ve had them in Kansas City, where it’s obviously a mob murder. They even will send a message to the family. We had one where the guy disappeared. Nobody ever found his body. But somebody called the family and said, hey, go up on Gladstone Drive and check this trash can. And then they find the guy’s clothes and his driver’s license, everything in there. Now, did you go into any of those blanks? Yeah, there were a number of mob hits, especially during the murder ink era where they would dispose of the bodies and no one would ever find them. But they would leave clues around for members of the family just so they would know that their father or their son or their brother, whoever was no longer in this world. [8:39] Yeah, that was done quite a bit. And when the Westies, which was an Irish gang that operated on the west side of New York, they believed that if you never found the corpse, you could never convict them of murder. So they used to take their dead bodies out to an island in the East River and chop them into little pieces and then dump them in the river and no one would ever find them. And supposedly they did that with dozens and dozens of bodies. Yeah. Interesting. Yeah, and it is. It’s hard to prosecute without the body. It’s been done, but it’s really hard to do. You’ve got to have a really lot of circumstantial evidence to approve a murder without a body. And when Albert Anastasia and Leffy Foucault, who were running Murder Incorporated, they believed two things. One, that if you didn’t find the body, it would be hard to prosecute. And if you couldn’t show a motive, that would be the other thing that would make it difficult. So there would be absolutely no connection between the person who killed the victim and the victim. There was no connection whatsoever. So it was almost as if it was a stranger. In fact, it was a stranger who would commit the murder and then disappear and make sure that the body also disappeared. So you’d have neither motive nor body. Interesting. Pretty stiff penalty for murder. So I understand why you take some extra. Exactly. [10:08] Yeah, that tried to disassociate yourself from any motive for the body. There’s a guy in Chicago named Mad Sam DeStefano. Oh, sure. Lone shark and particularly egregious person when it came to collecting and was responsible for some murders and tortures. And they claim that he would buddy up to the person he knew he wanted to have killed and give him a watch. So then when the police came back around, he’d say, he was my friend. I gave him a present. I gave him that watch. Look and see. Ask his wife. I gave him a watch. Yeah. And I think it was Anthony Spolatro who was charged by the outfit of getting rid of Sam DiStefano because he was a friend. He had been like a protege of Crazy Sam. And so Sam didn’t suspect him as the person who would come and kill him. Yeah, that’s common clue. They say, look out. When a friend comes around and it seems a little bit funny and they want her particularly nice to you and you know you’re in trouble, anyhow, look out. Because that’s the guy that’s going to get you. Exactly. At least set you up. Maybe they have somebody else come in and pull the trigger, somebody that’ll leave town or whatever, but your friend’s going to set you up, make you comfortable. [11:24] Yeah, I think that’s exactly how it happened. We talked a little bit about the Joe Colombo murder. Did you look at that? Yes. [11:31] Tell us about that, because I’m really interested in that. I’d kind of like to do a larger story, just focusing on that, what really happened there, because that’s a mystery. Did this Jerome Johnson, this black guy, do it? Why would he do it? Nobody ever came out and connected him directly to Joey Gallo, and that’s the claim. So talk about that one. What happened is Joe Colombo formed the Italian Anti-Defamation League because he thought Italians were being blamed for too many things. And Colombo was responsible for having the producers of the movie The Godfather never use the word mafia in the movie, never use La Cosa Nostra in the movie. And he was making a big splash for himself. And this was driving a lot of people in the mafia a little crazy. They’re getting nervous because he was getting so much attention for himself, and it’s not the kind of attention they wanted. And Gambino was particularly upset about this. And Joey Gallo had been in prison, and he had been involved in the war against Profaci earlier on. And when he got out of prison, he felt that the new head of the Profaci family, who was Joe Colombo, should honor him with the amount of time that he spent in prison. And Joe Colombo offered him $1,000. [12:57] And Gallo was incensed by that. He expected $100,000. [13:02] And so he started another war with Colombo. [13:09] This would be good for Carlo Gambino because then he could use Joey Gallo to get rid of someone and his hands wouldn’t appear to be anywhere near this. And when Joey Gallo was in prison, he befriended a lot of black gangsters who were drug dealers and showed them how to succeed in the drug dealing business. And his attitude was that the mafia was very prejudiced against black people, but he thought that was stupid. He thought that we should use black criminals the same way we use any other criminals. And so he befriended a lot of blacks when he was in prison. And no one really knows how exactly he came in contact with Jerome Johnson. But anyway, Jerome Johnson was given the mission of assassinating Joe Colombo at a demonstration where Joe Colombo would be speaking about the Italian American Anti-Defamation League, which had attracted a lot of entertainers. Frank Sinatra was on the board of it. They raised a lot of money. I spoke to some Italian friends of mine at the time, and they said that people from the Italian Anti-Defamation League went around to small Italian-run stores, pizza parlors, shoe repair stores, whatever, and had them closed down for that day so that these people should attend the rally. And the rally was being held, I believe, in Columbus Circle. [14:36] And Jerome Johnson was there, and he had a press pass. So he was permitted to get very close to Joe Colombo because it appeared that he was a reporter or a photographer for a newspaper. And as soon as he got close enough, he pumped a couple of bullets into Joe Colombo’s head. Immediately, three or four gangsters descended on Jerome Johnson and killed him immediately. [15:02] And those three or four people who killed him, they disappeared into the crowd. No one ever found them again. I know. I wish we’d had cell phone footage from that. No one wouldn’t have gotten away if everybody had their cell phones out that day when they would have seen everything that happened. [15:21] Exactly. Columbo existed in a vegetative state. I think it was for about seven years before he finally died. I didn’t realize it was that long. Wow. Yeah, but he was semi-conscious. He couldn’t communicate. He was paralyzed. But the The Colombo family believed that it was Joey Gallo who was responsible for this. Joey Gallo and his new wife had been having a dinner with friends at the Copacabana nightclub in New York. They were joined at their table by Don Rickles, who had been performing that night. Comedian David Steinberg, who had been the best man at Joey Gallo’s wedding to a second wife, was there. And he suggested to them that they left the Copacabana about three o’clock in the morning. And he suggested to them that they all go down to Little Italy, go to Chinatown, and we’ll have a late dinner there. So Rick Olson and Steinberg said, it’s too late for us. You go and enjoy yourself and we’ll see you another time. Joey Gallo, his bodyguard, a Greek guy, I can’t remember his name exactly. Peter Dacopoulos. That’s it. And his wife, and Decapolis’ girlfriend and Joey Gallo’s stepdaughter. They all drove downtown. They couldn’t find anything open in Chinatown, so they drove over to Little Italy, and they went into Umberto’s Clam House. [16:49] And it was very strange, because supposedly a gangster would never do this. Joe Colombo was sitting with his back to the door. [16:58] Usually, your back is to the wall, and you’re facing the door. Oh, Joey Gallo was sitting with his back to the door. Yeah, I meant Joey Gallo. Yeah. Go ahead. And there was kind of a lonely guy sitting at the bar having a drink, and no one paid any attention to him. He was a mob wannabe, and he recognized Joey Gallo, and he went to a mob social club that was a few blocks away that was a hangout for Colombo gangsters. And when he came in and told them that joey gallo was there and the one of the guys there called a capo from the colombo family and told him who they saw and so forth and apparently he instructed them to go and get rid of him and so they took the mob wannabe guy and they got in two cars and they drove down to or around the block whatever it was to umberto’s clam house they went in and they immediately started shooting. And Colombo flipped over the table. I’m sorry, Joey Gallo flipped over the table and had his wife and girlfriend in the step door to get behind the table. And he and Peter were firing back at these guys. [18:07] Peter got shot in the ass and complained about it for many months afterwards, and Joey Gallo ran out onto the street chasing them, and he got shot in the neck, and I think it hit his carotid artery, and he bled to death on the sidewalk. And the guys from the Columbo and the Columbo wannabe guy, they quickly drove up to an apartment on the Upper East Side where the Columbo capo was. And he told them to go to a safe house in Nyack, New York, where they went. And meanwhile, the mob wannabe guy who had fingered Columbo, he’s getting very nervous. He feels that his life isn’t worth too much. He’s in over his head. [18:51] Right. So he sneaks out in the middle of the night and takes a plane to California to live with his sister. And he tries to get into the witness protection program, but they don’t believe him. They don’t believe he has enough evidence to make it worthwhile. No one knows exactly what happened to him afterwards. And the guys who supposedly killed Gallo, nothing really happened to them either. There was a huge funeral for Joey Gallo in Brooklyn. And it was like one of those old mob funerals that you see in a movie with a hundred flower cars and people lining the streets. And I think it was Joey Gallo’s mother who threw herself into the grave on top of the coffin. Oh, really? And Joey Gallo’s. [19:38] He had two brothers, one of whom had died of cancer, and the other one wound up going into another mob family. That was part of the peace deal. I can’t remember if it was the Gambino family or the Genovese family. He went into one of those two families. I think it was Gambino family, that Albert Kidd Twist gallo, I think was his name. And I think it was the Gambino family. He just kept a low profile until he died of natural causes. I think he’s dead now. He never heard from him again, basically. Exactly. [20:06] Interesting. That’s a heck of a story. A lot more stories like that in there, too. I bet. What was your favorite story out of that, or the one that shocked you or you learned something? Maybe something that you learned that you didn’t know or cut through some myth. [20:20] Probably, I’m just looking at my notes here to see what really fascinated me the most. I think the evolution of the Bug and Meyer gang. This guy, Ralph Salerno, who was a fascinating guy who headed the New York Prime Strike Force, Mafia investigators He’s been dead for about I think 10 or 15 years But I spent about Two or three hours Interviewing him A long time ago Didn’t he write a book Didn’t he write a book Called The Crime Confederation Or something like that Yes he did Yeah And it’s excellent So he knew Meyer Lansky He had met Bugsy Siegel Back once In the early 1940s He knew Frank Costello He knew all of these people And it was fascinating To, to hear his stories. And he said that during the time of the Bug and Meyer gang, they were the most vicious gang in New York. And they had a complete menu for crimes that they would commit on your behalf. Burglaries, murders, throwing people out of windows, breaking arms and legs, killing by stabbing, killing by shooting, killing by knifing. And each one had a price. And he said they actually had it printed. It was like a menu and you could check off what you wanted. [21:40] Crazy. And then he said, as they got more and more involved in prohibition, they got out of this and it evolved into Murder Incorporated, which had about 400 members, primarily Jewish and Italian gangsters. And it was run by Albert Anastasia and Lepke Bookhalter. [22:05] And when Thomas Dewey came into power, he wanted very much to convict these guys, but, Murder Incorporated had this fascinating idea that every member of Murder Incorporated would receive a monthly retainer and then it paid a special price for committing murders. And the more ambitious the member was, the more murders he would commit. So there were a couple who were really very ambitious and did a lot of murders. And each one had a specialty. So there was this one guy named Abe Hidtwist Relis, who only killed people with an ice pick in the back of the neck. And then he would leave the body in a car, talking about getting rid of bodies, and he would burn the body and leave it in the car and let other people know who were the relatives that he had been done away with. And then there was a guy named Pittsburgh Phil, who was the most ambitious of them, who supposedly committed about 100 to 150 murders because he just loved getting money for each one that he committed. [23:15] Then there was a guy named Louis Capone, who’s no relation to Al. He worked with a partner named Mendy Weiss, and the two of them went out and killed people together. They thought it was a fun event for them. It was like a boy’s night out. Who we’re going to kill today. Weren’t they two of them that got the electric chair? Yes, they did. And there’s a picture of them on the train up to Singh on their way to the electric chair. And they’re laughing. This is nothing. This is just another fun time for us. And yeah, I think there were four of them who finally went to the electric chair. And then one member of this was a guy named Charlie the Bud Workman, who finally got indicted for the murder of Dutch Schultz. He was the one who carried out the murder of Dutch Schultz for the mob. And he got, I think he was 30 years in prison. But according to his son… [24:13] Who is a PGA golfer, who is well-known in PGA circles as a very good golf competitor, said that the mob took care of his family for the entire time that Workman was in prison because he never spoke about anybody else. He really observed the rules of a murder, and they appreciated him for that. So that whole episode was like a corporation murder, which is why they called it Murder, Inc., that would go out and kill people on orders only from the mafia. They only worked for the mafia. You couldn’t hire them if you weren’t a member of the mafia. And it had to go through a mafia boss for the instructions to come down to them. A soldier couldn’t tell them what to do. Even a capo couldn’t tell them. It had to go up to a boss, the boss had to approve it, and then assign someone to do it. And they all worked out of a candy store in Brooklyn called Midnight Roses because it was open 24 hours a day. And the phone would ring there from giving whoever it was instructions about who was to be killed, where they were to be killed, how they were to do it, and so forth and so on. [25:27] So what was also interesting is even though Bugsy Siegel had left the Bug and Meyer gang, he still loved participating in murder. He liked killing people. And his partner in these murders was a guy named Frankie Carbo, who became a big deal in boxing. He controlled most of the boxing in America up until at the time of Sonny Liston. And his partner in this was a man named Blinky Palermo. [25:59] And according to Ralph Natale, who for a while had been the boss of the Philadelphia crime family, it was Frankie Carbo who was sent by the mob to kill Bugsy Siegel. Because if he was caught or Bugsy Siegel saw him around, he wouldn’t suspect that he was his killer because they were friends and they had operated as partners together. So this goes back to what we were talking about earlier. It’s your friend who comes closest to you and then arranges you to be assassinated. So I found that whole story just fascinating. Interesting. I’ll tell you what. And there’s those and a whole lot more stories in this, isn’t there, Jeff? Yes, there are. I think that the book covers pretty much the mob history, beginning with the founding of the five families, going all the way up through Sammy the Bulgurvano’s testimony against John Gotti and the commission trial, where they decapitated the heads of the five families. Not literally, folks. Not literally. Not literally. We didn’t literally decapitate. Rudy Giuliano, he tried to. He tried to. He tried to. Metaphorically, he decapitated the heads of the five families. Exactly. [27:15] You know, what was interesting, though, is in the 1930s, you had Thomas Dewey. In the 1960s, you had Robert Kennedy, who went after the mob. And then later on, you had Rudy Giuliani going after the mob. And the mob always managed to reorganize itself and figure out a new way of existing. They were very opportunistic and they always managed to find a way to keep going, even if it was very low key, which is what it is now, where they operate in the shadows and they don’t have any John Gottis or Al Capone’s out there getting a lot of attention for themselves. They’re still out there doing things. Yeah. Yeah. They finally learned something about that getting publicity. And most recently, they put together a whole scheme, and this goes way back, of cheating people. Big whales, I call them whales, of rich men that like to gamble and brush up against kind of the dark side and cheat them at cards. They’ve been doing that for years. They just do it under goes to clear black to the Friars Club scam in Los Angeles where Ronnie Roselli and some others had a spotter, would see who had what cards in what’s hands, then would tell another player. And so now there’s just more electronic, but the same game just upgraded to electronics. [28:30] That’s right. What someone I spoke to interviewed said, he said they’re very involved in electronic gambling poker machines and that kind of thing. And a lot of offshore gambling and offshore money laundering. And to some extent, even drug dealing now. And they’re still very involved in New York in the construction business. Oh, really? Yeah. Union business. They’re still in it, huh? And I know in Kansas City, there’s a couple of examples where they put money into a buy here, pay here car dealership into a title loan place because there’s a huge rate of interest on those things. And there’s a lot of scams that go down out of those places, especially the old crap cars and put them together and sell them to poor people for they’ve got $500 in the car and they sell it to them for $2,000. They charge them a 25% interest and then go repo it when the car breaks down, turn around and patch it up and sell it again. So there’s always schemes going on out there to mob will put their money into. Oh, it’s incredible. I knew of one scheme where they would They would sell trucks to people and give them a special route. And so on that route, they could make enough money to pay off the loan on the truck. But then they would take away the route from them. They couldn’t pay off the truck. So they would repossess the truck and sell it to someone else and do it all over again. [29:50] Oh, I know. They got to tell you that. And Joey Messino and the Bananos, they organized the tow main wagons, the lunch truck, the snack wagons. Right, exactly. Organize them. And then they start extorting money, formed an association. And then to get to good spots, then you had to kick money to them. And just to be part of the organization, that was kicking money to them. There’s always something. They always manage to find a place where they can make money. And it’s like whack-a-mole. You can stop them here, you can stop them there, and then they pop up in three other places. [30:24] Really all right jeffrey susman i’m so happy to talk to you again i haven’t talked to you for a while and i hope everything else is everything’s going okay for you in new york city yep i’m working on a new book uh what are you working on now oh my god you are so prolific i look on your amazon page just when i was getting ready to do this trying to think of some of those other titles Oh, my God. I’m working on a book about the Garment Center. Ah, interesting. Only because my family was involved in that business, and they had to deal with the mob in various ways, with trucking companies, unions, and so forth. And since I knew that, and I had a lot of information, a lot of contacts, I thought I would tackle that next. I remember when I had my marketing PR business back in the 1970s. [31:16] I had a client who was in the fitness business, and I had a cousin of my mother’s who was a very famous dress designer at the time, and he had a big showroom on 7th Avenue, which is in the garment center. I went to see him because I wanted to see if I could get a deal for my client to manufacture exercise clothes and brand it with her name. I made a date to have lunch with this cousin of mine, and he said, come up to my showroom. we’ll meet for lunch, And so I got to the showroom, and I called out his name when I walked in. It was empty. And this guy comes running out of the back, and he just has a shirt on, and he has a shoulder holster, .38 caliber gun in it. And he says to me, who the F are you? I said, I’m so-and-so’s cousin. I’m here to have lunch with him. He disappeared into the back. And a couple of minutes later my mother’s cousin comes out and i said who was that what was that about he says i don’t want to talk about it now i’ll tell you all for lunch so we go down to a restaurant around the corner and i asked him again and he says he said he couldn’t have his dresses delivered to any department store unless he made a deal with yeah i forgot if it was the gambinos or the lucasies that he had to take this guy on as a partner otherwise the trucks wouldn’t deliver his garments. And there was nothing he could do about it. It was either that or go out of business. [32:45] I’ll tell you what, they’re voracious. They’re greedy and voracious and don’t care. Just give me those, show me the money. That’s all it is. It’s all about money and any way to get it. And then there’s always a threat of murder behind it. If you don’t cooperate, think of the worst thing that can happen to you. And that’s what’ll happen. Yeah. I’ve had guys over the years tell I’m like, oh, you ought to throw in with one of those ex-mobsters that’s doing podcasts and try to do something with them. I say, I ain’t doing business with them. They play by their rules. I play by society’s rules. And I don’t have time to mess with that. Yeah. And that was a smart thing to do. Because also, when I had this fitness client, I met someone who was… I didn’t know what was connected to the mob, but a mutual friend, this guy said that he wanted to set up fitness centers all around the country for my clients. So I mentioned this to a mutual friend and he said, whatever you don’t go into business with this guy, I said, regret it for the rest of your life. So I advised my client not to do it. [33:49] Yeah. Cause initially before we knew that it sounded like a great opportunity. And then when you investigate, it’s not such a great opportunity. Yeah, really. Speaking of that, we tell stories for hours. I just heard a story. We had a relocated mobster, a guy that testified against Gigante, came here to Kansas City. And he was, of course, under witness protection and he’s got an assumed name. And he befriends a guy that has a fitness center. He has a franchise of Gold’s Gym or something. And he has a fitness center. And he talks this guy into taking him on, investing a little money in it, taking him on as his partner. Within the next couple of years, this mobster, he’s got two of his kids working there and neither one of them are really doing anything, but they’re drawing a salary and the money’s trickling out. And the guy, the local guy, he just walks away from it because this guy’s planned by the mob’s rules. So he just ended up walking away from it, did something else. So it’s do not go into business with these guys. No, never. Never. [34:48] Jeffrey Suspett, it’s a pleasure to have you back on the show. Thank you so much. It’s a pleasure to be with you again, Gary. It’s always a pleasure. Thank you very much.

Huey Long of Louisiana casts a long shadow over American populist politics. Often cast as a villain or troublemaker, author Thomas Patterson offers a nuanced look at the politics and impact of this important figure in 20th Century history. Find his book on Amazon: https://a.co/d/0sS3baz Host: Jeff Sikkenga Executive Producer: Jeremy Gypton Subscribe: https://linktr.ee/theamericanidea Homepage: […]

Huey Long of Louisiana casts a long shadow over American populist politics. Often cast as a villain or troublemaker, author Thomas Patterson offers a nuanced look at the politics and impact of this important figure in 20th Century history.Find his book on Amazon: https://a.co/d/0sS3bazHost: Jeff SikkengaExecutive Producer: Jeremy GyptonSubscribe: https://linktr.ee/theamericanideaHomepage: https://ashbrook.org/the-american-idea-podcast/

CHALLENGES FROM AL SMITH AND SOUTHERN POPULISTS Colleague David Pietrusza. Roosevelt faces opposition from his former mentor Al Smith, who felt snubbed after 1932 and now leads the conservative American Liberty League. Smith attacks the New Deal as class warfare and claims it steals from socialist programs. Simultaneously, FDR worries about the populist threat from the South, represented by the legacy of Huey Long and the rhetoric of Eugene Talmadge. Although Long was assassinated in 1935, his "Share Our Wealth" program remains popular. In Georgia, Talmadge rallies support with race-baiting and accusations that the New Deal is influenced by communism. NUMBER 21936 JOAN CRAWFIORD AND FRANCHOT TONE IN ITALY

Chicago attorney turned author Thomas E. Patterson talks abouthis latest release “American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana” as a monumental biographyof Louisiana senator Huey Long as a progressive thinking populist hero andradical influence on the New Deal before an assassin bullet ended his life in1935, transformed politics by siding in the interest of citizens who've been ignoredby state officials and made his mark in American politics with ideals like taxingthe rich, minimum income for American families, free college admission andmore! Thomas spent 40+ years preparing & trying business lawsuits andachieved several notable settlements involving Rep. Dennis Hastert, David L.Paul, Chemical Bank and wrote two books about handling business emergencies,temporary restraining orders and preliminary junctions! Check out the amazingThomas E. Patterson and his latest release on all major platforms and www.pattersonbooks.comtoday! #thomasepatterson #author #laywer #chicagoattorney #hueylong#americanpopulist #louisiana #populist #progressivethinking #americanpolitics#americanfamilies #businesslawsuits #spreaker #spotify #iheartradio#applemusic #bitchute #rumble #youtube #mikewagner #themikewagnershow#mikewagnerthomasepatterson  #themikewagnershowthomasepatterson

Chicago attorney turned author Thomas E. Patterson talks abouthis latest release “American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana” as a monumental biographyof Louisiana senator Huey Long as a progressive thinking populist hero andradical influence on the New Deal before an assassin bullet ended his life in1935, transformed politics by siding in the interest of citizens who've been ignoredby state officials and made his mark in American politics with ideals like taxingthe rich, minimum income for American families, free college admission andmore! Thomas spent 40+ years preparing & trying business lawsuits andachieved several notable settlements involving Rep. Dennis Hastert, David L.Paul, Chemical Bank and wrote two books about handling business emergencies,temporary restraining orders and preliminary junctions! Check out the amazingThomas E. Patterson and his latest release on all major platforms and www.pattersonbooks.comtoday! #thomasepatterson #author #laywer #chicagoattorney #hueylong#americanpopulist #louisiana #populist #progressivethinking #americanpolitics#americanfamilies #businesslawsuits #spreaker #spotify #iheartradio#applemusic #bitchute #rumble #youtube #mikewagner #themikewagnershow#mikewagnerthomasepatterson  #themikewagnershowthomasepatterson

Chicago attorney turned author Thomas E. Patterson talks about his latest release “American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana” as a monumental biography of Louisiana senator Huey Long as a progressive thinking populist hero and radical influence on the New Deal before an assassin bullet ended his life in 1935, transformed politics by siding in the interest of citizens who've been ignored by state officials and made his mark in American politics with ideals like taxing the rich, minimum income for American families, free college admission and more! Thomas spent 40+ years preparing & trying business lawsuits and achieved several notable settlements involving Rep. Dennis Hastert, David L. Paul, Chemical Bank and wrote two books about handling business emergencies, temporary restraining orders and preliminary junctions! Check out the amazing Thomas E. Patterson and his latest release on all major platforms and www.pattersonbooks.com today! #thomasepatterson #author #laywer #chicagoattorney #hueylong #americanpopulist #louisiana #populist #progressivethinking #americanpolitics #americanfamilies #businesslawsuits #spreaker #spotify #iheartradio #applemusic #bitchute #rumble #youtube #mikewagner #themikewagnershow #mikewagnerthomasepatterson  #themikewagnershowthomasepattersonBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-mike-wagner-show--3140147/support.

POPULIST THREATS FROM THE SOUTH: HUEY LONG AND THE TALMADGES Colleague David Pietrusza. Roosevelt faced significant challenges from Southern populists who threatened to split his support in the solid South. The most dangerous was Huey Long of Louisiana, whose left-wing "Share Our Wealth" program promised massive redistribution of assets. Long planned to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, hoping to win the presidency himself in 1940, but his assassination in 1935 removed this threat. Meanwhile, Georgia's Eugene Talmadge, a conservative populist who engaged in race-baiting and opposed welfare, rallied radical elements and Confederatesympathizers against the New Deal, complicating Roosevelt's strategy. NUMBER 2

THE TOWNSEND PLAN, FATHER COUGHLIN, AND THE THIRD PARTY THREAT Colleague David Pietrusza. Dr. Francis Townsend's popular plan for old-age pensions pressured Roosevelt, who disliked "the dole," into creating Social Security. Concurrently, Father Charles Coughlin, the influential "Radio Priest," turned against Roosevelt after feeling used and ignored, specifically following a meeting at Hyde Park arranged by Joe Kennedy. Coughlin allied with Townsend and Huey Long's successor, Gerald L.K. Smith, to form a third party aimed at throwing the election to the House of Representatives. Despite their massive radio audiences, these political amateurs failed to get on the ballot in key states like New York and California. NUMBER 3

Possibly the longest shownotes in history thanks to Gemini 3 Pro. Bless the swamp from which this AI slop emerged and enjoy the episode. Or just read this, I suppose. The title sucks terribly. Do better, Gemmo! Show Notes with Time‑Shifted Timestamps(All timestamps below have been shifted forward by 25 seconds to allow for theme music, as requested.)00:00 – Welcome, Cricket and the Pink Ball at the Gabba00:00:25 – Jack the Insider (Joel Hill) opens episode 137 of The Two Jacks and notes they're recording just after midday on 4 December.00:00:36 – Quick chat about the looming day–night Test at the Gabba and the prospect it could finish very quickly.00:00:44 – Hong Kong Jack explains why dusk session timings in Hong Kong line up perfectly with “Asahi o'clock”.00:01:07 – The Jacks wonder which pink ball is in use – Duke or Kookaburra – and what that means for Mitchell Starc and the batters.00:01:30 – They flag that full cricket chat will come later in the episode.Tai Po Fire, Mourning and Accountability in Hong Kong00:01:53 – Jack the Insider pivots from sport to tragedy: an update on the Tai Po (Typo) fire in Hong Kong, now with 159 dead, from ages 1 to 97.00:02:07 – Hong Kong Jack describes the government‑ordered three‑day citywide mourning period, mass flower layings, official ceremonies and a three‑minute silence.00:02:35 – Discussion of schools cancelling Christmas parties and staff functions in solidarity; a sense the tragedy is being taken seriously across society.00:02:55 – Hong Kong Jack outlines the judge‑led inquiry: not only into the Tai Po fire's causes, but also systemic issues in building management and renovation contracts on large estates, with hints of corruption.00:03:30 – Evidence emerging that the green construction cloth lacked proper fire retardant and that flammable materials were used to seal lift wells, helping the fire move inside.00:04:23 – Bodies, including one man, found in stairwells and lobbies; Hong Kong Jack cautions against jumping to conclusions before investigators reconstruct the fire.00:04:53 – Arrest tally climbs to around 12, mostly consultants/contractors involved in management and renovations rather than labourers.00:05:35 – Hong Kong Jack notes large numbers of displaced residents in hotels and temporary accommodation and outlines generous government payments to families of foreign domestic workers killed (about HKD 800,000 per family).00:06:05 – A harrowing vignette: a Javanese truck driver receives a final phone call from his wife, trapped with her employers' baby, seeking forgiveness because there is no escape.00:06:35 – The Jacks reflect on the horror of the story and promise to revisit the inquiry as more facts emerge.Australia's Under‑16 Social Media Restrictions & VPNs00:06:50 – Jack the Insider turns to domestic Australian politics: the under‑16 social media restrictions about to kick in.00:07:05 – He notes overwhelming parental support (around 80%) but says the government is now “hosing down expectations” and reframing the policy as a long‑term “cultural change” effort.00:07:30 – Platforms not yet on the restricted list – Roblox and Discord – are flagged as problematic globally for child sexual exploitation, illustrating rollout gaps.00:08:05 – They discuss technical enforcement: existing account age data, length of time on a platform and the likelihood that some adults will be wrongly flagged but quickly reinstated.00:08:35 – Jack the Insider explains the government's theory of cultural change: a generation that grows up never having had TikTok or Instagram under 16 “won't know what they're missing”.00:09:00 – Hong Kong Jack compares Australia to mainland China's efforts to control the internet and points out China still can't stamp out VPN usage, predicting similar Australian difficulties.00:09:25 – Jack the Insider clarifies that VPNs are not illegal in Australia; about 27% of connected Australians already use one, probably now closer to a third.00:09:55 – He strongly recommends everyone use a VPN for privacy and location masking, and warns that good VPNs now explicitly advise not to choose Australia as an exit node because of the new regime.00:11:00 – They note that Malaysia and several European countries (Denmark, Spain, France and EU initiatives) are eyeing similar under‑age social media restrictions, with large fines (Australia's up to about AUD 50 million or 1% of turnover).00:12:20 – Meta is already scanning and booting under‑age users, but teenagers are sharing tips on evading age checks. Jack the Insider describes various age‑verification methods: selfie‑based AI checks, account age, and Roblox's move to ban under‑15s.00:13:45 – Anecdote about Macau security doing ID checks: Hong Kong Jack's son is checked for being over 21, while Jack's own age makes ID unnecessary—an amusing generational moment.00:14:55 – The Jacks agree the policy is unlikely to stop kids having TikTok accounts but might “nudge” behaviour toward less screen time.00:16:00 – Jack the Insider stresses the real dangers of the internet—particularly organised child sexual exploitation rings like the notorious “764” network—and questions whether blunt prohibition can solve these issues.Bruce Lehrmann, Appeals and Costs00:18:22 – They move to the Bruce Lehrmann defamation saga: his appeal has failed and he's likely millions of dollars in debt.00:18:45 – Discussion of the prospect of a High Court appeal, the low likelihood of leave being granted, and the sense that further appeals are “good money after bad”.00:19:22 – Jack the Insider notes outstanding criminal charges against Lehrmann in Toowoomba relating to an alleged statutory rape, and outlines the allegation about removing a condom after earlier consensual sex.00:20:07 – They discuss the probable difficulty of prosecuting that case, and then pivot to the practical question: who is funding Lehrmann's ongoing legal adventures?00:20:35 – Hong Kong Jack explains why some lawyers or firms may take on such cases for profile, despite poor prospects of payment, and they canvass talk of crowdfunding efforts.00:21:07 – The Jacks agree Lehrmann should have left the public stage after the criminal trial was discontinued; now, bankruptcy in 2026 looks likely.00:21:58 – Limited sympathy for Channel 10 or Lisa Wilkinson; more sympathy reserved for Brittany Higgins and Fiona Brown, who are seen as exceptions in an otherwise “pretty ordinary” cast.NACC, Commissioner Brereton and Conflicts of Interest00:23:24 – The Jacks turn to the National Anti‑Corruption Commission (NACC) and Commissioner Paul Brereton's side work for Defence.00:24:03 – Hong Kong Jack recounts Senate Estimates footage where officials first claimed Brereton's Defence consulting work occurred outside NACC hours, then later admitted more than ten instances (possibly close to 20) during NACC office time.00:25:25 – Discussion of conflict‑of‑interest: the Commissioner maintaining a paid Defence relationship while heading the body that may need to investigate Defence.00:25:57 – The Jacks question the tenability of his position, especially given the NACC's opaque nature, its minimal public reporting obligations and a salary around AUD 800k–900k plus expenses.The Struggling Australian and Global Economy, Productivity and ANZ00:26:20 – Jack the Insider outlines Australia's sluggish economy: inflation remains sticky, GDP growth is flat, and government spending is driving much of the growth.00:27:00 – They discuss a small, tentative rise in productivity (around 0.2% for the quarter) and the Treasurer's caution that productivity figures are volatile.00:27:57 – Hong Kong Jack stresses that historically, economies escape malaise through productivity‑driven growth; there is no easy alternative, in Australia or globally.00:28:23 – Broader global picture: the US isn't in outright recession but is crawling; Europe is sluggish; Poland is a rare bright spot but rapid growth brings its own risks.ANZ and Post‑Royal Commission Failures00:28:54 – Focus shifts to ANZ's continuing governance and compliance failures after the Banking Royal Commission.00:29:30 – Jack the Insider shares a personal story about dealing with ANZ's deceased estates department following his mother and stepfather's deaths and the difficulty in releasing funds to pay for funerals.00:30:20 – Justice Jonathan Beach's scathing remarks: ANZ is still mishandling deceased estates, charging fees and interest to dead customers, despite years of warnings.00:31:34 – They recall Royal Commission revelations about “fees for no service” and charging the dead, plus ANZ's recent exclusion from certain Commonwealth bond business due to rorting.00:32:12 – The Jacks see this as a clear culture problem: five years on, the basics still aren't fixed, suggesting inadequate investment in compliance and little genuine reform.UK Justice Backlog and Curtailing Jury Trials00:33:05 – The conversation moves to the UK's proposal to restrict jury trials for offences likely to attract less than a two‑year sentence.00:33:35 – Hong Kong Jack notes the English historical attachment to jury trials dating back to Magna Carta, and that defendants have long had the right to opt for a jury if imprisonment is possible.00:34:38 – Justice Minister David Lammy, once a fierce critic of similar Tory proposals, is now advancing the idea himself, creating a political shambles.00:35:02 – They weigh up pros and cons of judge‑only trials for complex financial crimes, where juries may struggle to follow long, technical evidence.00:36:10 – Jack the Insider points out that even judges can find such cases difficult, but there is at least some expertise advantage.00:36:22 – They revisit the Southport riots and harsh sentences for people inciting attacks on hotels housing asylum seekers, arguing that common‑sense community judgment via juries may be better in such politically charged cases.00:37:26 – Ultimately, they doubt the reforms will meaningfully reduce the UK's huge court backlog and see it as another noisy but ineffective response.Ethics in Politics, Misleading Voters and the “Ethics Czar” Problem00:39:21 – Discussion moves to the UK budget, alleged “black holes” and whether the Chancellor misled voters about a AUD 22 billion‑equivalent gap.00:40:14 – They examine calls for the Prime Minister's ethics adviser, Sir Laurie Magnus, to rule on ministerial truthfulness, and Hong Kong Jack's discomfort with handing moral judgment to “anointed officials”.00:40:51 – The Jacks argue accountability should rest with Parliament and ultimately voters, not appointed ethics czars, whether in the Johnson era or now.00:41:36 – In Australia, Tony Burke's handling of “ISIS brides” returning to Australia is cited: he asked officials to leave a meeting so he could talk politically with constituents. The Jacks see this as legitimate hard‑headed politics in a very complex area rather than an ethical scandal.00:43:03 – Jack the Insider defends the principle that Australian citizenship must mean something, especially for children of ISIS‑linked families; stripping citizenship or abandoning citizens overseas can be a dangerous precedent.00:44:08 – Anecdotes segue into a broader reflection: politicians have always misled voters to some extent. They quote stories about Huey Long and Graham Richardson's defence of political lying.00:45:24 – They swap observations about “tells” when leaders like Malcolm Turnbull or Julia Gillard were lying; Scott Morrison, they say, had no visible tell at all.00:46:22 – Cabinet solidarity is framed as institutionally sanctioned lying: ministers must publicly back decisions they privately opposed, and yet the system requires that to function.Ukraine War, Peace Efforts and Putin's Rhetoric00:46:42 – The Jacks discuss reports of draft peace deals between Ukraine, the US and Russia that Moscow rejected over wording and guarantees.00:47:17 – Jack the Insider describes a gaunt Foreign Ministry spokesman, not Sergey Lavrov, delivering Russia's objections, sparking rumours about Lavrov's status.00:47:56 – Putin goes on TV to reassure Russians they're winning, threatens destruction of Europe if conflict escalates and claims territorial gains Russia doesn't actually hold.00:48:17 – Hong Kong Jack argues European fantasies of imposing a “strategic defeat” on Russia are unrealistic; retaking all occupied regions and Crimea would exact unbearable costs in lives and money.00:49:33 – The Jacks infer that Putin will eventually need to “sell” a negotiated deal as a victory to his own public; his current bluster is partly domestic theatre.00:49:50 – They note some odd, Trump‑like US talk of structuring peace as a “business deal” with economic incentives for Russia, which they find an odd fit for a brutal territorial war.Trump's Polling Collapse, Economic Credibility and 202600:50:13 – Attention turns to Donald Trump's polling in his second term: his net approval is negative across all major polls, in some cases approaching minus 20.00:51:04 – Jack the Insider highlights Trump's recent promises of USD 2,000 cheques to every American plus no income tax—claims they see as fantastical and electorally risky when voters inevitably ask “where's my money?”.00:51:39 – They compare Trump's denial of inflation and cost‑of‑living pressures to Biden's earlier mistakes in minimising pain; telling people “everything's cheaper now” when their lived experience contradicts that is politically fatal.00:52:34 – Hong Kong Jack notes history shows that insisting things are fine when voters know they aren't only accelerates your polling collapse.00:53:02 – They briefly touch on a special election in Tennessee: a safe Trump district where the Republican margin has shrunk. They caution against over‑reading the result but note softening support.00:54:14 – CNN's Harry Enten is quoted: this has been Trump's worst ten‑day polling run of the second term, with net approval among independents plunging to about minus 43 and a negative 34 on inflation.00:55:15 – They speculate about what this means for the 2026 midterms: Trump won't be on the ballot but will loom large. A future Republican president, they note, might still face governing without a Congressional majority.Disability, Elite Colleges and the Accommodation Arms Race00:56:07 – The Jacks discuss Derek Thompson's forthcoming Atlantic piece on surging disability registrations at elite US colleges: more than 20% at Brown and Harvard, 34% at Amherst and 38% at Stanford.00:57:10 – Hong Kong Jack explains how disability status yields exam and assessment advantages: extra time, flexible deadlines, better housing, etc., and why wealthy students are more likely to secure diagnoses.00:57:48 – They cite intake breakdowns at one college: small numbers for visual/hearing disabilities, larger numbers for autism, neurological conditions and especially psychological or emotional disabilities—suggesting a big shift in what counts as disabling.00:58:45 – Jack the Insider counters that many of these conditions were under‑diagnosed or ignored in the 1970s and 80s; growing recognition doesn't automatically mean fraud.00:59:40 – He brings in chronic conditions like ME/CFS: historically treated as malingering or “all in the head”, now increasingly accepted as serious and often disabling.01:00:02 – Hong Kong Jack quotes a Stanford professor asking, “At what point can we say no? 50%? 60%?”—underlining institutional concern that the system can't cope if a majority claim accommodations.01:01:05 – They wrestle with the employer's problem: how to interpret grades achieved with significant accommodations, and whether workplaces must also provide similar allowances.01:02:21 – Jack the Insider's answer is essentially yes: good employers should accommodate genuine disability, and it's on applicants to be upfront. He stresses diversity of ability and that many high‑achieving disabled people are valuable hires.01:03:40 – Hong Kong Jack remains more sceptical, shaped by long legal experience of people gaming systems, but agrees lawyers shouldn't be the priestly class defining morality.Cricket: India–South Africa, NZ–West Indies, BBL and the Gabba01:04:25 – They pivot back to sport: a successful South African tour of India, including a series win in Tests and a 1–1 one‑day series with big hundreds from Virat Kohli, Gaikwad and Aiden Markram.01:05:31 – Quick update on New Zealand's Test against the West Indies in Christchurch, with New Zealand rebuilding in their second innings through Ravindra and Latham.Women's Cricket and Phoebe Litchfield01:06:19 – Jack the Insider raves about the Sydney Thunder v Brisbane Heat game and singles out Phoebe Litchfield as the best women's batter in the world: technically sound, not a slogger, scoring “runs for fun” and hailing from Orange.Gabba Day–Night Test: Australia v England01:06:50 – With Usman Khawaja out, they discuss the unchanged 12 and whether Bo Webster plays, potentially pushing Travis Head up to open.01:07:39 – For England, Mark Wood hasn't recovered; they bring in Will Jacks, a batting all‑rounder and part‑time spinner, to bolster the order but lose their fastest bowler.01:08:11 – If you win the toss? Bat first, they say—if the conditions allow—and look to control the game with the bat for four hours or more.01:08:44 – They caution that with recent heavy Queensland rain, the pitch could be juicy whether you bat first or second; the key is getting cricket on Saturday.01:08:48 – Hong Kong Jack rates this as the best England attack to tour Australia in a long time, especially with Wood and Archer firing in Perth, although Archer's pace dropped markedly in the second innings.01:09:36 – They dissect England's first‑Test collapse: at one stage it was an “unlosable” match according to Ponting and the stats, but reckless strokes from set batters (Duckett, Pope, Root, Brook) handed it back to Australia.01:09:55 – Mitchell Starc's extraordinary home day–night record—averaging around 17 with the pink ball—looms as a big factor.Franchise Cricket, Empty Stadiums and Saving the Red‑Ball Game01:12:11 – Jack the Insider describes watching the ILT20 in the UAE: near‑empty stands, disengaged fielders and an overall “soulless” spectacle aimed solely at TV viewers in South Asia and the Gulf.01:13:49 – Despite his love of cricket, he worries this is a glimpse of the future if the longer formats aren't protected and nurtured. He pleads, in effect, for saving Test and other red‑ball cricket from being cannibalised by anonymous franchise leagues.Class and Cricket: Private Schools, Clubs and Stuart Broad01:14:11 – The Jacks explore the class divide in English cricket: all but one of England's Perth XI finished school at private schools; the sole exception is captain Ben Stokes, who grew up partly in New Zealand.01:15:05 – In contrast, Australia's pathway still runs largely through club cricket, though private schools with professional coaching (like Cranbrook) give some players a head start.01:15:47 – Jack the Insider notes Sam Conscientious (Sam Constance / Cummins reference is implied) spending two years at Cranbrook, reflecting how elite schools build academies with ex‑first‑class coaches that state systems can't match.01:16:20 – They agree state‑school kids like the Waugh twins still come through club cricket, but in England, some top private schools effectively operate as de facto county academies.01:17:31 – Anecdotes about Stuart Broad: a likeable “nepo baby” of former England player Chris Broad, who was toughened up by a formative season at Hoppers Crossing in Melbourne sub‑district cricket. Local players loved him.01:18:20 – Hong Kong Jack recommends Broad's appearance on The Front Bar as essential viewing for understanding his character and the cultural contrasts between English and Australian cricket.01:18:40 – More class culture: Chris Cowdrey, briefly England captain, shows up in full whites and blazer to toss with Viv Richards in surf shorts and thongs. When Cowdrey starts reading out England's XI, Viv cuts him off: “Mate, I don't care who you play, it's not going to make any difference.”F1, Oscar Piastri's Bad Luck and AFLW Glory01:21:11 – Brief detour to Formula 1: Oscar Piastri's season with McLaren seems dogged by terrible luck and questionable team decisions that have cost him a near‑certain championship.01:21:57 – Jack the Insider reflects on how F1 drivers like Piastri have effectively been in vehicles since toddlerhood, climbing the ladder from go‑karts to supercars.01:22:50 – They express hope he can clinch the title in the final race, but wryly note that F1 rarely grants fairytale endings.AFLW01:22:23 – AFLW: North Melbourne complete an undefeated season to win the premiership, comfortably beating Brisbane in the grand final.01:23:07 – Hong Kong Jack praises it as the best AFLW season yet, with marked improvement in depth and skill across the competition. North remain the benchmark everyone else must chase.Wrap‑Up, Tom Stoppard Anecdote and Season Timing01:23:49 – The Jacks look ahead to watching the Gabba Test, beers on ice for Jack the Insider and the late Hong Kong dusk session for Hong Kong Jack.01:24:01 – They note the death of playwright Tom Stoppard at 88 and share a favourite story: Spielberg offers him the Jaws screenplay; Stoppard declines because he's writing a play—“actually for BBC Radio”.01:25:11 – Final reflections on how Stoppard would have improved Jaws, then a note that the podcast will soon reach its final episodes for the year, with plans to feature listener feedback before a short summer break.01:25:56 – Jack the Insider signs off, thanking listeners and Hong Kong Jack, and promises they'll be back next week.

Although some Labour MPs are still fawning over Zohran Mamdani's victory in New York, they may be better off looking to a very different sort of American politician if they want lessons they can draw on in the attempt to recover the party's fortunes. Patrick Maguire, chief political commentator for the Times, is one of the UK's best connected and closest observers of Keir Starmer's government. And he's written this week about how Huey Long, the wildly controversial 1930s Louisiana populist, provides something of a model that Starmer could seek to emulate. He came into the News Agents studio to speak to Lewis about why...The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/EXCLUSIVE NordVPN Deal -> https://nordvpn.com/thenewsagents Try it risk-free now with a 30-day money-back guarantee

3/8. Social Security is Driven by the Townsend Plan and the Rise of Father Coughlin — David Pietrusza — Dr. Francis Townsend's proposal to provide $200 monthly to citizens over age 60 compelled a reluctant FDR to rapidly introduce the Social Security legislation. Townsend subsequently aligned with the influential radio priest Father Charles Coughlin and Reverend Gerald L.K. Smith to establish a third-party challenge. Coughlin, having turned bitterly against FDR, met with him at Hyde Park the morning following Huey Long's assassination, a meeting that proved to be their final conference. 1936

2/8. The Populist Challenge: Huey Long's Legacy and Eugene Talmadge — David Pietrusza — Roosevelt faced formidable challenges from both the populist left and the conservative South. Although Huey Long (representing the radical Share Our Wealth program) was assassinated in 1935, his political strategy envisioned electing Republicans in 1936 to pave the path for his own presidential bid in 1940. FDR also contended with Eugene Talmadge, a Georgianconservative populist who employed race-baiting rhetoric and opposed New Deal welfare program funding, representing a distinct political threat. 1936 BERLIN

While he may have been called a demagogue and a counterfeit Mussolini, Huey Long had some darn tootin' good ideas—mainly taxing the rich into oblivion. Strange Country cohosts Beth and Kelly talk about Long's rise to populist power in the 1930s and the corruption in its wake, but also how much a 65% tax increase on the rich makes a whole lotta sense. Like Long said "We only propose that, when one man gets more than he and his children and children's children can spend or use in their lifetimes, that then we shall say that such person has his share. That means that a few million dollars is the limit to what any one man can own." Theme music: Big White Lie by A Cast of Thousands Cite your sources: Burns, Ken, director. Huey Long. PBS, 1985.   Ganz, John. "Swamp Creature." When the Clock Broke : Con Men, Conspiracists, and How America Cracked up in the Early 1990s, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2024, pp. 1-42.   "Governor Huey Long: Kidnapper." Medium, 21 November 2021, https://medium.com/historys-trainwrecks/governor-huey-long-kidnapper-52b69644141c. Accessed 15 November 2025.   Kolbert, Elizabeth. "The Big Sleazy." The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 12 June 2006, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2006/06/12/the-big-sleazy. Accessed 15 November 2025. White Jr., Lamar (April 2, 2018). "Huey P. Long wasn't assassinated"Bayou Brief. Archived from the original on June 9, 2020 White, Richard D. Kingfish : the Reign of Huey P. Long. Random House, 2006.

On November 15, New Orleans voters will go to the polls for the second time this fall. Earlier this week, we discussed the race for clerk of criminal court and the city council positions still at play. Today, we'll discuss the propositions and amendments voters will consider. For more, we're joined by Katie Jane Fernelius from Verite News.After Brian Kelly was fired as head football coach at LSU, word soon broke that Gov. Jeff Landry played a part in that decision. But this is hardly the first time a Louisiana governor got involved at LSU – more specifically, with its football team. LSU professor emeritus of mass communication Bob Mann is the author of Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU. In the book, Mann tells the story of former governor Huey Long's deep-rooted interest in LSU.One year ago, Mann joined us to discuss the book and how Huey Long's playbook of LSU involvement might influence Landry. First we give that conversation a second listen. Then, Mann joins us again to discuss his predictions and what he makes of the ousting of athletic director Scott Woodward. ___Today's episode of Louisiana Considered was hosted by Alana Schreiber. Our managing producer is Alana Schreiber. Matt Bloom and Aubry Procell are assistant producers. Our engineer is Garrett Pittman.You can listen to Louisiana Considered Monday through Friday at noon and 7 p.m. It's available on Spotify, Google Play and wherever you get your podcasts. Louisiana Considered wants to hear from you! Please fill out our pitch line to let us know what kinds of story ideas you have for our show. And while you're at it, fill out our listener survey! We want to keep bringing you the kinds of conversations you'd like to listen to.Louisiana Considered is made possible with support from our listeners. Thank you!

durée : 00:04:26 - Le Polar sonne toujours 2 fois - par : Ilana Moryoussef - "On a tué Huey Long !" raconte une vraie affaire criminelle américaine. C'est le dixième volume de la collection de true crimes publiée par les éditions 10-18. Il est signé Jean-Marie Pottier. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

On September 8, 1935, Huey Long, the former governor of Louisiana who by then was serving as a U.S. Senator, was fatally shot at the Louisiana State Capitol in Baton Rouge. Such debate continues over the politician's murder. 

Join Matt Lewis and Bill Scher in this lively DMZ episode as they dive into the latest political drama, from Trump's controversial Putin meeting to Gavin Newsom's viral MAGA-style memes. Is Newsom's meme strategy genius or cringe? Don't miss their sharp takes on Ukraine, Trump's Nobel Peace Prize dreams, and a historical deep dive into Huey Long's political puppetry. Follow Matt Lewis & Cut Through the Noise:Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/MattLewisDCTwitter: https://twitter.com/mattklewisInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/mattklewis/YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCVhSMpjOzydlnxm5TDcYn0A– Who is Matt Lewis? –Matt K. Lewis is a political commentator and the author of Filthy Rich Politicians.Buy Matt's book: https://www.amazon.com/Filthy-Rich-Politicians-Creatures-Ruling-Class/dp/1546004416Copyright © 2025, BBL & BWL, LLC

Join Al Zambone and guest John Shelton Reed (author of The Ramos Gin Fizz, for the LSU Press series on iconic New Orleans cocktails) for a deep dive into the history, culture, and legend of the Ramos Gin Fizz—a cocktail that's as much a symbol of New Orleans as it is a drink. From its 19th-century origins and the city's cosmopolitan mix, to Prohibition, Huey Long, and the modern cocktail renaissance, this episode explores how a single drink can carry the weight of place and time.00:00 — Podcast intro00:23 — Welcome and guest introduction02:35 — The Ramos Gin Fizz: A New Orleans Legend (episode setup)02:35 — Origins and pronunciation of “Ramos”05:56 — Carl Ramos's biography and 19th-century mobility05:56 — New Orleans in the late 19th century05:56 — Cosmopolitan city, Caribbean and European connections08:56 — Cultural divisions in New Orleans10:55 — German immigration and Civil War era11:06 — Rise of celebrity bartenders and cocktail culture13:18 — New Orleans' iconic cocktails16:22 — The Ramos Gin Fizz recipe and its components17:45 — Al's first attempt at the drink19:30 — The “shaker boys” and the three-minute shake21:00 — Flavor profile and chemistry29:29 — Fame, Prohibition, and Huey Long38:23 — Southern soft drinks and temperance44:48 — Where to find the perfect Ramos Gin Fizz today46:46 — Closing thoughts and thanksFor Further Investigation John Shelton Reed, Dixie Bohemia: A French Quarter Circle in the 1920s"How the South Cornered the Soda Market"The Sazerac Bar at the Roosevelt HotelRevel Cafe and Bar– where Chris McMillian spells it "Ramos Gin Phizz", which just makes everything a little more confusing than it already was

The most radical piece of legislation in the 20th century was Louisiana Governor Huey Long’s “Share Our Wealth Plan,” a bold proposal to confiscate individual fortunes exceeding $1 million to fund healthcare, free college education, and a guaranteed minimum income for families struggling through the Great Depression—a plan so radical it sparked theories that his 1935 assassination was orchestrated to silence his challenge to the economic elite. From his early days as a plain-speaking lawyer to his transformative tenure as governor and U.S. senator, Long’s media mastery, colorful antics—like coaching LSU football from the sidelines and delivering drunken speeches—and relentless fight against oligarchies cemented his reputation as the greatest politician of the 20th century. His influence on Roosevelt’s New Deal and parallels to modern figures like Donal Trump and Bernike Sanders reveal a recurring pattern of populist fervor in American politics. Join Scott as he discusses these themes with Thomas E. Patterson, author of “American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana, to uncover how Long’s vision continues to resonate today.”See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Pat tells Kath about Huey Long, the most influential politician in the history of Louisiana, for better and for worse. Is he a member of the good guy club? Decide for yourself!

Dr Adam Koontz and Col Willie Grills talk about Huey Long and early 1900s Louisiana. Visit our website - A Brief History of Power Thanks to our sponsor, Gnesio Health Dr Adam Koontz - Redeemer Lutheran Church Pr. Willie Grills - Zion Lutheran Church Music thanks to Verny

In this week's episode of The Learning Curve, co-hosts Alisha Searcy and U-Arkansas Prof. Albert Cheng interview John Burt, the Paul Prosswimmer Professor of American Literature at Brandeis University. Prof. Burt offers rich insight into the life and work of one of the 20th century's greatest American writers, Robert Penn Warren. Raised in rural southwestern Kentucky, Warren was deeply shaped by the legacy of the Civil War, which he explored in his influential 1961 work, The Legacy of the Civil War, and throughout his poetry and fiction. Prof. Burt shares that as a young man at Vanderbilt, Warren was influenced by the “Fugitives” literary group and contributed to I'll Take My Stand: The South and the Agrarian Tradition, a decision he later deeply regretted. His Pulitzer-winning novel All the King's Men follows the rise and fall of populist governor Willie Stark, modeled in part on Huey Long and Julius Caesar, through the eyes of journalist Jack Burden, whose personal and philosophical journey mirrors Stark's. Prof. Burt shares that the novel wrestles with the limits of knowledge and the weight of moral responsibility, culminating in a powerful meditation on time, history, and the human condition.

631. Part 2 of Thomas Patterson joining us to discuss his new book, American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana. "Thomas E. Patterson's monumental biography of Huey Long is a profound reevaluation of his life and legacy, recognizing him as an inspirational progressive thinker, populist hero, and radical influence on the New Deal. Long transformed the politics of Louisiana by standing for the interests of citizens whom state officials had historically ignored. He eased suffrage restrictions so that more people could vote, and voters endorsed his program of more robust government services and shifting the tax burden to those better able to pay. In the United States Senate,... he advocated loudly and ceaselessly for the redistribution of wealth, expanding public works, increasing the money supply, insuring bank deposits, paying old-age pensions and veterans' benefits, delivering a minimum income for families, and funding college and vocational education. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, along with other politicians and pundits, dismissed Long's proposals as nonsense put forth by a reckless demagogue in search of votes.... Despite several biographies, acclaimed novels, and historical studies in the years since Long's death, his reputation today is mostly caricature: a spellbinding speaker, a dictator, a populist firebrand who was unprincipled and corrupt. Using previously untapped personal papers of Long and his son Russell, other primary sources, recent scholarship, and his experience as a lawyer, Patterson provides a necessary corrective as he analyzes the contours of Long's career, deconstructs the elements of his success, undercuts several myths related to his time in office, and explains the circumstances that led to his ultimate downfall. The result is the most comprehensive, balanced, and analytical study of the Kingfish to date." Thomas Patterson founded the Patterson Law Firm in Chicago, which focuses on helping businesses manages crises.  Now available: Liberty in Louisiana: A Comedy. The oldest play about Louisiana, author James Workman wrote it as a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. Now it is back in print for the first time in 221 years. Order your copy today! This week in the Louisiana Anthology. Infelicia by Adah Isaacs Menken. Menken left New Orleans to travel the world as an actress. "I will revel in my passion. At midnight I will feast on it in the darkness. For it was that which thrilled its crimson tides of reckless passion through the blue veins of my life, and made them leap up in the wild sweetness of Love and agony of Revenge! I am starving for this feast. Oh forget not that I am Judith! And I know where sleeps Holofernes." This week in Louisiana history. June 21, 1863. The Civil War Battle of Lafourche Railroad Crossing south of Thibodaux. This week in New Orleans history. Gerald Stith was the 18th mayor of New Orleans, serving from June 21, 1858 until June 18, 1860. This week in Louisiana. Tower Trax ATV Park 10247 LA-10 Fluker, LA 70436 Trails length:40+ mi/64.3+ km Terrain:2600 ac/10522 km² Consistence: Mostly mud One of the sports that is extremely popular in Hammond and attracts a lot of dirt lovers is quad biking. The best place to ride in the mud near Hammond is Tower Trax ATV Park. It is a 2600 ac/10522 km² area, offering more than 40 mi/64.3 km of trails, mud bogs, open meadows and deep creek crossings. Loose dirt, sand, a few steep hills, many water crossings, small jumps, berms, sand/gravel pits, a few roads, and some intersections are some of the amazing characteristics that you will come across in this awesome park. You might meet some rider traffic, so be prepared. The area is mostly suitable for amateurs, some novices and a little experts, containing hazards that are marked. Postcards from Louisiana. Ludwig. "Thank God and Huey Long."   Listen on Apple Podcasts. Listen on audible. Listen on Spotify. Listen on TuneIn. Listen on iHeartRadio. The Louisiana Anthology Home Page. Like us on Facebook. 

Thomas E. Patterson's monumental biography of Huey Long is a profound reevaluation of his life and legacy, recognizing him as an inspirational progressive thinker, populist hero, and radical influence on the New Deal before an assassin's bullet ended his life in 1935. First as governor and then as U.S. senator, Long transformed the politics of Louisiana by standing for the interests of citizens whom state officials had historically ignored. He eased suffrage restrictions so that more people could vote, and voters endorsed his program of more robust government services and shifting the tax burden to those better able to pay. In the United States Senate, during the darkest days of the Great Depression, he advocated loudly and ceaselessly for the redistribution of wealth, expanding public works, increasing the money supply, insuring bank deposits, paying old-age pensions and veterans' benefits, delivering a minimum income for families, and funding college and vocational education. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, along with other politicians and pundits, dismissed Long's proposals as nonsense put forth by a reckless demagogue in search of votes.Despite several biographies, acclaimed novels, and historical studies in the years since Long's death, his reputation today is mostly caricature: a spellbinding speaker, a dictator, a populist firebrand who was unprincipled and corrupt. Using previously untapped personal papers of Long and his son Russell, other primary sources, recent scholarship, and his experience as a lawyer, Patterson provides a necessary corrective as he analyzes the contours of Long's career, deconstructs the elements of his success, undercuts several myths related to his time in office, and explains the circumstances that led to his ultimate downfall. The result is the most comprehensive, balanced, and analytical study of the Kingfish to date.Buy the book here

630. Part 1 of Thomas Patterson joining us to discuss his new book, American Populist: Huey Long of Louisiana. "Thomas E. Patterson's monumental biography of Huey Long is a profound reevaluation of his life and legacy, recognizing him as an inspirational progressive thinker, populist hero, and radical influence on the New Deal. Long transformed the politics of Louisiana by standing for the interests of citizens whom state officials had historically ignored. He eased suffrage restrictions so that more people could vote, and voters endorsed his program of more robust government services and shifting the tax burden to those better able to pay. In the United States Senate,... he advocated loudly and ceaselessly for the redistribution of wealth, expanding public works, increasing the money supply, insuring bank deposits, paying old-age pensions and veterans' benefits, delivering a minimum income for families, and funding college and vocational education. President Franklin D. Roosevelt, along with other politicians and pundits, dismissed Long's proposals as nonsense put forth by a reckless demagogue in search of votes.... Despite several biographies, acclaimed novels, and historical studies in the years since Long's death, his reputation today is mostly caricature: a spellbinding speaker, a dictator, a populist firebrand who was unprincipled and corrupt. Using previously untapped personal papers of Long and his son Russell, other primary sources, recent scholarship, and his experience as a lawyer, Patterson provides a necessary corrective as he analyzes the contours of Long's career, deconstructs the elements of his success, undercuts several myths related to his time in office, and explains the circumstances that led to his ultimate downfall. The result is the most comprehensive, balanced, and analytical study of the Kingfish to date." Thomas Patterson founded the Patterson Law Firm in Chicago, which focuses on helping businesses manages crises. Now available: Liberty in Louisiana: A Comedy. The oldest play about Louisiana, author James Workman wrote it as a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. Now it is back in print for the first time in 221 years. Order your copy today! This week in the Louisiana Anthology. Every Man a King is Huey Long's political autobiography. In it, he describes his youth in the politically progressive Winnfield, and his rise to power in politics. And his politics are more relevant today than ever. “God called, 'Come to my feast.' Then what happened? Rockefeller, Morgan, and their crowd stepped up and took enough for 120 million people and left only enough for 5 million of all the other 125 million to eat. And so many millions must go hungry and without these good things God gave us unless we call on them to put some of it back.”  This week in Louisiana history. June 15, 2015. Blaze Starr, dancer linked to Earl K. Long, dead at 83. This week in New Orleans history. Alfred Bonnabel, Jefferson Parish school director who served on the school board from 1872 through 1918, dedicated a two-room schoolhouse in Bucktown on June 14, 1908. This week in Louisiana. Check out the Andouille Trail. The River Parishes Find locations here.      The Andouille Trail is a unique culinary byway that will introduce you to our contribution to Louisiana cuisine. You'll find producers with wooden smokehouses, recipes that have been handed down for generations, and restaurants serving up andouille in traditional and inventive new ways. Download the info or check out the trail!     Andouille was born in the River Parishes as French and German culinary heritages combined. When you taste our andouille, you are tasting our culinary heritage. Be careful to not call it sausage — because of the coarseness of the ground pork, it's not considered sausage by locals, it's simply andouille. Special seasonings, the coarsesness of the grind, and the very wood added during smoking, make every producer's andouille product a unique culinary offering - you'll want to try them all! Postcards from Louisiana. Phillip Manuel sings with Michael Pellera Trio play at Snug Harbor on Frenchmen St. in New Orleans. Listen on Apple Podcasts. Listen on audible. Listen on Spotify. Listen on TuneIn. Listen on iHeartRadio. The Louisiana Anthology Home Page. Like us on Facebook. 

The episode continues Jerry and Stably's deep dive into Huey Long by T. Harry Williams, covering the second half of the biography of the controversial Louisiana politician. Picking up after Long's first gubernatorial win, the discussion traces his aggressive consolidation of power, his near-impeachment, and the establishment of a political machine that blurred the line between populist governance and autocracy. Jerry and Stably emphasize Long's command over the state legislature and his manipulative use of patronage and state resources to silence opposition. They explore the contradictions in Long's character—his professed idealism versus his often ruthless tactics—and analyze how his charisma and direct appeals to the poor fueled both admiration and intense resistance.The hosts examine his tenure as a U.S. Senator, during which he maintained effective control over Louisiana politics from Washington, D.C. They note his increasing paranoia, use of bodyguards, and elaborate security measures. His “Share Our Wealth” program is given particular attention, with discussion about its radical proposals and how it positioned Long as a national political threat, especially to President Roosevelt. The episode also delves into Long's polarizing public image, his strategy to control media narratives, and his dramatic assassination. Jerry and Stably reflect on the legacy of Huey Long, drawing connections between his methods and modern populism, and debating whether his contributions to infrastructure, education, and wealth redistribution justify his authoritarian tendencies. The conversation closes with a sober assessment of the enduring relevance of Long's political style.

The episode features hosts Jerry and Stably engaging in a discussion about Huey Long: A Biography by T. Harry Williams. The conversation begins with Jerry expressing his frustration with the book's length and dense formatting, noting that it was difficult to obtain digitally. Stably acknowledges the challenge but defends the book's depth and significance. They proceed to explore the life and political career of Huey Long, the populist governor and senator from Louisiana, whose ambitions and policies made him one of the most controversial figures in American history.The discussion highlights Long's rise to power, his unconventional political tactics, and his ability to mobilize mass support through populist rhetoric. Stably emphasizes Long's role in reshaping Louisiana politics, particularly his efforts to expand social programs, build infrastructure, and challenge entrenched elites. Jerry, however, is more critical, questioning whether Long's authoritarian tendencies undermined the very democratic ideals he claimed to champion. They debate whether Long was a true reformer or a self-serving demagogue, referencing specific moments in his career, including his battles with corporations, his conflicts with political opponents, and his aggressive consolidation of power.The hosts also consider Long's national ambitions, discussing his Share Our Wealth program, which proposed radical wealth redistribution during the Great Depression. They analyze how his policies resonated with struggling Americans but also raised concerns about their feasibility and authoritarian implications. The episode concludes with a reflection on Long's legacy, debating whether his assassination cut short a dangerous trajectory or silenced a leader who might have reshaped American politics. 

All The King's Men is a political movie, so Ryan decided to get very political in this one-man show. In fact, warning: don't listen to the 650th edition of Have You Ever Seen if you're a Trump supporter...because he gets lambasted. As for the movie in question, it's a good one. A man who saw into the future, Robert Rossen, writes and directs a film that's effective at showing a cruel and corrupt governor does business...and how that's connected to the wanton acts of the cruel and corrupt current president. Broderick Crawford plays Huey Long-esque Willie Stark, who's a performer first and foremost, then proves to be a gigantic phony. Rossen's film is complicated though because the man who takes dirty money uses it to build things the state needs. So strap in tight for an episode all about All The King's Men, but also often about the certain loathsome individual who must have seen this and taken notes. Well, Actually: the Danny DeVito line in Heist is "everybody needs money", not "everybody loves money". Also, it's true that seatbelts weren't made mandatory in cars for another few decades after when this film is set. Sparkplug Coffee can ordered by Bostonians, New Yorkers, anyone from the U.S. and Canada. Sparkplug will give our fans a onetime 20% discount. Use the "HYES" promo code to get that. The website is "sparkplug.coffee/hyes". Subscribe to our show in your podcast app, but also rate us and write a review. Do some of those same things on YouTube (@hyesellis in the search bar), but comment all you wish and like the show there. Social media: Ryan is "@moviefiend51" on Twi-X and "ryan-ellis" on Bluesky. Bev is "@bevellisellis" on Twi-X and "bevellisellis on Bluesky. Email: haveyoueverseenpodcast@gmail.com.

Donald Trump, just sworn in as the 47th president, was reelected to be a wrecking ball, a middle finger, the people's punch to the Beltway's mouth. And while this populist moment feels “unprecedented,” it's not. The rebuke of the ruling class is encoded in our nation's DNA.  We have seen populist leaders like Donald Trump before. He stands on the shoulders of Texas billionaire H. Ross Perot, Alabama governor George Wallace, and Louisiana legend Huey Long. There have been populist senators, governors, newspaper editors, and radio broadcasters. But only rarely has a populist climbed as high as President Trump. In fact, it has happened only once before.  The last populist to win the presidency was born before the American Revolution. He rose from nothing to become a great general. His adoring troops called him Old Hickory, and his enemies derided him as a bigamist and a tyrant in waiting. His name was Andrew Jackson, and he's the guy who's still on the 20 dollar bill.  On today's debut episode of Breaking History, Eli Lake explains how Andrew Jackson's presidency is the best guide to what Trump's second term could look like.  Go to groundnews.com/Honestly to get 40% off the unlimited access Vantage plan and unlock world-wide perspectives on today's biggest news stories. Credits: Andrew Jackson: Good, Evil and the Presidency; PBS Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Donald Trump, just sworn in as the 47th president, was reelected to be a wrecking ball, a middle finger, the people's punch to the Beltway's mouth. And while this populist moment feels “unprecedented,” it's not. The rebuke of the ruling class is encoded in our nation's DNA.  We have seen populist leaders like Donald Trump before. He stands on the shoulders of Texas billionaire H. Ross Perot, Alabama governor George Wallace, and Louisiana legend Huey Long. There have been populist senators, governors, newspaper editors, and radio broadcasters. But only rarely has a populist climbed as high as President Trump. In fact, it has happened only once before.  The last populist to win the presidency was born before the American Revolution. He rose from nothing to become a great general. His adoring troops called him Old Hickory, and his enemies derided him as a bigamist and a tyrant in waiting. His name was Andrew Jackson, and he's the guy who's still on the 20 dollar bill.  On today's debut episode of Breaking History, Eli Lake explains how Andrew Jackson's presidency is the best guide to what Trump's second term could look like.  Credits: Andrew Jackson: Good, Evil and the Presidency; PBS

There is a reason that the story of Robin Hood is a classic and appeals to the masses as a story of one that steals from the rich to give to the poor.  If you're not part of the ultra-wealthy, odds are you feel at least a little slighted by “the man” at times.  Well, once in a while, one of “the men” truly does work to give more to those he serves. But as time has shown, as will this show, the ability to stay true to your values often goes out the window when power and the almighty dollar is involved.  Huey “The Kingfish” Long was a powerful Senator that had eyes on the presidency, running on a platform of “every man is a king, but no one wears a crown” policies.  It sounded great to many, but obviously not that great to the people that gunned him down.  But were Long's intentions as pure as he portrayed?  Did he himself get tied up in political corruption?  And how many times will the guys mistake Huey Long for Huey Lewis during this episode?  We'll dive into all this and more in the Huey Long episode of AHC Podcast.     Intro Music Credit: [No Copyright Sound] Old Times - Aries Beats - [ FREE USE MUSIC, Creative Commons, Rap, Hip Hop, Sad, Old School,  Instrumental Beat ] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CIsSZx7lR8Y https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Guest: Robert T. Mann is a former professor of mass communication at Louisiana State University and former Congressional aide to Senator Russell Long, Huey Long's son.  He is the author of several books including, Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU. The post The Life and Times of Huey P. Long appeared first on KPFA.

Ok, here's a Louisiana Trivia Question: Who originated the state's motto, “Union, Justice and Confidence?” And why? Historian Jason Theriot joins host Errol Laborde and podcast producer Kelly Massicot to talk about his research on the motto's origin, as well as the historic ideals that the motto was supposed to represent. He also tells stories from his book "Frenchie," about soldiers from Louisiana who spoke the native language in France during World War II. Here is history from two eras in one conversation. As for the originator of the motto... hint: It was not Huey Long.

He was a Louisiana progressive populist wannabe dictator who wanted to redistribute all the rich folks' money forever and ever. And he might have been president, had he not been gunned down before he even had the chance to run. But what if?

Tiger Stadium is turning 100, and to celebrate we're continuing our series about the historic venue. Today, we'll hear from members of the cheer squad and color guard to learn how they keep up the energy on the field. Then, we hear from two fans who found love in the stands.Roughly two weeks ago, we took listeners on a trip to the LSU archives, where we learned how former Louisiana Gov. Huey Long became a major champion of the university. But his overinvolvement came with a price, and almost cost the school its accreditation. For more on Long's relationship with LSU and the precedent it set, we're joined by Robert Mann, former professor and chair at LSU's Manship School of Mass Communication, and the author of the book, Kingfish U: Huey Long and LSU. ___Today's episode of Louisiana Considered was hosted by Alana Schreiber. Our managing producer is Alana Schrieber. Matt Bloom and Aubry Procell are assistant producers. Our engineer is Garrett Pittman.You can listen to Louisiana Considered Monday through Friday at noon and 7 p.m. It's available on Spotify, Google Play and wherever you get your podcasts. Louisiana Considered wants to hear from you! Please fill out our pitch line to let us know what kinds of story ideas you have for our show. And while you're at it, fill out our listener survey! We want to keep bringing you the kinds of conversations you'd like to listen to.Louisiana Considered is made possible with support from our listeners. Thank you!

596. Our old friend Derby Gisclair returns to talk about his research into Louisiana politician and snake oil salesman (to the degree they're different!) Dudley J. LeBlanc. "Coozan Dud" was a moderately successful Louisiana politician and a wildly successful salesman of Hadacol, the patent medicine. He hosted a traveling variety show to sell the elixir he created in his bathtub with vitamins, other ingredients, hydrochloric acid, and 12% alcohol. Join us to learn more about this drink that's good for what ails you.Now available: Liberty in Louisiana: A Comedy. The oldest play about Louisiana, author James Workman wrote it as a celebration of the Louisiana Purchase. Now it is back in print for the first time in 220 years. Order your copy today! This week in Louisiana history. October 13, 1931. Lt. Gov. Cyr takes oath of office "since Huey Long is now a senator" This week in New Orleans history. October 12, 1934. James "Sugar Boy" Crawford is Born. New Orleans musician James "Sugar Boy" Crawford, Jr., born on October 12, 1934, was the author of "Jock-A-Mo" (1954), a hit that was later recreated as "Iko Iko" by The Dixie Cups and recorded by many artists including Dr. John, Belle Stars, The Grateful Dead, Cyndi Lauper, and as "Geto Boys" by Glass Candy. Starting out on trombone, Crawford formed a band which local DJ Doctor Daddy-O named "The Chapaka Shawee" (Creole for "We Aren't Raccoons"). Although his song "Jock-A-Mo" became a standard at the New Orleans Mardi Gras, Crawford himself disappeared from public view, and in a 2002 interview for Offbeat Magazine, told how his career came to an abrupt halt in 1963, after a severe beating at the hands of state troopers incapacitated him for two years, forcing him to leave the music industry. In 1969, he decided to limit his singing to in church only. In 2012 Crawford made a guest appearance singing gospel on an episode of the HBO series Treme. He died one month before the episode aired. He died on September 15, 2012. after a brief illness in a hospice at age 77. (Wiki) This week in Louisiana. 2024 Nola Reggae Fest Fri. Oct. 25 2024 — Sun. Oct. 27 2024 Congo Square (Armstrong Park) 701 North Rampart Street New Orleans, LA Reggae & Good vibes in the Big Easy Welcome to the 2024 Nola Reggae Fest! We are excited to be back home in the historic Congo Square for Music, Food, Arts & Crafts, and Vibes. Our festival this year will welcome international artists, bands, and DJs on 2 stages on 3 different days and variety of local vendors selling everything from food to art. This year we have 3 days for you to enjoy all the irie vibes! Each day comes with a different set of legendary international artists and DJs. Plan ahead and make sure you are ready to experience a great weekend of fun! Friday: 2pm to 8pm Saturday: 12pm to 8pm Sunday 12pm to 8pm Loads of fun for all to enjoy! Get your tickets can come join us at the 2023 Nola Reggae Fest. Basic admission is free. Tickets here. Website. Postcards from Louisiana. Roxy Doll sings at the French Quarter Fest. Listen on Apple Podcasts. Listen on audible. Listen on Spotify. Listen on TuneIn. Listen on iHeartRadio. The Louisiana Anthology Home Page. Like us on Facebook. 

Fascism is being mentioned more and more in the context of U.S. and European elections. It is a term that is bandied about often rather loosely. Orwell wrote that it is understood to be "something not desirable." But it is a complex political and economic synergy that has racism, force and nationalism as its animating matrix. It involves heavy doses of propaganda and media manipulation. Mussolini, in one of his more honest moments said, "Fascism should be more properly called corporatism, since it is the merger of state and corporate power." For Americans it is universally associated with despotic regimes in other countries. It can't happen here. Huey Long, the self-styled populist governor of Louisiana, once warned, "If fascism ever comes to America, it will come wrapped in an American flag."

One evening in 1949, a group of women stormed into the lobby of the majestic Roosevelt Hotel in New Orleans. They headed straight to the bar and demanded to be served Sazeracs, the house specialty and a New Orleans legendary cocktail. What else could the bartender do? A round of Sazeracs for everyone? The geo-social implication of the event was that prior to that night, women were not allowed in that bar, except – of course – for Mardi Gras Day. But now another barrier was broken. The hotel's Director of Sales & Marketing Cam Rinard joins Louisiana Life Executive Editor Errol Laborde, along with Producer Kelly Massicot, to talk about to the annual re-creation of the event now known as “Stormin' of the Sazerac.” The Roosevelt, by the way, had been a favorite hangout for Gov. Huey Long, who enjoyed the bar. The hotel was managed by Long crony Seymour Weiss. That may or may not have anything to do with the “storming” but it does show that there was a lot of colorful history at the hotel. Listen and learn more.

Few people understand Louisiana, especially its politics, history and issues, better than Robert Mann. He is an author of several books about Louisiana politics, none so close to the topic as his most recent publication, "Kingfish U," a rollicking history of Huey Long and his championing of LSU. Mann has been an insider working for prominent elected officials including Russell Long, John Breaux and Kathleen Blanco, and he has had bylines in newspapers for covering the political beat. Mann joins Louisiana Life Executive Editor Errol Laborde, along with Producer Kelly Massicot, to talk about the condition of the state in the Jeff Landry era. It is a compelling discussion, especially when he analyzes the most serious issue facing the state. He also pronounces his pick of the worst governor ever. And it wasn't that long ago.

SECOND TERM PROGRESSIVE IN THE WHITE HOUSE: 6/8: Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Lberal Ideal by  David Pietrusza  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Roosevelt-Sweeps-Nation-Landslide-Triumph/dp/1635767776 Award-winning historian David Pietrusza boldly steers clear of the pat narrative regarding Franklin Roosevelt's unprecedented 1936 re-election landslide, weaving an enormously more intricate, ever more surprising tale of a polarized nation; of America's most complex, calculating, and politically successful president, Franklin D. Roosevelt, at the very top of his Machiavellian game; and the unlocking of the puzzle of how our society, our politics, and our parties fitfully reinvented themselves. 1934 Senator Huey Long

PREVIEW: #HUEYLONG: Conversation with author David Pietrusza re how Huey Long planned to run as a Third Party in 1936 in order to win the presidency in 1940.  More detail tonight.  Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal by  David Pietrusza  (Author) https://www.amazon.com/Roosevelt-Sweeps-Nation-Landslide-Triumph/dp/1635767776 1936 Lowell Thomas and FDR