Podcasts about Jeffersonian

Willy sat down with Jeffrey Rosen, bestselling author, George Washington University law professor, contributing editor at The Atlantic, and CEO emeritus of the National Constitution Center, for a timely discussion about America's founding ideals as the nation approaches its 250th anniversary.   Willy and Jeffrey explored the enduring relevance of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, from liberty, equality, and government by consent to the lasting tension between Hamiltonian federal power and Jeffersonian democracy. They also discussed the founders' warnings about faction, demagoguery, civic virtue, and the responsibility of citizens to preserve civil dialogue in a polarized age. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The summit in Beijing produced a "constructive strategic stability" framework and a warming of tone between the two presidents. But heads of state can announce a multi-year horizon; somebody else has to operationalize it. Does the United States have the people — the linguists, the regional experts, the long-haul institution-builders — to do that work?This week, I chatted with two Texans answering that question from very different directions. David Firestein is the inaugural president and CEO of the George H.W. Bush Foundation for U.S.-China Relations in Houston. A career State Department officer who served four administrations and spent five years in Beijing, he's one of the few Americans concurrently affiliated with both a Republican and a Democratic presidential legacy institution. Eddie Conger is a retired Marine major and the founder and superintendent of International Leadership of Texas (IL Texas) — a public charter network of 26 campuses serving 26,000 K-12 students and now the largest K-12 Chinese language program in the country. In January, IL Texas became the first-ever K-12 recipient of the Bush China Foundation's George H.W. Bush Award for Educational Excellence in U.S.-China Relations, joining past honorees including Jimmy Carter and Henry Kissinger.The conversation tackles what David calls the Texas paradox: the same state that just forced its cities to dissolve their sister-city ties with China, that pioneered the closure of Confucius Institutes, and that has restricted Chinese land purchases is also where the country's deepest K-12 Mandarin pipeline is taking root — and where the most institutionally Texan China foundation has chosen to plant its flag. David and Eddie talk through engagement honestly (no straw-man Jeffersonian-democracy fantasies), the erroneous strategic assumptions undergirding U.S. China policy, what real national-language capacity would look like operationally, what they each saw in the Trump–Xi summit, and what 5,000 IL Texas graduates are already doing in the world.05:40 — Eddie's path: Marine infantryman to fifth-grade math teacher to the country's largest K-12 Mandarin program09:12 — David on when the Nixon-through-Obama engagement consensus broke (fall 2017) and how the lexicon shifted13:30 — Engagement honestly defined: what its architects actually believed vs. the Jeffersonian-democracy straw man18:30 — The Texas paradox: HB 128, sister cities, Confucius Institutes — and the country's biggest Mandarin program in the same state31:26 — Texas business, Tim Dunn, faith, and the gap between political rhetoric and where Texans actually are41:54 — The Defense Department safety/security story: when one Chinese word ate an entire bilateral agreement46:16 — David's six (or seven) erroneous strategic assumptions: China doesn't want to be us, and it has benefited more than anyone from the current order52:28 — What real national-language capacity would actually look like: NSLI, WALARA, and why the pipeline still runs through one Marine major in Texas01:06:07 — Reading the Beijing summit: the warmth, the "constructive strategic stability" framing, and whether Trump's Taiwan call could blow it all up01:17:10 — Where 5,000 IL Texas graduates are now — White House interns, service academies, doctors, entrepreneurs, and one high-schooler who pulled a stranger out of the surfPaying it ForwardEddie: Carlos Carrasco; Emily, who is heading to Taiwan this fall on a one-year high-school program; and another student bound for the University of Texas at Austin who will be sent to South Korea for a semester as a freshman — a rarity at UT. And he closes with Miles, a high-school senior and Marine scholarship recipient who, just weeks ago at a national competition in Florida, heard someone screaming for help in the ocean, called for a boogie board, and swam out to save a drowning swimmer while a crowd of adults stood on the beach. "Others before self," as Eddie puts it — the IL Texas mission statement made flesh.David:Frank Zhou, who just graduated from Harvard and chaired the Harvard College China Forum; Selina Gong, a recent graduate of the Harvard Kennedy School involved in its annual China conference; and Dean Dai, a recent graduate of Columbia's SIPA who has been deeply involved in many of the most significant student-run China conferences in the country — and who, as it turns out, was one of the organizers of the University of Chicago U.S.-China Economy and Business Summit where Kaiser spoke earlier this month.Recommendations:Eddie: John Pomfret, The Beautiful Country and the Middle Kingdom: America and China, 1776 to the Present (Henry Holt, 2016)David: Stephen Roach, Accidental Conflict: America, China, and the Clash of False Narratives (Yale, 2022)Kaiser: David Grann, The Wager: A Tale of Shipwreck, Mutiny and Murder (Doubleday, 2023)Also mentioned: Stephen R. Platt, The Raider: The Untold Story of a Renegade Marine and the Birth of U.S. Special Forces in World War II (Knopf, 2024) See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In this week's episode of The Learning Curve, co-hosts U-Ark Prof. Albert Cheng and retired MN Supreme Court Justice Barry Anderson speak with Prof. Kevin Gutzman, Professor and former Chairman of the Department of History at Western Connecticut State University, and New York Times best-selling author of The Jeffersonians: The Visionary Presidencies of Jefferson, Madison, and […]

In this week's episode of The Learning Curve, co-hosts U-Ark Prof. Albert Cheng and retired MN Supreme Court Justice Barry Anderson speak with Prof. Kevin Gutzman, Professor and former Chairman of the Department of History at Western Connecticut State University, and New York Times best selling author of The Jeffersonians: The Visionary Presidencies of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. Prof. Gutzman examines the political and constitutional legacy of America's “Virginia Dynasty,” beginning with President Thomas Jefferson's philosophy of limited government, states' rights, and religious liberty. He explores Jefferson's sharp political differences with the Federalists, the importance of his first inaugural address, and major events such as the Louisiana Purchase and the Embargo Act. Turning to President James Madison, Prof. Gutzman discusses the “Father of the Constitution's” disastrous administration during the War of 1812, and reflects on how the conflict severely tested Jeffersonian political ideals. He also considers the jurisprudence of President Madison's nominee Justice Joseph Story and his relationship with Chief Justice John Marshall and other members of the U.S. Supreme Court. Prof. Gutzman highlights President James Monroe's often overlooked achievements, including the Monroe Doctrine and the “Era of Good Feelings,” while assessing the enduring legacy of the Jeffersonian presidents in shaping the Early Republic. He closes with a reading from The Jeffersonians: The Visionary Presidencies of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe.

The old republic is gone. The constitutional order of the Jeffersonian years—i.e., the so-called "American experiment"—was swept away long ago.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/we-are-living-fourth-american-republic

The old republic is gone. The constitutional order of the Jeffersonian years—i.e., the so-called "American experiment"—was swept away long ago.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/we-are-living-fourth-american-republic

2. Pietrusza discusses Southern populist threats from Huey Long and Eugene Talmadge. Although Long died in 1935, his radical "Share Our Wealth" plan remained a political force. Talmadge, a race-baiting Jeffersonian conservative, further challenged Roosevelt from the right by refusing to fund New Deal welfare programs in Georgia. 21936 WPA ART PROJECT

Why does it feel like government can't get things done? From housing to infrastructure to climate, even widely supported policies often stall. In this episode, Boyd Cothran speaks with Marc J. Dunkelman about his new book, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring It Back. At the center of Dunkelman's argument is a tension inside progressivism itself. Since the late nineteenth century, reformers have oscillated between two competing impulses: a Hamiltonian desire to build strong, capable institutions that can solve large-scale problems, and a Jeffersonian instinct to restrain power, disperse authority, and guard against coercion. The Progressive Era did not resolve this tension—it institutionalized it. In this episode, we explore the Progressive Era origins of this tension, the idea of a “Second Gilded Age,” and what it might mean to build a more effective state today.Further Reading:Marc J. Dunkelman, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring It BackDaniel Wortel-London and Boyd Cothran, “A Second Gilded Age? The Promises and Perils of an Analogy: Introduction” The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 2 (2020): 191–96.About the Guest:Marc J. Dunkelman is a fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs and a contributing writer at The Atlantic. His work focuses on American political development, governance, and the history of reform. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

How is governance dysfunction linked to declining ‘middle-ring' community ties?  Marc J. Dunkelman is a fellow at Brown University and a fellow at the Searchlight Institute in Washington, D.C. Marc is also the author of two books, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring It Back and The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community. Greg and Marc discuss how U.S. progressivism has long been split between a Jeffersonian impulse to decentralize power and curb “bigness” and a Hamiltonian impulse to centralize authority in expert institutions. Marc explains how figures like Robert Moses could push projects through, while today expanded rights, litigation, and procedural checks—driven by 1960s–70s distrust of authority (Vietnam, civil rights failures, environmental and consumer scandals, Watergate-era culture)—have reduced discretion so much that even widely supported projects stall.  *unSILOed Podcast is produced by University FM.* Episode Quotes: Why is it so hard to build things? 44:34: You're awarding rights to classes of individuals who have long been stepped on by powerful people. And, like, award these new standing. Exactly. To your point, in order to reduce the discretion of the would-be Robert Moses, who would make that choice on their own without ever really thinking through, alright, now that all these people have, like, a voice, how are we going to resolve that? And to this day, I don't think the progressives have actually answered that question. I don't think that we have in our minds even a system by which you would make trade-offs between those groups. And it's one of the reasons, to your point, it's so hard to build things, like, if everyone wants that new road to be built, but each individual constituency has enough power to say, not through this particular route, you're fundamentally stuck. What motivated Marc to write “Why Nothing Works.” 05:07: The motivation here was to understand what had changed between the fifties and the 2010s, to make it so that it used to be that bad projects couldn't be stopped, and now good projects couldn't go. That prompted a whole series of questions that eventually would lead to this book, Why Nothing Works. On tension within progressivism 36:28: There is sort of a notion that centralized power itself is up to no good, and that, in order for America to restore its promise and luster, we need to restore the power, the individual agency that people once had. And, I want to make this clear: that shift is remarkably profound within progressivism, but it is not that the old effort to centralize power wasn't progressive. And it's not that this new impulse to restore power to the woman who wants to control her own body, to the black family that wants to be able to rent a room in any hotel of their choosing, to the ordinary person who doesn't want to be the victim of discrimination, to the neighborhood that doesn't wanna be clobbered by, like—these are both ultimately progressive impulses. Show Links: Recommended Resources: The Power Broker Robert Moses Progressivism Louis Brandeis Sacco and Vanzetti Felix Frankfurter Cadillac Desert Bowling Alone Abundance Guest Profile: Faculty Profile at the Watson School of International and Public Affairs Searchlight Institute LinkedIn Profile Social Profile on X Guest Work: Amazon Author Page Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring It Back The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

2. Roosevelt encountered significant populist challenges from the South, primarily through the influence of Huey Long and Eugene Talmadge. Although Long was assassinated in 1935, his radical "Share Our Wealth" program continued to haunt the political landscape, threatening to siphon votes to the Republicans. Talmadge, a Jeffersonian conservative and race-baiter, further complicated the solid South by rejecting New Deal welfare programs and accusing Roosevelt of communist sympathies. These figures represented a potent brand of agrarian radicalism that forced the president to defend his left flank while maintaining his traditional Southern base. (3)1936 CHINESE AMBASSADOR TUNES IN TO BAD NEWS FROM HOME.

1. Author: Victor Davis Hanson. Title: *The Dying Citizen: How Progressive Elites, Tribalism, and Globalization Are Destroying the Idea of America*. Hanson explores the classical importance of the middle class as the bedrock of a stable republic, drawing from Aristotle's view of self-reliant citizens. He argues that the historical strength of the American middle class—rooted in property ownership and autonomy—is being undermined by a "hollowing out" into two classes: the fabulously wealthy and a dependent "peasant" class. Hanson cites the Obama administration's figures "Pajama Boy" and "Julia" as symbols of a new state dependency that replaces Jeffersonian independence. This shift is particularly visible in California, where high taxes and regulations drive out the middle class. (1)1940 LA

Progressivism struggles with a never ending pendulum swing between Jeffersonian and Hamiltonian impulses, bringing us to our current problem of inaction. Author Mark Dunkelman in his book, "Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring It Back", explains the origins of American progressivism as a response to the upheaval created by railroads and national-scale economic power, outlining these two competing impulses within the movement: the Jeffersonian push to break up big institutions and return power to smaller, local actors, and a Hamiltonian push to build strong public institutions capable of regulating large private entities. The discussion traces how the U.S. shifted toward large-scale governance in the New Deal and mid-20th century, then swung back in the 1960s–1970s as public trust eroded due to environmental damage, highways cutting through communities, urban renewal, Vietnam, and Watergate, leading to layered legal and procedural checks that can fragment decision-making and make it difficult for governments to act quickly. Dunkelman describes how the judiciary's role changed over time and argues that today's system resembles a “tragedy of the commons in reverse,” where widespread veto points prevent collective action. Show Notes:Further Reading: Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 by Lizabeth CohenSaving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America by Lizabeth CohenCadillac Desert: The American West and Its Disappearing Water by Marc ReisnerFind each on our Policy book list at https://bookshop.org/lists/theory-policy-historyTo help support the show, pick up a copy of the book through our Bookshop page at https://bookshop.org/shop/bookedonplanning or get a copy through your local bookstore!To view the show transcripts, click on the episode at https://bookedonplanning.buzzsprout.com/ Follow us on social media for more content related to each episode:LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/company/booked-on-planning/Twitter: https://twitter.com/BookedPlanningFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/bookedonplanningInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/bookedonplanning/

This week, Jason Bassler, Matt Agorist, and Don Via, Jr. welcomed Dave Benner to the podcast. Dave is a historian, author, and contributor to platforms like The Tenth Amendment Center, the Mises Institute, and the Abbeville Institute. He has penned essential books such as Thomas Paine: A Lifetime of Radicalism, Compact of the Republic: The League of States and the Constitution, and The 14th Amendment and the Incorporation Doctrine. A staunch advocate of Jeffersonian principles, Dave is an outspoken critic of centralized authority and federal overreach, offering an insightful historical lens to today's most pressing issues. The conversation begins by examining the current administration's increasingly aggressive posture toward Iran, which Dave argues is bringing the U.S. closer to the brink of a hot war. This leads into a deep dive regarding the curious rebranding of Jeffrey Epstein as a Russian intelligence asset. Dave provides a brilliant analysis of why the "Russia" label is being used as a desperate limited hangout to protect the domestic and allied intelligence agencies that actually facilitated Epstein's operation. We clarify that critiquing the state's narrative doesn't make one a friend to foreign criminals like Putin, but rather highlights how the establishment uses foreign boogeymen to shield itself from a true domestic reckoning. The episode then shifts gears to the absolute "clown show" in D.C. involving Pam Bondi and the Epstein files. We discuss how Thomas Massie caught the DOJ red-handed redacting the names of powerful co-conspirators like Les Wexner while simultaneously leaking the private information of victims. Bondi's dismissive claims of "Trump Derangement Syndrome" serve as a perfect example of using partisan loyalty as a human shield to block accountability for a pedophile ring. We also touch on the case of Nancy Guthrie, which served as a massive media distraction while exposing a terrifying surveillance reality: the FBI's admission of pulling data from disconnected, unsubscribed cameras. Finally, we look at the role of Palantir and the elite's view of the public, before Dave offers a powerful "White Pill" by grounding our current struggle in the historical importance of decentralization and the path for individuals to reclaim their sovereignty. (Length: 1:04:49) Click Here to Support TFTP. Dave on Twitter: https://x.com/dbenner83 Dave's Liberty Vault on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@Liberty-Vault

In this episode of God Is Red, we walk through Taylor Keen's (Omaha / Cherokee) book, Rediscovering Turtle Island: Chapter 8, Indigenous Archeoastronomy!Taylor's words show how sacred geometry and, at times, sacred algebra structure places like the Newark Earthworks and Serpent Mound with the Stars. This conversation also faces the reckoning: why interest in Indigenous wisdom often fades when it challenges modern agriculture, settler myths, or Jeffersonian nostalgia. We compare Old World sites like Avebury with Turtle Island's sacred geography / mounds to dissolve the myth that life travels in only one direction. And we look ahead to Taylor's next book on Picture CaveIf you're up to rethink “civilization,” astronomy, and what it means to be related with land and sky, jump in! Then share your take, leave a review, and subscribe so more listeners can find these stories and the living science written in earth.Listen to Chapter 1 of Rediscovering Turtle IslandLearn more about Taylor's work HERE.Purchase Rediscovering Turtle Island HERE.Learn more about Daniel's work HERE.

When it comes to the great political economist John C. Calhoun, most people love him or hate him. In this episode, economic historian Patrick Newman joins us to take a more balanced look at Calhoun, his origins as a War Hawk and nationalist, and why he was never a true Jeffersonian. Be sure to follow Radio Rothbard at https://Mises.org/RadioRothbardRadio Rothbard mugs are available at the Mises Store. Get yours at https://Mises.org/RothMug PROMO CODE: RothPod for 20% off

When it comes to the great political economist John C. Calhoun, most people love him or hate him. In this episode, economic historian Patrick Newman joins us to take a more balanced look at Calhoun, his origins as a War Hawk and nationalist, and why he was never a true Jeffersonian. Be sure to follow Radio Rothbard at https://Mises.org/RadioRothbardRadio Rothbard mugs are available at the Mises Store. Get yours at https://Mises.org/RothMug PROMO CODE: RothPod for 20% off

LISTEN and SUBSCRIBE on:Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/watchdog-on-wall-street-with-chris-markowski/id570687608 Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/2PtgPvJvqc2gkpGIkNMR5i WATCH and SUBSCRIBE on:https://www.youtube.com/@WatchdogOnWallstreet/featured  The political class is in full panic mode over the War Powers Act, with critics losing their minds that some Republican senators dared to side with Democrats to rein in presidential war-making authority. But why the outrage? Requiring Congress to vote before launching military action isn't radical—it's the Constitution.Despite fever dreams of regime change and boots on the ground in Venezuela, that's not what's happening. Trump knows a full-scale military occupation would be a political disaster. This is a transactional standoff, not a Jeffersonian democracy export mission. As Thomas Massie bluntly put it, concentrating war powers in one person dissolves liberty—and James Madison called congressional war authority the “crown jewel” for a reason.Add in years of shifting narratives about Maduro, selective truth-telling, and alarming statements about ignoring international law, and skepticism is more than justified. When leaders cry wolf often enough, trust evaporates. The real question isn't why Congress is asserting itself—it's why anyone is shocked that checks and balances still matter.

Building wealth and time freedom isn't just about working harder or finding the next opportunity; it's about surrounding yourself with the right people and designing systems that create leverage over time. And today's guest has mastered both sides of that equation.Thanh Pham is the founder of Asian Efficiency and host of The Productivity Show, where he has spent more than a decade helping entrepreneurs and executives work smarter, not longer. From hosting 50 magnificently curated Jeffersonian-style dinners to building thriving communities and events in Austin, Thanh has mastered the art of creating relationship capital. Thanh shares how curating meaningful relationships not only accelerated his personal growth but also his business opportunities and his lifestyle freedom. He explains why hosting experiences is one of the fastest ways to build trust and credibility and how positioning yourself as a connector opens doors that money can't.You definitely won't want to miss the end of our conversation, where Thanh explains how he's now leveraging AI and automation, using AI agents to handle entire workflows and reclaim dozens of hours of his time each week. Rather than replacing human connection, Thanh shows how technology can amplify it and free up your time for what matters most.In this episode, you'll learn: ✅ How hosting intentionally curated events positions you as a connector and builds trust, develops opportunities and accelerates long-term wealth.✅ How Thanh curates relationship capital to grow his business without sacrificing freedom or burning out.✅ The AI agents Thanh uses to automate various aspects of his business and the system that saved him 83 hours in a single week.Show Notes: LifestyleInvestor.com/272Tax Strategy MasterclassIf you're interested in learning more about Tax Strategy and how YOU can apply 28 of the best, most effective strategies right away, check out our BRAND NEW Tax Strategy Masterclass: www.lifestyleinvestor.com/taxStrategy Session For a limited time, my team is hosting free, personalized consultation calls to learn more about your goals and determine which of our courses or masterminds will get you to the next level. To book your free session, visit LifestyleInvestor.com/consultationThe Lifestyle Investor InsiderJoin The Lifestyle Investor Insider, our brand new AI - curated newsletter - FREE for all podcast listeners for a limited time: www.lifestyleinvestor.com/insiderRate & ReviewIf you enjoyed today's episode of The Lifestyle Investor, hit the subscribe button on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen, so future episodes are automatically downloaded directly to your device. You can also help by providing an honest rating & review.Connect with Justin DonaldFacebookYouTubeInstagramLinkedInTwitterSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit www.wethefifth.comIntroducing The Revolutionaries, a new Fifth Column miniseries for the SemiquincentennialExactly 250 years ago yesterday, George Washington's Continental Army attempted to drive the redcoats out of Canada, thereby protecting the rebels' northern flank, by launching a two-pronged assault on Quebec.It was a disaster.There was snow and ice everywhere (who knew that Canada might be cold on New Year's Eve?), Major General Richard Montgomery was shot and killed, second in command Benedict Arnold (yeah, that one) was injured, 30-50 more Americans died, around 400 were taken prisoner; just a total fiasco. The Hudson River, valley, and related north-south waterworks all the way up to Montreal would, instead of staying firmly in Yankee control, prove to be a heavily contested corridor until literally the last day of the Revolutionary War.All of which to say is, EVERY day is a Semiquincentennial day in the year of our Lord 2026, and I am absolutely here for learning and sharing weird & wonderful things about our 250th.To that end, I'm delighted to introduce a new miniseries-within-the-pod, called The Revolutionaries, in which I'll be yakking with historians, podcasters, and other oddballs to tell us some crazy, misunderstood, and lesser-known stories about our awesome if not exactly crystal-pure revolutionary past. The idea is not only to learn new (and fun!) history, but also pick away a bit at the historiography – why some important characters and stories get forgotten; and how even the hagiographic celebrations of various Founders flatten the far more captivating and complicating detail.What better historian to kick us off than none other than Charles C. Mann, author of the groundbreaking books 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, and 1493: Uncovering the New World Columbus Created? Mann walks us through a fascinating revolutionary precursor: The Pueblo Revolt of 1680, in which early Americans, through coordinated violence, shook off the misrule of European imperialists.Special shout-out to Arch Stanton for the fab animated intro, and Fleetwood Hack auteur Eli Lake for the theme song. Enjoy!* Woulda been awkward if Charles had played for the Redskins* How science changes history* Man vs. the Amazon* Massive urbanism under the canopy* The myth of pristine wilderness* “we're like beavers”* Sometimes called “the first American Revolution”* “huge impact in the history of the United States as a whole, because it's the reason we have California”* “Pueblo” = catch-all; they spoke different languages* “Jeffersonian, independent villages…very democratic”* “to become a member of the council, they sit you in a chair in the center of the village, and everybody makes fun of you and pelts you with garbage”* Chaco Canyon abandonment = No Kings* “very leery of centralized authority, so much so that the Spaniards find them hard to deal with, because they don't have like a governor or a king, and they're constantly complaining.”* Spaniards didn't even call themselves Spaniards, BTW* Silver and gold, because small cargo-holds* “Spain becomes fantastically wealthy. They spend it all on wars and Dutch bankers”* Whoops, no silver and gold in New Mexico* Juan de Oñate = Juan de jerk* “The Franciscans are obliged to convert people by enslaving them to build churches so that they can be converted in the churches….And weirdly, the Pueblo don't like it.”* Spaniards: much bigger New World bastards than the English* “they got off on the wrong foot”? Too soon, Charles* Don't mess with Po'pay* The knotted-rope code* A simultaneous revolt against 32 missions!* 2 days, 400 dead Spaniards* How Po'pay was NOT like Washington* 12 years a non-Spaniard* Autonomy even after the Reconquista* Thank the Pueblo that Spain never found gold and silver in Cali & Nevada* Cool history happens when tribes produce archaeologists* The West is the best* American ethnic cleansing* The Wizard and the Prophet: Two Remarkable Scientists and Their Dueling Visions to Shape Tomorrow's World, by Charles C. Mann* Revolution Song: A Story of American Freedom, by Russell Shorto* Cadillac Desert: The American West and its Disappearing Water, by Marc Reisner* Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West, by Donald WorsterIntro sequence by the one and only Arch Stanton!Outro music (audio podcast only) by the great Eli Lake!

Title: Languaging in Hampton RoadsEpisode 20 Bonus: Interview with Clay Jenkinson (unfiltered) on being Thomas JeffersonHosts: Jill Winkowski and Prue SalaskyDate: Dec. 15, 2025Length: 45 minutesPublication Frequency: Monthly (approx)In this bonus episode, we talk to Clay Jenkinson, humanities scholar and longtime host of The Thomas Jefferson Hour (now Talking with America, ltamerica.org ) on National Public Radio, about how he portrays the nation's 3rd president and author of the Declaration of Independence.In a 90-minute interview, edited to 45 minutes, Jenkinson describes both his vast admiration for Jefferson, his political ideas and his writings, and the impossibility of reconciling the Founding Father's words about liberty and equality with the fact that he owned 600 slaves over his lifetime. The hypocrisy and inherent conflict is one reason that Jenkinson finds the character interesting. He has studied and portrayed Jefferson for more than 40 years. He notes that the Virginian who had a 34-year affair with one of his slaves, Sally Hemings, maintained a wall of silence about slavery that his friends and political contemporaries never challenged.Other conflicted characters that Jenkinson portrays include Meriwether Lewis, Robert J. Oppenheimer, and John Steinbeck.Jenkinson explains the 3-part  Chautauquan method he developed in the 1970s to interpret historical figures: an unscripted monologue, followed by a Q and A in character, followed by breaking character and speaking as himself. Three years ago, as Jefferson became increasingly persona non grata with the public, Jenkinson changed the title of his show to Talking to America. He talks of the necessity but also his regret and his belief in the “whole person” approach – and mostly he believes that people today have a lot to learn from Jefferson. He dubs himself a Jeffersonian and expresses deep concern about the current political climate in the U.S. Jenkinson is the director of The Dakota Institute and is teaching courses on the U.S. Constitution and the fall of the Roman Republic.For more on Jenkinson and his use of 18th century language in his interpretation of Thomas Jefferson, listen to Ep. 20: Talk like a Revolutionary! Be Polite! https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/languaginghr/id1727246364?i=1000734616760Send us feedback and questions at languagingHR@gmail.com; and for more information and to access all our past episodes, check out our website at languagingHR.wordpress.comLanguagingHR is available free on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, and iHeartRadio. Don't forget to like, follow, and subscribe!

Commonwealth Club World Affairs welcomes back Jeffrey Rosen, this time to explore the clashing visions of Hamilton and Jefferson about how to balance liberty and power in a debate that continues to define—and divide—our country. Hamilton pushed for a strong federal government and a powerful executive, while Jefferson championed states' rights and individual liberties. This ongoing tug-of-war has shaped all the pivotal moments in American history, including Abraham Lincoln's fight against slavery and Southern secession, the expansion of federal power under Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, and Ronald Reagan's and Donald Trump's conservative pushes to attempt to shrink the size of the federal government. Rosen will explain how Hamilton's and Jefferson's disagreement over how to interpret the Constitution has shaped landmark debates in Congress and the Supreme Court about executive power, from John Marshall's early battles with Andrew Jackson to the current divisions among the justices on issues from presidential immunity to control over the administrative state. More than ever, the clash between Hamiltonian and Jeffersonian ideals resonates today in our most urgent national debates over the question of whether modern presidents have been consolidating power and subverting the Constitution—the very threat to American democracy that both Hamilton and Jefferson were determined to avoid. Rosen explores all of this in his new book The Pursuit of Liberty, and he'll join us in-person to offer a compelling history of the opposing forces that have shaped our country since its founding, and the ongoing struggle to define the balance between liberty and power. A Humanities Member-led Forum program. Forums at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. OrganizerGeorge Hammond  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Carey Roberts discusses the Jeffersonian Conservative Tradition at the 2020 Abbeville Institute Scholars ConferenceSupport the Abbeville Institute: https://abbevilleinstitute.salsalabs.org/DonorForm1/index.html

From September 23, 2024: Lindsay Chervinsky is the Executive Director of the George Washington Library at Mount Vernon. She is also the author of a much celebrated new book on the John Adams presidency that is focused primarily on the national security decision-making of the second president and how it set norms for the conduct of the presidency and its powers with which we still live today. She sat down with Lawfare Editor-in-Chief Benjamin Wittes to talk about how Adams defended presidential power while it was under assault by both his Jeffersonian foes and the radicals of his own Federalist party.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Donate (no account necessary) | Subscribe (account required) Join Bryan Dean Wright, former CIA Operations Officer, as he dives into today's top stories shaping America and the world. In this Monday Headline Brief of The Wright Report, we cover the tragic LDS church attack in Michigan, Trump's budget showdown in Washington, new federal action against Antifa, updates on James Comey and John Brennan, immigration battles over Guatemalan children, China's deepening grip on the Pacific, and promising medical research out of California. Quick hits to launch your week with the facts shaping America and the world.   Michigan LDS Church Attack: A man drove his car into an LDS church, set it ablaze, and killed members at gunpoint. At least 11 were shot and three are confirmed dead. Early reports suggest the killer's mother was a church member. Bryan calls it “a very hard morning in Michigan” and urges prayers for the families.   Trump's Budget Showdown and Supreme Court Ruling: With a government shutdown looming, Trump meets lawmakers knowing he holds the stronger hand. “Trump wins in either case,” the Washington Post observed, since a shutdown gives him unilateral power to cut programs and staff. Meanwhile, the Supreme Court ruled he can withhold $4 billion in foreign aid, pushing executive power back to Jeffersonian levels.   Antifa Declared Terror Group and Troops Sent to Portland: Days after Trump designated Antifa as domestic terrorists, he ordered 2,000 National Guardsmen to Portland. “I am authorizing Full Force, if necessary,” Trump posted, after repeated ICE attacks. AG Pam Bondi said, “We're witnessing a new era of political violence,” vowing to use Joint Terrorism Task Forces to dismantle leftist extremists.   Comey Indictment and Brennan Warnings: James Comey's indictment centers on whether he lied under oath about leaking FBI documents. His own lawyer admitted to helping him “get information out” to the press. Trump says “there will be others” prosecuted, with Brennan admitting he may be next but insisting his actions were “consistent with the law.”   Guatemalan Parents Reject Their Children: Tens of thousands of kids trafficked north under Biden remain in U.S. custody after Guatemalan parents refused to take them back. Bryan asks if taxpayers should now become “the world's orphanage.”   China Expands Grip in the Pacific: Trump considers shifting U.S. policy to “oppose” Taiwanese independence, aligning closer with Xi. Beijing secured a policing deal in Vanuatu and continues buying influence in the Solomons. Reuters reports China is even training villagers to spy on neighbors, reviving Mao-era tactics.   Medical News from California: UC Irvine and UC San Diego researchers reversed vision loss in mice using polyunsaturated fatty acid injections, opening potential therapies for age-related macular degeneration. Bryan jokes, “If you're the first to ditch reader glasses, I demand you tell me about it.”   "And you shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." - John 8:32     Keywords: Michigan LDS church shooting fire, Trump government shutdown budget fight, Supreme Court foreign aid ruling, Antifa domestic terror Portland National Guard, AG Pam Bondi political violence JTTF, James Comey indictment leaks oath, John Brennan CIA Russia ICA testimony, Guatemalan migrant children deportation refusal, Trump Taiwan independence oppose policy, China policing deal Vanuatu Solomon Islands influence, UC Irvine UC San Diego macular degeneration fatty acids

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

Today's conversation was about a topic I've covered a few times now: Universal Basic Income (UBI). Most of my work on UBI has been about its benefits, especially how it can be used as a tool for poverty alleviation. And while I think the economic rationale for UBI justifies itself, others make a more ethical appeal to its justification. The more heterodox side of the left tends to focus on the morality of its economic policies, why it is wrong to have homelessness, malnutrition, and destitution in affluent societies. I think this can be seen in the appeal of figures like Bernie Sanders or even the newest Pope. So what are the ethical considerations for UBI? Why is it not only right, but just, to give people a guaranteed income? Are there any downsides to it? Or, does having a universal guaranteed income create a backstop to poverty and a path towards a Jeffersonian self-sufficiency?My guest today helps us answer these questions and navigate the philosophical justifications for UBI globally. Dr. Karl Widerquist, a philosopher, activist, and economist from Georgetown University, specializes in political philosophy. Much of Dr. Widerquist's work focuses on conceptions of justice and freedom, and how they can be enhanced by UBI. His research has been published in journals such as Basic Income Studies and Ethical Perspectives, and he has authored several books, such as The Problem of Property, Prehistoric Myths in Modern Political Philosophy, and The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee. He is the cofounder of the US Basic Income Guarantee (USBIG), an organization that hosts discussions and promotes UBI policy in America. He is part of the left-libertarian wing of the spectrum, and reminded me a lot about my conversation with Martin Jacobsen earlier in the year. Dr. Widerquist earned his bachelor's degree in economics from the University of Michigan, and two PhDs, one from the City University of New York in Economics, and the other from Oxford in Politics. Together, we discussed criticisms of UBI, why UBI doesn't quite fit in the right-left political spectrum, and where the future of UBI is headed. To check out more of our content, including our research and policy tools, visit our website: https://www.hgsss.org/

Enjoy your summer with this “BEST OF 97% EFFECTIVE” EPISODE! Tune in this fall for new episodes and more great content. Learn more about Michael Wenderoth, Executive Coach: www.changwenderoth.comSHOW NOTES:Peter Belmi, Professor at the Darden School of Business at University of Virginia, studies power, social class and inequality. We discussed how the beliefs we hold about ourselves – many formed by our class background – can perpetuate social inequality. We look at how the world and organizations are not a fair place, but where we the power to do something about that.SHOW NOTESEmbrace new things: Peter on Filipino food and HamiltonPeter's research in one sentence and why he focuses on inequalityHow your social class can shape what you view as a “good person” – and how that impacts what you will and won't do in organizationsThe conundrum: Why people from working class backgrounds may make better leaders – but often don't get into those positionsThe reframe: how re-thinking behaviors that feel “icky” can benefit usMillion $ question: So… how should I show up at my meeting next week?Before you seek power, you need to first ask this critical question!Think about power in a different way to “keep yourself in the game”Ends vs means, and how to ensure you don't get lost in the journeyDoes power corrupt?The value of “structured introspection” with a coachThe biggest barrier people have with power“Give yourself a shot” – agency, when you should opt outLeading with vulnerability without having it get used against you - “Being situationally appropriate” and “Powering up and powering down”Do we have a real self? Why U.S students often push back on the idea of “playing roles”How one student “created something out of nothing” to land the job she wanted (power skills in action)Personal qualities, positioning yourself strategically and relationship managementHow to Get Promoted: “Your job is to find the right people and get them excited about you.”How a controversial fashion blogger will piss you off – but can teach you about crafting a path to power (Peter's Bryanboy case study)Meta-lesson: How being judgmental causes us to stop learning – and holds us back from building power BIO AND SHOW LINKS:Peter Belmi is the Scott C. Beardsley Associate Professor of Business Administration at the Darden School of Business. His scholarship on the psychology of inequality has received numerous awards, and he was named one of the "30 emerging thinkers with the potential to make lasting contributions to management theory and practice" (Thinkers50). In 2018, Peter was named by Poets & Quants as one of the "40 Best Business Professors Under 40" and received the University of Virginia's Mead-Colley Award, a distinction given to the professor who embodies the Jeffersonian vision of an ideal teacher. Peter's work is published in leading psychology and management journals, and also been featured by The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and across the popular press. Email: BelmiP [at] darden.virginia.eduPeter's profile: https://www.darden.virginia.edu/faculty-research/directory/peter-belmiPeter's research on social class and confidence: https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31107052/Cited research: Kraus, Cote & Keltner on Social Class and Empathic Accuracy https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0956797610387613Peter and Melissa Thomas-Hunt's exercise “Leading with Vulnerability” http://store.darden.virginia.edu/leading-with-vulnerabilityDeb Gruenfeld: “Power up, Power down” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-skBaZ9o5vgPeter's Bryanboy case study: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2974849Michael's Award-winning Book, Get Promoted: https://a.co/d/2oRmqF4Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

In this episode, Jerry and Stably discuss Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress and How to Bring It Back by Mark J. Dunkelman. The conversation centers on Dunkelman's core thesis that modern progressivism has become paralyzed by internal contradictions between its Jeffersonian impulse to decentralize power and its Hamiltonian desire to empower experts and centralized institutions. This unresolved tension has led to procedural gridlock and institutional ineffectiveness, which in turn fuels public distrust and reactionary populism. The hosts compare Dunkelman's analysis to Mancur Olson's and public choice theory, noting that while Dunkelman emphasizes process over interest groups, he largely overlooks incentive structures. Both Jerry and Stably appreciate the book's historical scope and clear narrative but critique its lack of engagement with deeper structural limits and its vague, ultimately inadequate prescriptions for reform. They agree that Dunkelman's call to “restore balance” is insufficient without grappling with constraints inherent in democratic governance.

In this eye-opening episode of Daily Influence, Gregg-Brooke Koleno welcomes Paul Sippil, forensic 401(k) consultant and founder of Community Dining. Paul shares his mission to expose the hidden fees lurking in retirement plans and empower business owners to ask the right questions for true financial transparency. He offers invaluable advice on advocating for fairness, curiosity, and humility in leadership.Beyond finance, Paul reveals how Community Dining brings people together through shared meals focused on regenerative farming, meaningful conversations, and Jeffersonian dinners. Together, Gregg and Paul explore how both financial literacy and authentic human connection can inspire responsible, positive influence.

Subscribe now to skip the ads and get all of our content! Pull yourselves up by your bootstraps, rise ‘n grind, and find your calling as we welcome historian Erik Baker to the program to talk about his book Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America. The group explores the Protestant work ethic and Jeffersonian yeoman farmer, influential figures like Henry Ford and Frederick Winslow Taylor, the seeds of entrepreneurialism in Harvard Business School, how it came to be seen as an American value during the Cold War, “entrepreneurial modernity,” postwar liberalism's failure to provide meaningful work for the professional-managerial class, self-help writers, and much more. Be sure to check out Issue Fifteen of The Drift, where Erik is a senior editor.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Pull yourselves up by your bootstraps, rise ‘n grind, and find your calling as we welcome historian Erik Baker to the program to talk about his book Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America. The group explores the Protestant work ethic and Jeffersonian yeoman farmer, influential figures like Henry Ford and Frederick Winslow Taylor, the seeds of entrepreneurialism in Harvard Business School, how it came to be seen as an American value during the Cold War, “entrepreneurial modernity,” postwar liberalism's failure to provide meaningful work for the professional-managerial class, self-help writers, and much more.Be sure to check out Issue Fifteen of The Drift, where Erik is a senior editor. Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Republicans are creating, and celebrating, an immigration police state financed by their megabill. Our cities will be militarized, we'll have prison camps, more masked agents, and more dehumanization—like their sicko alligator hats. And the motivation all seems to be so Trump has a win and the Dems don't. But this is Stephen Miller's administration now. Expect net zero migration, less tourism, less international business, and a lower GDP. As we head into Independence Day, it's hard to see the Jeffersonian aspirational promise of America right now. Plus, the administration's freeze on some air defense weapons to Ukraine, how a younger Sam used to think about Bill Kristol, and Candace Owens's potential influence on geopolitical affairs.  Sam Stein joins Tim Miller for the holiday weekend pod. show notes This week's TNL Adrian on how deportations are impacting the Latin music industry Will Sommer's new piece that Sam referenced Thomas Jefferson's letter to Roger Weightman Tim's playlist Tim's July 4th playlist Food relief organizations to support, mentioned in the Nick Kristof interview Helen Keller International Edesia Nutrition in Rhode Island Mana Nutrition in Georgia

What if the key to growth wasn't more leads, but deeper relationships?Ronen Olshansky is the Co-Founder & CEO at Connected Success and business partner to Keith Ferrazzi—best-selling author of Never Eat Alone, the book that completely redefined how we think about networking. Together, they created the Beyond Connections program, which helps leaders turn those principles into real-world practice through action, community, and systems that actually scale trust.In this episode, we unpack how advisors can move beyond surface-level connections and outdated networking tactics, and start building real, reciprocal relationships that compound over time.Ronen shares how to replace scattered follow-ups with a repeatable relationship system—built on generosity, structure, and consistency. You'll learn how to stay top of mind with the right people, deepen trust over time, and turn your network into the most valuable asset in your business.3 of the biggest insights from Ronen …#1.) A Simple System to Strengthen Key RelationshipsRonen shares a simple but powerful system for relationship management: use a “second brain” to quickly capture key details after every conversation—whether it's a voice memo, note, or text to yourself—then block time each week to follow up, add value, and stay connected with your most important relationships. Paired with a dashboard to track touchpoints and relationship strength, this system keeps you consistent, intentional, and top of mind.#2.) How to Measure (and Deepen) Relationship Quality Over TimeInstead of categorizing contacts by titles or roles, Ronen introduces the RQ framework—from RQ1 (a new connection) to RQ5 (an inner-circle lifeline). It's a simple but powerful way to know who you should be investing in, and how often.#3.) Hosting Dinners That Create Connection and Open DoorsTired of stale networking events? Ronen breaks down the “Jeffersonian dinner” format—a structured, one-conversation experience that helps you connect high-level guests, spark meaningful discussion, and become the hub of your network.SHOW NOTEShttps://bradleyjohnson.com/123FREE GIFT + JOIN THE DBDL INSIDER CREWToday's Gift: Get a 15% discount on Ronen's 8-week program, "Beyond Connections."To get access to today's free gift AND become a DBDL Insider with VIP access to future resources and exclusive content, text "123" to 785-800-3235. *Message and data rates may apply. Reply STOP at any time to opt-out of receiving text messages.FOLLOW BRAD JOHNSON ON SOCIALTwitterInstagramLinkedInFOLLOW DBDL ON SOCIAL:YouTubeTwitterInstagramLinkedInFacebookDISCLOSURE DBDL podcast episode conversations are intended to provide financial advisors with ideas, strategies, concepts and tools that could be incorporated into their business and their life. Financial professionals are responsible for ensuring implementation of anything discussed related to business is done so in accordance with any and all regulatory, compliance responsibilities and obligations.The Triad member statements reflect their own experience which may not be representative of all Triad Member experiences, and their appearances were not paid for.Triad Wealth Partners, LLC is an SEC Registered Investment Adviser. Please visit Triadwealthpartners.com for more information. Triad Wealth Partners, LLC and Triad Partners, LLC are affiliated companies. TP06254535343See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Zion Boot Camp was part retreat, part reset, and all about real growth. Tune in for a candid group recap of what went down—morning kettlebell circuits, canyon hikes, Jeffersonian firepit talks, and what it really means to lead a life that supports both wellness and business success.   Support the show - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/shop   See our upcoming live events - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/events   The host of the Curious Builder Podcast is Mark D. Williams, the founder of Mark D. Williams Custom Homes Inc. They are an award-winning Twin Cities-based home builder, creating quality custom homes and remodels — one-of-a-kind dream homes of all styles and scopes. Whether you're looking to reimagine your current space or start fresh with a new construction, we build homes that reflect how you live your everyday life.   Sponsors for the Episode:   Pella Website: https://www.pella.com/ppc/professionals/why-wood/   Adaptive https://www.adaptive.build   Olive and Vine Socials: Website - https://www.oliveandvinesocials.com     Where to find the Host: Website - https://www.mdwilliamshomes.com/ Podcast Website - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/markdwilliams_customhomes/ Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/MarkDWilliamsCustomHomesInc/ LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/mark-williams-968a3420/ Houzz - https://www.houzz.com/pro/markdwilliamscustomhomes/mark-d-williams-custom-homes-inc

For almost 50 years Progressivism has favored a Jeffersonian approach giving weight to the individual's concerns pushing power down instead of a Hamiltonian approach favoring pushing power up.

This week, we bring you another episode of our series on How Government Can Get Sh*t Done, as co-host Ryan Coonerty sits down with Marc Dunkelman, professor and author of Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress- and How to Bring it Back. Marc discusses the barrier preventing the government from solving problems and achieving broadly shared goals, what it will take  to instigate meaningful change, the lessons we've learned from Trump's second term in office, and how building more housing fits into progressivism and government reform. They also talk about The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community - Marc's decade-old book that still holds weight today – and the importance of making decisions when it's in everyone's best interest. IN THIS EPISODE:  • [00:00] Author Marc Dunkelman describes his latest book, Why Nothing Works. • [04:03] Balancing the Jeffersonian and Madisonian approaches to governance. • [06:08] The levels of government where power is best yielded to effect meaningful change. • [10:46] Lessons learned from the second Trump administration. • [15:48] How housing aligns with progressive thought and how it fits into government reform. • [20:22] Marc's The Vanishing Neighbor: how it's more relevant now than 10 years ago. • [27:06] Making big decisions, with everyone's input, and knowing not everyone will be happy. • [31:26] More examples of why making decisions is vital for progress. • [36:18] The mentality holding progressives back and what they can do to overcome it.

In this special Q&A episode, Mark recaps the inaugural Curious Builder Bootcamp held in Zion National Park. From early morning journaling and kettlebell workouts to canyon rappelling and Jeffersonian-style campfire chats, hear how 12 builders unplugged from daily life to reconnect with themselves and each other. It wasn't just a retreat—it was a reset.   Support the show - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/shop   See our upcoming live events - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/events   The host of the Curious Builder Podcast is Mark D. Williams, the founder of Mark D. Williams Custom Homes Inc. They are an award-winning Twin Cities-based home builder, creating quality custom homes and remodels — one-of-a-kind dream homes of all styles and scopes. Whether you're looking to reimagine your current space or start fresh with a new construction, we build homes that reflect how you live your everyday life.   Sponsors for the Episode:    Lake Society Magazine: Website: https://www.lakesocietymagazine.com/   Where to find the Host: Website - https://www.mdwilliamshomes.com/ Podcast Website - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/markdwilliams_customhomes/ Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/MarkDWilliamsCustomHomesInc/ LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/mark-williams-968a3420/ Houzz - https://www.houzz.com/pro/markdwilliamscustomhomes/mark-d-williams-custom-homes-inc

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit wisdomofcrowds.liveIs it possible to move up in this world? Are Americans stuck? Our guest today is Yoni Appelbaum, an American historian and staff writer at The Atlantic magazine. His new book, Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of American Opportunity, explores the various ways the American dream has been stymied — by the consolidation of property and wealth, the abuse of environmental regulations, the legacy of redlining, among other factors. But the book is not a diatribe; it offers a hopeful program for how we can make America better. Samuel Kimbriel and Damir Marusic engage in a lively conversation with Yoni that will leave you looking at America in a different, more hopeful way.Yoni's book is personal in its inspiration: he found himself living in a working-class neighborhood — a so-called “zone of emergence,” where underprivileged immigrants once gained a foothold on the American dream — that was no longer affordable to middle-class families. But it is also a political book. Yoni got the sense that something had gone profoundly wrong in America: “This was a contrarian thought in the Obama era. Now it is conventional wisdom.”What can be done to help the American dream become real again? Is mobility a “central American value”? Do policies that help communities stay alive and stable actually worsen inequality and class stratification? Should the Democratic Party become a party of economic growth, rather than regulation or even “degrowth”? These are the questions that Damir and Sam invite Yoni to wrestle with in a lively and deeply informed episode.In our bonus section for paid subscribers, Yoni discusses how to harness market power in a way that “centers mobility”; the three talk about the gap between intent and impact in environmental regulations; Yoni explains why technocrats will always be needed but will never be enough; and Yoni speculates as to why Americans long for a strong leader — for better or worse.Required Reading and Listening:* Yoni Appelbaum, Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of American Opportunity (Amazon). * Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Amazon).* Reihan Salam, “Want Abundance in Housing? Acknowledge that Greed Is Good” (City Journal). * Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” (Project Gutenberg). * Jeffersonian democracy (CrashCourse).* Podcast with Martha Nussbaum (WoC). This post is part of our collaboration with the University of Pittsburgh's Center for Governance and Markets.Free preview video:Full video for paid subscribers below:

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has always been a great case study in the limits of religious liberty and tolerance in America. But what can the history of Mormonism tell us about U.S. tax history? According to Loyola University Chicago School of Law Professor Sam Brunson, quite a lot!Kicking off this new season of Scholars & Saints, Dr. Brunson sits down with host Nicholas Shrum to discuss his new book, Between the Temple and the Tax Collector: The Intersection of Mormonism and the State. Dr. Brunson details the rich history of tax law as it relates to the LDS Church, from tithing in Nauvoo to Brigham Young's hefty federal income tax liability. Throughout this history, Dr. Brunson examines specifically how taxable status—notably tax exemptions—are a cornerstone of American religious liberty that tie the church and the state together more intricately than the Jeffersonian doctrine of a "wall of separation" might imply.To find out more about Dr. Brunson and his upcoming projects, click here.

Today I have the privilege of welcoming Marc Dunkelman to the podcast. Marc is a research fellow in International and Public Affairs at Brown University and the author of a new book, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring it Back. We begin by discussing a key premise of his book: progressivism is, and always has been, split between a Hamiltonian impulse to push power up and a Jeffersonian impulse to push power down. Marc describes how the later impulse took over left-wing movements by the late 60s and has produced a government that seems startlingly ineffective. How did the "establishment" become so hated? How can our government prove that it is a capable institution? Will Trump's failures give Democrats an easy out and stop a needed course correction? Tune in for a great conversation on all that and more.A transcript of this podcast is available on the post page on our website. Get full access to The Liberal Patriot at www.liberalpatriot.com/subscribe

REALIGNMENT NEWSLETTER: https://therealignment.substack.com/PURCHASE BOOKS AT OUR BOOKSHOP: https://bookshop.org/shop/therealignmentEmail Us: realignmentpod@gmail.comMarc J. Dunkelman, author of Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress―and How to Bring It Back and a Fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, joins The Realignment. Marc and Marshall discuss the central causes of government's inability to accomplish big projects, why America and the progressive movement swing between "Hamiltonian" and "Jeffersonian" moments, why the Hamiltonian nature of ambitious eras like the New Deal, New Frontier, and Great Society lead to Jeffersonian backlash, the limited impact and political failure of the Biden administration's EV charging station policy, and how to balance our need to protect the rights of individuals and local communities with the need to accomplish big goals. 

Clay's discussion with Pulitzer Prize winning historian Joseph Ellis, author of over a dozen outstanding, award-winning books on the Founding Fathers and America's early national period. Joe shares his comments and insights on the 2024 election and the return of Donald Trump to the White House, only the second time this has occurred in American history. And who was Grover Cleveland anyway? Joe and Clay discuss the tenacity of racial tension in American history, the failure of Jeffersonian democracy to create conditions of harmony, compromise, and mutual respect, and the need for a new constitutional convention to address fundamental problems in American public life. Joe is, at heart, an American optimist. He believes we are going through a predictable reaction to rapid social and technological change and that we will get through this as we always have. He thinks the America, which will emerge in the next couple of decades, will come closer to the Founders' visions than might seem presently apparent. 

Lindsay Chervinsky is the Executive Director of the George Washington Library at Mount Vernon. She is also the author of a much celebrated new book on the John Adams presidency that is focused primarily on the national security decision-making of the second president and how it set norms for the conduct of the presidency and its powers with which we still live today. She sat down with Lawfare Editor-in-Chief Benjamin Wittes to talk about how Adams defended presidential power while it was under assault by both his Jeffersonian foes and the radicals of his own Federalist party.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/c/trumptrials.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.