Podcasts about Hearst

Patricia Hearst confronts a deadly new reality. The Hearst family tries to strike a deal with the SLA.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American Scandal on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-scandal/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

[This episode was originally published in June 2025.] Eighty years ago, a young John F. Kennedy took a summer job as a journalist for Hearst newspapers, filing dispatches in the final days of World War II. Even the most seasoned JFK scholars often overlook this chapter, missing the influence those months had on the future president. * "JFK's Forgotten Summer" was the top performing Very Special Episodes episode of 2025. Tragically, it took on more significance earlier this month with the death of Rob Reiner. Rob — who, with Soledad O'Brien, hosted Who Killed JFK?, one of the most successful podcasts of 2023 — kindly shared with us his knowledge and passion about the Kennedy family and appears in this episode. He was under no obligation to do this. He just wanted to help. It was an honor to work with him. We still cannot believe he and Michele are gone. * Listen to Who Killed JFK? from Rob Reiner and Soledad O'Brien wherever you get your podcasts. Check out Fred Logevall's excellent book: JFK: Coming of Age in the American Century. Today's episode was written by Joe Pompeo. And thanks to our JFK voice actor, Tom Antonellis, for nailing another role. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Eighty years ago, a young John F. Kennedy took a summer job as a journalist for Hearst newspapers, filing dispatches in the final days of World War II. Even the most seasoned JFK scholars often overlook this chapter, missing the influence those months had on the future president. * "JFK's Forgotten Summer," which we originally published in June, was our top performing episode of 2025. Tragically, it took on more significance earlier this month with the death of Rob Reiner. Rob — who, with Soledad O'Brien, hosted Who Killed JFK?, one of the most successful podcasts of 2023 — kindly shared with us his knowledge and passion about the Kennedy family and appears in this episode. He was under no obligation to do this. He just wanted to help. It was an honor to work with him. We still cannot believe he and Michele are gone. * Listen to Who Killed JFK? from Rob Reiner and Soledad O'Brien wherever you get your podcasts. Check out Fred Logevall's excellent book: JFK: Coming of Age in the American Century. And thanks to our JFK voice actor, Tom Antonellis, for nailing another role. * Hosted by Dana Schwartz, Zaron Burnett, and Jason EnglishWritten by Joe PompeoProduced by Josh FisherEditing and Sound Design by Jonathan Washington and Josh FisherAdditional Editing by Mary DooeMixing and Mastering by Josh FisherResearch and Fact-Checking by Joe Pompeo and Austin ThompsonOriginal Music by Elise McCoyShow Logo by Lucy QuintanillaExecutive Producer is Jason EnglishSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Eighty years ago, a young John F. Kennedy took a summer job as a journalist for Hearst newspapers, filing dispatches in the final days of World War II. Even the most seasoned JFK scholars often overlook this chapter, missing the influence those months had on the future president. * "JFK's Forgotten Summer," which we originally published in June, was our top performing episode of 2025. Tragically, it took on more significance earlier this month with the death of Rob Reiner. Rob — who, with Soledad O'Brien, hosted Who Killed JFK?, one of the most successful podcasts of 2023 — kindly shared with us his knowledge and passion about the Kennedy family and appears in this episode. He was under no obligation to do this. He just wanted to help. It was an honor to work with him. We still cannot believe he and Michele are gone. * Listen to Who Killed JFK? from Rob Reiner and Soledad O'Brien wherever you get your podcasts. Check out Fred Logevall's excellent book: JFK: Coming of Age in the American Century. And thanks to our JFK voice actor, Tom Antonellis, for nailing another role. * Hosted by Dana Schwartz, Zaron Burnett, and Jason EnglishWritten by Joe PompeoProduced by Josh FisherEditing and Sound Design by Jonathan Washington and Josh FisherAdditional Editing by Mary DooeMixing and Mastering by Josh FisherResearch and Fact-Checking by Joe Pompeo and Austin ThompsonOriginal Music by Elise McCoyShow Logo by Lucy QuintanillaExecutive Producer is Jason EnglishSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We do a lot of goofy movies on this Watchcast, but now, at the behest of our own Vinny Caravella, it's time for us to tackle some Important Cinema! Vinny has chosen the one and only Citizen Kane for his movie this month, and it's time to put our film school pants on to decide once and for all if it's an over-hyped disappointment, or really as great as everyone says. CHAPTERS: (00:00:00) - The Nextlander Watchcast Episode 162: Citizen Kane (1941) (00:00:14) - Intro. (00:05:09) - Picking apart some of what makes Citizen Kane so dang important. (00:13:27) - The myriad parodies and loving tributes to Kane peppered throughout our childhood media. (00:15:45) - On Welles, and how the film came to be. (00:23:23) - Welles' various collaborators. (00:33:04) - The Hearst campaign to derail the movie. (00:42:06) - Break! (00:44:20) - We're back, and it's time to head on down to Xanadu. (00:52:26) - Love a good newsreel. (00:56:58) - A brief meeting with Kane's second wife, and then we dig into Kane's childhood. (01:05:57) - Yung Kane. (01:12:19) - Bernstein, and the salad days. (01:17:49) - Old Jed, and a marriage in a single breakfast table. (01:22:52) - Susan enters the picture. (01:25:52) - Will Kane's aspirations ever be knocked down? Yes! (01:37:54) - Kane Weds 'Singer', Kane Cans Critic! (01:43:05) - Susan spills the beans. (01:49:54) - A very bad picnic, and Kane turns his wife's room into a rage room. (01:57:11) - What's a Rosebud? Who cares! Take everything! (02:03:07) - Final thoughts. (02:10:05) - Housekeeping for next week's movie: Gremlins! (02:11:38) - Outro.

THE POWER AND DECLINE OF WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST Colleague David Pietrusza. Media magnate William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of newspapers and radio stations, shifted from a Rooseveltsupporter in 1932 to a fierce critic by 1936. Hearst's reputation suffered after a controversial meeting with Adolf Hitler, which he attempted to downplay, but which accelerated his decline in popularity. Roosevelt, concerned about "crackpot ideas" and opposition from the wealthy, attempted to neutralize Hearst through intermediaries. However, the President's "soak the rich" tax policies deeply angered Hearst, leading the publisher to order his income reduced to avoid taxes and solidifying his break with FDR. NUMBER 5

THE REPUBLICAN FIELD AND THE SELECTION OF ALF LANDON Colleague David Pietrusza. The Republican Party sought a candidate to challenge Roosevelt, dismissing a return of Herbert Hoover and bypassing isolationist William Borah. They settled on Kansas Governor Alf Landon, known as the "Kansas Coolidge," a progressive Republican who had balanced his state's budget. Despite Landon being a lackluster speaker and a "dark horse," he secured the nomination because William Randolph Hearst threw his massive media support behind him. Hearst's papers published relentless positive coverage of Landon, making the nomination his to lose despite the candidate's lack of charisma and national profile. NUMBER 6

This episode explores the changing landscape for animals as major media companies and the fashion industry take a stand against fur, while activists continue to face challenges in their fight for justice. Jasmin and Mariann discuss recent victories in the fur-free movement, including Hearst magazines and New York Fashion Week banning fur, alongside the sobering news of activist Zoe Rosenberg’s jail…

Hearst almost gets tooken by the great diamond hoax. Does more capitalisms but never spends time with his son.#howthewestwasfucked#htwwf#americanhistory#oldwest#wildwestT-Shirts by How the West was Fucked Podcast | TeePublicHow The West Was Fucked | Podcast | Patreon

5/8. William Randolph Hearst Breaks with Roosevelt over Tax Policy — David Pietrusza — Newspaper and radio magnate William Randolph Hearst, who initially opposed FDR in 1932, became progressively disaffected as Rooseveltmoved leftward and proposed substantial tax increases on wealthy Americans. FDR explicitly discussed the political utility of throwing wealthy opponents, particularly Hearst, "to the wolves" as a populist rallying point. Hearst, who had met with Hitler in 1934, remained a formidable though complicating political force that FDR deemed necessary to neutralize or isolate. 1936

In this episode of Mission Matters, Adam Torres interviews Cynthia Hudson, Founder & President of HI Media Partners (Hudson International Media, LLC.). Cynthia shares her journey from reporter and producer at WLTV to senior leadership roles at Telemundo, Hearst, and CNN en Español, where she helped launch channels, rebrand networks, and champion documentaries. Now building her own company—and collaborating with her daughter Layla—Cynthia talks about debuting projects at AFM, securing financing for their first feature film Mating Season, and her mission to create high-impact, globally resonant stories for a new generation of audiences. Follow Adam on Instagram at https://www.instagram.com/askadamtorres/ for up to date information on book releases and tour schedule. Apply to be a guest on our podcast: https://missionmatters.lpages.co/podcastguest/ Visit our website: https://missionmatters.com/ More FREE content from Mission Matters here: https://linktr.ee/missionmattersmedia Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode of Mission Matters, ⁠Adam Torres⁠ interviews ⁠Cynthia Hudson⁠, Founder & President of HI Media Partners (Hudson International Media, LLC.). Cynthia shares her journey from reporter and producer at WLTV to senior leadership roles at Telemundo, Hearst, and CNN en Español, where she helped launch channels, rebrand networks, and champion documentaries. Now building her own company—and collaborating with her daughter Layla—Cynthia talks about debuting projects at AFM, securing financing for their first feature film Mating Season, and her mission to create high-impact, globally resonant stories for a new generation of audiences. Follow Adam on Instagram at ⁠https://www.instagram.com/askadamtorres/⁠ for up to date information on book releases and tour schedule. Apply to be a guest on our podcast: ⁠https://missionmatters.lpages.co/podcastguest/⁠ Visit our website: ⁠https://missionmatters.com/⁠ More FREE content from Mission Matters here: ⁠https://linktr.ee/missionmattersmedia⁠ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

How did **Disney take over ESPN** and transform a scrappy startup into the most powerful force in sports media? This episode breaks down Disney's decades-long rise inside **ESPN**, revealing how the company reshaped cable TV, sports broadcasting, and now the future of streaming. For decades, **ESPN** wasn't just another Disney asset — it was the engine powering the entire cable empire. In this episode, we break down the full story behind **how Disney took over ESPN**, starting with the network's unlikely origins in a rented Connecticut office and ending with its role in Disney's massive streaming future. You'll see how ESPN rose from a risky experiment to a cultural powerhouse thanks to early partners like Getty Oil and Anheuser-Busch, game-changing rights deals, and the launch of SportsCenter. Then we follow the money and the media politics as ABC buys in, Hearst joins the table, and Disney completes one of the biggest acquisitions in entertainment history — bringing ESPN fully into the Disney family. But the story doesn't stop there. Cord-cutting, subscriber losses, ESPN+, the new standalone ESPN streaming service, and the 2025 NFL deal have transformed ESPN yet again. Today, **Disney and ESPN** are navigating one of the most pivotal moments in sports media — a moment that could redefine the future of cable, streaming, and live entertainment. If you want to understand how Disney built its sports empire — and where ESPN goes next — this is the one to watch. Subscribe for more Disney connections: https://www.youtube.com/@SynergyLovesCompany?sub_confirmation=1 Podcast: Listen to Synergy Loves Company → https://synergylovescompany.com Support the Show: Shop official Synergy Loves Company merch → https://shop.synergylovescompany.com Affiliate Disclosure: Some links above may be affiliate links. If you click and purchase, I may receive a small commission at no extra cost to you. Thank you for supporting the channel! Connect with Me: Instagram → https://www.instagram.com/synergylovescompany Bluesky → https://bsky.app/profile/erichsynergy.bsky.social Facebook → https://www.facebook.com/synergylovescompany Credits / Resources: • Music licensed via Melod.ie • Synergy Loves Company is not affiliated with The Walt Disney Company or any of its subsidiaries. • Images and clips are used under fair use for commentary, criticism, and education.

The news of Texas covered today includes:Our Lone Star story of the day: Business in Texas: Google announces massive $40 billion dollar investment in Texas for data centers with big investment coming to West Texas in Haskell County.Also, the Austin American-Statesman has a get-you-up-to-date story on Samsung's giant chip fab project in Taylor that has seen much delay.Our Lone Star story of the day is sponsored by Allied Compliance Services providing the best service in DOT, business and personal drug and alcohol testing since 1995.Immigration enforcement & border news: Court blocks Trump bid to bar illegals from getting trucking licenses – these are the type of things that boggle the minds of the American people. If they are illegal how can they have any possible right to a commercial driver license? Plano woman, jogger, allegedly attacked with hammer by illegal immigrant in park – when I reported on this last week something just told me it was an illegal alien! Indian Man on Student Visa in Texas Sent to Prison for Financial Scheme Targeting Elders Suspected illegal immigrant allegedly sent nude photos to minor boy in Jasper Texas A&M doctoral student, green card holder finally released – another Hearst sob story that downplays the fact that the green card holder broke our laws. Listen on the radio, or station stream, at 5pm Central. Click for our radio and streaming affiliates.www.PrattonTexas.com

Beauseph is still recovering. We borrowed Jerry from History Boiz. We hope to have Beau back in the saddle at some point soon. Jerry is awesome, listen to History Boiz, all good peeps. One bad peep...George aka "Cap'n Capitalism" Hearst.#howthewestwasfucked#htwwf#americanhistory#oldwest#wildwest

Discover how Lifetime became part of Disney's media empire in this episode of Synergy Loves Company. Eric explores Lifetime's origins as the result of a merger between struggling cable channels in the 1980s and follows its transformation into the first network for women under Patricia Fili-Krushel. Learn about Lifetime's shift to signature made-for-TV movies, major syndication moves, and talk show highlights. The episode details how Disney acquired its stake in Lifetime through the Capital Cities/ABC deal, Hearst's ongoing partnership, and Lifetime's integration into the A&E Networks family. Hear stories about Disney synergy moments like the Beaches remake with Idina Menzel and the Descendants 2 simulcast across three Disney-owned channels. This episode also previews what's to come with ESPN's role in the Disney-Hearst connection. Get the full rundown of Lifetime's journey from its rocky beginnings to its place in Disney's world. Subscribe for more Disney connections: https://www.youtube.com/@SynergyLovesCompany?sub_confirmation=1 Podcast: Listen to Synergy Loves Company → https://synergylovescompany.com Support the Show: Shop official Synergy Loves Company merch → https://shop.synergylovescompany.com Affiliate Disclosure: Some links above may be affiliate links. If you click and purchase, I may receive a small commission at no extra cost to you. Thank you for supporting the channel! Connect with Me: Instagram → https://www.instagram.com/synergylovescompany Bluesky → https://bsky.app/profile/erichsynergy.bsky.social Facebook → https://www.facebook.com/synergylovescompany Credits / Resources: • Music licensed via Melod.ie • Synergy Loves Company is not affiliated with The Walt Disney Company or any of its subsidiaries. • Images and clips are used under fair use for commentary, criticism, and education.

David Armstrong interviewed Golden Age great, Joe Simon in 1998 on set at San Diego Comic Con about his entry into Hearst comic strips in the 1930s, comic books in Funnies Inc and becoming Timely/Marvel Comics' first editor, meeting Jack Kirby at Victor Fox comics, Wonder Comics with Will Eisner's Wonder Man, Eisner and Iger's split, creating Captain America, leaving Timely for DC Comics, his relationship with Jack Liebowitz, Sandman & Boy Commandoes, his friend Charles Nicholas, Al Harvey, creating Romance Comics with Jack Kirby, their special contrast at Prize/Crestwood, leaving comic books and his encounter with Jim Steranko at the Harvey Thrillers line. Armstrong also interviewed Platinum and Golden Age superhero comic book medium cofounder, Vincent (Vin) Sullivan in 1998 on set at Long Island, New York about his beginnings as a sports cartoonist, entry into comic books with Major Malcolm Wheeler-Nicholson's New Fun comics, their bullpen, meeting Creig Flessel, distribution through Independent News, encouraging Bob Kane to create his superhero (Batman), working with Whitney Ellsworth, overseeing Jerry Siegel and Joe Shuster's early comics, editing Action Comics 1 with the first appearance of Superman, editing the covers of Adventure comics, his failed cartoon strip with Jimmy Durante, observing Donenfeld and Liebowitz's take over of the company, leaving DC to start Magazine Enterprises, his editor Ray Krank, international distribution, and looking back at the comic book industry 50 years later. Interview conducted, recorded and copyrighted to David Armstrong. Remastered, edited, timestamped and postproduction by Alex Grand.Support the show

Over the centuries, millions of migrant labourers sailed from the Indian subcontinent, across the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean, to shape what is now the world's largest diaspora. Coolie Migrants, Indian Diplomacy: Caste, Class and Indenture Abroad, 1914-67 (Hearst, 2025 and Oxford UP, 2026) recovers the histories and legacies of those ‘coolie' migrants, and presents a new paradigm for the diplomatic history of independent India, going beyond high politics to explore how indenture, emigration and international relations became entangled. Before and after independence, Indian notions of the international realm as a sanctified space were shaped by migrant journeys; this was a space of anxiety in which to negotiate the ‘coolie stain' on the country's reputation. Discourse was defined by intersections of caste, class, race and gender—and framed the migrant worker as the quintessential ‘other' of Indian diplomacy. Drawing on rich, multi-archival analysis spanning the vast geographies of labour migration, Kalathmika Natarajan pieces together the stories of quarantine camps en route to Ceylon; cultural and educational missions in the Caribbean; discretionary passport policies in India; and the mediation of immigrant life in Britain. The result is a nuanced history from the interwar period to the decades after independence, and a critical analysis centring both caste and the negotiation of ‘undesirable' mobility as foundational to Indian diplomacy. About the Author:  Kalathmika Natarajan is Lecturer in Modern South Asian History at the University of Exeter. Her interdisciplinary research combines critical approaches to diplomatic history and South Asian migration. She has worked at the University of Edinburgh, and received her doctoral degree from the University of Copenhagen. About the Host:  Stuti Roy works at Oxford University Press and is a recent graduate with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford, and a BA in Political Science from the University of Toronto. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Over the centuries, millions of migrant labourers sailed from the Indian subcontinent, across the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean, to shape what is now the world's largest diaspora. Coolie Migrants, Indian Diplomacy: Caste, Class and Indenture Abroad, 1914-67 (Hearst, 2025 and Oxford UP, 2026) recovers the histories and legacies of those ‘coolie' migrants, and presents a new paradigm for the diplomatic history of independent India, going beyond high politics to explore how indenture, emigration and international relations became entangled. Before and after independence, Indian notions of the international realm as a sanctified space were shaped by migrant journeys; this was a space of anxiety in which to negotiate the ‘coolie stain' on the country's reputation. Discourse was defined by intersections of caste, class, race and gender—and framed the migrant worker as the quintessential ‘other' of Indian diplomacy. Drawing on rich, multi-archival analysis spanning the vast geographies of labour migration, Kalathmika Natarajan pieces together the stories of quarantine camps en route to Ceylon; cultural and educational missions in the Caribbean; discretionary passport policies in India; and the mediation of immigrant life in Britain. The result is a nuanced history from the interwar period to the decades after independence, and a critical analysis centring both caste and the negotiation of ‘undesirable' mobility as foundational to Indian diplomacy. About the Author:  Kalathmika Natarajan is Lecturer in Modern South Asian History at the University of Exeter. Her interdisciplinary research combines critical approaches to diplomatic history and South Asian migration. She has worked at the University of Edinburgh, and received her doctoral degree from the University of Copenhagen. About the Host:  Stuti Roy works at Oxford University Press and is a recent graduate with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford, and a BA in Political Science from the University of Toronto. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Over the centuries, millions of migrant labourers sailed from the Indian subcontinent, across the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean, to shape what is now the world's largest diaspora. Coolie Migrants, Indian Diplomacy: Caste, Class and Indenture Abroad, 1914-67 (Hearst, 2025 and Oxford UP, 2026) recovers the histories and legacies of those ‘coolie' migrants, and presents a new paradigm for the diplomatic history of independent India, going beyond high politics to explore how indenture, emigration and international relations became entangled. Before and after independence, Indian notions of the international realm as a sanctified space were shaped by migrant journeys; this was a space of anxiety in which to negotiate the ‘coolie stain' on the country's reputation. Discourse was defined by intersections of caste, class, race and gender—and framed the migrant worker as the quintessential ‘other' of Indian diplomacy. Drawing on rich, multi-archival analysis spanning the vast geographies of labour migration, Kalathmika Natarajan pieces together the stories of quarantine camps en route to Ceylon; cultural and educational missions in the Caribbean; discretionary passport policies in India; and the mediation of immigrant life in Britain. The result is a nuanced history from the interwar period to the decades after independence, and a critical analysis centring both caste and the negotiation of ‘undesirable' mobility as foundational to Indian diplomacy. About the Author:  Kalathmika Natarajan is Lecturer in Modern South Asian History at the University of Exeter. Her interdisciplinary research combines critical approaches to diplomatic history and South Asian migration. She has worked at the University of Edinburgh, and received her doctoral degree from the University of Copenhagen. About the Host:  Stuti Roy works at Oxford University Press and is a recent graduate with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford, and a BA in Political Science from the University of Toronto. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Over the centuries, millions of migrant labourers sailed from the Indian subcontinent, across the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean, to shape what is now the world's largest diaspora. Coolie Migrants, Indian Diplomacy: Caste, Class and Indenture Abroad, 1914-67 (Hearst, 2025 and Oxford UP, 2026) recovers the histories and legacies of those ‘coolie' migrants, and presents a new paradigm for the diplomatic history of independent India, going beyond high politics to explore how indenture, emigration and international relations became entangled. Before and after independence, Indian notions of the international realm as a sanctified space were shaped by migrant journeys; this was a space of anxiety in which to negotiate the ‘coolie stain' on the country's reputation. Discourse was defined by intersections of caste, class, race and gender—and framed the migrant worker as the quintessential ‘other' of Indian diplomacy. Drawing on rich, multi-archival analysis spanning the vast geographies of labour migration, Kalathmika Natarajan pieces together the stories of quarantine camps en route to Ceylon; cultural and educational missions in the Caribbean; discretionary passport policies in India; and the mediation of immigrant life in Britain. The result is a nuanced history from the interwar period to the decades after independence, and a critical analysis centring both caste and the negotiation of ‘undesirable' mobility as foundational to Indian diplomacy. About the Author:  Kalathmika Natarajan is Lecturer in Modern South Asian History at the University of Exeter. Her interdisciplinary research combines critical approaches to diplomatic history and South Asian migration. She has worked at the University of Edinburgh, and received her doctoral degree from the University of Copenhagen. About the Host:  Stuti Roy works at Oxford University Press and is a recent graduate with an MPhil in Modern South Asian Studies from the University of Oxford, and a BA in Political Science from the University of Toronto. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Over 500 media and publishing professionals gathered in the beautiful Círculo de Bellas Artes in Madrid to hear leading speakers discuss their strategies for thriving in today's landscape. ChatGPT, AI overviews and traffic challenges are certainly top of mind for many delegates, but the on-stage conversations haven't been quite as dominated by AI as we'd expected. Rather, there seems to be a doubling down on good, ‘old fashioned' publishing principles like investing in high-quality content and products in order to secure growth. There were some really strong themes that came out across the two days - too many to include them all here - so we've focused on the top four. Hear speakers from TIME, The Economist, Hearst, Semafor, The Atlantic and more discussing transformation, new opportunities, brands vs personalities, and how they're using AI. Get a write-up of the key learnings from this episode online at voices.media or straight to your inbox by signing up to The Publisher Newsletter.

In late September, The Guardian launched its first major U.S. marketing campaign, featuring the tagline “the whole picture.” It's a bold statement of intent from the 204-year-old news organization aimed squarely at American audiences, which highlights The Guardian's brand of free, independent journalism.In this episode of The Big Impression, our hosts catch up with Sara Badler, chief advertising officer in North America for The Guardian U.S., to explore the vision behind the campaign, as well as some early takeaways since launch. Episode TranscriptPlease note, this transcript  may contain minor inconsistencies compared to the episode audio. Damian Fowler (00:00):I'm Damian Fowler.Ilyse Liffreing (00:01):And I'm Ilyse Liffreing.Damian Fowler (00:02):And welcome to this edition of The Big Impression.Ilyse Liffreing (00:08):Today we're joined by Sara Badler, the chief advertising Officer of The Guardian U.S. She's leading the charge behind the Guardian's first major US brand campaign called The Whole Picture, a bold effort to reintroduce one of the world's most trusted news organizations to American audiences.Damian Fowler (00:29):It's an ambitious moment for The Guardian with plans to expand coverage in New York and DC launch new US podcasts and connect with readers in fresh ways. The campaign is signaling a big step forward for the brand and for quality journalism in the digital age.Ilyse Liffreing (00:44):From that striking yellow billboard in Midtown Manhattan to new approaches in digital marketing and audience engagement, the Guardian is proving that serious journalism can still make a splash and drive real impact.Damian Fowler (00:58):Let's get into it.Sara Badler (01:01):The whole picture is really, it's The Guardian saying, which I think now is more important time than ever, is this idea that we are completely global perspective, we are independent and we have no paywall. Everyone can read us and we are focused and dedicated to journalism. And the whole picture really shows dedicated in every sort of way of telling the facts whether that is culturally, artistically with the World Cup coming upon us. And obviously The Guardian is a massive, one of the biggest soccer ducks in the world, if not the biggest, and really showing up in different ways the whole picture. And so I'm probably talking too much about this, but you see us on the subway, we did a live activation last week in the Meatpacking District and it's just really showing who we are and what we represent.Damian Fowler (01:59):Yeah, it is interesting. It's one of those things like the 1111 thing when you think about it and you notice it. Once I saw the campaign launch, then I saw it on the New York subway and it was everywhere. But I'd read that the editor of the Guardian, Catherine ER had said that this is the perfect time to reintroduce the Guardian to US audiences. And I know it's had great traction in the country for a while. Why is that? Why do you think it is the perfect time, especially in New York and metropolitan cities, why is it the right time?Sara Badler (02:34):I think now more than ever, we really want alternative news sources. And I say that mean the Guardian's been around for 200 years. We are not new by any means, but we are new-ish and more of a teenager here in the US and we have tons of obviously news outlets and a lot of them are owned and operated by billionaires. And there's all different things that are happening to them. There's consolidation, there's putting up more paywalls. And I think now more than ever, having something free and a truly global perspective is unique and something that we have.Ilyse Liffreing (03:11):And the campaign itself has such a striking centerpiece, the creative looking at it, it's bright yellow, there's words that are hidden. I'm curious if you can describe a little bit about that creative choice developed with Lucky Generals and can you walk us through basically the idea behind that concept?Sara Badler (03:32):It was not easy. I would say that it took our marketing and cross organizational functions a long time to come up with this with Lucky Generals to credit to them. They've been amazing and they've worked with us in the UK and now in the US and we also work with PhD as an agency, which also has been amazing. And it just took time of evolving of what our real story is and what we want people to get out of it. And I think the global perspective, free independent journalism that's factual with integrity and talking about culture in these key moments is really what we wanted people to understand. And here,Ilyse Liffreing (04:14):Yeah, looking at the media strategy a little bit, what was the plan for go to market and for reaching those target audiences?Sara Badler (04:24):And I think this is with every marketing campaign. I was actually on talking yesterday on a panel and saying there's no more, my marketing campaign is like a media plan. You've got a podcast, you've got activations, you've got events. So I think one thing to really think about or that we've thought about is how do we consistently beat a drum? And people recognize it throughout, not just one moment, but multiple moments throughout their day, whether it's on the subway through the activation and events. So that's something that we really focused on and I think we're doing that and we're continuing to do that, which I'm very excited about. We've done a few things. We did a fashion collaboration with Lingua Franca with the sweaters that we're really excited in the West Village going there after this and we're having a party tomorrow evening there. And then other things like we are going to be kicking off a residency at the net, which is super exciting with our editors. And so I think keeping the drum beat and showing up at these places is part of what we want to show. We truly are the whole picture.Damian Fowler (05:27):Before we get to the sort of channels you use, I just wanted to ask you about that event planning around media campaigns. Why is that an important part and piece of a marketing strategy these days? The idea of the building community around events?Sara Badler (05:44):Well, I think there's a couple things to that. I think obviously we're still coming out of COVID in the sense that people want to go out, people want events. I also think the cultural moments are just so important and especially for brands like ourselves who, for example, the soccer World Cup coming, which is every four years. This is a huge moment for us. And so I think planning around that and the sense of community I think is important in everything we do. Even here at Advertising Week, there's a sense of community. We live and breathe kind of the same sort of things in day in and day out. Exactly. So I feel like that's kind of something that we're trying to build and I think that if you feel a part of it, it's just so much stronger.Ilyse Liffreing (06:32):Speaking of the World Cup, can you say anything more about your plans there?Sara Badler (06:37):Yes. I mean, as I mentioned, we're one of the largest global soccer desks. We have a football weekly podcast that has been in the UK forever. I actually went to their event a few weeks ago in London and it was truly, when you talk about those cultural moments, it was one of those things that I've kind of heard about it. My husband's British and a huge football fan and listens to the podcast, but I never really understood the true fans was the strike on the tubes were happening of course while I was there. Just lucky, always, always. And then of course it's pouring down rain on and off when you think it's going to be beautiful and there's still fans from all over the world coming and it's not just for one team, it's for every team and for every. And so it's just like that is kind of the cultural moment. And so seeing that we're going to be launching that here in North America, which is super exciting.Damian Fowler (07:35):It's interesting. In the UK there's a very distinct sense of who reads the Guardian. I'm a guardian reader, I admit. And actually it was a Guardian contributor as well for a few years. But in the US do you have a strong sense of the Guardian readership? Is that galvanizing? Is that kind of coming together?Sara Badler (07:54):Yeah, I mean I think to your point of what was your media plan, and I am sure we had a podcast on with Vox that we did there and I think that we're still trying to figure it out, I would say because we don't have a paywall. We really think, and I truly do believe that everyone can be as a guardian audience at one point. We do tend to have different skews of older people that have identified in the past with The Guardian, things like that. But we're also starting to create, I think a buzz in younger generations and being out here and being on the subways and having these activations and the World Cup and other things happening. We're launching other podcasts and newsletters and things like that. We're really starting to grow audience across the board.Ilyse Liffreing (08:45):Are there any other channels that you're experimenting with?Sara Badler (08:49):Everything? We are launching video, podcast newsletters. I'm just thinking events like I mentioned the NED residency, which will kick off October 14th I want to say. So we're kind of trying to do everything. I think that's another thing as we evolve as publishers is that's just something that's kind of happening and we're really excited to be doing it.Damian Fowler (09:15):And I guess maybe touching on the programmatic strategy on the side of things, how has that grown as it were since you've taken this role?Sara Badler (09:27):Definitely. I am sure it was in the press. We were in the press with the trade desk as we launched the trade desk, which was kind of ironic obviously because I think we were, when I was at DOD Dash Meredith, we were the first publisher there and then coming to the Guardian able just do it again, but is we have really looked at our programmatic strategy and we actually kind of reorganized. And so the global programmatic strategy is actually coming out of the us which is very unique for The Guardian, which obviously everything is headquarters in the uk. And I think it really actually ties to our brand campaign of the whole picture and this global perspective is that we're really becoming one global unit. And I don't think it was like that before. I think it's been siphoned in different ways and I think now this is kind of the time. And so tying that back to the programmatic strategy is we're doing that as well. So we have one global programmatic team and strategy that we're super excited about and very good talent and we're just really excited to lean in as much as we can.Ilyse Liffreing (10:33):Okay, cool. So I know the campaign is so newSara Badler (10:36):Still,Ilyse Liffreing (10:36):But what kind of reaction have you seen so far?Sara Badler (10:40):It's really been positive. Not that I was expecting any negative, but it's just been a lot more vibrant than I even thought it would be to your point, like the neon yellow and just seeing the signs and on the subway and just constantly seeing them. We also had billboards in different places and even the meat packing district, the activation we did there, which thank God it didn't rain, but you could take off different of the wording and we had different social media people that were activating on it. It was just cool to see. And it's also cool to see the street traffic that it gets. Also, one other funny thing is we did not funny, but we did the Lingua Franco, we did the storefronts with the Guardian gear in it. And I took my daughters last week and I was so excited and one of the sweaters was sold out and the salesperson was like, I was like, who was it? I was naming colleagues. I was like, was it Jane? Was it? And they're like, no, someone came in and bought it. And I was like, yes. So I think those are the kinds of things also that have just made it really fun.Damian Fowler (11:50):From your perspective as a marketing chief, are there sort of KPIs that matter most for a campaign like this? Obviously sales brand lift, engagement, how do you look at it? And I know again, to Eli's point, it's kind of early days to say for this specific campaign, but in general, what are the KPIs that you kind of track on your dashboard?Sara Badler (12:14):We were just talking about this, we were like, how do you quantify? And obviously my background and life of programmatic, I'm like, give me some data.(12:25):And I think that it's hard for us. It's hard for us to say exactly what it looks like because I would say when you quantify it from how many RFPs are we getting or is our revenue growing or how we're seeing that, but it's really actually now having meetings with proactive ideas of things that we offer that we couldn't offer before. So I think tracking our global footprint and working with clients in a way that's way more collaborative rather than, oh, you're getting this RFP and it's like a circle of something that you're checking a box, giving it to us. You saw this, I think from a consumer perspective, just having presence in all of these places and we know we're growing our audiences and we can see that. We do look at the data and research all the time on this, and actually every Thursday we're figuring out what happened this week that shows that we're still progressing. And I think the other thing that we have to remember about marketing that's been different is it can't just be a one and done thing. You have to talk about this, it launched last week, now it's ad week. What are we doing? What are we doing next week? And then what are we doing in seven weeks that's going to keep this going.Ilyse Liffreing (13:40):On that note, how are you tying your normal content strategy to marketing strategy?Sara Badler (13:47):Is there a tie in? We collaborate all the time on things. I mean, even with the sweater collaboration, we have our voices and our editors wearing these sweaters and they truly are the voices. I'm just in the background trying to make sure brands are aware and audiences grow from it, but they're the voices of The Guardian and they are, I mean, they lead with integrity and independence and we have to look at that. So that's also very important and why it's so exciting for us.Damian Fowler (14:22):Now, I know the Guardian has a unique kind of monetization, it has a trust, but I wondered if you could sort of break down a little bit the Guardian stands, the GUARDIANIST stands. That's a complicated thing to say on monetization between the subscription and the ad supported and everything in between. Do you think about that and how do you approach thatSara Badler (14:45):Every day?(14:47):I think about it every day. It is, it's very unique. I would say we are so lucky to be owned by the Scott Trust because we look at things and we do things like this to the whole picture that are very thought out, methodical, programmatic, they make sense. We're able to do that because owned by a trust. So we're able to say, we don't need to do or worry about something that's happening in Q2. We can think about what's happening in the World Cup or the next one and what that looks like. So that's the trust and that's what we're very lucky to have from what you touched on with reader revenue is our readers really invest in us. And that's kind of something that we can say and we can say that to clients, we can say that to marketers, consumers, everyone. We can really genuinely say people are investing in us because they want to read us, they want us to do well, and that's how we need to put our story out there. And that's how I think we overlap from an advertising and our reader revenue perspective is ultimately we're just trying to grow these audiences and for people to hear our stories.Damian Fowler (15:53):There's something nice about that, asking readers to contribute what they want. That model works to build loyalty. ISara Badler (16:01):Expect completely. And that's something that I think it takes time. And that's why I'm saying I don't know our conversions for yesterday, but I do know that we are building somewhere that's exciting.Ilyse Liffreing (16:15):So you've had senior roles at Hearst, the New York Times and Doc Dash. What would you say are the biggest challenges even legacy publishers face when it comes to capturing readers today? Still?Sara Badler (16:29):I mean, we face all the challenges, soIlyse Liffreing (16:31):Many challenges.Sara Badler (16:32):And I feel like I would say it's pretty consistent to your point of being at a lot of publishers that have been around for a long time and huge brands. And I think some of the things that, the struggle is obviously one, there's a lot, there's so much media to consume. It's like how do you make yourself unique and different? And in that way it's also, there's been a lot of different acquisitions and things that have happened, so it's kind of like how do you make people aware of who your true brand is and where it sits. I think those are, it also is the challenge of the times, meaning the actual time of happening where when I was at Daash and we were living through COVID was a very different time than what we're doing now. I would not suggest live events at that point, but then here we are and this is what we're doing. I would say at the New York Times, it was a place, it was right when elections were happening when I was there as well. And so I think it just, it's really, everyone's got their challenges, but everyone also has placed to their strengths and I think that's really important for publishing.Ilyse Liffreing (17:46):Yeah. Are there any innovations, maybe particularly in digital advertising that you see as giving you optimism for even funding quality journalism in the future?Sara Badler (17:59):I mean, this campaign has given me a lot of optimism. The whole picture has been amazing to see and also because I think it makes so much sense, which is really nice. I think that we also live, I live in a world where everything's just completely over complicated and just what it means is independent, factual and free. That's really, it just makes sense. And I think things like that show optimism in what's going on.Damian Fowler (18:29):Yeah, we talked there on innovation, which means we have to ask you a little bit about ai and that has been framed in some ways as a threat, but also an ally. Where do you stand on that?Sara Badler (18:44):I think we're in the middle, and that's probably the most boring answer ever. But it's good, it's fine. I mean, we are actively using it and try and figure out how and where it fits in different places, but it does not change how we report and our journalism.Ilyse Liffreing (19:08):Good to hear, good to hear. Now some quickfire questions for you. Let's do it. What do you think is one thing the ad market desperately needs but doesn'tSara Badler (19:19):Have? Oh my God, we have so much of everything. The ad market desperately needs maybe some better organization of what our products are and the different types would be somethingIlyse Liffreing (19:36):Or streamlined,Sara Badler (19:37):A different streamlined approach would be somethingDamian Fowler (19:42):Less fragmentation perhaps. I dunno. Yeah, I dunno. I put words in your mouth.Sara Badler (19:47):I think one thing that publishers need is really to work better together to figure out what the future holds for them.Damian Fowler (19:57):And you may have answered this already in the podcast, but a publisher you secretly admire for how they're playing the game.Sara Badler (20:04):I mean, I think the New York Times has been brilliant in just how they've worked through a lot of different acquisitions they've made and things like that has been great to see. But I think all publishers have done a really great, the best that it's been a tough market and I think that even from a programmatic perspective and everything, we are just trying to do our best to get through it and also understand kind of what the world will look like quarter to quarter, which is very different. And it's not those days where you could be, I remember in past lives you'd be like year over year last year at this time and you're like, well, last year at this time was such a different,Damian Fowler (20:47):Such point youSara Badler (20:48):Can't even compare anymore. I know. Yeah. So it's like, well last year this happened. And so I think that it's a tough thing for publishers to do.Ilyse Liffreing (20:59):What would you say is the boldest marketing risk you've ever taken?Sara Badler (21:06):That's a great question. I would say just because, just to go back to also the whole picture, I think this whole thing we've done also the collaboration with Lingua franca and the sweaters, we didn't know how people would react or the world would react or if they would react, but I think that because it's something you're just putting out there, we've never done anything in the fashion world at all. And I think that was kind of something that probably not the most scary but the most scary to me this week of doing that. I was like, I don't know if this is going to work. And we don't know how people react. And you want only positive things to come out, especially after you're doing such a big collaboration.Ilyse Liffreing (21:53):Nice marketing every week is different, isn't it? Yeah. Just depends on the day. Yeah. IDamian Fowler (21:58):Guess here's the last question. If you could steal one idea from another industry and bring it into publishing, what would that be?Sara Badler (22:07):Sorry,Damian Fowler (22:08):These are hard questions.Sara Badler (22:09):No idea. Well, it's funny, I was thinking, I was like fashion week, we just talked about fashion, but now we're in advertising week. So they've definitely done that. I would say, I dunno, I guess we don't have a Super Bowl or anything like that. That would be good. I think we've got enough stuff really. We should stop. Yeah, we should. I'm thinking there's South by there's can we do so many things? And I think that's one thing from my perspective that again, with the whole picture that we're really trying to do is show up in the right way where it matters. And if you try to be everywhere or nowhere, and I think that's really important for us to think about. And so trying to do something that you haven't done yet, you should definitely do, but it should feel natural.Ilyse Liffreing (22:55):Sara, we're recording an advertising week and I'm curious if you have a major takeaway that you could share with us.Sara Badler (23:03):Okay, so I mentioned day two, we're on day two and I think it does feel bigger than it's ever been or busier for sure. And it feels like there's so many things going on. The other thing though is I think because there are so many of these things that it also feels like in this world right now, we're doing a lot of in-house things, if that makes sense. We have tons of our team in town this week. I know that when I talk to clients or agencies, they're doing a lot of internal stuff. So it feels like that's a big something that's changed a little bit.Ilyse Liffreing (23:40):I would say there's definitely a lot more people I think this week then than I remember in years past at least.Sara Badler (23:46):But even every time I talk to someone, they're like, well, we have a lot of internal stuff going on. And I think that there's a lot going on. So I think that that's also something that is happening that maybe didn't happen as often.Damian Fowler (24:05):And that's it for this edition of The Big Impression.Ilyse Liffreing (24:07):This show is produced by Molten Hart. Our theme is by Love and caliber, and our associate producer is Sydney Cairns.Damian Fowler (24:14):And remember,Sara Badler (24:15):We have tons of, obviously news outlets and a lot of them are owned and operated by billionaires, and there's all different things that are happening to them. There's consolidation, there's putting up more paywalls. And I think now more than ever, having something free and a truly global perspective is unique and something that we have.Damian Fowler (24:37):I'm DamianSara Badler (24:37):And I'm Ilyse, and we'll see you next time. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

What if I told you that Disney secretly owns half of A&E and the History Channel? In this episode, we uncover how Disney built a hidden cable empire—through partnerships with Hearst and the evolution of A&E Networks—that reshaped the world of educational TV and entertainment. When people think of Disney, they picture theme parks, animation, and streaming—but few realize that Disney quietly built a hidden cable empire through its stake in A&E and the History Channel. This video breaks down how Disney's partnership with Hearst Communications gave them control over some of television's most iconic networks. From the early days of A&E's arts programming to the explosive success of the History Channel, we'll explore how Disney's influence extended far beyond Mickey Mouse and Marvel. If you're fascinated by the business side of entertainment, this episode connects the dots between Disney, A&E, and the History Channel, showing how corporate strategy can shape what we watch—and what we think of as “Disney magic.” Podcast: Listen to Synergy Loves Company → https://synergylovescompany.com Support the Show: Shop official Synergy Loves Company merch → https://shop.synergylovescompany.com Affiliate Disclosure: Some links above may be affiliate links. If you click and purchase, I may receive a small commission at no extra cost to you. Thank you for supporting the channel! Connect with Me: Instagram → https://www.instagram.com/synergylovescompany Bluesky → https://bsky.app/profile/erichsynergy.bsky.social Facebook → https://www.facebook.com/synergylovescompany Credits / Resources: • Music licensed via Melod.ie • Synergy Loves Company is not affiliated with The Walt Disney Company or any of its subsidiaries. • Images and clips are used under fair use for commentary, criticism, and education.

In this episode of the Glowing Older podcast, host Nancy Griffin interviews Michael Clinton, founder and CEO of Roar Forward. They discuss his book Roar Into the Second Half of Your Life, and the concept of New Longevity. Clinton shares insights on reimagining life after 50, the importance of health span over lifespan, and the evolving role of age inclusivity in society and business. The conversation also touches on the impact of ageism, the significance of travel, and the need for continuous learning and personal growth. About Michael  Michael Clinton, in partnership with Hearst, is founder and CEO of ROAR Forward, a business-to-business intelligence, insights and content platform. ROAR Forward's primary focus is the new demographic segment of individuals aged 50+who are redefining the second half of life in their careers, passions and lifestyles. ROAR Forward offerings include the ROAR Report with proprietary data and research, bulletins, seminars, workshops, along with original content and events that shed light on the dynamically changing market demographic of individuals aged 50-plus who now comprise 35% of the population.  Clinton serves on the board of The Stanford Center on Longevity and is a globally recognized speaker about the New Longevity. In December 2023, he was named to Estee Lauder's first-ever Longevity Collective, a curated group of influential experts and global pioneers in longevity science and lifestyle. Clinton's best-selling book, ROAR into the second half of your life, now in its fourth printing, is the springboard for ROAR Forward. As a contributing writer for Esquire, Men's Health and Oprah Daily, Clinton frequently covers the topic of the new longevity movement. In 2024, Men's Health named Clinton “the pivot pioneer” in a feature about the 5 men leading the longevity conversation. In May 2019, Clinton was named senior media advisor to the CEO of Hearst after 21 years at the company. Previously, he was president of marketing & publishing director of Hearst Magazines and was a member of the board of directors of Hearst Corporation. Prior to that, Clinton was executive vice president of Condé Nast Publications. Key Takeaways The New Longevity is about reinventing, reimagining, and rethinking the second half of life. Healthspan plus Wealthspan equals a great Lifespan.The acronym for ROAR is, the R, the reimaginationprocess. O own your numbers. A the action plan, a program that we call life layering, and the final R is your relationships, reassessing the people around you in the second half of life.The huge population of 50-plus impacts company and brands strategies, marketing and advertising, society and culture and infrastructure. Thirty five percent of the US population is currently 50 plus, with 60 million people 65 or older, growing to 80 million by 2040. To put into perspective, 100 years ago there were only seven million people over 65 in the US. Advertising needs to be age inclusive. Imagery and messaging in advertising reinforces ageist thinking, which becomes self-imposed ageism.

Cases of Stockholm SyndromeBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/missing-persons-mysteries--5624803/support.

In recent years, Hearst Networks has transformed from a more traditional background into a diversified media company, leading in the genres of history and true crime. For this Digital Workplace Impact episode, Dean Possenniskie, Hearst Network's Managing Director EMEA, joins Nancy Goebel to discuss the company's change journey. Dean sets out the importance of values, purpose and adaptability in a world of changing marketplaces and new opportunities presented by AI. And if clarity is the new social currency of enterprises, then culture, leadership and purpose become even more important in helping colleagues to navigate today's world. This great conversation uncovers more about the company's commitment to storytelling and employee engagement. Together, Nancy and Dean examine the integration of AI in all aspects of the business including the employee experience – and Dean is encouraging that with AI you really can win and learn. Like many organizations, Hearst is managing the new dichotomy that AI is ever more present and yet the hunger for in-person collaboration is still very real. So, for a story of change, growth and impact involving great people and new technologies, join Nancy and Dean, and listen now. (Show notes, links and transcript for this episode.)Guest speakers: Dean Possenniskie, Managing Director, Hearst Networks EMEA Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Perrot memorial Library presents, "How did he Get the Shot? Discussion and Q & A with Photographer Neil Vigdor Oct 15th at 7pm. Neil covered Connecticut and national politics for The Hartford Courant and Hearst. For more information about this program, contact us at lending@perrotlibrary.org or 203-637-1066.

This week we examine the Riyadh Comedy Fest, Jackie Chan, the pinnacle of technology, Imax, Bardcore and med beds.Listen to the Jortscenter playlist: https://open.spotify.com/playlist/2ioAsKKw7AhdJ0cCrasqfH?si=6c2cef121c3a4a9aJoin our Peloton!   https://www.patreon.com/JortsCenterFacebook group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/342135897580300Subreddit: https://www.reddit.com/r/jortscenterFollow us on Twitter:@JortsCenterPod Will is @wapplehouse Josh is @otherjrobbins Ryan is @ryhanbeard Vic is @DokktorvikktorZack is @ZackVanNus

Today, we welcome Tami Eagle Bowling — motivational speaker and advocate for #LightUpMBC, a global event illuminating landmarks and amplifying patient voices. The program has raised hope and more than $2 million for metastatic breast cancer research.Here are links to #LightUpMBC resources:www.lightupmbc.orghttps://www.instagram.com/lightupmbc/https://www.instagram.com/metavivor/After 20 years in media sales leadership at Condé Nast and Hearst, holding roles like Associate Publisher of Marie Claire and Teen Vogue, Tami's life changed at 41 when she was diagnosed de novo with Stage IV metastatic breast cancer while raising two young children.She transformed her energy into advocacy, creating #LightUpMBC LIVE, She also co-produces The Janice Jam, Broadway for Breast Cancer, and has been featured on Good Morning America, The Today Show, and beyond. She's here to share her journey of resilience, advocacy, and creativity.From Publishing to Purpose: Tami, you spent two decades leading in the media world. Can you share what skills and experiences from that career you drew upon when shifting your energy into advocacy and creating #LightUpMBC LIVE?The Power of Visibility: Close to 300 landmarks across 166+ cities around the world will be illuminated on Metastatic Breast Cancer Awareness Day on October 13 as part of the incredible global campaign. How are landmark owners joining the #LightUpMBC campaign by lighting in the symbolic MBC colors of green, teal and pink on October 13? Why is visibility — literally lighting up the world — such a powerful metaphor and tool for raising awareness and hope in the MBC community?Patient Voices & Advocacy: You've said your mission is to amplify patient voices. What are some of the most important stories and lessons you've witnessed through the livestreams and advocacy work that you think the wider world needs to hear?Survive and Thrive: You've been honored with awards and legislative recognition for your impact. But beyond the spotlight, what does “survive and thrive” mean to you personally, as a mother, a patient, and a leader?The Eagle Method: You've created The Eagle Method as a framework to build resilience, embrace uncertainty, and improve mental health. Can you walk us through what it is, and how you apply it in your own life and with others?Tami, what's one piece of advice you would share with someone facing uncertainty or adversity about finding their voice and turning it into something that helps others?Connect with Tami at Tami's Website , and @EagleMethod on Instagram Thanks to our sponsor, White Cloud Coffee, fueling creative conversations everywhere. Listeners, enjoy 10% off your first order at whitecloudcoffee.com.And before you go, don't forget to download your free e-book of Your World of Creativity when you visit mark-stinson.com.

The news of Texas covered today includes:Our Lone Star story of the day: Examples from everyday life of the disintegrating virtue of our society and most of it is not even noticed by most people. Just a few from this week's press review: What is the Full Cost of Richardson ISD's $2.3 Billion Bond Package? What is the Full Cost of Belton ISD's $161.8 Million Bond Package? What is the Full Cost of Friendswood ISD's $165 Million Bond Package? Odessa city council finalizes property tax increase for 2026 – mayor says it's just a penny when it's almost $40 per MONTH for average homeowner. Albany mayor doesn't appear to support open government Our Lone Star story of the day is sponsored by Allied Compliance Services providing the best service in DOT, business and personal drug and alcohol testing since 1995.A long story worth every moment to read: How out-of-towners are moving to ‘take over' a rich West Texas county (Loving County)The Dallas shooting was a political act– The Spectator World & Gun Control Talk Won't Save Them | National ReviewTeen accused of threats toward Charlie Kirk vigil in San Antonio – really Hearst, a “teen”!? As police reminded him, he's a 19-year-old man.Listen on the radio, or station stream, at 5pm Central. Click for our radio and streaming affiliates.www.PrattonTexas.com

Less than a week after late-night star Jimmy Kimmel was abruptly suspended by ABC over comments related to the death of the conservative activist Charlie Kirk, the comedian was back on the air last night. But not on more than 30 ABC-affiliate stations around the country controlled by Nexstar. The Irving-based broadcasting group will continue to show other programming as it “monitors the show.” In other news, shareholders of the DallasNews Corporation have voted to approve a merger with Hearst, uniting two storied brands in journalism. An overwhelming percentage of DallasNews stockholders endorsed the union with Hearst, which in July entered into a definitive merger agreement with the public parent company of The Dallas Morning News and integrated creative marketing agency Medium Giant. More than 260 people are being laid off across Dallas-Fort Worth, according to WARN notices filed with the state. Workers at Hill and Smith, a local manufacturer of traffic safety products, and Amazon logistics contractor Accelore have been notified and will begin separation starting in November. And the Texas Rangers were mathematically eliminated from postseason contention after their eighth straight loss. Manager Bruce Bochy, in a rare critique of his team's effort and intensity, declared that the club “looked dead” in their 4-1 loss to the Minnesota Twins Tuesday night at Globe Life Field. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In this episode, host Sandy Vance sits with Jon Shreve, CEO of MCG, to explore how artificial intelligence is reshaping the future of clinical guidelines and decision support. They discuss how MCG is leveraging AI to strengthen its offerings for payer organizations and stakeholders across the healthcare spectrum, why consistent interpretation of guidelines is critical, and how trust plays a central role in the process. The conversation also dives into the question of whether AI standards will ever be unified and gives a sneak peek into the exciting new directions MCG is heading.In this episode, they talk about:How healthcare AI is transforming clinical guidelines and MCG's approachClinical decision support solutions for payers and healthcare organizationsWhy consistent guideline interpretation matters in healthcareBuilding trust in AI-powered clinical decision-makingWill AI standards in healthcare ever be unified?Future innovations in clinical decision support at MCGA Little About Jon:Mr. Shreve oversees all facets of MCG Health's growth and management. He was Chairman of MCG from 2002 to 2009 and became its CEO in 2007. In 2018, Glassdoor recognized him as one of the Top 50 CEOs for Medium and Small Businesses. In 2024, Glassdoor also named MCG a Best Place to Work. Under his leadership, MCG has grown by over 20x. Before MCG's acquisition by Hearst in 2012, Mr. Shreve had been with Milliman for over 25 years as an Equity Principal and Consulting Actuary. In addition to MCG, Mr. Shreve led or sponsored twenty other practices and was on Milliman's Board of Directors. Mr. Shreve received his Bachelor of Arts with distinction in Mathematics from Carleton College in Minnesota, and he is a Fellow of the Society of Actuaries, as well as a Member of the American Academy of Actuaries.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

Big changes don't always require big budgets. In this episode, An Trotter, Senior Director of Operations at Hearst, joins hosts Jeremiah Kincannon and Janessa Nelson to share how legal teams can make impactful improvements by maximizing internal resources. From deploying e-signatures at no extra cost to building an in-house CLE program with creative solutions, An breaks down the strategies that help legal ops thrive without overspending. The conversation explores flexibility, creativity, and the power of taking calculated risks, plus the role of strong relationships in driving change. An also brings insights from her background in dance where discipline and adaptability are key to success. If you're looking for ways to transform legal operations on a budget, this episode is packed with inspiration.Thank you to our 2025 CLOC Global Institute CLOC Talk sponsor, DeepL.

When nineteen-year-old Patty Hearst was kidnapped from her apartment in February 1974, everyone assumed the heiress had been abducted for the purposes of ransom. However, in the days that followed, Hearst's kidnappers, the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), made themselves known when they sent a letter demanding the Hearst family provide food to every needy family in California. For nearly two months, the SLA held Patty Hearts captive, or so it seemed to the public. But when the group's demands were met and Hearst was given the opportunity to leave, the teenager shocked the world when, rather than flee her captors, she joined their ranks in support of their cause. Hearst's decision set in motion a chain of events that resulted in several acts of explosive violence and forever changed the way we think about victims of kidnapping. Yet in all the analysis of the case over the last fifty years, one question remains unanswered, and possibly unanswerable: Was Patty Hearst a willing accomplice to the SLA or was she a brainwashed victim trying to survive a traumatic ordeal?Thank you to the Amazing Dave White (of BRING ME THE AXE PODCAST) for research and writing assistance!

When nineteen-year-old Patty Hearst was kidnapped from her apartment in February 1974, everyone assumed the heiress had been abducted for the purposes of ransom. However, in the days that followed, Hearst's kidnappers, the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), made themselves known when they sent a letter demanding the Hearst family provide food to every needy family in California. For nearly two months, the SLA held Patty Hearts captive, or so it seemed to the public. But when the group's demands were met and Hearst was given the opportunity to leave, the teenager shocked the world when, rather than flee her captors, she joined their ranks in support of their cause. Hearst's decision set in motion a chain of events that resulted in several acts of explosive violence and forever changed the way we think about victims of kidnapping. Yet in all the analysis of the case over the last fifty years, one question remains unanswered, and possibly unanswerable: Was Patty Hearst a willing accomplice to the SLA or was she a brainwashed victim trying to survive a traumatic ordeal?Thank you to the Amazing Dave White (of BRING ME THE AXE PODCAST) for research and writing assistance!

When nineteen-year-old Patty Hearst was kidnapped from her apartment in February 1974, everyone assumed the heiress had been abducted for the purposes of ransom. However, in the days that followed, Hearst's kidnappers, the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), made themselves known when they sent a letter demanding the Hearst family provide food to every needy family in California. For nearly two months, the SLA held Patty Hearts captive, or so it seemed to the public. But when the group's demands were met and Hearst was given the opportunity to leave, the teenager shocked the world when, rather than flee her captors, she joined their ranks in support of their cause. Hearst's decision set in motion a chain of events that resulted in several acts of explosive violence and forever changed the way we think about victims of kidnapping. Yet in all the analysis of the case over the last fifty years, one question remains unanswered, and possibly unanswerable: Was Patty Hearst a willing accomplice to the SLA or was she a brainwashed victim trying to survive a traumatic ordeal?Thank you to the Amazing Dave White (of BRING ME THE AXE PODCAST) for research and writing assistance!ReferencesAssociated Press. 1974. "SLA commandos rob bank, shoot 2." Los Angeles Times, April 15: 1.Caldwell, Earl. 1974. "Miss Hearst says she joins terrorists." New York Times, April 4: 1.Conant, Jane Eshleman. 1974. "Guns point at 'Tania' in bank." San Francisco Examiner, April 16: 1.Cook, Stephen. 1976. "Doctor: I wasn't harsh with Patty." San Francisco Examiner, January 15 : 1.—. 1975. "Patty falling apart and must leave jail, her lawyer says." San Francisco Examiner, September 29: 1.Curtain, Andrew. 1974. "New offer to Patty's captors." San Francisco Examiner, February 23: 1.Fosburgh, Lacey. 1974. "Miss Hearst: an unlikely revolutionary." New York Times, April 7: 1.Hager, Philip, and Daryl Lembke. 1974. "Kidnappers may offer 'deal' for Hearst girl." Los Angeles Times, February 9: 1.Hager, Philip, and Dick Main. 1974. "$2 million for food pledged by Hearst." San Francisco Examiner, February 19: 1.Hearst, Patricia. 1974. "Transcript of Patricia Hearst's diatribe on 'SLA expropriation'." San Francisco Examiner, April 25: 4.Kendall, John. 1974. "'Never afraid of death,' defiant Miss Hearst declares on tape." Los Angeles Times, June 8: 1.Linder, Douglas. n.d. The Patty Hearst Tapes. Accessed June 22, 2025. https://www.famous-trials.com/pattyhearst/2209-tapes.Martinez, Al, and Robert Kistler. 1974. "Suspected SLA hideout stormed, 5 die." Los Angeles Times, May 18: 1.Nordheimer, Jon. 1974. "Miss Hearst is now Tania, but how and why?" New York Times, May 26: 160.San Francisco Examiner. 1974. "Father agree--it's Patty's voice." San Francisco Examiner, February 12: 18.—. 1974. "Her voice: 'Mom, Dad, I'm ok'." San Francisco Examiner, February 12: 1.—. 1974. "'It's terrible, vicious,' father says." San Francisco Examiner, April 16: 1.—. 1975. "Patty asked to join the SLA, Rolling Stone article says." San Francisco Examiner, September 29: 2.—. 1974. "'People in Need' opens with chaos, violence." San Francisco Examiner, February 23: 1.—. 1974. "The public's reaction to the kidnapping." San Francisco Examiner, February 17: 20.—. 1974. "5 victims in shootout at suspected SLA hideout." San Francisco Exminer, May 18: 1.2020. The Crimes That Changed Us. Performed by Sebastian Smith.Symbionese Liberation Army. n.d. "SLA Communique." UMKC Famous Trials. Accessed June 19, 2025. https://www.famous-trials.com/pattyhearst/2328-sla-communique.Toobin, Jeffrey. 2017. American Heiress: The Wild Saga of the Kidnapping, Crimes and Trial of Patty Hearst. New York, NY : Anchor Books.Turner, Wallace. 1974. "Graddaughter of Hearst abducted by 3." New York Times, February 6: 1.—. 1974. "Note says terrorists hold Miss Hearst." New York Times, February 8: 1.United Press International. 1976. "Jury acquits Steve Soliah." Daily Breeze (Torrence, CA), April 28: 6.Waugh, Dexter. 1974. "Key groups offer help to free Patty." San Francisco Examiner, February 14: 1.Waugh, Dexter, and Don West. 1979. "'Nothing wrong with being Patty Hearst'." San Francisco Examiner, February 1: 1.Subscribe to SiriusXM Podcasts+ to listen to new episodes of Morbid ad-free. Start a free trial now on Apple Podcasts or by visiting siriusxm.com/podcastsplus.

When nineteen-year-old Patty Hearst was kidnapped from her apartment in February 1974, everyone assumed the heiress had been abducted for the purposes of ransom. However, in the days that followed, Hearst's kidnappers, the Symbionese Liberation Army (SLA), made themselves known when they sent a letter demanding the Hearst family provide food to every needy family in California. For nearly two months, the SLA held Patty Hearts captive, or so it seemed to the public. But when the group's demands were met and Hearst was given the opportunity to leave, the teenager shocked the world when, rather than flee her captors, she joined their ranks in support of their cause. Hearst's decision set in motion a chain of events that resulted in several acts of explosive violence and forever changed the way we think about victims of kidnapping. Yet in all the analysis of the case over the last fifty years, one question remains unanswered, and possibly unanswerable: Was Patty Hearst a willing accomplice to the SLA or was she a brainwashed victim trying to survive a traumatic ordeal?Thank you to the Amazing Dave White (of BRING ME THE AXE PODCAST) for research and writing assistance!ReferencesAssociated Press. 1974. "SLA commandos rob bank, shoot 2." Los Angeles Times, April 15: 1.Caldwell, Earl. 1974. "Miss Hearst says she joins terrorists." New York Times, April 4: 1.Conant, Jane Eshleman. 1974. "Guns point at 'Tania' in bank." San Francisco Examiner, April 16: 1.Cook, Stephen. 1976. "Doctor: I wasn't harsh with Patty." San Francisco Examiner, January 15 : 1.—. 1975. "Patty falling apart and must leave jail, her lawyer says." San Francisco Examiner, September 29: 1.Curtain, Andrew. 1974. "New offer to Patty's captors." San Francisco Examiner, February 23: 1.Fosburgh, Lacey. 1974. "Miss Hearst: an unlikely revolutionary." New York Times, April 7: 1.Hager, Philip, and Daryl Lembke. 1974. "Kidnappers may offer 'deal' for Hearst girl." Los Angeles Times, February 9: 1.Hager, Philip, and Dick Main. 1974. "$2 million for food pledged by Hearst." San Francisco Examiner, February 19: 1.Hearst, Patricia. 1974. "Transcript of Patricia Hearst's diatribe on 'SLA expropriation'." San Francisco Examiner, April 25: 4.Kendall, John. 1974. "'Never afraid of death,' defiant Miss Hearst declares on tape." Los Angeles Times, June 8: 1.Linder, Douglas. n.d. The Patty Hearst Tapes. Accessed June 22, 2025. https://www.famous-trials.com/pattyhearst/2209-tapes.Martinez, Al, and Robert Kistler. 1974. "Suspected SLA hideout stormed, 5 die." Los Angeles Times, May 18: 1.Nordheimer, Jon. 1974. "Miss Hearst is now Tania, but how and why?" New York Times, May 26: 160.San Francisco Examiner. 1974. "Father agree--it's Patty's voice." San Francisco Examiner, February 12: 18.—. 1974. "Her voice: 'Mom, Dad, I'm ok'." San Francisco Examiner, February 12: 1.—. 1974. "'It's terrible, vicious,' father says." San Francisco Examiner, April 16: 1.—. 1975. "Patty asked to join the SLA, Rolling Stone article says." San Francisco Examiner, September 29: 2.—. 1974. "'People in Need' opens with chaos, violence." San Francisco Examiner, February 23: 1.—. 1974. "The public's reaction to the kidnapping." San Francisco Examiner, February 17: 20.—. 1974. "5 victims in shootout at suspected SLA hideout." San Francisco Exminer, May 18: 1.2020. The Crimes That Changed Us. Performed by Sebastian Smith.Symbionese Liberation Army. n.d. "SLA Communique." UMKC Famous Trials. Accessed June 19, 2025. https://www.famous-trials.com/pattyhearst/2328-sla-communique.Toobin, Jeffrey. 2017. American Heiress: The Wild Saga of the Kidnapping, Crimes and Trial of Patty Hearst. New York, NY : Anchor Books.Turner, Wallace. 1974. "Graddaughter of Hearst abducted by 3." New York Times, February 6: 1.—. 1974. "Note says terrorists hold Miss Hearst." New York Times, February 8: 1.United Press International. 1976. "Jury acquits Steve Soliah." Daily Breeze (Torrence, CA), April 28: 6.Waugh, Dexter. 1974. "Key groups offer help to free Patty." San Francisco Examiner, February 14: 1.Waugh, Dexter, and Don West. 1979. "'Nothing wrong with being Patty Hearst'." San Francisco Examiner, February 1: 1.Enjoy new episodes of Morbid ad-free. Learn more about your SiriusXM Podcasts+ subscription by visiting siriusxm.com/podcastsplus.Subscribe to SiriusXM Podcasts+ to listen to new episodes of Morbid ad-free. Start a free trial now on Apple Podcasts or by visiting siriusxm.com/podcastsplus.

Since Oval Office Flattery is Required, South Korea's President Praises Trump's Garish Redecoration Only to Have Trump Heap Praise on the North Korean Dictator Who Wants to Annihilate South Korea | A Directionless DNC Meets Today With Coffers Empty and a Growing Split Between Younger Activists and Older Centrists While Trump's GOP Moves to Wipe Out the Opposition and Install a Dictator | 5 More Palestinian Journalists Killed Today as Starvation Takes Hold in Gaza backgroundbriefing.org/donate twitter.com/ianmastersmedia bsky.app/profile/ianmastersmedia.bsky.social facebook.com/ianmastersmedia

Today's guest is Richard Ryan, a tech innovator, media executive, and digital pioneer with over 20 years of experience driving growth at the intersection of technology and creative strategy. An early mover in digital media, Richard developed a YouTube app four years before YouTube released its own and built FullMag into a channel with over 2.7 million subscribers and a digital footprint totaling more than 20 billion views. He also launched Rated Red with Verizon Media and Hearst, scaling it to over one million organic subscribers in its first year and is a co-founder of Black Rifle Coffee Company. Today, his focus is on privacy, algorithmic influence, and empowering consumers in the digital era.In this episode, Jack and Richard dive into Richard's book, THE WARRIOR'S GARDEN, and its call to cultivate awareness in a tech-dominated world. They explore the war for the mind in the attention economy, the role of algorithms in shaping behavior, and how authenticity and accountability can serve as antidotes to manipulation. The conversation touches on AI, deception online, and the dangers of outsourcing memory to devices—while also using nature as a metaphor for resilience and mental well-being. Richard shares his optimism for the future, the importance of reclaiming time, and his hope to inspire others to adapt and thrive in the digital age.FOLLOW RICHARDInstagram: @RichardRyanX: @RichardRyanFacebook: @RichardRyanLinkedIn: @Richard RyanWebsite: https://www.warriorsgarden.com/FOLLOW JACKInstagram: @JackCarrUSA X:  @JackCarrUSAFacebook:  @JackCarr YouTube:  @JackCarrUSASPONSORSCRY HAVOC – A Tom Reece Thriller https://www.officialjackcarr.com/books/cry-havoc/Bravo Company Manufacturing - https://bravocompanyusa.com/ and on Instagram @BravoCompanyUSATHE SIGs of Jack Carr:Visit https://www.sigsauer.com/ and on Instagram @sigsauerinc Jack Carr Gear: Explore the gear here https://jackcarr.co/gear 

In 2018 my newspaper died. Well, actually, the emaciated carcass of the Austin American Statesman still had a feeble pulse. But its journalistic voice and soul were gone, stripped out by the notorious financial predators of Gannett, the huge media conglomerate that had recently bought the paper.Happily, though, the Statesman has made a near-miraculous recovery, thanks to a small-but-feisty band of actual journalists who believe in local newspapers. They fought Gannett bosses tenaciously, gaining a voice by forming a union, striking, and finally compelling the giant to sign a union contract. Victory!Uh… not yet. Just months later, Gannett sold the newspaper to Hearst, another massive media conglomerate. This new relationship started well, but soon turned sour when Hearst honchos abruptly refused to honor the paper's contract with the union. Then they began firing employees and jacking around with the newsroom's healthcare and retirement benefits. Adding pettiness to greed, Hearst honchos even refused to let Statesman journalists take a holiday that corporate managers get. What the hell?Bear in mind that Hearst is a phenomenally profitable, $13-billion-a-year, multi-media behemoth. It's CEO, Steven Swartz, pockets millions of dollars a year and lives in luxury. Also, Austin is a booming media market worth gazillions to Hearst! No need to be so pathetically mingy!So, the hardy members of the Austin News Guild are back doing what working people have to do – organizing and mobilizing for a little more justice. “We're no strangers to the petty tactics of corporate elites,” they say, so the guild is relaunching its grassroots campaign to battle the b******s, fight for fairness, and protect local news. To track progress, go to: AustinNewsGuild.org.Jim Hightower's Lowdown is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit jimhightower.substack.com/subscribe

(If you loved Rob Reiner + Soledad O'Brien's WHO KILLED JFK?, perhaps you'll enjoy this story from JFK's early years. Thanks for Rob Reiner for joining the Very Special Episodes podcast to help us tell it.) Eighty years ago this summer, a young John F. Kennedy took a job as a journalist for Hearst newspapers, filing dispatches in the final days of World War II. His columns capture the mood of a changing world. In today's Very Special Episode, Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer Fred Logevall and legendary director Rob Reiner join us to explore the forgotten summer that helped shape Kennedy's worldview. * For more Very Special Episodes, follow the show wherever you get your podcasts. Go see Spinal Tap II: The End Continues in theaters this September! Check out Fred Logevall's excellent book: JFK: Coming of Age in the American Century. Today's episode was written by Joe Pompeo. Very Special Episodes is hosted by Dana Schwartz, Zaron Burnett, and Jason English. Produced and edited by Josh Fisher, Jonathan Washington, and Mary Dooe. And thanks to our JFK voice actor, Tom Antonellis, for nailing another role. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.