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David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

Today's conversation was about a topic I've covered a few times now: Universal Basic Income (UBI). Most of my work on UBI has been about its benefits, especially how it can be used as a tool for poverty alleviation. And while I think the economic rationale for UBI justifies itself, others make a more ethical appeal to its justification. The more heterodox side of the left tends to focus on the morality of its economic policies, why it is wrong to have homelessness, malnutrition, and destitution in affluent societies. I think this can be seen in the appeal of figures like Bernie Sanders or even the newest Pope. So what are the ethical considerations for UBI? Why is it not only right, but just, to give people a guaranteed income? Are there any downsides to it? Or, does having a universal guaranteed income create a backstop to poverty and a path towards a Jeffersonian self-sufficiency?My guest today helps us answer these questions and navigate the philosophical justifications for UBI globally. Dr. Karl Widerquist, a philosopher, activist, and economist from Georgetown University, specializes in political philosophy. Much of Dr. Widerquist's work focuses on conceptions of justice and freedom, and how they can be enhanced by UBI. His research has been published in journals such as Basic Income Studies and Ethical Perspectives, and he has authored several books, such as The Problem of Property, Prehistoric Myths in Modern Political Philosophy, and The Ethics and Economics of the Basic Income Guarantee. He is the cofounder of the US Basic Income Guarantee (USBIG), an organization that hosts discussions and promotes UBI policy in America. He is part of the left-libertarian wing of the spectrum, and reminded me a lot about my conversation with Martin Jacobsen earlier in the year. Dr. Widerquist earned his bachelor's degree in economics from the University of Michigan, and two PhDs, one from the City University of New York in Economics, and the other from Oxford in Politics. Together, we discussed criticisms of UBI, why UBI doesn't quite fit in the right-left political spectrum, and where the future of UBI is headed. To check out more of our content, including our research and policy tools, visit our website: https://www.hgsss.org/

Enjoy your summer with this “BEST OF 97% EFFECTIVE” EPISODE! Tune in this fall for new episodes and more great content. Learn more about Michael Wenderoth, Executive Coach: www.changwenderoth.comSHOW NOTES:Peter Belmi, Professor at the Darden School of Business at University of Virginia, studies power, social class and inequality. We discussed how the beliefs we hold about ourselves – many formed by our class background – can perpetuate social inequality. We look at how the world and organizations are not a fair place, but where we the power to do something about that.SHOW NOTESEmbrace new things: Peter on Filipino food and HamiltonPeter's research in one sentence and why he focuses on inequalityHow your social class can shape what you view as a “good person” – and how that impacts what you will and won't do in organizationsThe conundrum: Why people from working class backgrounds may make better leaders – but often don't get into those positionsThe reframe: how re-thinking behaviors that feel “icky” can benefit usMillion $ question: So… how should I show up at my meeting next week?Before you seek power, you need to first ask this critical question!Think about power in a different way to “keep yourself in the game”Ends vs means, and how to ensure you don't get lost in the journeyDoes power corrupt?The value of “structured introspection” with a coachThe biggest barrier people have with power“Give yourself a shot” – agency, when you should opt outLeading with vulnerability without having it get used against you - “Being situationally appropriate” and “Powering up and powering down”Do we have a real self? Why U.S students often push back on the idea of “playing roles”How one student “created something out of nothing” to land the job she wanted (power skills in action)Personal qualities, positioning yourself strategically and relationship managementHow to Get Promoted: “Your job is to find the right people and get them excited about you.”How a controversial fashion blogger will piss you off – but can teach you about crafting a path to power (Peter's Bryanboy case study)Meta-lesson: How being judgmental causes us to stop learning – and holds us back from building power BIO AND SHOW LINKS:Peter Belmi is the Scott C. Beardsley Associate Professor of Business Administration at the Darden School of Business. His scholarship on the psychology of inequality has received numerous awards, and he was named one of the "30 emerging thinkers with the potential to make lasting contributions to management theory and practice" (Thinkers50). In 2018, Peter was named by Poets & Quants as one of the "40 Best Business Professors Under 40" and received the University of Virginia's Mead-Colley Award, a distinction given to the professor who embodies the Jeffersonian vision of an ideal teacher. Peter's work is published in leading psychology and management journals, and also been featured by The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, and across the popular press. Email: BelmiP [at] darden.virginia.eduPeter's profile: https://www.darden.virginia.edu/faculty-research/directory/peter-belmiPeter's research on social class and confidence: https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31107052/Cited research: Kraus, Cote & Keltner on Social Class and Empathic Accuracy https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0956797610387613Peter and Melissa Thomas-Hunt's exercise “Leading with Vulnerability” http://store.darden.virginia.edu/leading-with-vulnerabilityDeb Gruenfeld: “Power up, Power down” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-skBaZ9o5vgPeter's Bryanboy case study: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2974849Michael's Award-winning Book, Get Promoted: https://a.co/d/2oRmqF4Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

In this episode, Jerry and Stably discuss Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress and How to Bring It Back by Mark J. Dunkelman. The conversation centers on Dunkelman's core thesis that modern progressivism has become paralyzed by internal contradictions between its Jeffersonian impulse to decentralize power and its Hamiltonian desire to empower experts and centralized institutions. This unresolved tension has led to procedural gridlock and institutional ineffectiveness, which in turn fuels public distrust and reactionary populism. The hosts compare Dunkelman's analysis to Mancur Olson's and public choice theory, noting that while Dunkelman emphasizes process over interest groups, he largely overlooks incentive structures. Both Jerry and Stably appreciate the book's historical scope and clear narrative but critique its lack of engagement with deeper structural limits and its vague, ultimately inadequate prescriptions for reform. They agree that Dunkelman's call to “restore balance” is insufficient without grappling with constraints inherent in democratic governance.

In this eye-opening episode of Daily Influence, Gregg-Brooke Koleno welcomes Paul Sippil, forensic 401(k) consultant and founder of Community Dining. Paul shares his mission to expose the hidden fees lurking in retirement plans and empower business owners to ask the right questions for true financial transparency. He offers invaluable advice on advocating for fairness, curiosity, and humility in leadership.Beyond finance, Paul reveals how Community Dining brings people together through shared meals focused on regenerative farming, meaningful conversations, and Jeffersonian dinners. Together, Gregg and Paul explore how both financial literacy and authentic human connection can inspire responsible, positive influence.

Subscribe now to skip the ads and get all of our content! Pull yourselves up by your bootstraps, rise ‘n grind, and find your calling as we welcome historian Erik Baker to the program to talk about his book Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America. The group explores the Protestant work ethic and Jeffersonian yeoman farmer, influential figures like Henry Ford and Frederick Winslow Taylor, the seeds of entrepreneurialism in Harvard Business School, how it came to be seen as an American value during the Cold War, “entrepreneurial modernity,” postwar liberalism's failure to provide meaningful work for the professional-managerial class, self-help writers, and much more. Be sure to check out Issue Fifteen of The Drift, where Erik is a senior editor.   Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Pull yourselves up by your bootstraps, rise ‘n grind, and find your calling as we welcome historian Erik Baker to the program to talk about his book Make Your Own Job: How the Entrepreneurial Work Ethic Exhausted America. The group explores the Protestant work ethic and Jeffersonian yeoman farmer, influential figures like Henry Ford and Frederick Winslow Taylor, the seeds of entrepreneurialism in Harvard Business School, how it came to be seen as an American value during the Cold War, “entrepreneurial modernity,” postwar liberalism's failure to provide meaningful work for the professional-managerial class, self-help writers, and much more.Be sure to check out Issue Fifteen of The Drift, where Erik is a senior editor. Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Republicans are creating, and celebrating, an immigration police state financed by their megabill. Our cities will be militarized, we'll have prison camps, more masked agents, and more dehumanization—like their sicko alligator hats. And the motivation all seems to be so Trump has a win and the Dems don't. But this is Stephen Miller's administration now. Expect net zero migration, less tourism, less international business, and a lower GDP. As we head into Independence Day, it's hard to see the Jeffersonian aspirational promise of America right now. Plus, the administration's freeze on some air defense weapons to Ukraine, how a younger Sam used to think about Bill Kristol, and Candace Owens's potential influence on geopolitical affairs.  Sam Stein joins Tim Miller for the holiday weekend pod. show notes This week's TNL Adrian on how deportations are impacting the Latin music industry Will Sommer's new piece that Sam referenced Thomas Jefferson's letter to Roger Weightman Tim's playlist Tim's July 4th playlist Food relief organizations to support, mentioned in the Nick Kristof interview Helen Keller International Edesia Nutrition in Rhode Island Mana Nutrition in Georgia

What if the key to growth wasn't more leads, but deeper relationships?Ronen Olshansky is the Co-Founder & CEO at Connected Success and business partner to Keith Ferrazzi—best-selling author of Never Eat Alone, the book that completely redefined how we think about networking. Together, they created the Beyond Connections program, which helps leaders turn those principles into real-world practice through action, community, and systems that actually scale trust.In this episode, we unpack how advisors can move beyond surface-level connections and outdated networking tactics, and start building real, reciprocal relationships that compound over time.Ronen shares how to replace scattered follow-ups with a repeatable relationship system—built on generosity, structure, and consistency. You'll learn how to stay top of mind with the right people, deepen trust over time, and turn your network into the most valuable asset in your business.3 of the biggest insights from Ronen …#1.) A Simple System to Strengthen Key RelationshipsRonen shares a simple but powerful system for relationship management: use a “second brain” to quickly capture key details after every conversation—whether it's a voice memo, note, or text to yourself—then block time each week to follow up, add value, and stay connected with your most important relationships. Paired with a dashboard to track touchpoints and relationship strength, this system keeps you consistent, intentional, and top of mind.#2.) How to Measure (and Deepen) Relationship Quality Over TimeInstead of categorizing contacts by titles or roles, Ronen introduces the RQ framework—from RQ1 (a new connection) to RQ5 (an inner-circle lifeline). It's a simple but powerful way to know who you should be investing in, and how often.#3.) Hosting Dinners That Create Connection and Open DoorsTired of stale networking events? Ronen breaks down the “Jeffersonian dinner” format—a structured, one-conversation experience that helps you connect high-level guests, spark meaningful discussion, and become the hub of your network.SHOW NOTEShttps://bradleyjohnson.com/123FREE GIFT + JOIN THE DBDL INSIDER CREWToday's Gift: Get a 15% discount on Ronen's 8-week program, "Beyond Connections."To get access to today's free gift AND become a DBDL Insider with VIP access to future resources and exclusive content, text "123" to 785-800-3235. *Message and data rates may apply. Reply STOP at any time to opt-out of receiving text messages.FOLLOW BRAD JOHNSON ON SOCIALTwitterInstagramLinkedInFOLLOW DBDL ON SOCIAL:YouTubeTwitterInstagramLinkedInFacebookDISCLOSURE DBDL podcast episode conversations are intended to provide financial advisors with ideas, strategies, concepts and tools that could be incorporated into their business and their life. Financial professionals are responsible for ensuring implementation of anything discussed related to business is done so in accordance with any and all regulatory, compliance responsibilities and obligations.The Triad member statements reflect their own experience which may not be representative of all Triad Member experiences, and their appearances were not paid for.Triad Wealth Partners, LLC is an SEC Registered Investment Adviser. Please visit Triadwealthpartners.com for more information. Triad Wealth Partners, LLC and Triad Partners, LLC are affiliated companies. TP06254535343See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

FIDF Chief Executive Officer Steve Weil welcomes back Jonathan Schanzer, Senior Vice President of Research for the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD), to discuss Israel's air strike against Iran on June 13th, the ensuing war and, finally, the historic bombing of Iran's Fordow nuclear complex. Jonathan Schanzer states the gravity of this momentous event, declaring the arc of history having been bent in a new direction. Prior to the destruction of Fordow, Israel had already destroyed 75% of Iran's nuclear program, with the US' strike finishing the job. Schanzer explains that it would be decades, at the very least, before Iran can recover its nuclear program, if that day ever does come. Schanzer explains that, while the Iranian regime has been damaged irreparably and is clearly on its last legs, this regime appears to be defiant, and willing to fight until the very end. They appear to be trying to overwhelm Israel's air defense systems, playing a numbers game, in hopes that Israel's defense missiles run out entirely. There is also the possibility of a global escalation, with China taking a hit with the closing of the Strait of Hormuz and the threat of Iran striking the US and its allies near Iran. The strategy, Schanzer explains, is to continue to retaliate and attack the regime without boots on the ground, or trying to transform Iran into some kind of Jeffersonian democracy a la President Bush, but to instead continue to attack from afar. There is the hope that perhaps the Iranian people would rise up, rebel and attempt to usurp the regime, with a large portion of Iran's population being western minded. Whatever happens following the bombing of Fordow, Schanzer believes that President Donald Trump will go down in Israeli and Jewish history as a hero. Donate NOW at FIDF.org for the fastest and most direct way to give IDF Soldiers what they need most. 100% of your contribution will go to meet their emergency humanitarian needs.

Zion Boot Camp was part retreat, part reset, and all about real growth. Tune in for a candid group recap of what went down—morning kettlebell circuits, canyon hikes, Jeffersonian firepit talks, and what it really means to lead a life that supports both wellness and business success.   Support the show - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/shop   See our upcoming live events - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/events   The host of the Curious Builder Podcast is Mark D. Williams, the founder of Mark D. Williams Custom Homes Inc. They are an award-winning Twin Cities-based home builder, creating quality custom homes and remodels — one-of-a-kind dream homes of all styles and scopes. Whether you're looking to reimagine your current space or start fresh with a new construction, we build homes that reflect how you live your everyday life.   Sponsors for the Episode:   Pella Website: https://www.pella.com/ppc/professionals/why-wood/   Adaptive https://www.adaptive.build   Olive and Vine Socials: Website - https://www.oliveandvinesocials.com     Where to find the Host: Website - https://www.mdwilliamshomes.com/ Podcast Website - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/markdwilliams_customhomes/ Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/MarkDWilliamsCustomHomesInc/ LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/mark-williams-968a3420/ Houzz - https://www.houzz.com/pro/markdwilliamscustomhomes/mark-d-williams-custom-homes-inc

For almost 50 years Progressivism has favored a Jeffersonian approach giving weight to the individual's concerns pushing power down instead of a Hamiltonian approach favoring pushing power up.

This week, we bring you another episode of our series on How Government Can Get Sh*t Done, as co-host Ryan Coonerty sits down with Marc Dunkelman, professor and author of Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress- and How to Bring it Back. Marc discusses the barrier preventing the government from solving problems and achieving broadly shared goals, what it will take  to instigate meaningful change, the lessons we've learned from Trump's second term in office, and how building more housing fits into progressivism and government reform. They also talk about The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community - Marc's decade-old book that still holds weight today – and the importance of making decisions when it's in everyone's best interest. IN THIS EPISODE:  • [00:00] Author Marc Dunkelman describes his latest book, Why Nothing Works. • [04:03] Balancing the Jeffersonian and Madisonian approaches to governance. • [06:08] The levels of government where power is best yielded to effect meaningful change. • [10:46] Lessons learned from the second Trump administration. • [15:48] How housing aligns with progressive thought and how it fits into government reform. • [20:22] Marc's The Vanishing Neighbor: how it's more relevant now than 10 years ago. • [27:06] Making big decisions, with everyone's input, and knowing not everyone will be happy. • [31:26] More examples of why making decisions is vital for progress. • [36:18] The mentality holding progressives back and what they can do to overcome it.

In this special Q&A episode, Mark recaps the inaugural Curious Builder Bootcamp held in Zion National Park. From early morning journaling and kettlebell workouts to canyon rappelling and Jeffersonian-style campfire chats, hear how 12 builders unplugged from daily life to reconnect with themselves and each other. It wasn't just a retreat—it was a reset.   Support the show - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/shop   See our upcoming live events - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com/events   The host of the Curious Builder Podcast is Mark D. Williams, the founder of Mark D. Williams Custom Homes Inc. They are an award-winning Twin Cities-based home builder, creating quality custom homes and remodels — one-of-a-kind dream homes of all styles and scopes. Whether you're looking to reimagine your current space or start fresh with a new construction, we build homes that reflect how you live your everyday life.   Sponsors for the Episode:    Lake Society Magazine: Website: https://www.lakesocietymagazine.com/   Where to find the Host: Website - https://www.mdwilliamshomes.com/ Podcast Website - https://www.curiousbuilderpodcast.com Instagram - https://www.instagram.com/markdwilliams_customhomes/ Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/MarkDWilliamsCustomHomesInc/ LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/mark-williams-968a3420/ Houzz - https://www.houzz.com/pro/markdwilliamscustomhomes/mark-d-williams-custom-homes-inc

In this deeply introspective and energizing episode of Daily Influence, Gregg-Brooke Koleno sits down with Benny Mathew—visionary founder of Orion 3 and host of the Creating Conscious Serendipity podcast. Benny shares his incredible journey from surviving a life-altering car accident to launching a purpose-driven community designed to foster intentional, human-first connections among executives from all walks of life. Through raw and inspiring storytelling, Benny opens up about: • His path from corporate success to spiritual entrepreneurship during the heart of the pandemic • The philosophy behind “creating conscious serendipity” and why Orion 3 only welcomes members through trusted referrals • The power of diversity beyond buzzwords—creating safe spaces for people to show up as their whole selves • The impact of deeply curated Jeffersonian dinners and thought-provoking questions that reveal the essence of who we are • His transformative experience working with Defy Ventures inside maximum security prisons and the profound shift it brought to his understanding of humanity and privilege • How self-awareness, vulnerability, and curiosity can lead to true fulfillment Benny challenges societal norms, questions the status quo, and invites us all to look inward in order to show up more authentically in the world. This episode is a powerful reminder that influence starts within—and that being real, present, and curious might just be the most radical acts of leadership today.

This is a free preview of a paid episode. To hear more, visit wisdomofcrowds.liveIs it possible to move up in this world? Are Americans stuck? Our guest today is Yoni Appelbaum, an American historian and staff writer at The Atlantic magazine. His new book, Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of American Opportunity, explores the various ways the American dream has been stymied — by the consolidation of property and wealth, the abuse of environmental regulations, the legacy of redlining, among other factors. But the book is not a diatribe; it offers a hopeful program for how we can make America better. Samuel Kimbriel and Damir Marusic engage in a lively conversation with Yoni that will leave you looking at America in a different, more hopeful way.Yoni's book is personal in its inspiration: he found himself living in a working-class neighborhood — a so-called “zone of emergence,” where underprivileged immigrants once gained a foothold on the American dream — that was no longer affordable to middle-class families. But it is also a political book. Yoni got the sense that something had gone profoundly wrong in America: “This was a contrarian thought in the Obama era. Now it is conventional wisdom.”What can be done to help the American dream become real again? Is mobility a “central American value”? Do policies that help communities stay alive and stable actually worsen inequality and class stratification? Should the Democratic Party become a party of economic growth, rather than regulation or even “degrowth”? These are the questions that Damir and Sam invite Yoni to wrestle with in a lively and deeply informed episode.In our bonus section for paid subscribers, Yoni discusses how to harness market power in a way that “centers mobility”; the three talk about the gap between intent and impact in environmental regulations; Yoni explains why technocrats will always be needed but will never be enough; and Yoni speculates as to why Americans long for a strong leader — for better or worse.Required Reading and Listening:* Yoni Appelbaum, Stuck: How the Privileged and the Propertied Broke the Engine of American Opportunity (Amazon). * Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (Amazon).* Reihan Salam, “Want Abundance in Housing? Acknowledge that Greed Is Good” (City Journal). * Frederick Jackson Turner, “The Significance of the Frontier in American History” (Project Gutenberg). * Jeffersonian democracy (CrashCourse).* Podcast with Martha Nussbaum (WoC). This post is part of our collaboration with the University of Pittsburgh's Center for Governance and Markets.Free preview video:Full video for paid subscribers below:

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has always been a great case study in the limits of religious liberty and tolerance in America. But what can the history of Mormonism tell us about U.S. tax history? According to Loyola University Chicago School of Law Professor Sam Brunson, quite a lot!Kicking off this new season of Scholars & Saints, Dr. Brunson sits down with host Nicholas Shrum to discuss his new book, Between the Temple and the Tax Collector: The Intersection of Mormonism and the State. Dr. Brunson details the rich history of tax law as it relates to the LDS Church, from tithing in Nauvoo to Brigham Young's hefty federal income tax liability. Throughout this history, Dr. Brunson examines specifically how taxable status—notably tax exemptions—are a cornerstone of American religious liberty that tie the church and the state together more intricately than the Jeffersonian doctrine of a "wall of separation" might imply.To find out more about Dr. Brunson and his upcoming projects, click here.

Today I have the privilege of welcoming Marc Dunkelman to the podcast. Marc is a research fellow in International and Public Affairs at Brown University and the author of a new book, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress—and How to Bring it Back. We begin by discussing a key premise of his book: progressivism is, and always has been, split between a Hamiltonian impulse to push power up and a Jeffersonian impulse to push power down. Marc describes how the later impulse took over left-wing movements by the late 60s and has produced a government that seems startlingly ineffective. How did the "establishment" become so hated? How can our government prove that it is a capable institution? Will Trump's failures give Democrats an easy out and stop a needed course correction? Tune in for a great conversation on all that and more.A transcript of this podcast is available on the post page on our website. Get full access to The Liberal Patriot at www.liberalpatriot.com/subscribe

As MAGA continues to vandalize the Federal bureaucracy, some progressives are beginning to publicly acknowledge their role in the historic undermining of the US government. In his provocative new book Why Nothing Works, the self-styled “progressive” Marc Dunkelman argues that it was the left - in their cultural aversion to power over the last half century - who have broken the U.S. government. If progressives want to get something…. anything, in fact, done in America - from building high speed railways to more affordable housing - Dunkelman argues that the Democrats need to once again embrace positive government. Don't blame Trump for Musk's chainsaw, Dunkelman tells the Democrats. Blame yourselves.Here are the 5 KEEN ON AMERICA takeaways in this conversation with Dunkelman:* The Progressive Dilemma: Progressivism has two competing impulses that need to be in balance - one that seeks to centralize power to accomplish major projects (the "Hamiltonian" approach), and another that is suspicious of centralized authority and seeks to distribute power (the "Jeffersonian" approach). Since the 1960s, the balance has shifted heavily toward suspicion of power.* Crisis of Effective Governance: The current system has so many checks and constraints that even widely supported public interest projects can't get off the ground. Dunkelman cites the Biden administration's EV charger initiative that produced only 58 chargers from $5 billion in funding due to regulatory barriers and implementation challenges.* Historical Shift in Progressive Attitude: The 1960s-70s marked a turning point when progressive attitudes shifted from trusting centralized authority to deep skepticism. Dunkelman points to figures like Robert Moses (exposed in "The Power Broker") and Chicago mayor Richard J. Daley as embodying a form of centralized power that became viewed as problematic.* Political Consequences: This dysfunction in government has contributed to populist backlash, with voters supporting figures like Trump who promise to take a "sledgehammer" to institutions they see as failing. The inability to deliver visible results has undermined progressive credibility.* Path Forward: Progressives need to develop a new narrative focused on making government work effectively rather than just opposing power. Dunkelman suggests "permitting reform" and similar practical measures need to be central to the progressive agenda, rather than continuing the stale debate about moving left or right.Marc J. Dunkelman is a fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs and a former fellow at NYU's Marron Institute of Urban Management. During more than a decade working in politics, he worked for Democratic members of both the Senate and the House of Representatives and as a senior fellow at the Clinton Foundation. The author of The Vanishing Neighbor, Dunkelman's work has also appeared in the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Atlantic, and Politico. He lives in Providence, Rhode Island.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting the daily KEEN ON show, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy interview series. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

Why can't America do big things anymore? Marc Dunkelman, a fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, addresses this question in his new book, Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress and How to Get It Back. The book's inspiration came from his thinking about the now-vanished Pennsylvania Station, formerly New York City's majestic gateway, which was one of the most beautiful buildings in the country and a monument to metropolitan greatness. Its closure and demolition in the early 1960s amounted to what a New York Times editorial called a “monumental act of vandalism,” made more painful by the ugliness and disfunctionality of the modern facility that replaced it. New York Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, starting in the early 1990s, made it his top legislative priority to build a new train hall in the nearby neoclassical post office building. Moynihan was chairman of the Senate Finance Committee and one of the most powerful Democratic politicians in the land, and he secured agreement and funding from all of the relevant stakeholders — but still he could not get the new station built. The Moynihan Train Hall would not open until 2021, after nearly three decades of delays and setbacks. Marc Dunkelman for many years commuted into the seemingly unfixable Penn Station and wondered why New York's Democratic leaders were unable to make any progress in replacing it. The stagnation struck him as a vivid contrast to Robert Moses, the towering urban planner and public official, who had run roughshod over all opposition in mid-20th-century New York in the course of his massive redevelopment of the city, as described in Robert Caro's 1974 bestseller The Power Broker. When he looked into the history, Dunkelman realized that progressives have long swung back and forth between two opposing impulses. One is what he calls Hamiltonianism: the desire to achieve progress by empowering government and institutions to tackle big problems at the direction of strong leaders (like Robert Moses) and informed experts. The other is what he calls Jeffersonianism: the desire to prevent unaccountable centralized authorities (also like Robert Moses) from abusing ordinary citizens by empowering them to fight back. In this podcast discussion, Dunkelman analyzes the historic roots of these opposing impulses and explains how progressives ever since the 1960s have swung too far toward the Jeffersonian extreme. He describes how progressives lost working-class support by rendering government unable to deliver public goods like abundant and cheap housing, energy, and infrastructure. And he warns that incompetent government inevitably plays into the hands of populists who vilify government and claim: “I alone can fix it.”

REALIGNMENT NEWSLETTER: https://therealignment.substack.com/PURCHASE BOOKS AT OUR BOOKSHOP: https://bookshop.org/shop/therealignmentEmail Us: realignmentpod@gmail.comMarc J. Dunkelman, author of Why Nothing Works: Who Killed Progress―and How to Bring It Back and a Fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, joins The Realignment. Marc and Marshall discuss the central causes of government's inability to accomplish big projects, why America and the progressive movement swing between "Hamiltonian" and "Jeffersonian" moments, why the Hamiltonian nature of ambitious eras like the New Deal, New Frontier, and Great Society lead to Jeffersonian backlash, the limited impact and political failure of the Biden administration's EV charging station policy, and how to balance our need to protect the rights of individuals and local communities with the need to accomplish big goals. 

This week Jeff and Dave leave aside that French guy (H.I. Marsomething) and go back to their OTHER book series, Carl Richard. What was happening in the early 19th century after the American founding? Pastoralism! Oh, the idyllic life of lounging with livestock, as the kine low loudly through the meadows. But there is also the counterattack of utilitarianism. After all, the business of America is business. So which view is going to dominate American culture? Will it be the Jeffersonian gentleman farmer, with his 40 acres, picturesque outhouses and a landscape larded with Roman villas (paging Wendell Berry)? Or will it be a Hamiltonian mercantile paradise, with everyone trading with their neighbor? And where do the Classics fit in all this? Come along as we take a Thoreau look at this question, complete with the Yale Report of Jeremiah Day, the full-scale assult on Classical languages, the counter-attack, and the daring denouement. You won't wanna miss this one. Listen up, or go barbarian.

Clay's discussion with Pulitzer Prize winning historian Joseph Ellis, author of over a dozen outstanding, award-winning books on the Founding Fathers and America's early national period. Joe shares his comments and insights on the 2024 election and the return of Donald Trump to the White House, only the second time this has occurred in American history. And who was Grover Cleveland anyway? Joe and Clay discuss the tenacity of racial tension in American history, the failure of Jeffersonian democracy to create conditions of harmony, compromise, and mutual respect, and the need for a new constitutional convention to address fundamental problems in American public life. Joe is, at heart, an American optimist. He believes we are going through a predictable reaction to rapid social and technological change and that we will get through this as we always have. He thinks the America, which will emerge in the next couple of decades, will come closer to the Founders' visions than might seem presently apparent. 

While bleak and gray at times, winter can be the prime time for observational and behavioral learnings in our local environments. Sneckdowns (snow + neckdowns), multi-day snow-covered cars, and unmaintained/disregarded sidewalks each tell us something. We also touch briefly on takeaways from convictions of the Jeffersonian grid: foresight and planning to widen our ideological tent, republican ideals (the governmental structure, not the political party), and balancing differing vantages on housing. We spend a moment on the recent TikTok events, too. Apologies for last week's delay. Appreciate your patience! We discuss: 00:00 We are so back. 07:40 Winter urban design insights. 21:10 Exploring republicanism, the Jeffersonian grid, and the NYC Commissioners' plan. 30:07 Reflections on TikTok, and content creation's fruits and shortfalls. 34:43 Wrapping up. For context: Sneckdowns (via a TikTok I made for Better Block). Design cues taken from snow (via Bloomberg CityLab). A map of proposed NYC growth, from 1807 (via the Library of Congress). More on the Jeffersonian grid (via NYT).

This week we delve into what is sort of a pre-history of the American Socialist movement. Though the populist movement undeniably kept its Jeffersonian character, it was the first (arguably only) significant challenge to the dominance of the two major capitalist parties in the US. Much of the energy and the spirit of American populism flowed into and colored the burgeoning American workers' movement. From Populism to Socialism and Backhttps://jacobin.com/2019/08/populism-socialism-daniel-de-leon-eugene-debs American Populism, 1876-1896https://digital.lib.niu.edu/illinois/gildedage/populism Populist Party Platform July 4, 1892https://www.let.rug.nl/usa/documents/1876-1900/populist-party-platform-july-4-1892.php Cantrell, Gregg, and D. Scott Barton. “Texas Populists and the Failure of Biracial Politics.” The Journal of Southern History 55, no. 4 (1989): 659–92. https://doi.org/10.2307/2209044.Send us a textSupport the show

In this thought-provoking episode of The Free Thought Project Podcast, Jason, Matt, and Don Via Jr. sit down with historian Dave Benner to explore the state of our political system, the cracks in the narratives, and the tools for fostering a mass awakening. Dave Benner is a historian, author, and contributor to platforms like The Tenth Amendment Center, Mises Institute, and the Abbeville Institute. He has penned books such as Thomas Paine: A Lifetime of Radicalism, Compact of the Republic: The League of States and the Constitution, and The 14th Amendment and the Incorporation Doctrine. A staunch advocate of Jeffersonian principles, Dave is an outspoken critic of centralized authority and federal overreach, offering an insightful historical lens to today's pressing issues. In this episode, we tackle political theater, exposing how hollow rhetoric and promises are weaponized by politicians, while also highlighting the potential for even symbolic dissent to spark mass consciousness. Dave's unique and optimistic perspective shines through as he shares how history, decentralized systems, and grassroots efforts can be leveraged to create real change. We close on a white pill, discussing solutions for ensuring the mass awakening continues and how exposing corruption, even rhetorically, plays a vital role in challenging the status quo. Join us for a rich, insightful conversation about the path forward, the power of knowledge, and the tools we have to resist authoritarianism and foster a freer world. Don't miss this one! (Length: 1:05:31) Dave's Website: https://www.davebenner.com/ Dave on Twitter: https://x.com/dbenner83

Ho ho ho! Merry Christmas! May everyone be devoid of osteoarthritis!The BTBs have a bit of an abbreviated holiday schedule this year but they knew if there's one thing all BTB-heads out there needed, it's more David Boreanaz and more Bones. So Van takes the helm and leads everyone through the bone-dust infected halls of the Jeffersonian institute once againThis time around most of the cast is trapped in quarantine thanks to an eggnog related incident. This causes Booth to miss Christmas with his dumb little boy son, Parker, and as long time Bones fans might know, that's a big deal to the block shaped man. But while stuck in the institute the crew have a murder to solve! Sure it's from over 50 years ago, but maybe, just maybe everyone will learn to love each other in the endDon't forget to check out our new friends at the Oh Crap! Our Fecal Misfortunes and Foibles podcast on Spotify!https://open.spotify.com/show/1WChL23RFp0PtSOm2qsPBJ?si=5c64ede598084fba

This week, we've got something special for you. It's time to head back to the Jeffersonian with Emily Deschanel and Carla Gallo, hosts of Boneheads, the ultimate insider rewatch of one of the longest-running primetime dramas in TV history—Bones. In Boneheads, Emily and Carla, who became besties on set, take you behind the scenes of one of TV's longest-running primetime dramas. They're ready to walk you through each episode, share hilarious behind-the-scenes stories, and give you all the details on how Bones came together. In it, Emily spills all the juicy details of the Bones audition process and reveals how she landed the role of Dr. Temperance Brennan. Meanwhile, Carla takes us on a hilarious tour of the pilot's sexiest moments. If you want to hear more episodes, search for Boneheads wherever you get your podcasts.  If you're hooked and want to hear more, search for Boneheads wherever you get your podcasts or click here.

This week, we've got something special for you. It's time to head back to the Jeffersonian with Emily Deschanel and Carla Gallo, hosts of Boneheads, the ultimate insider rewatch of one of the longest-running primetime dramas in TV history—Bones.In Boneheads, Emily and Carla, who became besties on set, take you behind the scenes of one of TV's longest-running primetime dramas. They're ready to walk you through each episode, share hilarious behind-the-scenes stories, and give you all the details on how Bones came together.In it, Emily spills all the juicy details of the Bones audition process and reveals how she landed the role of Dr. Temperance Brennan. Meanwhile, Carla takes us on a hilarious tour of the pilot's sexiest moments. If you want to hear more episodes, search for Boneheads wherever you get your podcasts. If you're hooked and want to hear more, search for Boneheads wherever you get your podcasts or click here.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In this episode: Shannon & Amy discuss their innovative approach to networking through Jeffersonian-style mastermind dinners. Frustrated with traditional networking events, they began hosting intimate dinners focused on meaningful, in-depth conversations around a central theme. This format has not only enriched their personal connections but also expanded their professional networks, leading to new collaborations and opportunities.Join our FB community: www.joyfulbusinessrevolution.com/fb

Tom, Molly, and Producer Rich clear out the bullpen, our list of things that didn't make it into a regular episode. Some of them we remember quite clearly why we added it. Others, we try to reconstruct our reasoning. Enjoy! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

 Welcome back to then & now!  To kick off our 5th season, we are joined by Professor Amir Alexander, a historian of mathematics in UCLA's Luskin Department of History.  His latest book, Liberty's Grid, examines how Founding Father Thomas Jefferson transformed early America into a mathematical landscape. Jefferson's vision of an empty, gridded space was intended to create a framework for people to act freely. Alexander delves into the paradox: though this grid symbolized American ideals of freedom, it also reinforced hierarchies and constraints. Natural obstacles such as bodies of water or geological features, as well as Native Americans who had lived on the land for centuries, were perceived as obstacles in Jefferson's quest to overlay order on an unordered natural world. Over time, opponents of the Jeffersonian grid developed alternative visions of how to organize the American landscape, but we still see remnants of this system in the rigid grids of middle America and in cities such as New York City, particularly Manhatten. We reflect on how this story and the perception of ordering nature is relevant to us today. Amir Alexander is an adjunct professor in the UCLA Meyer and Renee Luskin Department of History. Professor Alexander's work illuminates the deep interconnections between mathematics and its social, cultural, and political setting, and highlights the intertwined relationship between critical mathematical developments and broader historical trends that motivated these developments and gave them meaning and purpose. Professor Alexander has written multiple books on this topic, and his 2014 book, Infinitesimal: How a Dangerous Mathematical Theory Shaped the Modern World, was selected as a finalist for the Phi Beta Kappa Science Award in 2015.

Lindsay Chervinsky is the Executive Director of the George Washington Library at Mount Vernon. She is also the author of a much celebrated new book on the John Adams presidency that is focused primarily on the national security decision-making of the second president and how it set norms for the conduct of the presidency and its powers with which we still live today. She sat down with Lawfare Editor-in-Chief Benjamin Wittes to talk about how Adams defended presidential power while it was under assault by both his Jeffersonian foes and the radicals of his own Federalist party.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/c/trumptrials.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Timon is joined by Kevin Gutzman, professor of history at Western Connecticut University, for a conversation about originalism, the American Revolution, and the presidencies of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe.   To learn more about Kevin Gutzman and to view his books, visit: kevingutzman.com

Weighing more than half a ton, the completed cheese was marked with the Jeffersonian motto ‘Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God' and was presented to President Jefferson on January 1, ...

How can we make every gift transformational instead of transactional?Helen Quinn is an inspiring figure in the fundraising landscape, here to unveil how The CLEO Institute's "RISE" monthly giving program is rallying their community to face the urgency of climate action—one dollar at a time. As a client of my Monthly Giving Mastermind, Helen delves into the strategic branding and inclusive structure of the RISE program, tailored to resonate with every donor, especially local youth who are driven to make a difference. Plus, you'll hear how Helen uses Givebutter to streamline donations and cultivate growth!There are so many GOLDEN growth strategies in this episode, including the workflows behind their Earth Day 5K, a documentary screening, and the intricacies of hosting Jeffersonian dinners to create authentic conversations and community.Resources & LinksConnect with Helen on LinkedIn, Instagram, or email at hquinn@cleoinstitute.org and learn about The CLEO Institute on their website.Applications are open for Round 5 of my Monthly Giving Mastermind that will start in July! Head to positiveequation.com/mastermind to apply!Thanks to our sponsor, Givebutter, the all-in-one nonprofit fundraising platform that's empowering millions of changemakers like you to raise more, pay less, and give better - FOR FREE. Sign up for your free Givebutter account: https://bit.ly/3UWh7EfJoin me and host Floyd Jones for a free Givebutter webinar on Wednesday, June 12th to catapult your monthly donor program into long-term success. Claim your free spot for “Your Monthly Giving Mastermind: Build, grow, and sustain recurring donations.” Click here: https://bit.ly/4bRriRq Can we meet in Nashville? The 8th annual Raise fundraising conference, hosted by OneCause, will be held at the Country Music Hall of Fame & Museum in Nashville, TN September 9-10, 2024. Use code MISSIONS200 to receive $200 off: https://bit.ly/4bNqihi Let's Connect! Send a DM on Instagram or LinkedIn and let us know what you think of the show! Head to YouTube for digital marketing how-to videos and podcast teasers Want to book Dana as a speaker for your event? Click here! ...

Happy Monday! Sam & Emma speak with author and historian William Hogeland, proprietor of the “Hogeland's Bad History” newsletter on SubStack, to discuss his recent book The Hamilton Scheme: An Epic Tale of Money and Power in the American Founding. First, Sam and Emma run through updates on México's election of Claudia Sheinbaum, Israel's rejection of what was supposedly their own peace proposal as they blast through Biden's Rafah red line, Hunter Biden's legal woes, Bibi's joint congressional address, reactions to Trump's conviction, Fauci's testimony, the Affordable Connectivity Program, climate change, the IRS' free tax-filing service, and Dinesh D'Souza's publisher issues an apology for publishing Dinesh D'Souza, before diving into Biden's absurd claim that Israel was the one pushing the ongoing peace negotiations with Hamas, and how Israel's offensive is likely to continue as Biden's “red lines” shift ever backward. William Hogeland then joins, first reflecting on the introduction of Alexander Hamilton into popular culture with the recent musical phenomena, and how that provides the opportunity to present a more three-dimensional view of Hamilton's political philosophy and impact. Now, Hogeland steps back to the inception of the US, and the central role Hamilton played in establishing a financial system that centered on the use of national debt to leverage the economic ambitions of the capitalist class in favor of a nationalist project by allowing them massive ownership stakes, while additionally reinforcing the elitist and anti-democratic makeup of the political class that Hamilton desired. After expanding on Hamilton's relationship to the US Constitution, including unpacking the relatively subdued role that the Federalist Papers played in the actual ratification, Hogeland walks Sam and Emma through the backlashed faced by the US Federal government due to Hamilton's wildly anti-democratic financial scheme, looking to both Shays' Rebellion in 1786 and the Whiskey Rebellion in 1791 as clear cut examples of a coherent dissent and attack on Hamilton's system of debt and regressive taxation, demanding follow through on the demand of “no taxation without representation” that Americans had fought for, also briefly touching on the greater makeup of this pro-democracy labor movement led by folks with Herman Husband and Thomas Payne. Next, Hogeland looks back to the enemies Hamilton had inside of the US political structures, from State Sovereigntists during the framing of the Constitution, to the Jeffersonian attempts to undermine and overturn his financial system throughout the start of the 19th Century, before wrapping up with the redemption of Hamilton's legacy over the last few decades, and the particular role his thought played in the US' response to the 2008 Financial crisis. And in the Fun Half: Sam and Emma watch an American nurse reflect on the harrowing experience of treating burn victims in Rafah, and discuss the myriad resignations-in-protests by Biden State Department officials, with the most recent accusing the agency of actively lying about Israel's role in blocking aid to Gaza. They also dive into the incredible aftermath of the conviction of Donald Trump, with everyone from the Donald on Fox & Friends, Maria Bartiromo, Benny Johnson, and Megyn Kelly pondering the backlash from a potential GOP regime. Lauren Boebert addresses her Beetlejuicing controversy, plus, your calls and IMs! Check out Bill's book here: https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374167837/thehamiltonscheme Check out "Hogeland's Bad History" here: https://williamhogeland.substack.com/ Become a member at JoinTheMajorityReport.com: https://fans.fm/majority/join Find our Rumble stream here!: https://rumble.com/user/majorityreport Join Sam on the Nation Magazine Cruise! 7 days in December 2024!!: https://nationcruise.com/mr/ Check out the "Repair Gaza" campaign courtesy of the Glia Project here: https://www.launchgood.com/campaign/rebuild_gaza_help_repair_and_rebuild_the_lives_and_work_of_our_glia_team#!/ Check out StrikeAid here!; https://strikeaid.com/ Gift a Majority Report subscription here: https://fans.fm/majority/gift Subscribe to the ESVN YouTube channel here: https://www.youtube.com/esvnshow Subscribe to the AMQuickie newsletter here: https://am-quickie.ghost.io/ Join the Majority Report Discord! http://majoritydiscord.com/ Get all your MR merch at our store: https://shop.majorityreportradio.com/ Get the free Majority Report App!: http://majority.fm/app Check out today's sponsors: Cozy Earth: Remember to go to https://CozyEarth.com/MAJORITYREPORT to enjoy 30% off using the code MAJORITYREPORT. And after placing your order, select “podcast” in the survey and then select “Majority Report with Sam Seder'' in the dropdown menu that follows. Nutrafol: Take the first step towards achieving your hair growth goals. For a limited time, Nutrafol is offering our listeners ten dollars off your first month's subscription and free shipping when you go to https://Nutrafol.com/men and enter the promo code TMR.  Find out why over 4,500 healthcare professionals and stylists recommend Nutrafol for healthier hair. https://Nutrafol.com/men, promo code TMR. Manukora Honey: Now, it's easier than ever to try Manukora honey with the Starter Kit. Just head to https://Manukora.com/MAJORITY to get $25 off. The Starter Kit comes with an MGO 850+ Manuka honey, 5 honey travel sticks, a wooden spoon, plus a guidebook! Follow the Majority Report crew on Twitter: @SamSeder @EmmaVigeland @MattLech @BradKAlsop Check out Matt's show, Left Reckoning, on Youtube, and subscribe on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/leftreckoning Check out Matt Binder's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/mattbinder Subscribe to Brandon's show The Discourse on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/ExpandTheDiscourse Check out Ava Raiza's music here! https://avaraiza.bandcamp.com/ The Majority Report with Sam Seder - https://majorityreportradio.com/

Year(s) Discussed: 1800-1801 The election rematch between President John Adams and Vice President Thomas Jefferson in 1800 did not go quite according to plan thanks to the original method of electors casting ballots. In this episode, I am joined by friend and fellow podcaster, Howard Dorre from Plodding Through the Presidents, to discuss the ins and outs of that complicated election that devolved into a constitutional crisis and what we felt were the key takeaways from it. More sources for learning about this election can be found at https://www.presidenciespodcast.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Nov 10, 1798 - Thomas Jefferson's Kentucky Resolutions were passed by the General Assembly. Learn 5 core Jeffersonian principles about the nature of the Constitution - rooted in the principles of the American Revolution. The post Jefferson: Top-5 Principles from the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 first appeared on Tenth Amendment Center.

Rebecca Burgess is joined by Frank Cogliano to discuss Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, and the Jeffersonian legacy.  Brian Smith: Welcome to Liberty Law Talk. This podcast is a production of the online journal, Law & Liberty, and hosted by our staff. Please visit us at lawliberty.org, and thank you for listening. Rebecca Burgess: We know this […]

We're joined by the one and only Chris Newman of Sylvanaqua Farms to talk about cooperative farming, figuring out who to work with, why he hates chestnuts, and what the pumpkin spice girls got right. We dive deep into conversations about scalability and what it means to be a part of the loosely affiliated eco-left, and how we figure out to build food systems while operating under capitalism.   Check out Chris's work at Sylvanaqua Farms and Skywoman on Instagram and sylvanaqua.com. From Sylvanaqua Farms' website: Good food is a human right, period't. We need to get it to everyone; not just the denizens of our wealthiest enclaves fortunate enough to "vote with their food dollars." Everyone deserves good choices, and they should be available at the corner stores, our grocery stores, our restaurants, our schools, our hospitals, our institutions, and beyond. To do this, we must deprecate the romanticized Jeffersonian yeomanry that's dominated food discourse for centuries, and create deeply collaborative, de-individualized, sophisticated, human-centered, circular food supply chains inspired by this landscape's first and best stewards. Sylvanaqua Farms is one farm among several other food businesses coordinating to make this happen in the Chesapeake Bay region."   To support this podcast, join our patreon for early episode access at https://www.patreon.com/poorprolesalmanac  For PPA Writing Content, visit: www.agroecologies.org For PPA Restoration Content, visit: www.restorationagroecology.com For PPA Merch, visit: www.poorproles.com For PPA Native Plants, visit: www.nativenurseries.org To hear Tomorrow, Today, our sister podcast, visit: www.tomorrowtodaypodcast.org/  

Max Borders is the author of the new book "Underthrow: How Jefferson's Dangerous Idea Will Spark a New Revolution." We discuss renewing the Jeffersonian principles of decentralization and limited government in America through a new model of constitutionalism.  Max is putting his money where his mouth is to the tune of $25,000 for the team that writes a new Constitution of Consent. The Constitution of Consent (Contest) $25,000 - https://underthrow.substack.com/p/the-constitution-of-consent-contest Underthrow: How Jefferson's Dangerous Idea Will Spark a New Revolution - https://amzn.to/3KsuR5e Max's Substack - https://underthrow.substack.com/ https://youtu.be/RNkpmcGPBSw Join our Patreon now for commercial-free shows, bonus content and our complete archives - https://www.patreon.com/wearelibertarians --- Q Sleep Spray assists in achieving a more restful sleep so you can wake up refreshed. Q SLEEP contains incredible ingredients, including melatonin, 5-HTP, and L-theanine, as well as a proprietary herbal extract, which synergistically promotes restful sleep and helps your mind and body rejuvenate. Buy Now - https://wearelibertarians.com/sleepspray/ --- Chris Spangle and Leaders and Legends, LLC edited and produced this podcast. If you're interested in starting a podcast or taking yours to the next level, please contact us at LeadersAndLegends.net. ---- Looking to start a podcast? Download my podcast Podcasting and Platforms now, and check out my recommendations for buying the right equipment. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

New from the Colson Center!  Interested in the What Would You Say? video project? Subscribe to be notified when new videos are released at whatwouldyousay.org/subscribe. Watch the latest release and explore the full on-demand library! -- The year before he died, Chuck Colson delivered a Breakpoint commentary on the July Fourth holiday in which he reflected on our national identity. Specifically, he recognized that the only way to ground the ideals found in the Declaration of Independence, “that all men are created equal” and possess “certain inalienable rights, among them life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” is if we are indeed “endowed by their Creator.”    The stunning clarity of the Declaration of Independence in stating that our rights are ultimately granted by God and not the state is something too often forgotten today, if not entirely dismissed. Here's Chuck Colson reflecting on this important truth:    The great British intellectual G.K. Chesterton wrote that “America is the only nation in the world that is founded on [a] creed.”   Think about that for a moment. Other nations were founded on the basis of race, or by the power of kings or emperors who accumulated lands—and the peasants who inhabited those lands.   But America was—and is to this day—different. It was founded on a shared belief. Or as Chesterton said, on a creed.   And what is that creed that sets us apart? It is the eloquent, profound, and simple statement penned by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence:   “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”   I'll never forget when I graduated from Brown University during the Korean War. I couldn't wait to become a Marine officer, to give my life, if necessary, to defend that creed. To defend the idea that our rights come from God Himself and are not subject to whims of governments or tyrants. That humans ought to be free to pursue their most treasured hopes and aspirations.   Perhaps some 230 years later, we take these words for granted. But in 1776, they were earth-shaking, indeed, revolutionary.   Yet today, they are in danger of being forgotten altogether. According to Gallup, 66% of American adults have no idea that the words, “we hold these truths,” come from the Declaration of Independence. Even worse, only 45% of college seniors know that the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness are proclaimed in the Declaration.   As America grows more and more diverse culturally, religiously, ethnically, it is critical that we embrace the American creed. Yes, America has always been a “melting pot.” But what is the pot that holds our multicultural stew together? Chesterton said the pot's “original shape was traced on the lines of Jeffersonian democracy.” A democracy founded on those self-evident truths expressed in the Declaration of Independence. And as Chesterton remarked, “The pot must not melt.”   Abraham Lincoln understood this so well. For him, the notion that all men are created equal was “the electric cord in that Declaration that links the hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link those patriotic hearts as long as the love of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world.”   So go to the Fourth of July parade. Go to the neighborhood barbecue and enjoy the hot dogs and apple pie.   But here's an idea for you. Why not take time out at the picnic to read the Declaration of Independence aloud with your friends and neighbors.   Listen—and thrill—to those words that bind us together as a nation of freedom-loving people: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”   These are the words that Americans live for—and if necessary, die for.   Chuck Colson's words are just as true and relevant today as when he said them, and perhaps even more important for us to understand.   From all of us at the Colson Center, Happy Fourth!   For more resources to live like a Christian in this cultural moment, go to breakpoint.org.