Savage Minds Podcast

Elena Poniatowska, Mexico's most celebrated journalist and one of the most significant literary voices in the Spanish-speaking world, argues in this conversation that the crisis of contemporary journalism is inseparable from the collapse of critical reading—and that both are symptoms of a deeper cultural abandonment. Born in Paris in 1932 to a French-Polish father and Mexican mother, Poniatowska contends that her formation as a writer was shaped by displacement, by learning to listen to those rendered voiceless by history, and by understanding that journalism must be an act of solidarity before it is anything else. Widely credited with helping to establish the genre of testimonio in Latin American letters, she transformed the voices of the marginalised into literature that forced an entire nation to confront its own silence. She maintains that her landmark work La Noche de Tlatelolco was not a journalistic achievement but a moral obligation, and reflects on her decision to refuse the Xavier Villaurrutia Prize, asking who would award the dead. Poniatowska insists that the greatest threat to literature and journalism today is not artificial intelligence but the disappearance of patience—the willingness to sit with a text, a story, or a life long enough for meaning to emerge. At 94, she affirms her belief in the innate goodness of human beings as not a sentiment but a necessity.Elena Poniatowska, la periodista más célebre de México y una de las voces literarias más significativas del mundo hispanohablante, sostiene en esta conversación que la crisis del periodismo contemporáneo es inseparable del colapso de la lectura crítica—y que ambos son síntomas de un abandono cultural más profundo. Nacida en París en 1932 de padre franco-polaco y madre mexicana, Poniatowska afirma que su formación como escritora estuvo marcada por el desplazamiento, por aprender a escuchar a quienes la historia había silenciado, y por comprender que el periodismo debe ser ante todo un acto de solidaridad. Ampliamente reconocida por haber contribuido a establecer el género del testimonio en las letras latinoamericanas, transformó las voces de los marginados en literatura que obligó a una nación entera a confrontar su propio silencio. Sostiene que su obra emblemática La Noche de Tlatelolco no fue un logro periodístico sino una obligación moral, y reflexiona sobre su decisión de rechazar el Premio Xavier Villaurrutia, preguntando quién iba a premiar a los muertos. Poniatowska insiste en que la mayor amenaza para la literatura y el periodismo hoy no es la inteligencia artificial sino la desaparición de la paciencia—la disposición a permanecer con un texto, una historia o una vida el tiempo suficiente para que emerja el significado. A los 94 años, reafirma su creencia en la bondad innata de los seres humanos no como un sentimiento sino como una necesidad.English transcript:SAVAGE MINDS — Elena PoniatowskaJulian Vigo (00:00:15):Welcome to Savage Minds.Julian Vigo (00:00:26):I am your host, Julian Vigo.Julian Vigo (00:00:30):Today's guest is Elena Poniatowska Amor,Julian Vigo (00:00:33):daughter of a French father of Polish origin, Jean E.Julian Vigo (00:00:37):Poniatowski, and Mexican mother Paula Amor.Julian Vigo (00:00:41):She was born in Paris in 1932.Julian Vigo (00:00:46):She has practiced journalism since 1953 at the newspapers El Día, Excélsior, Novedades, and La Jornada.Julian Vigo (00:00:57):She is the first woman to receive the National Journalism Prize.Julian Vigo (00:01:02):Among her works is La Noche de Tlatelolco,Julian Vigo (00:01:05):a classic since its publication, for which she was awarded the Xavier Villaurrutia Prize,Julian Vigo (00:01:12):which she refused, asking who was going to award the dead.Julian Vigo (00:01:17):Her novels and stories include La Flor de Lis,Julian Vigo (00:01:20):De Noche Vienes and Tlapalería,Julian Vigo (00:01:24):Paseo de la Reforma,Julian Vigo (00:01:26):Hasta No Verte Jesús Mío,Julian Vigo (00:01:28):The Life of a Mexican Soldadera,Julian Vigo (00:01:31):Querido Diego Te Abraza Quiela, Tinísima, winner of the Mazatlán Prize in 1992, La Piel del Cielo,Julian Vigo (00:01:40):winner of the Alfaguara Novel Prize in 2001, and El Tren Pasa Primero,Julian Vigo (00:01:48):about the lives of Mexican railway workers,Julian Vigo (00:01:52):winner of the Rómulo Gallegos International Novel Prize in 2007. Leonora won the Premio Biblioteca Breve Seix Barral in 2011. El Universo o Nada (2013) is the biography ofJulian Vigo (00:02:07):astrophysicist Guillermo Haro. Ondas de la Niña Mala is her first poetry collection, andJulian Vigo (00:02:14):her children's books include Boda en Chimalistac, La Vendedora de Nubes,Julian Vigo (00:02:20):El Burro que Metió la Pata, Sansimonsi, illustrated by Rafael Barajas el Fisgón, and ElJulian Vigo (00:02:27):Niño Estrellero by Fernando Robles, and El Charito Cantor by Osvaldo Hernández.Julian Vigo (00:02:34):Her most recent novel, El Amante Polaco, portrays the last king of Poland, Stanisław AugustJulian Vigo (00:02:41):Poniatowski. Translated into 20 languages. Gabi Brimmer and Las Mil y Una, the story ofJulian Vigo (00:02:48):Paulina,Julian Vigo (00:02:49):address social issues.Julian Vigo (00:02:52):After receiving honorary doctorates from UNAM and UAM,Julian Vigo (00:02:57):she was awarded them from the University of Puebla,Julian Vigo (00:03:01):Sonora, Estado de México,Julian Vigo (00:03:04):Guerrero,Julian Vigo (00:03:06):Chiapas, and Puerto Rico.Julian Vigo (00:03:09):She also received honorary degrees from the New School for Social Research in New York,Julian Vigo (00:03:13):Manhattanville College, and Florida Atlantic University in the United States, and fromJulian Vigo (00:03:19):Paris 8,Julian Vigo (00:03:19):La Sorbonne, and Pau-Pyrénées, as well as the Maria Moors Cabot Prize for Journalism atJulian Vigo (00:03:27):Columbia University, New York, in 2004, and from the Universidad Complutense, Madrid, inJulian Vigo (00:03:32):2015.Julian Vigo (00:03:34):She received the French Legion of Honour at the rank of Officer, the Gabriela Mistral Prize from Chile, and inJulian Vigo (00:03:41):2006, the Courage Award from the International Women's Media Foundation.Julian Vigo (00:03:43):In 2013 she was awardedJulian Vigo (00:03:49):the Miguel de Cervantes Prize for literature in the Spanish language, and she received theJulian Vigo (00:03:55):Belisario Domínguez Medal in 2022.Julian Vigo (00:03:58):This is the highest honour granted by the Senate of the Mexican Republic, along with theJulian Vigo (00:04:05):Carlos Fuentes International Prize for Literary Creation in the Spanish Language in 2023.(00:04:12):I welcome Elena Poniatowska to Savage Minds.Julian Vigo (00:04:19):I wanted to begin with a memory I have of you.Julian Vigo (00:04:22):In 1993,Julian Vigo (00:04:25):I think,Julian Vigo (00:04:27):or 94 —Julian Vigo (00:04:28):one of those two years —Julian Vigo (00:04:29):I was in Puebla,Julian Vigo (00:04:31):Cholula,Julian Vigo (00:04:32):teaching at the Universidad de las Américas.Julian Vigo (00:04:35):Yes.Julian Vigo (00:04:36):And you came to give a talk at an observatory — I believe it was Tonantzintla.Elena Poniatowska (00:04:44):Yes, of course.Elena Poniatowska (00:04:46):Yes, I remember it, andJulian Vigo (00:04:49):you made a great impression on me that day. But I must confess that your entire life's work made a great impression on me — not only on me. I wanted to begin with your formation, your life, because you were born in France andJulian Vigo (00:05:12):how do you remember your childhood in France, and what elements of that world did you bring with you when you arrived in Mexico in 1942?Elena Poniatowska (00:05:21):Well, thank you very much for your interest.Elena Poniatowska (00:05:29):I can tell you that I was born in 1932 in Paris, France, because my mother Paula Amor marriedElena Poniatowska (00:05:42):Juan Poniatowski, who held a noble title — that of prince —Elena Poniatowska (00:05:54):because the last king of Poland was Stanisław Poniatowski, who was, I believe, one ofElena Poniatowska (00:06:07):the lovers —Elena Poniatowska (00:06:09):one of the younger lovers of the Empress of Russia, Catherine the Great.Elena Poniatowska (00:06:21):My mother was a woman born also in Paris, of Mexican origin, who leftElena Poniatowska (00:06:32):France because of the Mexican RevolutionElena Poniatowska (00:06:36):and went to live with her parents — Pablo Amor and Elena Iturbe de Amor — inElena Poniatowska (00:06:49):Biarritz, and they later moved to Paris. My mother always spoke Spanish with a French accent. She had two sisters who also lived in France for a long time,Elena Poniatowska (00:07:07):and they were rather Frenchified. She met my father Jean Poniatowski in Paris andElena Poniatowska (00:07:20):married him, and I was born in 1932 in Paris.Elena Poniatowska (00:07:25):I would like to knowJulian Vigo (00:07:31):more about this experience, because as you probably know — especially Americans and Canadians — they think everyone wants to come to their countries. But something they don't know until they travel is that in Mexico, Honduras, and all of Latin America there is a great deal of immigration, people from every country in the world. Why not?Elena Poniatowska (00:08:01):Her mother was in France; my mother was Mexican, born in France. Her family — she had a grandmother, my mother's great-grandmother, who was Russian, and in general her father was educated in England, so they wereElena Poniatowska (00:08:29):Mexicans — Amor is a Mexican surname — but they were very closely tied to Europe. For my mother, living in Europe was very natural becauseElena Poniatowska (00:08:49):she first attended a boarding school in Switzerland, in Lausanne,Elena Poniatowska (00:08:56):and then was in Paris. At a Rothschild ball she met my father JuanElena Poniatowska (00:09:07):Poniatowski and married him in 1931,Elena Poniatowska (00:09:17):or perhaps at the beginning of 1932, because I was born on the 19th of May 1932.Elena Poniatowska (00:09:29):My sister was born in 1933.Julian Vigo (00:09:34):As a child who spoke French and had to learn Spanish, in what way did language become your first tool for survival?Elena Poniatowska (00:09:47):Well, I also know English and French. Language, for me — learning Spanish in Mexico — was obviously about communicating with people in the streetElena Poniatowska (00:09:56):and with friends at school. But French remained my mother tongue, andElena Poniatowska (00:10:03):later I dedicated myself to speaking Spanish with the people at home, with the MexicansElena Poniatowska (00:10:14):I met at school.Elena Poniatowska (00:10:23):Curiously, I attended an English school called the Windsor School, but I learned SpanishJulian Vigo (00:10:38):in the street — one always learns Spanish better in the street. You learn so much from people in Mexico. I found people very warm and open. On the other hand, for Mexicans in my country, it's not the same at all.Julian Vigo (00:10:59):What was the first moment you felt that writing was the only possible way to understand the Mexico around you?Elena Poniatowska (00:11:11):Well, I would never say it was the only possible way.Elena Poniatowska (00:11:17):I think that at twenty,Elena Poniatowska (00:11:22):twenty-one years old, returning from studying at a convent of nuns, I had theElena Poniatowska (00:11:30):good fortune to be able to start writing at a newspaper called, at that time,Elena Poniatowska (00:11:42):Excelsior.Elena Poniatowska (00:11:43):They asked me to submit a daily article,Elena Poniatowska (00:11:48):an interview,Elena Poniatowska (00:11:51):a chronicle, and I did so with enormous enthusiasm and great pleasure, because it allowed meElena Poniatowska (00:12:00):to know Mexico much better, and also to meet great figures of Mexico such asElena Poniatowska (00:12:09):Diego Rivera,Elena Poniatowska (00:12:11):José Clemente Orozco, actresses like Dolores del Río and María Félix, architects likeElena Poniatowska (00:12:20):Luis Barragán, and writers — even writers of my own generation, or slightlyElena Poniatowska (00:12:31):older than me — such as Juan Rulfo,Elena Poniatowska (00:12:38):Rosario Castellanos, Carlos Fuentes, and of course Octavio Paz.Julian Vigo (00:12:46):What a rich life! María Félix — what a figure!Julian Vigo (00:12:52):How was your experience beginning in journalism in the early 1950s in a predominantly male environment?Elena Poniatowska (00:13:05):Well, I was truly very lucky, because people were very kind andElena Poniatowska (00:13:14):even affectionate towards me. No one ever refused me an interview. I was able to reach Alfonso Reyes, Octavio Paz,Elena Poniatowska (00:13:25):the great architect Luis Barragán, José Vasconcelos the philosopher, and all were veryElena Poniatowska (00:13:40):kind and cordial with me, as were important actors like Ignacio LópezElena Poniatowska (00:13:51):Tarso,Elena Poniatowska (00:13:52):and of course those I already mentioned — Dolores del Río, María Félix — and singers, and also many visitors who came from Europe, the United States, or Latin America to perform in Mexico.Elena Poniatowska (00:14:20):Did you know El Indio Fernández?Elena Poniatowska (00:14:23):Yes,Elena Poniatowska (00:14:24):of course —Elena Poniatowska (00:14:25):I interviewed him,Elena Poniatowska (00:14:26):I knew El Indio Fernández, who by ten in the morning was already offering me a tequila, whichElena Poniatowska (00:14:35):I did not drink, as I'm not accustomed to drinking. And also many otherElena Poniatowska (00:14:47):famous actors of that era, like the comedian Cantinflas, whoseJulian Vigo (00:14:56):real name was Mario Moreno. Cantinflas — I know his work. Wow. And you were in Mexico during the same period as Luis Buñuel?Elena Poniatowska (00:15:06):Yes, I ended up with Luis Buñuel — yes, we had a great friendshipElena Poniatowska (00:15:15):because out of affection he came to have lunch at my house several times, so I saw him on manyElena Poniatowska (00:15:24):occasions. We even went together to the prison of Lecumberri to visit, for example, aElena Poniatowska (00:15:33):Colombian who had committed an offence and was imprisoned — his name wasElena Poniatowska (00:15:42):Álvaro Mutis.Julian Vigo (00:15:45):And you have lived through and narrated great social transformations.Julian Vigo (00:15:51):Do you think that today's digital democratisation of public opinion helps social justice, or does it rather dilute real struggles into mere narratives of identity and likes?Elena Poniatowska (00:16:08):Well, I think the Mexican Revolution,Elena Poniatowska (00:16:15):led by a man like Emiliano Zapata, was extraordinary in redistributing the lands and haciendas of Mexico and in giving all MexicansElena Poniatowska (00:16:32):access to better education, better formation, a better life. I consider thatElena Poniatowska (00:16:46):Emiliano Zapata was one of the great heroes of Mexico, even though he personally took away the haciendas of my grandparents, the Amors and the Iturbes.Julian Vigo (00:17:06):What did you learn from the great intellectuals of your youth?Julian Vigo (00:17:08):You mentioned Juan Rulfo, Alfonso Reyes, and many others.Julian Vigo (00:17:15):What influenced your decision to dedicate your life to letters?Elena Poniatowska (00:17:20):No, they did not influence my decision to dedicate myself to letters.Elena Poniatowska (00:17:26):I met them later.Elena Poniatowska (00:17:30):I began as a journalist, a modest journalist, at the newspaper Excelsior in 1953 —Elena Poniatowska (00:17:42):I think 1952 or 1953. Very young. I had come from an education at a convent of nuns inElena Poniatowska (00:17:53):Philadelphia, and I decidedElena Poniatowska (00:17:57):to write chronicles and interviews to get to know Mexico better. I came to know those figures through my work as a journalist, and because I could question themElena Poniatowska (00:18:14):in the language I knew and had learned as a child — at ten years old — which is Spanish. My other languages until then had beenElena Poniatowska (00:18:22):English,Elena Poniatowska (00:18:27):and French, which is my mother tongue.Julian Vigo (00:18:32):You are known for the testimonio.Julian Vigo (00:18:36):At what exact point did you feel that traditional fiction was not sufficient to capture Mexican reality?Elena Poniatowska (00:18:47):As I mentioned, I began by engaging with many valuable MexicansElena Poniatowska (00:18:54):who received me in their homes, gave me their opinions. At the same time as I received what they wished to give me,Elena Poniatowska (00:19:04):I observed how their homes were, how they treated the people around them — their wives, their children, their servants — and all of that helped meElena Poniatowska (00:19:22):to know Mexico better. I also spent a great deal of time in the streets — that is, with the poorest people, whom I was able to reachElena Poniatowska (00:19:34):through my own nature and also with the help of a great Mexican illustrator, Alberto Beltrán. In the street he made sketches of everything the Mexicans did — the newspaper vendors,Elena Poniatowska (00:19:59):the taco sellers,Elena Poniatowska (00:20:03):the women making corn tortillas by hand,Elena Poniatowska (00:20:12):the bakeries, and then the hardware stores where everything was sold — from nails toElena Poniatowska (00:20:22):cleaning cloths — and all of that was a very vital andElena Poniatowska (00:20:32):generous apprenticeship in learning to see the lives of working Mexicans.Julian Vigo (00:20:40):But it is an art — to be able to listen to people, to their voices.Julian Vigo (00:20:53):How did you learn to listen to the voice of the other?Elena Poniatowska (00:20:58):Well, I think it is a natural inclination.Elena Poniatowska (00:21:03):It is not learned.Elena Poniatowska (00:21:05):It is not forced.Elena Poniatowska (00:21:06):It is a way of being.Elena Poniatowska (00:21:10):I am far more interestedElena Poniatowska (00:21:11):in speaking of what others do, how they do it, and who they are, than in speaking of myself, my sensations, my emotions. And I have done this from a very young age, so it has become a habit — it is part of my daily life.Julian Vigo (00:21:36):Do you believe that the testimonio is essentially an act of political resistance?Elena Poniatowska (00:21:44):I think so.Elena Poniatowska (00:21:45):It helps enormously to know the thinking of those who have no power, who are not in power, who do not consider themselves political, who are not leaders — although I did have the great privilege of interviewing leaders and very important figures in Mexico,Elena Poniatowska (00:22:14):such as, for example, the Spanish refugee of the Civil War, Luis Buñuel.Julian Vigo (00:22:26):And how was the process of gathering the voice of Jesusa Palancares?Julian Vigo (00:22:32):How long did it take you to absorb her story?Elena Poniatowska (00:22:38):Well, it was a privilege. I heard her — she was doing laundry in a popular building, a building where many Mexicans lived who had noElena Poniatowska (00:22:56):economic resources. Everything she said caught my attention enormously. I approached her and asked if I could visit her at her home,Elena Poniatowska (00:23:13):which was a very poor house, obviously far from the area where I lived. And so I went toElena Poniatowska (00:23:26):see her once a week. We became friends, and she began telling me her life. And that is howElena Poniatowska (00:23:36):the novel Hasta No Verte Jesús Mío came about. When it was published,Elena Poniatowska (00:23:43):she asked me to give her ten copies to give to her friends —Elena Poniatowska (00:23:52):the bricklayers or the people she had worked with.Julian Vigo (00:24:00):And why did she choose the testimonial genre for Hasta No Verte Jesús Mío?Julian Vigo (00:24:09):It is one of the testimonial novels because —Elena Poniatowska (00:24:16):She didn't really choose it — she didn't. It was I who gathered her words andElena Poniatowska (00:24:27):assembled them in the best way I could. But she did not choose it.Elena Poniatowska (00:24:34):She could not read or write. She did not know how to read or write. But she asked for the books, and I — the cover of the book, what goes on the outside, is the Santo Niño de Atocha, a small Christ child that she liked.Julian Vigo (00:25:08):And I saw it in the street, and so I put it there so she would be happy. But I was asking you about the testimonial genre — in 1969 it was not a common thing in literature.Julian Vigo (00:25:26):How was this novel received?Julian Vigo (00:25:30):I wonder if people were confused.Julian Vigo (00:25:32):Is it a true story or is it fiction?Elena Poniatowska (00:25:35):No, it was very well received. The book was greatly liked.Elena Poniatowska (00:25:41):Immediately many editions came out and it was translated into English and French.Julian Vigo (00:25:51):And I wonder if at that time — less so today — people were confused because they did not know if it was a completely real story or partly real. Because the novel Hasta No Verte Jesús Mío was categorised as a novel.Elena Poniatowska (00:26:16):Yes, that's right, that is what it was.Elena Poniatowska (00:26:19):It is a novel based on a character — a woman who was in the Mexican Revolution, the life of a soldadera. To what extent is Jesusa an invented character or a real woman? I have said it, I have written it many times: Jesusa is a real character. After that I wroteElena Poniatowska (00:26:49):other books about other women who were also real characters. I had the joy of knowing Jesusa in person, but for example Tina Modotti, the main character ofElena Poniatowska (00:27:08):the novel Tinísima, I did not know. And other novels about other women and other characters I also did not know.Julian Vigo (00:27:22):What lessons about the resilience of Mexican women did you learn from Jesusa that remain relevant today?Elena Poniatowska (00:27:31):All the women in Mexico whom I see and engage with and encounter in the streetElena Poniatowska (00:27:41):and who come to my house — they are women who have known how to struggle and continue to struggle. For example, one woman, Rosario Ibarra de Piedra, whose son was disappeared, and who searched all of Mexico — she is obviously one of the heroines who has most caught my attention.Julian Vigo (00:28:10):And especially in recent years — almost thirty years — the femicides and the disappearances of men and women. You are still fighting for your society, and I think literary words have the power to carry reality forward. I am thinking of La Noche de Tlatelolco — that was the first book of yours I read. It is incredible. I have no words. Thank you. It is one of the best books of the twentieth century, and I teach it. It is astonishing. Can you speak about why you began that work, and also for those listening now who do not know the history of what happened in Mexico?Elena Poniatowska (00:29:03):Well, in general I can tell you that I received letters from a prisoner in the jail — Jesús Sánchez García — and I began going to Lecumberri, which was called the Black Palace of Lecumberri. It was no palace — it was a prison with bars and cells. I asked permission from the prison director — I believe his name was Martín del Campo — and he gave it to me. That is how I went to gather life stories from men, and later, at the women's prison, from women who had nothing to do with my own life, who bore no resemblance to what I hadElena Poniatowska (00:30:03):lived or what I would go on to live.Elena Poniatowska (00:30:16):That was an enormous enrichment for me, and a knowledge of an unknown Mexico that also helped me understand MexicoElena Poniatowska (00:30:31):— a Mexico to which I owe a great deal.Elena Poniatowska (00:30:35):I think that everything I am I owe to the voice, and to the gift of their voice, that the poorest Mexicans gave me — those I was able to approach over years and years,Elena Poniatowska (00:30:52):going to the prison and sometimes going to their own very poor homes, called vecindades, which were located in the very neighbourhoods where the prisons were.Julian Vigo (00:31:11):How did you manage the pain and trauma of the testimonies you heard while assembling the book?Elena Poniatowska (00:31:22):Pain is not managed. To manage something is to seek something. Pain is simply assumed and lived. So the pain is in the words written in the book.Julian Vigo (00:31:46):And why did you choose the technique of a collage of voices rather than a linear, chronological narrative for this book?Elena Poniatowska (00:31:57):I have many other books that speak even of personal stories — books that contain much of biography.Julian Vigo (00:32:13):Yes, but it is very interesting how you wove those narratives together in this book. It is very beautiful, in fact.Julian Vigo (00:32:24):Was there any moment during the writing of La Noche de Tlatelolco when you felt fear or censorship?Elena Poniatowska (00:32:33):Well, there was always the dread of entering terrain unknown to me.Elena Poniatowska (00:32:40):Ultimately, I was educated —Elena Poniatowska (00:32:45):I spent time in the United States at a convent to be educated, not to become a nun — it was called the Sacred Heart Convent.Elena Poniatowska (00:33:03):When I came out I was speaking English. My mother tongue is French. And when I left there, my strongest desire was truly to know Mexico — the country I had arrived in at the age of ten, but in which I had received an educationElena Poniatowska (00:33:30):in both English and French, not in Spanish.Julian Vigo (00:33:36):More than fifty years later, what impact do you think that book has on the collective memory of young Mexicans today?Elena Poniatowska (00:33:48):Well, I think that is a question that should be put to them.Elena Poniatowska (00:33:55):What I can say is that I have receivedElena Poniatowska (00:33:59):a great deal of affection from young people — many come to find me at my home, and I give lectures and talks with some frequency. Remember that I am already 94 years old and have lost the use of my left eye, which prevents me from seeing well. So within my limitations,Elena Poniatowska (00:34:27):I remain in contact with the people who want to see me, which for me produces great enthusiasm and which I experience as great support.Julian Vigo (00:34:42):The book you wrote is something very specific — evidently about Mexico — but it is still a book with which everyone can identify. If we look around today, where there are acts of political repression in almost every country in the world in one form or another — and I know your books are translated into many languages — I wonder whether the power of La Noche de Tlatelolco came from the form of the narration itself, not only from the fact that you confronted the government, the police, and justice. You narrated a story of the people seeking justice, yes, but literature itself was also seeking truth within its pages. There are wars everywhere, there is too much sadness. After the lockdown — which was less bad in Mexico than here in Italy — we are living through a very difficult moment. Do you sometimes think of this book as a model for dialogue, for collaboration, for moving forward together, the people united?Elena Poniatowska (00:36:09):Well, what I love about this book is that it has so many voices — many voices gathered from mothers of families, from children of political prisoners. For me it was a great learning experience to go to the prison in Mexico and see a world I did not know, to be accepted in that world, to go frequently to hear and gather the voices of political prisoners and of young people whoElena Poniatowska (00:36:52):didn't even have strong political ideas but were imprisoned because they had stolen something in a market. It meant entering a world I was completely unfamiliar with,Elena Poniatowska (00:37:13):to which I did not belong. And it was an enormous lesson — a very generous lesson — in how the lives of others can be. That is what I have dedicated myself to over many years, because I remain a journalist and continue writing about disasters such asElena Poniatowska (00:37:39):not only the massacre of the 2nd of October, but what the earthquake of 1985 meant for Mexico and the loss, for many Mexicans, of their families and their homes.Julian Vigo (00:37:59):Yes. You documented the earthquake of ‘85 — a moment when the Mexican government was completely paralysed and it was civil society that took control to rescue the city.Julian Vigo (00:38:15):Do you believe that peoples are still alone in the face of tragedy, or is that organic solidarity you described an invincible force?Elena Poniatowska (00:38:29):Yes,Elena Poniatowska (00:38:29):of course.Elena Poniatowska (00:38:30):I believe — that is why I believe in the invincible force of Mexicans, who help and support each other, who run to answer a cry for help. They are the ones who save themselves by saving others. I believe in that truth. It is a truth I lived, that I witnessed,Elena Poniatowska (00:38:57):and for me it is a lesson, a way of life.Julian Vigo (00:39:03):Does it reflect the structural abandonment of the seamstresses, the inhabitants, those who live in vecindades, and the poorest?Julian Vigo (00:39:13):How did you manage, in the midst of the chaos, the dust, and the mourning of those days, to earn the trust of people so that they would share their most painful and raw testimonies?Elena Poniatowska (00:39:30):Well, I have two physical advantages.Elena Poniatowska (00:39:32):I am small in stature. I frighten no one. No one is afraid of me. I can go anywhere. I am not someone who imposes anything at all, and I know how to listen. So by listening to others' voices, I gather them, I keep them, I memorise them,Elena Poniatowska (00:40:03):and then I put them on paper.Elena Poniatowska (00:40:06):That is the most solitary and difficult moment — writing about what happens to others,Elena Poniatowska (00:40:21):their sorrows,Elena Poniatowska (00:40:22):their joys,Elena Poniatowska (00:40:24):their defeats and also their triumphs —Elena Poniatowska (00:40:28):and making books and articles from them. Because I am also a journalist sinceElena Poniatowska (00:40:38):1953. I am now 94 years old.Julian Vigo (00:40:47):You're listening to Savage Minds.Julian Vigo (00:40:49):If you're enjoying the show, take a second to subscribe at savageminds.co.Julian Vigo (00:40:54):Feel free to comment below or drop us a line to share your thoughts.Julian Vigo (00:40:59):Support independent media today.Julian Vigo (00:41:01):Now, let's get back to it.Julian Vigo (00:41:15):Many consider that the earthquake of ‘85 not only brought down buildings but also toppled the myth of the Mexican State's absolute control — marking the true birth of modern citizenship in the country.Julian Vigo (00:41:33):From your perspective as a chronicler —Elena Poniatowska (00:41:40):I think Mexicans have always had enormous character and enormous capacity to defend themselvesElena Poniatowska (00:41:49):in spite of their own poverty, or in spite of the total absence of outside help.Elena Poniatowska (00:42:02):There was in Mexico a Mexican Revolution,Elena Poniatowska (00:42:08):a country conquered by very cruel conquerors, and yet the country has continued to forge ahead and has continued to demonstrate its bravery and courage in allElena Poniatowska (00:42:28):circumstances — one of which was, for example, the earthquake, in which the neighbours themselvesElena Poniatowska (00:42:37):helped each other before the State or the so-called government did anything.Elena Poniatowska (00:42:46):So I think it is a country with many very brave men, women, and children who save themselves, who know how to look after themselves.Elena Poniatowska (00:43:03):Of course there are people who don't know how to do it, and there are people who sometimes end upElena Poniatowska (00:43:12):in prison or in hospital. But in general Mexico is a country of very solidary people, people who help each other and defend themselves.Julian Vigo (00:43:31):What I love about your books in general is that you give voice — you shed light on the lives that are forgotten.Julian Vigo (00:43:42):Do you feel that in this book, for example, or in Nadie Me Verá Llorar, the author's voice becomes more present or closer to her characters than in your earlier works?Elena Poniatowska (00:43:56):No,Elena Poniatowska (00:43:57):I think that element is present in all my works — in Hasta No Verte Jesús Mío, in the book about the 2nd of October, in the earthquake — and it is always present in everything I still do at the newspaper where I work. I am in a certain way a chronicler and aElena Poniatowska (00:44:21):participant in the lives of other Mexicans.Julian Vigo (00:44:27):And I also notice that many of your works are about women — Tinísima, the life of Tina Modotti, a woman who lived so many lives in one. Leonora. And I wanted to ask — before we get to those books — about Querido Diego Te Abraza Quiela. Why did you choose that subject? Not only Diego Rivera but his first wife.Elena Poniatowska (00:44:59):I was moved to learn that in Paris, Angelina Beloff had gone to Mexico to seeElena Poniatowska (00:45:12):Diego Rivera, whom she had supported in Paris. He had lived with her and had livedElena Poniatowska (00:45:22):off her, because she was the one with a salary. He was a very young painter withoutElena Poniatowska (00:45:33):money, without resources. She helped him. And when she went to Mexico, she had also hadElena Poniatowska (00:45:42):the only male child that Diego Rivera ever had, who died of cold in Paris. And when she decided to go to Mexico — in a sense, to get to know the country of her lover — she decided to go to the Palacio de Bellas Artes because she knew that heElena Poniatowska (00:46:11):would be there. And he walked right past her — past the seat, one of those red velvet seats in the Palacio de Bellas Artes, called butacas, in which she was sitting — he walked past and did not even recognise her.Elena Poniatowska (00:46:40):That story struck me deeply, and that is why I decided to write the small book —Elena Poniatowska (00:46:55):it is not a very long book —Elena Poniatowska (00:46:58):called Querido Diego, Te Abraza Quiela.Julian Vigo (00:47:00):In Tinísima, what was it that drew you to the life of Tina Modotti?Elena Poniatowska (00:47:08):In reality it came from a request to make a film. The cinematographerElena Poniatowska (00:47:17):Gabriel Figueroa told me that a film was going to be made about Tina Modotti, the Italian woman who had been in Mexico. So I began interviewing all the people who had knownElena Poniatowska (00:47:38):Tina Modotti. And even when I was invited to France for a conference, I had theElena Poniatowska (00:47:47):opportunity to go to Udine in Italy to meet and get to know the siblings of Tina Modotti —Elena Poniatowska (00:48:00):to see them, interview them, speak with them.Elena Poniatowska (00:48:05):Then when I was told that the film about Tina Modotti in Mexico was no longer going to be made because there was no money, I — who had gone at my own expense to that conference in France and another writers' conference inElena Poniatowska (00:48:37):Italy — decided to launch into writing the novel called Tinísima, because I hadElena Poniatowska (00:48:48):interviewed many old communists whom I had gone to visitElena Poniatowska (00:48:56):in their various homes — generally very modest, very poor homes.Elena Poniatowska (00:49:03):I did not want to let them down, and so the novel Tinísima was published.Julian Vigo (00:49:10):And to what extent does Tina Modotti represent the struggle of the woman artist in the twentieth century?Elena Poniatowska (00:49:19):To the extent that she commits herself —Elena Poniatowska (00:49:23):she takes photographs of Mexico alongside Edward Weston, and then goes alongsideElena Poniatowska (00:49:33):Commander Carlos of the Fifth Regiment to Spain — she goes to the Spanish Civil War and becomes a nurse, caring evenElena Poniatowska (00:49:52):on the ground for the bodies that had fallen on the earth before taking them to the Red Cross — giving them first aid and dedicating herself to saving lives,Elena Poniatowska (00:50:08):or helping to save lives. I believe that many soldiers did not die thanks to the care of this womanElena Poniatowska (00:50:19):who was in the trench following the doctors.Julian Vigo (00:50:25):You have said that the writer must be a bridge.Julian Vigo (00:50:29):Between what worlds do you think it is most necessary to build bridges — or should we be breaking bridges today?Elena Poniatowska (00:50:38):No, I think one should never break a bridge, for anything.Elena Poniatowska (00:50:42):I think one mustElena Poniatowska (00:50:45):communicate — that the most important thing in the life of any human being is dialogue. Peoples too must dialogue with others in order to know each other. I think Mexico must have a dialogue with the United States, and that many Mexicans who have returned fromElena Poniatowska (00:51:09):the United States because TrumpElena Poniatowska (00:51:12):did not want to receive them, has rejected them — well, they nevertheless had, with another nation or with the inhabitants of another nation, knowledge and dialogue.Elena Poniatowska (00:51:28):And that I believe is what is called,Elena Poniatowska (00:51:34):within Catholicism if you like, or within any religion by whatever name it may be called — that is human fraternity. The otherElena Poniatowska (00:51:50):is the one who exists and who awaits you and whom you must help, because perhapsElena Poniatowska (00:51:58):one day you will need him to extend a hand to you.Julian Vigo (00:52:05):Trump is certainly a character, but I see the situation as too tragic for Americans — the United States, still my country — because the reality is that a large part of the Western world has absolutely no idea of the immense cultural, intellectual, and spiritual richness of Mexico.Julian Vigo (00:52:30):For me, it's not only Trump —Julian Vigo (00:52:32):but Americans, Canadians, etc.Julian Vigo (00:52:35):know nothing about the sharpest chroniclers of this country. If you had to open the eyes of an international audience completely unaware of Mexico's depth, what would you say is the most valuable treasure of Mexican identity that the rest of the world is missing?Elena Poniatowska (00:53:01):Well, I must say that many North Americans have come and written about Mexico — anthropologists and sociologists. We have Oscar LewisElena Poniatowska (00:53:17):and many others who have written about the poorest Mexicans, starting in Tepoztlán, a city near Mexico City, following them to the vecindades in the city where they took refuge and found very modest work. So yes, there have been North AmericansElena Poniatowska (00:53:44):who have written about the richness and beauty of Mexico, and their books areElena Poniatowska (00:53:53):translated into Spanish and are admired and appreciated by Mexicans who are grateful that attention is paid to them. So one cannot say that no one who has come from outside has cared about Mexico — in archaeology, in anthropology, as well as figures like Frances Toor, who was a North American woman who created a magazineElena Poniatowska (00:54:39):called Mexico Today and wrote extensively about Mexican customs and lived in Taxco.Elena Poniatowska (00:54:41):For example, a certain William Spratling enriched himself personally but helped many Mexicans inElena Poniatowska (00:54:51):Taxco to learn how to work silver and sell silver. And still today many foreigners and tourists go to buy silver objectsElena Poniatowska (00:55:10):that come from a mine discovered by foreigners — and clearly alsoElena Poniatowska (00:55:20):plundered, one might say, by foreigners.Julian Vigo (00:55:30):Because not everything is entirely good or entirely bad. But I was referring to the fact that — as you know, having been in the United States and many other countries — Trump and far too many people insufficiently educated about Mexico think that all Mexicans want to invade the United States. But the reality is otherwise. In Mexico there was a great cinematic tradition, for example. Mexican cinema has greatly influenced Hollywood — not only today but throughout history. The Oscar statuette itself was modelled on the body of El Indio Fernández. People do not know the depth of Mexican philosophy. I am thinking of Sor Juana, who contributed so much to poetry, theatre, even science — if we think of her letter to Sor Filotea, who was actually Manuel Fernández de Puebla. That dialogue was very important. Western feminists know nothing of these exchanges between those two figures. But for me Mexico has an enormous and very important force in the history of philosophy, science, and feminism. And I am thinking of Octavio Paz's book on Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, called Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, or The Traps of Faith. You knew Paz closely. Did you have conversations with him about his perspective on this book — especially regarding the power dynamics of the Church and the silencing she suffered as an intellectual woman?Elena Poniatowska (00:58:09):No, but I think you are mixing very many topics into one question, and it isElena Poniatowska (00:58:18):difficult to answer you because you are speaking of very diverse things that evenElena Poniatowska (00:58:27):happened in different centuries.Elena Poniatowska (00:58:30):Sor Juana — there have always been in Mexico,Elena Poniatowska (00:58:34):before Octavio Paz, people who dedicated themselves to reading,Elena Poniatowska (00:58:40):studying, and getting to know Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz.Elena Poniatowska (00:58:45):I will not add more names to those you mentioned, but there are many studies and many Sor Juana scholars in Mexico, as well as at the University of SantaElena Poniatowska (00:59:01):Barbara, California, in Paris, in France —Elena Poniatowska (00:59:04):there are many studies on the great figures of Mexico — not only The Traps of Faith by the Mexican poet Octavio Paz. So these are studies that will continue and do continue. In California, for example, Sara Poot HerreraElena Poniatowska (00:59:32):is dedicated to studying Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, along with many other scholars — I don't know if she is still living — whose name was Rivers. All of these are studies that have been carried out in Mexico and outside Mexico.Julian Vigo (00:59:55):No, I was asking specifically about Paz's book because you knew him and —Elena Poniatowska (01:00:03):I knew him,Elena Poniatowska (01:00:04):I admired him, and I also wrote about him. I have a book about him. I admired him,Elena Poniatowska (01:00:12):I knew him, his poetry dazzled me. And he is a man whom I have admired since getting to know him, and whom I also hold with affection.Julian Vigo (01:00:29):I asked about your relationship with him because sometimes it happens to me too — with other writers — one asks or someone asks me, “Why did you do that?” It is a dialogue. Because that book, The Traps of Faith, had something very important — not only for Mexico but it placed the image of Sor Juana before the world. Many people began to ask who this nun was because it is very important. I was asking about the presentation Paz gave of her — whether you had any dialogues with Paz from your own perspective.Elena Poniatowska (01:01:20):Well, yes, of course. But there were others who also spoke at great length about Sor Juana de la Cruz — other Mexicans before Octavio Paz, other Mexicans who, for example, also concerned themselves with indigenous peoples, such as a priest — Ángel María Garibay — who was also a Sor Juana scholar. So there are many studies on Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz and there are Sor Juana scholars in Santa Bárbara, for example, such as Doctor Sara Poot Herrera and others — a woman by the name of Rivers and many more.Julian Vigo (01:02:16):You have dedicated your life to listening and giving voice to those who have none, through the chronicle and literature.Julian Vigo (01:02:26):Today,Julian Vigo (01:02:27):with social media,Julian Vigo (01:02:28):it seems that everyone has a platform for opinions.Julian Vigo (01:02:32):But are we really listening?Julian Vigo (01:02:36):What happens to the power of the word when it becomes a constant noise, as in social media?Elena Poniatowska (01:02:45):I don't know.Elena Poniatowska (01:02:46):I suppose it loses efficacy.Elena Poniatowska (01:02:49):But that depends on the activity of each human being.Elena Poniatowska (01:02:58):There are people — elderly people, for example, people already old — for whom life,Elena Poniatowska (01:03:08):even in institutions, in care homes, means turning the television on from morning until night and being entertained — that is, entertained without making the least effort of criticism or thought in front ofElena Poniatowska (01:03:29):the television.Elena Poniatowska (01:03:31):I have seen that this has been very important in keeping the elderly calm andElena Poniatowska (01:03:41):allowing them to die little by little in institutions called health facilities, where they have thisElena Poniatowska (01:03:52):constant and rather sad entertainment. ButElena Poniatowska (01:03:59):as they say in Mexico: no hay de otra — there is no other option, or no other option has been found, or there are not enough people willing to dedicate themselves to attending to and caring for others. So I see it as an end of lifeElena Poniatowska (01:04:28):for an individual who was once a thinking individual, who knew how to act,Elena Poniatowska (01:04:37):who knew how to elevate himself,Elena Poniatowska (01:04:41):to become a better human being. And I find it sad.Julian Vigo (01:04:46):Today, and for twenty years now, I have noticed as a university professor that students are reading less and less. Today, with so-called artificial intelligence — so-called because intelligence it is not — students are not reading. How can literature or journalism restore the true value and depth of words when we are in a world full of social media, opinions, and videos of a cat doing something funny?Elena Poniatowska (01:05:31):Your question is very difficult because I don't have the answer.Elena Poniatowska (01:05:37):What I can say is that ultimately it depends on the teachers.Elena Poniatowska (01:05:44):It depends on students having a good teacher,Elena Poniatowska (01:05:49):because even I have seen in classes —Elena Poniatowska (01:05:54):in different classes —Elena Poniatowska (01:05:57):that many young people continue looking at their phones while the teacher is writing onElena Poniatowska (01:06:07):the board, or speaking, or giving a class.Elena Poniatowska (01:06:13):So we shall see whether the destiny of young people will depend on what theyElena Poniatowska (01:06:21):learn from their phone. I don't have a phone —Elena Poniatowska (01:06:27):I never bought one,Elena Poniatowska (01:06:28):never got one. Or whether they will be able to go beyond themselvesElena Poniatowska (01:06:37):and beyond above all what the phone wants to give you or teach you or not teach youElena Poniatowska (01:06:46):or distract you from — because ultimately it is a distraction. Yes.Julian Vigo (01:06:53):Writing something to share — in quotation marks — they are sharing nothing in the end. I have noticed that many people are sharing articles they have not read. Young people are embracing identity politics and cancel cultureJulian Vigo (01:07:16):in the absence of any engagement with material reality today.Julian Vigo (01:07:21):That is my fear —Julian Vigo (01:07:23):that the millennials,Julian Vigo (01:07:26):this generation of thirty-year-olds,Julian Vigo (01:07:31):are fixated on pronounsJulian Vigo (01:07:36):but do nothing to help their neighbour.Julian Vigo (01:07:41):They do nothing to fight for living wages.Elena Poniatowska (01:07:46):Well, not all of them.Elena Poniatowska (01:07:49):It's a generalisation, of course.Elena Poniatowska (01:07:54):But I think you are right.Elena Poniatowska (01:07:58):It is a generalisation, because in any case there are human beings who live for others.Julian Vigo (01:08:08):We are in two camps today, because during the lockdown I noticed that many people — even on the right — were fighting for the poor in the United States, where I published. I could not publish a single article questioning the lockdown. That is when I started Savage Minds, because I was asking: what is happening? I no longer recognise this world in which the left is pushing people not to speak. We weren't talking about the lockdown, and the right was speaking very openly. And I see that politically, left and right — there is no longer that dichotomy, so to speak.Elena Poniatowska (01:09:02):Yes,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:03):I thank you greatly for your interest and I thank you enormously for this conversation. I feel animated,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:11):I feel glad to hear what you are saying.Elena Poniatowska (01:09:19):But I do feel that,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:22):as you say,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:23):the speed,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:26):the pace of all events,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:29):the television —Elena Poniatowska (01:09:32):it sets critical thinking and reflection on events to one side,Elena Poniatowska (01:09:41):because everything must be immediate, mustn't it?Elena Poniatowska (01:09:46):That is to say, everything ends in a second. Even the deepest interests sometimes last onlyElena Poniatowska (01:09:56):a few — one might even think, as we say in Mexico,Elena Poniatowska (01:10:01):un ratito — just a little while. There is no continuity in ideas orElena Poniatowska (01:10:12):even in purposes. There is something we all know called habit, and each personElena Poniatowska (01:10:21):lives according to the habits they have established in order to keep going —Elena Poniatowska (01:10:28):to keep existing, if you will. To make it to night, fall asleep, and know that you will wake the following day. Or perhaps you won't wake, because — well, for example, IElena Poniatowska (01:10:45):am a person of 94 years old and I have no certainty that I will see the following morning. ButElena Poniatowska (01:10:55):what I do believe is thatElena Poniatowska (01:10:58):I believe in the innate goodness of every human being.Elena Poniatowska (01:11:03):I have to believe in it, because I need that hope.(01:12:02): Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Journalist, grassroots organiser, and author Chris Kaspar de Ploeg pulls back the curtain on how Western legacy media operates to manufacture consent for imperialist, neocolonial, and xenophobic narratives. Moving beyond surface-level partisan bickering, de Ploeg utilizes a rigorous socioeconomic and class-based analysis to dissect the structural mechanisms that dictate modern news coverage. The discussion explores how Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky's Propaganda Model manifests today, examining a media ecosystem where the audience is treated as the product rather than the client. De Ploeg shares his firsthand experience with media blackouts following the release of his book, Ukraine in the Crossfire, illustrating the real-world boundaries of acceptable discourse. His analysis then expands to the broader political economy of news—including corporate monopolies, advertising reliance, and state subsidies—before delivering a critical evaluation of the media's disparate framing of state violence, civilian casualties, and ideological weaponisation in the Gaza crisis. Finally, the conversation tackles the illusion of choice in the digital age, analysing how algorithmic shadow-banning and digital oligopolies bottleneck dissent to provide an essential, uncompromising look at the forces shaping our perception of global conflict. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Dr Angeliki Lysimachou, Head of Science and Policy at Pesticide Action Network (PAN) Europe, examines systemic failures in EU pesticide risk assessment that prioritise industry data over independent science. With a background in environmental toxicology, she scrutinises how regulatory loopholes—such as selective dismissal of genotoxicity, neurotoxicity, microbiome disruption, and low-dose carcinogenicity studies—enable the continued authorisation of hazardous substances like glyphosate despite IARC's probable carcinogen classification and alarming findings from the Ramazzini Institute's full-life-cycle trials showing increased leukaemia and tumours at supposedly safe exposure levels. Lysimachou highlights how corporate influence, ghostwriting, revelations from the Monsanto Papers, and statistical manoeuvering by conflicted experts undermine the precautionary principle embedded in EU law, resulting in “glyphosate deserts,” biodiversity collapse, and persistent PFAS metabolites like TFA contaminating groundwater for decades. Her analysis reveals a deeper structural bias where economic dependencies on pesticide fees, political pressures from member states, and industry lobbying trump public health protections, as evidenced by repeated 5- and 10-year renewals amid abstentions and U-turns like Germany's. By mounting court challenges and pushing for agroecological transitions under the Farm to Fork strategy, she exposes how the current framework shields profitable broad-spectrum herbicides while externalising long-term costs of soil degradation, farmer health burdens (e.g. elevated lymphoma risks), and irreversible environmental damage onto society. Lysimachou's critique underscores the tension between regulatory rhetoric and implementation, calling for genuine accountability and faster phase-outs of forever chemicals. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Biljana Vankovska, a Macedonian professor of political science, international relations and peace studies at Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, delivers a sharp systemic critique of declining Western hegemony in this wide-ranging conversation. She interprets the recent conflicts in the Middle East, particularly the Iran war and the Strait of Hormuz events, alongside the situation in Ukraine as structural turning points signaling the shift toward a multipolar global order. Rooted in her experience growing up in former Yugoslavia and the legacy of the Non-Aligned Movement, Vankovska rejects mainstream narratives that reduce global crises to the personal failings of leaders like Donald Trump or simple kakistocracy. Instead, she argues that the world is witnessing the violent death throes of hyper-imperialism and a declining global capitalist system. She deconstructs the so-called rules-based international order as a euphemism for arbitrary US diktat that masks ongoing neo-colonialism while whitewashing historical atrocities. Vankovska contrasts the media-driven fear, paralysis and moral bankruptcy prevalent in the US and EU with the historical optimism and strategic stamina of the Global South. Evoking Antonio Gramsci, she balances a pessimism of the intellect with an optimism of the will, defending legitimate resistance against the military-industrial-media-academic complex. Ultimately, she views the tragedies in Gaza and Iran not as isolated failures but as painful birth pangs of a new cooperative world order grounded in mutual sovereignty, trust, and emancipation from empire. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Alex Taek-Gwang Lee, professor of philosophy and cultural studies at Kyung Hee University in South Korea, examines the deep tensions between Western Marxism, Stalinist orthodoxy, and the possibilities for communist thought today. In a powerful critique of Gabriel Rockhill's work, Lee argues that reducing Western Marxism to mere CIA manipulation is historically reductive and ultimately serves as a gift to right-wing anti-communists. He traces the vital lineage from Georg Lukács' theory of reification and class consciousness through the Frankfurt School's critique of the culture industry, defending cultural and philosophical analysis as a necessary extension of Marxism rather than a betrayal of it. Lee develops his own original concepts of “weak technologies” and “planetary cybernetics” to diagnose how late capitalism has reified technology, desire, and subjectivity itself, while rejecting both nostalgic defences of actually existing socialism and liberal accelerationist fantasies. Drawing on Deleuze and his earlier works such as Communism After Deleuze and Made in Nowhere, he insists that communism remains a living, transformative idea—an ontological openness that demands we invent new people and new modes of existence against the current master signifier of capital. This dense, philosophically rich conversation reframes longstanding debates on the left and offers sharp conceptual tools for understanding AI-driven capitalism and the future of radical politics in the 21st century. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Jillian Spencer, child and adolescent psychiatrist, examines the ideological transformation of modern medicine through her experience challenging paediatric gender treatment protocols and the institutional backlash by Queensland Health that followed. The interview evolves into a broader indictment of how liberal democracies increasingly discipline dissent behind the language of compassion, inclusion, and professional ethics. Spencer describes a medical culture where questioning the rapid expansion of gender-affirming interventions for minors became professionally dangerous, not because evidence had been conclusively settled, but because institutional consensus had already hardened into moral doctrine. The discussion repeatedly returns to the atmosphere of fear shaping hospitals, universities, and regulatory bodies, where clinicians privately express concerns yet remain publicly silent to avoid reputational destruction, accusations of bigotry or career ruin. What emerges is less a narrow debate over healthcare policy than a portrait of bureaucratic systems that reward ideological conformity while marginalising independent inquiry. Spencer depicts whistleblowing mechanisms as hollow structures incapable of functioning once institutions themselves become invested in preserving political narratives. The transcript also situates the controversy within a wider cultural shift across Western societies, where disagreement is increasingly pathologised and scientific uncertainty treated as social harm. Through Spencer's account, medicine appears transformed from a field grounded in skepticism and evidence into one governed by managerial orthodoxy, emotional language, and activist pressure. Beneath the clinical specifics lies a darker warning about the shrinking capacity of public institutions to tolerate ambiguity, contested evidence and moral independence without resorting to professional punishment or social exclusion. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Ida Susser, distinguished professor of anthropology at Hunter College and the CUNY Graduate Center, examines the Gilets jaunes (Yellow Vests) movement in France as a volatile yet transformative response to the deepening crises of neoliberalism, democratic erosion, and social fragmentation across the West. Drawing on years of ethnographic fieldwork in Paris, Saint-Denis, and provincial France, Susser argues that the movement disrupted conventional political binaries by creating forms of solidarity that exceeded traditional distinctions between left and right. Through concepts such as “commoning” and “thresholding,” she describes how precarious workers, retirees, migrants, and politically disillusioned citizens forged provisional alliances grounded less in ideology than in shared experiences of dispossession, police violence, economic exclusion, and social abandonment. Susser situates the movement within a broader historical trajectory of grassroots resistance, linking the Yellow Vests to Occupy Wall Street, the Indignados, Black Lives Matter, and earlier traditions of horizontalist organizing. She explores how the protests exposed the consequences of gentrification, rural decline, and the hollowing out of public life, while simultaneously generating new forms of mutual aid, including food collectives and neighborhood support networks during lockdown. The conversation also confronts the contradictions embedded within contemporary progressive politics, including disputes surrounding feminism, immigration, populism, and state authority, as Susser reflects on the increasingly unstable boundaries between emancipatory and reactionary movements. Framing the present moment as one marked by the resurgence of authoritarian tendencies and the normalization of state repression, she argues for the urgent construction of a new “historic bloc” capable of defending democratic space through collective struggle, civic participation, and radically inclusive visions of social justice. Get full access to Savage Minds at www.savageminds.co/subscribe

Abby Martin, an investigative journalist and advocacy filmmaker, exposes the catastrophic environmental and human costs of US militarism, arguing that the Department of Defense represents a singular, yet intentionally obscured, force of global ecological destruction. Drawing on her reporting for The Empire Files and her latest film, Earth's Greatest Enemy, Martin discusses the institutional mechanisms that allow the military to remain exempt from international climate agreements, effectively functioning as a “blind spot” in mainstream environmental discourse while operating as the world's largest institutional polluter. She challenges the “bipartisan consensus” for US imperialism, criticizing a “media blackout” orchestrated by corporate journalists—or “empire babies”—who normalize systemic violence while placing the burden of environmental responsibility on individual consumers. Extending the discussion beyond carbon emissions, Martin examines the toxic legacy of military operations, from the generational radioactive contamination caused by depleted uranium to the domestic betrayal of service members at Camp Lejeune. She contends that the current global atmosphere of “manufactured amnesia” masks the reality of an empire in its “waning” stages, which increasingly relies on emergency powers and state-sponsored censorship to maintain its grip amid growing public dissent. Reflecting on the ongoing crisis in Gaza and the historical precedents of US interventionism, Martin suggests that anti-imperialism and climate justice are naturally interlinked, viewing her work as a “tool in the arsenal” for movement building aimed at reclaiming transparency and justice within a crumbling global order. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Peter McCullough, an internist, cardiologist, and epidemiologist, reflects on the political, medical, and social consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, arguing that the global response fundamentally altered public trust in science, medicine, and democratic institutions. Drawing on his background in cardiovascular medicine and public health, McCullough discusses studies he believes demonstrate links between mRNA vaccines and myocarditis, sudden cardiac arrest, and broader cardiovascular complications, while explaining the biological mechanisms behind troponin elevation and inflammatory damage within heart tissue. He challenges mainstream public health narratives surrounding vaccine safety, criticizing what he describes as the suppression of dissenting medical voices and the failure of institutions to adequately investigate adverse events associated with mass vaccination campaigns. Extending the discussion beyond medicine, McCullough examines the broader political and cultural atmosphere that emerged during lockdowns, including censorship, social compliance, economic devastation, and the normalization of emergency powers across Western democracies. He argues that public discourse during the pandemic was shaped by coordinated messaging between governments, media organizations, pharmaceutical companies, and global institutions, creating a climate in which skepticism toward official policy became socially and professionally dangerous. Reflecting on athlete deaths, VAERS reporting controversies, vaccine mandates, and unresolved questions surrounding the origins of COVID-19 and the Wuhan laboratory, McCullough contends that the pandemic exposed deep contradictions within modern liberal societies concerning bodily autonomy, transparency, and informed consent. Yet amid this, he points to growing public skepticism toward institutional authority, suggesting that the long-term legacy of the pandemic may ultimately be a broader reevaluation of the relationship between citizens, governments, and public health systems. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Nader Hashemi, Director of the Alwaleed Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at Georgetown University, reflects on how his experience of the 1979 Iranian Revolution shaped a lifelong inquiry into the fraught relationship between religion, secularism, and democracy. Hashemi situates his intellectual trajectory within the tension between a Western secular framework—often equated with progress—and its very different reception across the Middle East, where it has frequently been associated with authoritarianism and externally backed regimes. He challenges dominant Western narratives about Iran and the region, arguing that media and policy discourses systematically erase the historical context of colonial intervention, coups, and geopolitical interests that continue to structure contemporary conflicts. From the Green Movement of 2009 to the Women, Life, Freedom protests, Hashemi examines the internal struggle for democratic reform under conditions of repression, economic sanctions, and external pressure, emphasizing how these forces have eroded the social base necessary for sustained change. Extending the discussion to Gaza, Israel-Palestine, and broader regional dynamics, he highlights the stark double standards in Western foreign policy and the persistence of imperial logics beneath the language of human rights. Yet, amid this, Hashemi points to a generational shift: younger audiences, shaped by social media and alternative information flows, are increasingly able to challenge entrenched narratives and recognize the contradictions at the heart of the so-called rules-based order. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Daniel Levy, a political commentator and president of the US Middle East Project, argues that Netanyahu did not stumble into this war—he engineered it. For decades, Levy notes, successive Israeli governments tried and failed to pull the United States into a military confrontation with Iran. He traces what finally made it possible under Trump not to any coherent American strategy but to its opposite: the systematic hollowing out of the interagency process, expertise sidelined, and a small ideological cohort elevated whose interests aligned perfectly with Israeli leadership. Tracing this logic to its conclusion, Levy contends the result is a war serving Israel's ambition for regional hegemony far more than any plausible American interest. Dismantling the claim that attacking Iran was about nuclear threat management, he points out that Israel itself is an undeclared nuclear state and that Iran's supreme leader had issued a fatwa against nuclear weapons. Looking beyond the conflict, Levy asserts that any durable solution requires a decolonisation 2.0—a reckoning with the inequities of the post-colonial order. With American empire visibly fraying and Marco Rubio offering imperialism 2.0 as the alternative, he sees the burden falling squarely on middle powers and non-Western states to chart a different course. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Daniela Danna, a sociologist and research fellow and lecturer at the University of Salento in Lecce, argues that gender identity legislation is not about protecting vulnerable people—it is about making biological sex legally invisible. Drawing on her analysis of the defeated Zan Bill in Italy and parallel legislation across the Anglophone world, Danna contends that the push to enshrine gender identity in law serves a dual purpose: it dismantles the legal foundations of women's sex-based rights while opening a vast new market for pharmaceutical and medical industries that profit from lifelong hormonal dependency. She is particularly alarmed by the targeting of children, pointing to kindergartens in Germany already teaching gender fluidity and to Italy's public gender clinics, which she argues are affirming rather than treating young people in distress. On surrogacy, Danna is equally unsparing: Meloni's much-publicised ban, she suggests, is largely theatrical, with enforcement gaps so wide as to render it meaningless. Throughout, she traces a through-line between gender ideology, surrogacy, and capitalist logic—the reduction of bodies, and children, to commodities. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Fiona Girkin, researcher and specialist in female dark personality traits, discusses her PhD findings on female psychopathy, covert manipulation, and the structural silencing of victims—particularly men—who suffer at the hands of toxic women. Girkin argues that female psychopaths differ fundamentally from their male counterparts in their methods: rather than overt physical aggression, they deploy relational aggression—rumour, social sabotage, gaslighting, and the cultivation of protective "posses"—making their behaviour extraordinarily difficult to prove or challenge. She introduces the concept of the "sleeper cell" psychopath: charming, likeable individuals who remain dormant until their power is threatened, then turn ruthless overnight. Her research focused on the community services sector—therapists, social workers, psychologists—where she found far more psychopathic individuals than anticipated, drawn by the covert power that caring roles confer over vulnerable people's lives. Girkin also addresses the professional backlash she faced after speaking publicly about comparable rates of male and female domestic violence, including losing her university position teaching police. She argues that feminist organisations have systematically suppressed recognition of female-perpetrated violence, leaving male victims without resources, disbelieved by courts, and vulnerable to legal weaponisation through divorce and parental alienation. Things are changing, Girkin contends, as female violence becomes less covert and harder to ignore. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Richard D. Wolff, Professor of Economics Emeritus at the University of Massachusetts Amherst and co-founder of Democracy at Work, argues that the United States is living through the terminal phase of imperial overreach. Drawing on the history of empires from Persia and Rome to Britain, Wolff contends that no empire has ever escaped the arc of birth, expansion, and decline—and the US is no exception. Having emerged from World War II as the world's undisputed economic hegemon, the US has spent decades in self-deluding arrogance, mistaking a historically anomalous post-war moment for permanent, God-given supremacy. The rot is now unmistakable: $35 trillion in debt, a proposed $1.5 trillion war budget, and a string of military defeats from Vietnam to Afghanistan. China, growing at two to three times the US rate for thirty consecutive years, has quietly displaced American economic dominance. The war on Iran—a civilisation far older than the Judaeo-Christian tradition attacking it—may prove the final overreach. With the Strait of Hormuz closed and NATO allies refusing to help, Wolff sees Trump as a latter-day Nero, fiddling while the empire burns. The solution, he insists, is redirecting military spending toward the American people. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, 30-year Army veteran, former Chief of Staff to Secretary Colin Powell, and Senior Fellow at the Eisenhower Media Network, discusses the deep structural rot he believes is consuming American democracy and its military empire. Drawing on his experience from Vietnam through the Iraq WMD debacle, Wilkerson argues that the United States has become a force as much for evil as for good, and that the current war against Iran represents the most reckless and dangerous expression of that trajectory yet. He traces the unravelling of legitimate statecraft from the post-Cold War squandering of peace dividends, through 9/11 and the institutionalisation of torture under George W. Bush, to what he describes as the Caligula-like presidency of Donald Trump—whom he regards as history's most brazen grifter and the architect of an illegal war of choice. Wilkerson raises urgent alarm about Pete Hegseth's injection of Christian Zionist ideology into the Pentagon's ranks, the militarisation of domestic law enforcement, the looming threat of cancelled midterm elections, and the very real spectre of a second American civil war. A searing, unflinching conversation with one of Washington's most candid and consequential insiders. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Nolan Higdon, author and Disinfo Detox host, dismantles the "aberration" myth surrounding Jeffrey Epstein, exposing his deep ties to US/Israeli/Russian intelligence, insider trading, and elite blackmail networks spanning politics (Trump, Dershowitz), tech (Thiel, Palantir), academia (Chomsky, Summers), and media. Higdon reveals how partial Epstein file releases coincide suspiciously with Trump's Iran strikes—launched amid 30% approval and domestic scandals involving ICE—serving as potential distraction from scrutiny over unreleased files and foreign influence (Adelson/AIPAC). He contrasts US corporate media's sanitised narratives of regime changes (Venezuela's Maduro/Flores kidnapping echoing Panama 1989) with international reporting showing Iran's technological resilience and Israeli military setbacks. He critiques NATO's militarised "media literacy" weaponising education against disinformation while shielding Israel-led wars, Gaza genocide denial, and DARVO "self-defence" claims. Higdon warns of AI surveillance eroding youth cognition/social bonds, big tech's eugenics ideology (Yarvin/Thiel), economic fallout from oil spikes, Greenland piracy, and empire's dehumanising normalisation of child trafficking. Urging diverse sourcing beyond legacy media's Politburo-style control, he reveals 2026's fractures—war profiteering and unaccountable power elites. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Radhika Desai, professor of Political Studies and director of the Geopolitical Economy Research Group at the University of Manitoba, brings her historical materialist framework to bear on what she calls the “senile” or “moribund phase” of capitalism—marked by deindustrialisation, financialisation, speculative necromancy, ecological destruction, a precipitous decline in political leadership quality, and the imperial wars now ravaging Venezuela, Cuba and Iran. Desai traces the arc from Karl Marx's monopoly phase thesis through the post-war golden age, the neoliberal turn and its miserly, punitive politics towards working people, to the present moment in which the US-Israeli war on Iran is accelerating the collapse of dollar hegemony and the everything bubble. She connects cultural neoliberalism—identity politics, DEI, pronoun politics—to a deliberate corporate strategy for generating a patina of progressivism while delivering nothing material to working people, with the professional managerial class administering this hypocritical regime. Desai addresses the BRICS question with characteristic nuance, distinguishing between countries that have genuinely rejected neoliberalism and those, like Modi's India, whose multipolar rhetoric conceals a servile comprador relationship with Washington. Her analysis of the everything bubble, the Triffin dilemma and Iran-driven inflation carries a stark warning—when interest rates rise far enough to contain the oil shock, the dollar system will come down with them. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Olga Cherevko, spokesperson for the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Gaza, draws on over twenty years of experience working in conflict zones across Liberia, Afghanistan, the Philippines, Somalia, Syria, Iraq, and Yemen to bear witness to what she describes as a level of destruction without parallel in her career. Beginning with the physical transformation of Gaza since her first deployment there in 2014, Cherevko traces the systematic obliteration of water, sanitation, and healthcare infrastructure, explaining how humanitarian teams are reduced to improvising repairs with the wrong materials because the right ones are blocked at the crossing. Cherevko challenges the public perception that humanitarian assistance is simply about food parcels, arguing that it is fundamentally about restoring dignity, and identifies the dual-use classification system and NGO registration restrictions as among the most consequential obstacles to scaling up the response. Addressing the psychological dimension of the crisis—the dimension she argues receives the least attention—Cherevko describes children who no longer flinch at explosions, parents shattered beyond recovery, and a population whose light of hope she watched dim month by month. She warns that a ceasefire does not end suffering, noting that the moment the world looks away is often the moment conditions deteriorate further, and closes with an appeal to keep Gaza on the global conscience long after the guns fall silent. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Michael Fox, a multimedia journalist based in Latin America with two decades of on-the-ground experience, dissects US interventions across the hemisphere—from the Monroe Doctrine's enduring legacy and Trump's “Dunro Doctrine” to the January 3rd invasion of Venezuela, capture of Nicolás Maduro, and parallels with the 1989 Panama operation under the guise of drug wars masking oil grabs and geopolitical plays against Cuba, Colombia, and Mexico. As host and producer of podcasts like Brazil on Fire, Stories of Resistance, and season two of Under the Shadow, Fox exposes the weaponization of AI-generated misinformation—fake crowds cheering US troops, manipulated images of Maduro's detention—and hybrid warfare tactics that erode sovereignty while regional leaders like Gustavo Petro invoke the jaguar awakening resistance amid rightward governmental shifts in Chile, Argentina, and Honduras. Critiquing the true costs of bombings in Caracas—100 dead, millions traumatized—he contrasts mainstream narratives of “clean” tech strikes with harrowing victim testimonies from affected neighborhoods, revealing how US policies fuel migration yet demonize migrants as a boogeyman. Fox draws direct lineages to historical regime changes, puppet installations, and resource colonialism, emphasizing grassroots protests chanting “Down with the Monroe Doctrine” and Caribbean nations' vocal opposition to boat strikes in their waters. His reporting for NPR, The Intercept, and The Nation prioritizes ground truth over viral fakes, unpacking the human toll of empire's revival in a multipolar world Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Katherine Sikkink, international relations scholar at the Harvard Kennedy School and leading constructivist theorist, argues that human rights are a social construction—not in the sense that violations are unreal, but that the legal frameworks protecting people from them were built through sustained struggle. Legally enforceable international human rights protections only came into existence with the covenants on civil, political, economic and social rights in 1976, and they continue to require active defence. On transitional justice, Sikkink draws on her landmark work The Justice Cascade (2011) and her ongoing research through the Transitional Justice Evaluation Team. Her comparative data across countries shows that nations which implement transitional justice—through prosecutions, truth commissions and reparations—experience fewer future human rights violations and a lower recurrence of war. Prosecutions that reach senior officials and heads of state produce the largest measurable impact. Sikkink traces the origins of transitional justice to Greece and Portugal after their dictatorships, followed by Argentina's landmark 1985 junta trials. She highlights the creative legal strategies activists have used to overcome obstacles such as amnesty laws and statutes of limitations, including leveraging international treaty obligations that prohibit statutes of limitations for crimes against humanity. On the current era, Sikkink warns that the Trump administration's reliance on what she calls “weaponised interdependence”—using hard economic and political power to coerce other states—may yield short-term compliance but it fundamentally erodes the trust and reputation that sustain long-term international relations. She also cautions that US democracy is under genuine threat, stressing that the upcoming midterm elections represent the single most important avenue for citizens to push back, urging American citizens abroad. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Kajsa Ekis Ekman, a Swedish author, literary critic, and journalist, addresses the "two-front war" against women, marked by the conservative right's abortion rights backlash and the progressive left's problematic views on prostitution and gender identity. She critiques neoliberal and far-left perspectives on sex work, advocating for the term "prostitution" to highlight the dangers and exploitation within the industry, especially on platforms like OnlyFans. Ekman also discusses the global exploitation of surrogacy and calls for its ban due to the suffering of women and commodification of babies. Furthermore, she criticises the exploitation of empathy for women to justify military interventions and the selective empathy displayed by some feminists towards certain victims while ignoring others. Ekman defends feminism as a relevant force against violence and inequality, emphasising the importance of feminists focusing on the dialectical conflict between men and women and advocating for ad hoc movements and alliances to address specific issues like prostitution and surrogacy. She touches on the gendered fear-mongering used to garner support for geopolitical conflicts, the instrumentalisation of women's rights for Western agendas, and the need for feminists to hold their line and avoid conflating issues. She also reflects on the state of contemporary society, criticising the pursuit of money and fame at the expense of values and equality, drawing parallels with the Epstein scandal and the P. Diddy documentary. Finally, Ekman emphasises the need for analytical tools that fit the task at hand, arguing that feminism is not a geopolitical tool and should not be used to justify military interventions or ignore the complexities of international relations. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

David Rovics, a Portland-based songwriter and podcaster, articulates his experiences with censorship and cancellation, noting a troubling trend of intolerance within both the left and right. He recounts his recent YouTube cancellation, during which his complete discography was removed and his channel deleted only to be restored later. Rovics explores the factors contributing to the current state of societal fragmentation, where individuals increasingly engage in social interactions primarily through social media platforms, driven by algorithmic addiction. He argues that these algorithms, while designed to keep users engaged, predominantly foster conflict and division, thereby maximizing advertising revenue through prolonged user engagement. To provide context, Rovics references historical struggles of industrial workers and free speech movements from the 1960s in Berkeley, reflecting on a time when political discourse centered around ideas rather than identity politics. He critiques the left's adoption of authoritarian tendencies, which have become fodder for ridicule from the right, sharing his encounter with efforts by Rose City Antifa to cancel him. Drawing a parallel to a scene in the film Barbie wherein Barbie goes into the high school cafeteria and is almost immediately called a “fascist,” Rovics asserts that today's cancel culture, though pronounced, is not without precedent. Furthermore, he contrasts the current fixation with online habitual behavior to previous generations' “couch potato” lifestyle, suggesting that while the media landscape has transformed, the alienation from authentic life experiences persists. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Ricardo Vaz, a journalist and political analyst based in Venezuela, discusses the US kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores and how US Secretary of State Marco Rubio attempted to frame the operation as if it were just a question of domestic law enforcement, even though Venezuela lies clearly outside of US jurisdiction. Examining how corporate media is deeply intertwined with US imperialism while playing a vital role for Empire, Vaz considers how the New York Times and the Washington Post failed to report information to which they were privy: that the US military operation in Venezuela was going to happen, yet they chose not to publish on the impending invasion in order to not endanger US soldiers. Vaz also analyses what he terms the “schizophrenia inside imperialist circles,” whereby US Democrats disapproved of the kidnapping of Maduro and Flores, primarily because there was no plan to install Maria Corina Machado into office. Exploring Venezuelan politics, Vaz articulates the resentment of both Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro by the elite who have long struggled to regain power while viewing themselves as the ideal US surrogates to run Venezuela while paradoxically never having found a viable way to take power without US support. However, Chavez's entry into office dashed the hopes of the elite to regain power while also offending their sense of entitlement, given their resentment that the working class might have any political representation within the national government. Vaz also scrutinises the situation in Cuba, which has become very desperate in recent weeks, noting how for the past 20 years Venezuela has been the biggest supplier of oil to Cuba, fuel which powers public transportation, the airline industry, and electricity plants. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Alex Howlett, an independent scholar affiliated with The Greshm Institute, discusses Universal Basic Income (UBI). Beginning with Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), an offshoot of post-Keynesianism, he addresses its key principles: notably Keynes' belief that the Great Depression was caused by a deficiency in aggregate demand, leading to sustained involuntary unemployment that the market could not self-correct. Howlett deflates Keynesian theory that assumes that economic policy aims for full employment, asking, “To what extent actually does it make sense for people to be workers?” while explaining that labour is not the most effective or efficient way to get money to people. Howlett sees UBI as solving this problem of distributing money to people while dispensing with the need to ensure that everyone has a job, dispelling the notion that only if every single person is working can an economy run at full capacity. Assessing some of the major criticisms of UBI—from fiscal feasibility, economic incentives, and social justice—he responds to the fears of inflation, worries that borrowing will lead to reckless fiscal policy and a loss of central bank independence, or that UBI would dismantle already established welfare programmes. Responding to counter-arguments to UBI, such as the claim that the economy will not have the labour pool it requires or that people won't be working as much, Howlett turns these arguments on their head demonstrating how the demand for labour is artificially inflated as a way of getting people jobs, noting the historical overstimulation of the financial sector to encourage firms to borrow so they hire workers. Howlett contends that with UBI, the economy does not have to play into the push and pull of labour supply and demand, stating, “You hear this fear that people aren't going to work as much at the same time that you hear this fear that there aren't going to be enough jobs available, right? It's like, well, wait a minute…. Isn't it good if those things kind of go together?” Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Peter Salerno, a retired licensed psychotherapist, nationally recognised expert on personality disorders and pathological relationships, and author of The Nature and Nurture of Narcissism and Traumatic Cognitive Dissonance (2024), discusses his work in the field of narcissism. Beginning with his appearance in the Hulu documentary on Ted Bundy, Salerno rejects the claims by those who believe Bundy's serial killing was a kind of reactive aggression, criticising those who believe Bundy's actions were somehow a result of a childhood trauma. To the contrary, Salerno notes how Bundy was able to sustain relationships, even working on a suicide helpline, such that he was able to earn the trust of others, all while Bundy kidnapped, sexually attacked, and murdered others. Salerno draws parallels between this type of psychological assessment of serial killers and the narcissist, where there has been an inclination in the field to understand the narcissist's aggression and control as reactive instead of proactive. Covering the genetic and biological roots behind narcissism, he highlights the scientific findings and neuroimaging that reveal the physiological underpinnings and genetic propensities towards narcissistic behaviour, noting, “This isn't just personality. This is all psychopathology and all mental health or mental disorder.” Salerno historicises research in this field, which is rapidly changing in how it frames narcissism and its victims. For instance, he elucidates the damage that narcissists inflict upon others, what he terms “traumatic cognitive dissonance,” observing how narcissists inflict damage by “insert[ing] a dilemma inside of you, and you don't know what's real or not.” Evidencing how narcissists often intentionally give mixed messages, causing distress in their victims, Salerno explores how this creates a constant state of ambiguity and confusion in “a normal person who simply wants to collaborate and cooperate,” while chronicling how the trauma of narcissistic abuse plays into the victim's goodwill as victims often attempt to understand why the narcissist would terrorise another person. Salerno relates how those suffering from traumatic cognitive dissonance are caught in a double-bind as they attempt to rationalise such behaviour by believing that this was reactive abuse which actually keeps them from seeing this person as a proactive abuser as they think: “Well, you know, they must have been really traumatised. That makes sense why they would be treating me this way.” Salerno carefully examines how narcissists seek out loving and trusting victims to exploit, while self-justifying their actions, even reversing and externalising the blame. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Michael John-Hopkins, a legal scholar and a senior lecturer in law, discusses the theory of international law and its practice—from its conceptual foundation to what international law promises (sovereignty, non-use of force, equality of states, the UN Charter, rule of law) versus how it is actually applied (power politics, selective enforcement). He delineates the historical context of US foreign policy in Latin America, including the Monroe Doctrine, to show its continuity with current events, explaining why certain actors fail to observe international law and what contributes to this failure. Querying if the recent US kidnapping of Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores is uniquely egregious under international law, John-Hopkins delves into the broader patterns within US foreign policy and the myriad historical examples throughout US history of its regime-change and resource-grab colonialism, now set within a modern context. Vituperating the use of economic boycotts and sanctions as a means of strong-arming democracy, he notes how such acts of hybrid warfare constitute violations of international law while also signalling the erosion of the rules-based order. John-Hopkins considers Israel's repeated violations of international law from the inception of its statehood through the present, scrutinising Israel's illegal military operations, settlement policies, responses to terrorism, and the genocide of Palestinians all of which demonstrate the gap between norms and practice globally. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Professor Sandra Walklate, Emeritus and honorary professor at the University of Liverpool, discusses her work in victimology and violence against women, including her work in the field of femicide. Drawing upon historical paradigms where the concept of feminicide has been previously employed, Walklate notes various examples from the Americas where femicide was used as a tool in drawing attention to the complicity of the state in hiding the numbers of women's deaths at the hands of men, only then to be disappeared by the state “with no compunction on the part of the state to pursue why those lives were disappeared.” Noting how some scholars and writers have attempted to extend the definition of the way in which we count femicide into femininicide, she argues the merits of “slow femicide” and accounting for the number of women's lives lost because of the illnesses that follow on from living with the stress of violence—from their propensity to commit suicide to the long-term effects of experiencing strangulation as a feature of that violence to the associated diseases. Conversely, Walklate questions whether creating a separate legal category for “femicide” in addition to related concepts like “coercive control” in cases of domestic violence truly benefits victims or simply expands the power of a system that has already failed these victims. Underscoring how the law cannot always offer respite to the victims of IPA (Intimate Partner Abuse) due to the reality that the number of people prosecuted for such crimes is infinitesimally small, Walklate observes how “the power of the advocacy voice over the reality of the evidence” has also affected the ways in which policing and the judiciary react towards specific types of violence. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Alex Gordon, Marxist and General Secretary of the Communist Party of Britain (CPB), discusses the current state of affairs regarding Britain's participation in the ongoing genocide in Gaza and the normalisation of extreme violence meted out to black and brown people taking place through social media and mobile phone technology. Where Gordon states that we have a choice today between socialism or barbarism, he elaborates on the hypocrisy of European leaders who, while quick to disassociate themselves from any condemnation of the US kidnapping of Maduro and Flores, were inversely outraged about European nations' sovereign rights and those of Denmark the moment Trump expressed his intent to take over Greenland. Highlighting the current wars—many of which are over rare earth minerals—he historicises the links between the military-industrial complex, Big Tech and capitalism, and the ways in which these powers maintain their hold on power. Gordon also touches upon political bipartisan control over electoral politics in many Western “democracies,” which he regards as in danger of being breached as political stability continued to rise with the decline of American jobs and the decline of American industry. Observing how the British government dispensed with the need for regulated labour, he covers the thorny issue of how working-class Britons have been set against migrants, since they had become a perpetual reservoir for cheaper labour while simultaneously serving to drive down wages for skilled trades. Gordon also remarks upon Re-Arm Europe's rebranding to SAFE (Security Action for Europe) while vituperating Germany's Merz, who has recently introduced a law, the Wehrdienstmodernisierungsgesetz (WDModG) reform, requiring all men upon reaching the age of 18 to register for military service, as Europe has ideologically prepared the masses for war. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Wolfgang Streeck, a German economic sociologist and emeritus director of the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies in Cologne, discusses the current political situation of leftist political organising and the condition of seeking “justice” in our society, an idea he puts under scrutiny. He points to the complexities and contradictions of justice, while highlighting how today political parties are abandoning their constituents, refusing to help unify differences through connecting people, a praxis Streeck maintains is “the precondition of collective action in pursuit of collective left egalitarian goals.” Discussing how capitalism has captured the social relations between people, Streeck ponders alternative media, what he terms the Samizdat of hyper-modernity—a space where humans can still maintain serious, analytical dialogues—whilst both legacy and social media attempt to obscure deeper social and political critiques. He notes the swift decline of deindustrialisation and the social welfare state of Europe, commenting upon the rise of the billionaire class in conjunction with the number of people who can barely make it to the end of each month. Streeck observes how state violence is enacted with such precision today that it not only has the technological ability to locate the supreme commander of Hamas from a population of two million people in Gaza during a genocide, but it can also proceed to kill him whilst filming his murder. Appraising Friedrich Engels' theories on the means of destruction alongside the means of production, Streeck hypothesises that one of the motives to continue the war in Ukraine has always been to test the next generation of war machinery while paying billionaires like Elon Musk, who has the power to switch off his Starlink satellite network, to effectively keep the war technology going. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Vladimir Bortun, a critical political scientist based at St John's College, University of Oxford, discusses his research into the politics of right-wing populist parties and the state of leftist parties in Europe today. Analysing how right-wing figures like Tommy Robinson attempt to appeal to the working classes by pretending to be on their side while presenting themselves as being on the side of the people to win their support, Bortun notes that when it comes to working-class rights, these figures are nowhere to be seen: “They are never on a picket line to support workers. They are never joining any campaign in defence of jobs and wages and workers' rights.” Considering how the Constitutional Court of Spain squashed efforts in Barcelona to establish rent control due to such laws undermining private property rights, Bortun relates how capitalism has a “repertoire of tactics and all kinds of violent instruments” to defeat democratic institutions. For him this is the cause du jour, whereby he invokes the urgency of the need for the left to organise in workplaces and communities, for individuals to run for office, and for people to take to the streets in order to engage with and contest institutions that protect capital over human life. Observing the continued colonialism of the United States with the recent kidnapping of Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro, Bortun calls these actions “a logical consequence of the current stage of US imperialism” given that this is just one in the latest instalments of what the US has done to other countries throughout its history. In underscoring the importance of making criticisms of the US political machinery while not “overemphasising the persona of Donald Trump”, Bortun stresses that we look at Trumpism—which he views as a form of Bonapartism—while focusing on the forces driving Trumpism and not the people who voted for him. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Oliver Villar, a political scientist at Charles Sturt University in Australia, discusses his research on US imperial power and Latin American politics, covering his co-authored book, Cocaine, Death Squads and the War on Terror: US Imperialism and Class Struggle in Colombia (Monthly Review, 2011). Villar historicises the role that the US-led counternarcotic policies, specifically Plan Colombia, have played in serving as a pretext for advancing imperialist interests and undermining popular, leftist movements in the country and how the official “wars” on drugs and terror in Colombia are a pretext for the US to maintain an imperialist relationship while ensuring its business interests, as well as the local “narco-bourgeoisie,” can monopolise the cocaine trade. Exploring how US strategy intensified violence by supporting state-linked paramilitary forces, ultimately suppressing domestic labour and peasant struggles, Villar observes that it was during the Clinton administration “where everything starts to unravel” and when the US began to propagandise and brand the revolutionary armed forces of Colombia, leftist guerrillas, as the new “narco-terrorists.” He assesses how the US narrative surrounding Maduro flows in the same direction as propaganda from this earlier era, whereby anyone who “gets in America's way is now fair game for the narco-terrorist label”, underscoring, “It has nothing to do with drugs.” Oliver relates what is happening in Latin America in conjunction with China's rapid trajectory as a superpower and its clash with the United States over the control of resources (e.g., minerals and metals in Latin America) and its augmenting global influence. He dissects how the cocaine drug trade and the US-China rivalry in Latin America, the Caribbean, and the globe form part of a larger picture of US global hegemony while offering a critical history of US imperialism, its hegemonic decline, and the so-called “rising threat” of China to explain recent events. Responding to events in Venezuela, Greenland, and the “great power competition” that is unfolding between the US, China, and Russia, Villar elaborates on research from his most recent book, The Political Economy of Dissent (Routledge, 2026), in critically analysing 21st-century imperialism—that is, capitalism in its most aggressive and developed form, which is the driving force behind an intensifying rivalry between the US and China. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Saskia Garner, Head of Policy and Campaigns at the Suzy Lamplugh Trust, the UK's leading personal safety and stalking charity, covers the charity's history and work in research and policy advocacy across stalking, harassment, online harms, bystander intervention and workplace safety. Recounting the challenges faced in getting stalking recognised in law after the Protection from Harassment Act 1997 (PHA) failed to capture the fixation and obsession towards an individual, she describes the efforts to push for the legal recognition of stalking, which was finally realised through the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012 that made stalking a specific criminal offence and by adding new sections (2A and 4A) to the PHA. Chronicling her charity's work in gathering evidence that demonstrates the lack of identification and recognition of a range of stalking behaviours which cause a range of damage in the victims, Garner notes how sometimes police officers will downplay the risk if the stalking does not manifest itself with direct threats or harm. She describes the Trust's super-complaint, made in collaboration with the Stalking Consortium in 2022, which led to an official investigation into the super-complaint which found “clear evidence” of systemic failures in the police response to stalking in England and Wales, resulting in a total of 29 recommendations which the Suzy Lamplugh Trust has endeavoured to ensure will be implemented. Covering the newer frontiers of stalking through technological forms of electronic surveillance and control—deep fakes, social media, smart home devices, and tracking software—Garner discusses how today stalkers can readily find a way into an individual's digital and physical life in their endeavour to obsessively surveil, track, and obsess over their victims. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Ricardo Gómez-Carrera, a research economist at the World Inequality Lab and co-editor of the 2026 World Inequality Report, discusses his research on the benefits of early schooling and how early human capital investment closes the “inequality gap” and the effects of such research within current Mexican educational policy. Focusing on the finding of this year's World Inequality Report, Gómez-Carrera elaborates on the increasing wealth disparities on a global scale such that wealth is becoming even more concentrated, as demonstrated by the fact that the top 10% earn 53% of the global income, “the top 10% own three-quarters of global wealth, while the bottom half holds only 2%,” and, for the top .001%, the distribution of wealth growth is as high as 8% per year. Gómez-Carrera argues that if we don't address inequality, only the privileged will have rights, opportunities, assets, and control over politics. Ultimately, even if 90% or 99% of the population are paying their taxes and contributing to society, the top 1% maintain a disproportionate influence over politics and access to opportunities, which in turn influences the decisions that ensure they maintain their privilege. While power, as Gómez-Carrera clarifies, is becoming more and more concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, the negative effects of such power, such as ecological damage, will be felt disproportionately by the poor, as they are more vulnerable to the impacts of global warming, despite their contributing less to this damage. Examining one of the more surprising aspects of the 2016 World Inequality Report, he notes how the top .001% increased in their charitable donations since 1960, a gesture which moves the wealthy beyond strictly economic realms of power. Noting how the economic patterns suggest a rising top-end inequality, Gómez-Carrera claims that this not only translates into ideological capture and unequal influence over philanthropy and politics, but it invariably translates into public policy, law, campaigning, and, invariably, political choices, or lack thereof. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Diego Sequera, award winning journalist and writer based in Caracas, Venezuela, discusses the recent kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife and former member of the National Assembly, Cilia Flores, delving into Venezuela's complex historical landscape. He begins with the Caracazo uprising of 1989, which revealed deep socioeconomic inequalities while uniting the working class against President Carlos Andrés Pérez's austerity measures. Sequera notes that this context set the stage for the rise of Chavismo, notably through Hugo Chávez's transformation from a coup leader to an elected president by 1999. Sequera critiques the neoliberal policies, growing foreign debt, and the resulting polarization exacerbated by anti-Communist sentiments while linking Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution to contemporary global conflicts, scrutinizing political figures like Maria Corina Machado for their role in societal divisions. Furthermore, he addresses the role of US foreign policy, detailing the sanctions imposed, starting with the Venezuela Defense of Human Rights and Civil Society Act of 2014 and culminating in the 2015 “Obama decree” ((Executive Order 13692), which targeted the Venezuelan oil industry ultimately aiming to destabilise the country both economically and politically. Sequera critically analyzes the rhetoric of US politicians who categorize Venezuela as a “narco-state” and suggest foreign interference in the 2020 US elections, as he draws parallels between Venezuela, Iran, and Gaza in critiquing the selective moral blindness of Western nations towards their participation in human rights abuses and loss of life in these regions, reflecting on the broader implications of foreign policy decisions on Venezuela's plight. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Vivek Chibber, Professor of Sociology at New York University, discusses neocolonial history and the formation of anti-colonial movements, which effectively began as an elite-dominated push for power, to widen the colonial apparatus for more participation by wealthy Indians. Historicising how anti-colonial, national liberation movements only took off when the internal agendas of national liberation struggles were set as the people unified their narrow struggles to join the mass struggle, Chibber notes that the modern identitarian left has failed in assessing and addressing class struggle. Moving between decolonising countries and the United States, Chibber tells the story of how, in the neoliberal era, as all the institutions of ordinary people were dismantled—bowling alleys, civics centres and neighbourhood organisations—there is no longer a sense of a collective endeavour. As a result, the groups best positioned to get something for themselves were all upper-middle-class and upper-class citizens who sought positions in the halls of power. Chibber narrates how these groups, having abandoned collective struggles, chose to access social power through a language that drew upon identity—gender and race—cashing in on identity while parsing out the universe into smaller and smaller slices, with each group staking claims to being “the most oppressed.” Appraising how such a tiny, minoritarian movement like the transgender movement was given such an enormous amount of power in the United States by the Democrats, Chibber maintains that this adornment of power from above immediately absolved that lobby of the responsibility or necessity of having to seek alliances, thus leading to a toxic political culture of calumniation and slurs.  Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Almut Rochowanski, a non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, critiques the “NGO-industrial complex,” particularly concerning the impact of foreign funding on civil society development within new democracies. Covering her testimony at the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission in the US Congress, on the topic of “Laws Regulating Foreign NGOs: Human Rights Implications,” Rochowanski draws from her experience with NGOs in former Soviet states, including Russia and Ukraine, and discusses the structural realities of foreign-funded NGOs at the intersection of class, education, nepotism, and accountability failures. Rochowanski highlights the complex relationships between foreign donors, governments, and NGOs, stressing how the actual beneficiaries often become secondary to donor agendas. She argues that foreign funding cannot be neutral, as it embeds donor priorities into recipient countries, corrupting local policies and necessitating NGOs to align more with Western mandates than local needs. This tendency results in NGOs, widely deemed “foreign agents” by domestic authorities and citizens, undermining local governance and democratic sovereignty, ultimately harming the societies they aim to assist by displacing state roles in service provision and policy development, while these bodies often encroach on democratic sovereignty. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Marta Havryshko, a historian specializing in Holocaust Pedagogy and Antisemitism Studies at the Strassler Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, examines Ukraine's ethno-nationalist legacy and its anti-Semitic past. She highlights instances of anti-Jewish violence and pogroms, noting that many Ukrainians, including prisoners of war, collaborated with German auxiliary units during World War II, particularly in the formation of a Ukrainian SS battalion within the Waffen-SS. Havryshko points out a significant gap in the national memory of Ukraine, where the suffering of Jewish individuals is acknowledged only superficially, while Ukrainian involvement in pogroms remains largely unrecognized. She critiques the portrayal of Ukrainian nationalist heroes—freedom fighters who often engaged in ethnic cleansing—as central figures in history, with their narrative overshadowing the suffering they inflicted on others, thus creating a hierarchy of suffering in the retelling of Ukraine's past. Havryshko traces the revival of historical celebrations of ethno-nationalists, such as Stepan Bandera, while noting the reluctance of contemporary Ukrainian leaders to confront the existence of neo-Nazi elements within the military. Referencing her research on the Waffen-SS Galicia Division, Havryshko discusses how Ukraine's neo-Nazi groups have historically found support in the West, largely due to their value as intelligence sources during the Cold War, despite being specifically labeled as “fascists” and “murderers” in CIA reports. Similarly today, Havryshko notes how the mythology of the Ukraine hero continues within the current war with Russia, as the stories of the sexual violence perpetrated by Ukraine forces are elided, not least because the victims of sexual violence in this conflict are primarily men and boys. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Volodymyr Ishchenko, currently at the Institute for East European Studies, Freie Universität Berlin, discusses his latest book, Towards the Abyss: Ukraine from Maidan to War (Verso, 2024) and forthcoming paper “Post-Soviet vicious circle: revolution as a reproduction of a crisis of hegemony” (co-authored with Oleg Zhuravlev). Historicising how post-Soviet revolutions in Ukraine have functioned, Ishchenko considers how the 2014 Euromaidan revolution produced a weaker state whose fate, instead of being decided by Moscow, has been directed by Washington or Brussels. Delineating how the 2022 war is, in part, the culmination of Ukraine's history in relationship to Russia, where cross-national capital allied itself with the local professional middle classes and where anti-nationalist arguments clashed with the tendency to understand the war within the context of Ukraine's perceived colonial struggle, Ishchenko observes how these primordial, ethno-nationalist readings lend themselves to a larger teleology. Detailing how the war in 2022 becomes the culmination of this story, a sort of parable of the struggling, emerging nation, Ishchenko explores how the narrative construction of Ukrainian nationhood mirrors the creation of the nation-state, like many countries from the 19th century onward. He also interrogates the various theories that proffer origins of the war as being rooted in the Russia-NATO conflict, as maintained by Jeffrey Sachs and John Mearsheimer. Instead, Ishchenko considers an alternative reading of this history, positing that the war in Ukraine has little to do with the inclusion of Ukraine within NATO, nor is it about NATO's inclusion of neighbouring countries. Instead, Ishchenko contends that the 2022 war is a culmination of Russia's exclusion from the process and dialogues by and around NATO. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Nidhi Srinivas, Professor of Management at the New School, discusses his latest book, Against NGOs: A Critical Perspective on Civil Society, Management, and Development (Cambridge University Press, 2025), which brings together management and development studies to offer a critical perspective on NGOs, describing how they emerged as key agents of development. Analysing the historical and shifting roles that NGOs play as agents of development and disseminators of management doctrines, Srinivas elaborates how these organisations function in this current epoch of capitalist crisis, where universities today retain direct links to NGO managerialism and policy creation. He reviews the current age where we are on the verge of another global recession and world war while relying on Gramsci's Prison Notebooks as a beacon for reading how we might see the world “differently” which he views as a political task, stating: “I would argue that the problem today is that a lot of education and the spheres of civil society where NGOs are based are not actually eager to offer that kind of a critique.” Observing how NGOs are often intimately connected to the system of power and delineating how the earliest definition of an NGO had nothing whatsoever to do with international development, Srinivas examines the mechanisms between governments, international agencies and civil society interrogating the relationship each holds to power, shying away from simplifying the role of NGOs as merely bad actors or glorifying the role of civil society. Srinivas emphasises the importance of critical theory and the Frankfurt School in his analysis of NGOs, confirming how ideas are shaped by history and that, in order to tackle the stages of capitalism, it is incumbent upon us to interrogate capitalism's commitment to wealth, inequality, and how these ideas work within our souls. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Alison Gaffney, a mother of two from Corby, Northamptonshire, discusses how she and her partner, Andy Hinde, learned in 2018 that their seventeen-month-old son was diagnosed with a rare cancer, which they believe was caused by the botched disposal of millions of tonnes of contaminated waste after the closure of Europe's largest steelworks in Corby, Northamptonshire, in 1980. While a 2009 civil case linked the council's negligent clean-up of the site to a cluster of birth defects in local children in the 1980s and 1990s, dramatised earlier this year in the Netflix series Toxic Town, Gaffney tells a different part of this story which addresses the environmental contamination in Corby and those who have experienced childhood cancer dating back to 1984. Now, leading a campaign which represents approximately 50 families, Gaffney recounts the group's struggle to access environmental information and how recently these families have been denied valuable data by the council after requesting a list of sites in Corby that were potentially contaminated following the steelworks' closure in 1980, through the reclamation of the steelworks that began in 1984 and continued through the 1990s. Expounding the group's ongoing struggle to have the local council cooperate with the parents' request to reveal the areas of contaminated land in and around Corby, to test for contamination, and for the government to create a national registry that records the precise locations of environmental damage as per Zane's Law, Gaffney maintains that her mission is to ensure that there will never again be cases of childhood cancer due to preventable ecological damage such as that which occurred in Corby. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Maung Zarni, UK-exiled Burmese dissident, scholar, rights activist, and Nobel Peace Prize nominee, discusses his role within the Jury in the Permanent Peoples Tribunal on Sri Lanka, observing the similarities between the use of starvation perpetrated in Sri Lanka against the Tamil minority and the exercise of starvation used against Palestinians in Gaza. Zarni also discusses his participation in two separate delegations to Gaza and the West Bank (August 2024 and January 2025) witnessing first-hand Israel's ongoing genocide in Palestine, as he elaborates the freedom he and other members of the delegation had to roam and to discover—unscheduled and unchoregraphed visits—the reality of Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza and of Israelis living in Israel. Zarni describes the myriad human rights violations, starvation, and conditions of genocide in Gaza, in addition to attesting to the violent attacks by settlers and the threat of genocide already in vigour in the West Bank. Interrogating a vast system of colonial occupation and repression exercised by the state of Israel against Palestinians for the past 78 years, Zarni notes how this is a “collective genocide” whereby many countries and their politicians are “directly participating in Israel's genocide” through political, military, and economic contributions. Zarni discusses how people need to be educated about genocide, especially “when it is done by our own country, in our own name,” as he connects his work in educating the Cambodians about the “Killing Fields” and their own history of genocide at the hands of the Khmer Rouge between 1975 and 1979. Maintaining that this genocide is “far worse than what was happening in Nazi Germany and Nazi-occupied Europe,” Zarni remarks how “the entire ecosystem of corporate and public legacy media is performing” what the Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels did to create the political ethos to destroy European Jewry. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Fabio Vighi, Professor of Critical Theory and Italian at Cardiff University, discusses dominant themes from latest books, Emergency Capitalism: Financial Hubris, Economic Collapse, and Systemic Manipulation (2024) and Unworkable: Delusions of an Imploding Civilization (2022), that address the “age of crisis capitalism” and the post-productive hyper-financialised stage of capitalism that is driven by debt and the loss of work society. Relating how the acceleration of the emergency paradigm is maintained by a constant flux of “states of exception” that exclude people while also allowing for the creation of credit and debt which have become the prime motors of capitalism today, Vighi narrates how just before the pandemic in 2019, we were already approaching a gigantic financial crisis, observing, “The system needed what then Covid allowed the system to have, which means massive injections of credit.” Vighi historicises the acceleration of the emergency paradigm over the past decade, which is fundamentally connected to debt and the creation of credit “out of thin air” to balance a system that is both inherently inflationary and increasingly “imbalanced and out of control.” Noting how the release of emergencies has become the mechanism to balance the economy—first with the pandemic in 2020 and then immediately thereafter with the war in Ukraine—Vighi characterises what is happening today as an “apocalyptic, eschatological type of mood where war is always immanent…and therefore that justifies the rearmament of entire continents like Europe,” while underscoring how modern wars have always been mechanisms for creating credit while also the vehicles for connecting the arms and financial sectors. Criticising the perception management systems that are more focused on the personalisation of struggles rather than critiquing systemic structures, Vighi scrutinises how, as a result, we are incentivised into very simplistic polarisations and conflicts that are, in themselves, ideological forms of destruction, distracting us from examining the deeper causes of conflict. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Hala Shoman, a Palestinian PhD researcher in Sociology at Newcastle University, discusses her life in Gaza before 7 October 2023, the conditions under which Gazans have been living since, and the physical and political realities on the ground for Palestinians today. Shoman elaborates how Israel's violence since 2023 has left Palestinian society shattered, since the aggressions are so vast and profound that, unlike previous decades of aggressions that did not wipe out entire neighbourhoods and communities, the current genocide has left few able-bodied bodies alive who are can help their communities after each attack. Observing the harsh reality for Gazans today under the daily threat of murder, Shoman appraises how not only does every Palestinian personally know hundreds of people murdered over the past two years, but Israel's aggressions and control over every aspect of Palestinian life—their access to food, water and vaccines—have become so intensified that Palestinian infants are dying from the lack of drinking water necessary for baby formula. Confirming the direct links between Israel's violence and the increase in domestic violence in Gaza, Shoman recounts how the structural violence of colonialism and genocide has been reproduced: from the Israeli theatre of occupation and murder to the intimate space of family life within Palestinian communities. Expounding upon Israel's pathological desire to control Palestine, Shoman remarks that the very war criminals directing this genocide are the same individuals who are asked to lead Palestine in what is this latest farce of a “peace plan.” Shoman also elaborates her academic research that explores decolonial feminist frameworks and the concept of reprocide while also distinguishing between adapting to the horrors of this genocide and surviving it. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Rebecca Ruth Gould, Distinguished Professor of Comparative Poetics and Global Politics, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) and author of Erasing Palestine: Free Speech and Palestinian Freedom (Verso, 2020), discusses the political reframing of “antisemitism” by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) which tailored a new definition designed specifically to silence criticism of both Zionism and the state of Israel. Recalling how she was caught within the radar of the IHRA's definition of antisemitism in 2017 while an academic at the University of Bristol for a short article she had written years earlier, Gould analyses how the IHRA definition has very clear implications far beyond Israel and Palestine, even to the extent that it exists as a quasi-law that is treated as law while never having gone through any kind of democratic parliamentary vetting process. Moreover, Gould observes how the IHRA definition of antisemitism basically set out to define what we can and cannot say about Israel while also serving to foreshadow how free speech on Palestine would be persecuted for the following decade. Considering the language of mass starvation and famine within the media, Gould confirms how the famine of the Holodomor, in a 1933 New York Times piece, was narrated in an eerily similar way to how the famine in Gaza is currently represented. Articulating how “Never again” has never really been true, given the numerous genocides since the Holocaust, Gould describes how older generations have internalised the state-based nationalist “Holocaust memories” which have blinded them from seeing, much less understanding, that Israel is currently carrying out a genocide of Palestinians. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Dario Guarascio, Associate Professor of Economic Policy at the Department of Economics and Law at the Sapienza University of Rome, discusses two articles he co-authored with Andrea Coveri and Claudio Cozza, “Big Tech and the US Digital-Military-Industrial Complex” and “Monopoly Capital in the time of digital platforms: A radical approach to the Amazon case.” Coveri examines the power of digital platforms whose systemic size rivals that of nation-states, positioning them as counterparts to national authorities. Revisiting social sciences history, especially economic and imperialism theories, Guarascio highlights John Hobson's contributions that illustrate the reliance of large capital and financial corporations on new markets as national markets become saturated. He details how the intertwining needs of states and monopolies drive a strategic internationalization essential for competitiveness, a concept reflected in Vladimir Lenin's work influenced by Hobson, which connects international competition with states' imperialistic strategies aimed at expanding trade routes and eliminating competitors. Guarascio posits that amidst economic strains, military means have historically facilitated market penetration, forcing foreign governments to capitulate to external capital while obstructing competitors. He draws parallels between the intense competition for market dominance leading to the world wars and present dynamics characterized by monopoly capitalism and the dominance of multinational corporations that now dictate economic policies, thus transforming states into instruments of corporate interests. Furthermore, Guarascio argues that contemporary corporate imperialism promotes capital internationalization and fosters economic dependencies, while militarization becomes integral to these economic narratives. This relationship outlines a modern imperialism defined by collusion among the state, military, and multinational corporations, particularly between the US and China, alongside Big Tech's growing influence and strategic military affiliations. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Penny Arcade—poet, actress, essayist, spoken word, video and theatre maker—discusses her trajectory from an immigrant family, originally from Basilicata, Italy, to her upbringing in a working-class Connecticut town to her entry into the art world of New York's East Village. Looking back on her life as a homeless teen in the Village, her discovery by Jamie Andrews who introduced her to John Vaccaro's Playhouse of The Ridiculous, becoming a Warhol Factory Superstar, and her departure to Amsterdam, Arcade narrates the story of how she set off for Formentera, in Spain's Balearic Islands, where she started a school for children there, some of whom were children of drug smugglers. Recounting her return to New York City in 1981 and her split from Vaccaro, which marked the beginning of her independent work, Arcade recollects the state of the various art scenes in New York City during the Reagan era, the loss of friends to AIDS, and the censorship of the era. She vituperates the class divisions within the art world and the Manhattan Downtown art scene into which she never fit neatly, while underscoring her desire to “create theatre for people who had no theatre,” a fact which made her extremely unpopular within academia and among arts administrators because her work challenges these very elite systems. Pondering the values she espouses in her art and the fact that her audience has always been unique in maintaining a shared investment in her performances, Arcade considers how the catharsis in reaction to her art takes place well beyond the theatre hall. As an outsider to the art scene, noting how she hasn't received institutional support and has operated without funding, legacy media coverage, or any form of academic sponsorship, Arcade criticises the state of art funding from even before the 1980s, when the Moral Majority took aim at the art world and at the NEA (National Endowment for the Arts) funding structures. Calling out the academic art world as a “pyramid scheme,” Arcade observes how the academic-produced genre of “emerging arts” has become a way for the elite class to ensure that their children would have a guaranteed “entry level position” post-graduation in the arts akin to the professional tracks for finance and law, proclaiming: “Art is not a profession—it's a vocation.” She also delves into the problems of identity politics that have permeated into arts funding and the art world and culture at large, remarking how these institutions recycle not only the same personas and narratives, ultimately limiting the “professionalised” scope of art. Responding to the recent “queering” of Marsha P Johnson, Arcade argues that Johnson was not transgender but was a drag queen, contending that the only reason why Johnson was recategorised as “trans” is because “Marsha is dead and black.” Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Catherine Liu, Professor of Film and Media Studies at UC Irvine, discusses her forthcoming book, Traumatized: The New Politics of Suffering (Verso, 2026), wherein she elucidates the emergence of trauma culture, tracing it back to psychoanalysis and the reification of mental health in post-war America. Analysing the fetishisation and recognition of feelings, Liu historicises the explosion of psychoanalysis in the United States in the 1950s and the rise of New Left in the 1960s, which advanced “the personal is political,” an idea quickly adopted by second-wave feminists. Observing how the discourse of trauma has permeated all areas of society, such that feelings have been prioritised over knowledge and “centering feelings” has replaced scientific inquiry, Liu critiques how the professional managerial class thrives on rebranding, promoting credentials, and creating new identities, all in order to advance the collapse of the separation between work and leisure. Noting how workers have fought for years to maintain a separation of work from leisure time, Liu muses on the invasive, destructive force of the Silicon Valley New Left and professional middle-class feminists who have driven the insistence of a non-differentiated space where “we are always at work”, therefore our private lives are expected to be “on display through our performance virtue.” She examines the dynamics of how anti-normativity and transgression function within the writings of Michel Foucault, since they invariably strengthen normativity. Nonetheless, Liu vituperates the bastardisation of these valences under the scope of identity politics, which forces the merging of one's personal life, politics, and intellectual practices. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Alex de Waal, executive director of the World Peace Foundation and Research Professor at the Fletcher School, Tufts University, historicises the way “famine” in the postcolonial era was an extremely emotional word for which, fifty years ago, there were no appropriate structures nor any objective scientific metric for understanding where or when famine was occurring. By 1984-1985, however, the neoliberal governments of Thatcher and Reagan became deeply embarrassed by the famine in Ethiopia, de Waal narrates. From this embarrassment, an industry of refining the metrics of understanding what counted as famine, and what did not, was born, and from this, the IPC, or Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, was developed as the standardised UN system used to classify the severity of food insecurity and malnutrition in a specific area. De Waal discusses how the international aid system has been shackled into into viewing famine in a very apolitical way, refusing to exam the structural causes driving famine largely because international NGOs steered away from criticising governments in order to maintain cooperation for their relief work and that Western publics give assistance to victims of natural disasters as part of the “white saviour” theatre which depends upon eliding the political causes. Declaiming the importance of photography in chronicling the history of famine—from the Warsaw Ghetto, to the famine in Ethiopia (1983-1985), and Gaza—de Waal observes the dual role of these photos: first, that the perpetrator of famine was not only absent from the frame, but was often the person taking the photo; and second, that because the perpetrator was rarely within the frame, the subjects of these photos were often blamed as the true perpetrators of famine, such that Jews attempting to preserve a “veneer of normality” in the Warsaw Ghetto or Palestinians in Gaza who are more portly, were ultimatley inculpated as the cause of the famine. Considering the merits of Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWSNET), he notes that it lacks the key element of examining the policies and intention of those doing the starvation. De Waal underscores that “to starve” does not just refer to the experience of people starving, but it also means the act of starving people, as he goes on to describe how the East India Company, through onerous taxation from 1769 to 1770, created a famine in Bihar and Bengal, ultimately killing one-third of the population. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Celine-Marie Pascale, professor emerita of sociology at American University, discusses her book Living on the Edge (2021), wherein she details her research into the struggling communities across the United States—from Appalachia to the Standing Rock and Wind River reservations to Oakland, California—who face the hardships of stagnant wages and rising costs of living. Analysing the experiences of people emanating from communities that deal with systemic, entrenched levels of poverty, Pascale uncovers the “social organisation of power relations that keep people submerged in poverty, that actually make poverty profitable,” calls out the “American dream” as much more of a myth than a reality, similar to the adjacent myth of “class mobility.” Considering how “capitalism depends upon a large, poorly paid workforce,” Pascale observes that in order to maintain the workforce without rebellion, these myths are turned against the workers and the poor, essentially telling workers that if they are struggling to put food on the table or take care of their families, that the fault lies with the worker and not with the system, not with capitalism. Historicising the lack of class consciousness in the United States, she notes how workers are cannibalised by capitalism while advanced capitalism, Pascale contends, “cannibalises itself.” Pascale critiques the federal measure of poverty, narrating how such standardisation for the cost of living is “untethered from reality” since it makes no distinction for food or rent costs in areas where food is imported (eg, Alaska and Hawaii) or where rent is extremely high (eg, San Francisco and New York). Covering her work on the violence against Native American women, Pascale assesses the high rates of violence and sex trafficking networks which fuel “man camps”—temporary housing facilities for a large workforce, typically in isolated areas where men are recruited to work on resource extraction or construction projects (eg, oil, gas or mining)—that have a documented correlation with increased rates of sexual assault, violence, and sex trafficking. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

Heather Brunskell-Evans, philosopher of politics, author, and academic, speaks about her experience of having protested against the Israeli genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, whereby she held a placard upon which she wrote “I oppose genocide” and “I support Palestine Action.” After holding up her sign, within seconds, Brunskell-Evans was arrested under the Terrorism Act 2000 and was swiftly detained. Describing being held in solitary confinement overnight and detailing her treatment in detention, to include being enclosed in a caged area, Brunskell-Evans observes the juxtaposition of two types of police partisanship where, the Pride fluffy arm bands that adorned some of these officers symbolise the wider police support of gender ideology and the concommitant endangerment to women's safety, on the one hand, and on the other, the police force's disregard for civil liberties and the freedom of expression to protest a genocide. Criticising the gender-critical feminist movement which has remained tighly affixed to its Zionism and Islamophobic core, Bruskell-Evans vituperates contemporary feminism pointing to its “intellectual paucity” and “lack of ethics” at the heart of western feminism that denies the many incidents of sexual violence recorded by international and national NGOs, documenting decades of rape and sexual assault perpetrated by the Israeli forces against Palestinian men and women. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe

David Abdulah, a Trinidad and Tobago trade unionist, economist and politician and the current leader of the Movement for Social Justice, speaks about the vigil for peace in Woodford Square, Port of Spain, which is one of many popular efforts by the citizens of his country to ask that the United States government stop its strikes on vessels from the region. Analysing how the president of Trinidad and Tobago, Christine Kangaloo, has been supportive of the US actions over the past two months, where vessels have been destroyed and people killed (the death toll from these campaigns now rests at 70), Abdulah notes how the people of his country oppose military deployment, war, and regime change. Recalling the history of US interventionism in Latin America and the Caribbean, Abdulah underscores how this operation by the United States is simply a refashioned WMD, where, instead of alleged weapons of mass destruction, the US government has simply utilised the “drug war” narrative, while contending that the boats it has destroyed have allegedly been the vessels of drug trafficking operations. Noting how the US has absolutely no right to lecture anyone on the “drug trade,” Abdulah recalls how, during the Reagan administration in the 1980s, the US government authorised the transport and sale of cocaine from Latin America to support and finance its efforts to destabilise governments in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Even if these boats were those of drug traffickers, Abdulah insists upon the rejection of the Monroe Doctrine while underscoring the moral principles of peace, while also observing that due process is being completely obliterated and that the US is engaging in extrajudicial killings with zero regard for the law. Get full access to Savage Minds at savageminds.substack.com/subscribe